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Volveralapginaanterior

documento1de1

Women'sParticipationintheBrazilian"People'sChurch":ACriticalAppraisal
Alvarez,SoniaE.FeministStudies 16.2 (Summer1990):381.

Buscarunacopia

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2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:journal&genre=article&sid=ProQ:ProQ%3Asocscijournals&atitle=Women%27s+Participation+in+the+Brazilian+%22People%27s+Church%22%3A+A
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Resumen
FeministcriticshavelongaccusedtheLatinAmericanCatholicChurchofcontaininglaywomenintraditionalfamilyroles.SinceVaticanII,however,womenhavebecomethe
backboneofthenew,progressive,"People'sChurch."

Textocompleto
WOMEN'SPARTICIPATIONINTHEBRAZILIAN"PEOPLE'SCHURCH":ACRITICALAPPRAISAL
FeministtheologiansandactivistshavelongcondemnedtheLatinAmericanCatholicchurchforconsecratingmaledominationandenshriningwomen'ssubordination.Feminist
criticsaccusethechurchofrelegatinglaywomentotheexclusivedomainofthefamily,reifyingtheirmaternalrolesanddiscouragingtheirparticipationinpubliclife.
ButradicalchangehassweptthechurchsinceVaticanII.ProgressiveCatholicsnowinsistthatfromChiletoNicaragua,womentodayarethebackbone,ifnotthevanguard,ofthe
new"People'sChurch."Activelyencouragedbyprogressiveclergytoparticipateinpubliclife,womenareamongthemostardentparticipantsinchurchlinkedcommunity
organizationsinBrazil,forexample,womenaremorethan80percentofthemembershipinmostofthechurch'sbasecommunities.BraziliantheologianFreiBettocontendsthat
"inthebasicChristiancommunities,whereweseeanewchurcharisingfromthepeople,womenplaythesamerolesasmen.IverymuchlikeAugustine'sdefinitionthat`the
churchisanoldwomanpregnantwithherself.'Inthewomboftheoldchurch,wherethenewchurchisbeingborn,womenaretheprotagonistsineveryecclesialactivityand
creation."1
ParticipationinEcclesialBaseCommunities(CEBs)issaidtoempowerwomen,toheightentheirconsciousnessascitizens,makingthemequalpartnersinthecontinentalquestfor
liberation.Thechurchisnowoftenhailedaswomen'snewsavior.RadicalBraziliantheologianLeonardoBoffassertsthat"inthebasicChristiancommunities,especially,avery
importantspacefortheliberationofwomenisbeingcreated.Thisisnotsomuchbecausetheretheydealwiththethemeofwomen'sliberation,butratherbecauseoverhalfthe
coordinatorsofthecommunitiesarewomen.Inallthebasiccommunitiesit'sthewomenwhoaremostengagedinthework.2
Whatis"new"andwhatis"old"intoday'schurch'smessagetowomen?Hastheapparentshiftinchurchdiscoursebeenaccompaniedbychangesinthechurch'ssexist
institutionalpractices?Haswomen'sparticipationinLatinAmerica'schurchlinkedgroupsenhancedtheirstatusascitizensinthecommunity?Hasitcontributedtotheirliberation
aswomen?
Exploringthetheoryandpracticeofthechurch'smobilizationofpoorandworkingclasswomeninSaoPaulo,Brazil,thisessayexaminesthelongtermimplicationsofwomen's
increasedparticipationinthenew"People'sChurch."First,thecausesandconsequencesofthechurch'snewperspectiveonwomen'srolesinthepublicandprivatespheresare
brieflyexamined.Ithenturntoadetailedconsiderationofwomen'srelationshiptotheprogressivechurchintwoworkingclassneighborhoodsintheperipheryofmetropolitanSao
Paulo:JardimMiriamandGrajau.3IwillshowthatwomenhavebeendifferentiallyincorporatedintothegrassrootsorganizationsofthePeople'sChurchinSaoPaulo.Thatis,
althoughlaywomenhavebeengrantedmoreactivepublicroleswithinchurchlinkedorganizations,theserolesaretoooftenmereextensionsofwomen'srolesinthefamily.The
incorporationofwomenintothenewPeople'sChurch,then,maybereinforcingratherthanchallengingunequalgenderpowerrelationsatthecommunitylevel.Iwillargue,
moreover,thatliberationtheologyandtheChristianbasecommunitymovementhavemadewomenmoreawareofthemselvesascitizensbutnotaswomen.When
empowermentascitizenstriggerswomen'sconsciousnessoftheirgenderspecificoppression,asoccurredinthetwocasesdocumentedhere,thechurchhasintervenedto
discouragethisprocessofchange.4
THEBRAZILIANCHURCH'SNEWPOLITICALMISSION
Untilthe1960s,theBrazilianCatholicchurch,liketheinstitutionalchurchthroughoutLatinAmerica,hadbeenastaunchsupporterofthestatusquo,thestalwartallyof
conservativesocialandpoliticalforces.5ClaimingthatJoaoGoulart'sradicalpopulistgovernmentthreatenedthemoralfabricoftheBrazilianfamily,sectorsofthechurchhelped
organizemarchesof"theFamily,withGod,forLiberty"intheearly1960sandwelcomedthe1964militarycoup.6
Butinthelate1960s,theBrazilianchurchbeganaprocessof"institutionalrenovation,"theoriginsofwhichcanbetracedtothe"gradualworkingout"ofthepolitical,theological,
andorganizationalreorientationofthechurchfollowingtheSecondVaticanCouncil(196265)andtheSecondGeneralConferenceofLatinAmericanBishops(CELAM)heldin
Medellin,Colombia,in1968.7BothVaticanIIandtheMedellinconferencesignaledthe"greaterintegrationofreligiousandsecularvaluesandshiftedthemoralweightofthe
churchawayfromlegitimizingthestatusquotowardanincreasedpromotionofequityandfreedom."8
Proclaiminga"preferentialoptionforthepoor,"theMedellinconferencetransformedVaticanII'sChurchofthe"PilgrimPeopleofGod"intoLatinAmerica's"ChurchofthePoor,"a
churchthatwouldincreasinglysidewiththeplightofthepoliticallyandeconomicallydisenfranchised.Anddespitecontentiousdebatesbetweenconservativeandprogressive
bishopsduringtheThirdCELAMconference,heldinPuebla,Mexico,in1979,theLatinAmericanbishopsultimatelysharpenedtheircondemnationof"institutionalviolence"inthe
regionandcommittedthechurchtothestruggleagainstthehumanrightsabusesoftheauthoritarianregimeswhichpredominatedinLatinAmericaatthattime.9

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InBrazil,aselsewhereinLatinAmerica,thechurch'scritiqueofthemilitaryregime'sNationalSecurityDoctrine10becamemorepointedasmembersoftheinstitutionalchurch
themselvesbecamevictimsofstaterepression.Aspriests,nuns,andCatholiclayworkersjoinedtheranksofthetorturedanddisappeared,theBrazilianbishopspubliclybegan
denouncingtheexcessesoftheregime.Bythemid1970s,theNationalConferenceofBrazilianBishops(ConferenciaNacionaldosBisposdoBrasilCNBB)hadbecomeamajor
oppositionforce,shieldingthepoliticallypersecutedandfosteringcommunityorganizationandmobilizationamongthepoor.
EcclesialBaseCommunitiesspreadrapidlythroughoutBrazil,especiallyafterthe1968"coupwithinacoup"closedmostotherchannelsofpoliticalparticipation.TheCEBs,
generallymadeupoffifteentofortypeoplefromaneighborhoodorparish,broughtthefaithfultogethertodiscussthenewsocialteachingsofthechurchandtoreflectupontheir
dailylivesinlightofthegospel.
TheascentofliberationtheologyfurthertransformedtherelationshipbetweenreligionandpoliticsinBrazilandthroughoutLatinAmerica.Withthegrowinginvolvementofpriests
andnunsinthe"externalworkoftheapostolate,"manycameintoclosedaytodaycontactwiththeconcreteconditionsofpeople'slivesinpoorurbanneighborhoodsandrural
areas.Theseexperiencesradicalizedmanypriestsandreligiousworkerswhobegan"tolookforaninspirationinthelifeofChristwhichwouldprivilegetheChurch'srelationship
withthepoorestsectorsofthepopulation."11Fromtheirsearcharoseanewbodyoftheologicalthought.Liberationtheologianscombinedanactivistreadingofthegospelwith
sociologicalanalysesoftherealitiesofpeople'slives,drawinginspirationfromsecularcurrentsofthoughtsuchasMarxismanddependencytheory.
ThepastoralstrategydevelopedbythenewPeople'sChurchdrewontheworkofBrazilianeducatorPauloFreire.12AsDavidH.Levineexplains,Freire'sworkcomplementedthe
newcatalyticandpropheticmissionofthechurchbysuggestingapoliticizedpedagogy,onethatwouldpromotecriticalconsciousness(concientizacion)andenabletheoppressedto
identifythesourcesoftheiroppression.13
Thepromotionofcriticalconsciousnessthroughreligiousteachingspoliticizedthefaithful.InmilitaryBrazil,manyoftheCEBsbegantoorganizelocalcommunitiesineffortsto
overcomethehardshipsimposedbyauthoritariansocialandeconomicpolicies.14ThenewPeople'sChurchurgedlaymenandlaywomentotakeonleadershiproleswithinCEBs
andotherneighborhoodorganizations.Whereas,historically,the"old"churchhadrelegatedlaywomentosubservientroles,theprogressivechurchnowinvitedwomento
participateinfullequalityinitsnewpoliticalmission.
THETHEOLOGICALREFORMATIONOFWOMEN'SPROPERROLES
Insummoningwomentojoininthechurch'sredefinedpastoralmission,progressiveclergyintonedanewtheologicalvisionofwomen'sproperroleincommunitylife.VaticanII's
radicallyrevisedunderstandingofearthlyjusticeandhumanrights(summarizedintheencyclicalPaceeminTerris)impliedthatwomen,too,wereworthyofrightsandhuman
dignity.Callingonwomen"toparticipateascoequalsintheconstructionofthehumancommunity,"15PopeJohnXXIIIexplicitlyadvocatedanincreasedpublicroleforwomen.
Itisobvioustoeveryonethatwomenarenowtakingpartinpubliclife.ThisishappeningmorerapidlyperhapsinnationsofChristiancivilization,and,moreslowlybutbroadly,
amongpeopleswhohaveinheritedothertraditionsorcultures.Sincewomenarebecomingevermoreconsciousoftheirhumandignity,theywillnottoleratebeingtreatedas
merematerialinstruments,butdemandrightsbefittingahumanpersonbothindomesticandpubliclife.16
Despiterelentlesspressurefromwomenchurchactivistsandsomeprogressiveclergy,however,thechurch's"old"doctrinesconcerningthefamily,maternity,morality,and
sexualityremainedlargelyunaltered.AtbothMedellinandPuebla,thebishopsendorsedVaticanII'scallforagreaterpublicroleforwomen(evenif,insomecases,theydidso
begrudgingly).ButtheurgentneedtorevisechurchdoctrineonissueslikecontraceptionwhichmightfacilitatetheirexerciseofsucharolewasnotincorporatedintoCELAM's
finaldocumentsateitherMedellinorPuebla.
AtMedellin,thebishopsmerelyechoedthepope'sacknowledgmentthat"women[aredemanding]theirrighttoalegitimateequalitywithmen."17AndatthePueblameeting,
accordingtooneobserver,"only23[ofthe364delegates]werewomen,mostlyrepresentingreligiousordersandnotparticularlyinvolvedinwomen'sissuesassuch."Catholic
feministsneverthelesssteppeduptheireffortstoinfluencechurchpolicywomen"werepresentingreatnumbersinPueblathroughouttheconference.Therewasawomen's
documentationcenterandalobbyinggroup,MujeresparaelDialogo(WomenforDialogue),thathaddailymeetingsandconferences,butthedialoguesweremostlywithlaypeople
andnotverymuchwiththebishops."18
AtPuebla,debatescenteringonthestatusofwomenandtheirroleinthechurchwereamongthemostacrimonious.Nonetheless,theeffortsofthoseadvocatingreformpaidoff.
ThePueblafinaldocumentspeaksoftheoppressionandexploitationofwomeninpubliclife,affirms"theequalityanddignityofwomeninthegospelperspective,"19andasserts
that"womenaredoublyoppressedandmarginalized."20
InthepostVaticanII,prePueblaera,thechurchappearedmorelenientonfamilyandreproductiveissuesinseveralLatinAmericancountries,ittacitlyapprovedoratleastdid
notactivelyopposegovernmentsponsoredfamilyplanningprograms,forexample.AlthoughchangesinstitutedaftertheSecondVaticanCouncilhardlyrevolutionizedthe
subordinateroleofwomenwithinthechurch,someimportantreformsneverthelessensued.Nunsshedtheirhabits,laywomendisposedoftheirveils.Theyjoinedmen(andin
mostcases,infact,outnumberedthem)inimplementingprogramspursuanttothechurch'snewvisionofsocialjustice.Bothlaywomenandreligiouswomenweregrantedmore
active,ifstillsecondary,roleswithinthechurchandinthechurch'sworkwiththecommunity.
Still,theserolesseldomtranscendedthespheresofactivitywhich"God"and"nature"assignedtowomen.Thatis,womencontinuedtoengageinsocialwelfareorcharitable
activitiesconsistentwiththeirtraditionallydefined"nurturingandmothering"rolesandremainedbarredfrompositionsofauthoritywithintheinstitutionalhierarchy.Moreover,
reformsdidnotleadtoareformulationofcorechurchdoctrinesaboutthesanctityofmotherhoodandthefamily.
SincePuebla,andespeciallyundertheleadershipofJohnPaulII,thechurchhasreassertedanunyieldinglyconservativestanceonmoralandsexualissuesvitaltoachievingfull
"humandignity"forwomen.Althougharecentsynodofbishops(heldinRomeinlate1987)advocatedaliberalizedchurchpositiononmanyissuescrucialtowomen'sequality,
thepoperemainsintransigent.PopeJohnPaulIIhascontinuallyreiteratedhis(andthereforeinstitutionalchurch's)distastefor"unisexequality,"extramaritalsex,contraception,
abortion,surrogatemotherhood,homosexuality,divorce,andtheordinationofwomen.
Recognizingthegrowingimportanceofwomeninthechurch'scommunitywork,PopeJohnPaulIIissuedalongawaitedapostolicletter,"OntheDignityofWomen,"inSeptember
1988.Widelyviewedasa"theologicalresponsetothewomen'smovement,"thedocument"isunlikelytosatisfymanyadvocatesofwomen'srights...[and]makesalmostno
mentionofworkorotherpublicactivitiesforwomeninitslengthytreatmentoftheirplaceinRomanCatholicthinking."Instead,whileexhortingCatholicstoovercomethe"evil
inheritance"ofmaledominationoverwomen,"OntheDignityofWomen"againemphasizesthefeminine"vocations"ofmotherhoodandvirginity,"callingonwomentofind
themselvesintheirloveforothers."21
Ironically,liberationtheologiansinBrazil,includingsomewho(likeLeonardoBoffandFreiBetto)havebeencensuredbythepope,sharemanyoftheVatican'sviewsabout
women'sunique"vocations,"evenastheyradicallyexpandonits1963callforwomentobecomepartnersinthe"humancommunity."Thatis,maletheologiansofliberationhave
adoptedalargelyunmodifiedorthodoxMarxistunderstandingofthe"womanquestion,"whileadheringfairlycloselytochurchteachingsonmattersregardingtheChristianfamily
andwomen'sspecialqualitiesaswivesandmothers.
Ina1984interviewwithaBrazilianfeministjournalist,FreiBettomaintainedthatBoff'sconceptionofwomen'soppressionowesagreatdealtocontemporaryBrazilianfeminism.
Likeotherliberationtheologians,however,bothBoff'sandFreiBetto'sunderstandingofwomen'ssubordinationowesmoretotraditionalMarxismthantocontemporaryBrazilian
socialistfeminism.Feministsmaintainthattherealmsoffamilyandsexualitycharacterizedbyunequalgenderpowerrelationsarecentrallociofwomen'soppression.Liberation
theologians,followingtheMarxisttradition,situatethelocusofwomen'soppressionincapitalistpowerrelations.BothBoffandFreiBetto,forexample,adoptanessentially
orthodoxviewwhichexplainswomen's"doubleoppression"as"crystallizedintheprofoundidentificationthatexistsbetweentherelationshipsofproductionandtherelationships
ofreproduction,bothofwhichhavethesameoppressivecharacter."22Thesolutiontowomen'soppression,inthisview,liesinincreasingtheirparticipationinthepublicworldof
politicsandproduction.

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Abiologicallyessentialistviewofwomen's"specialqualities"oddlycoexistswithliberationtheologians'economisticviewofwomen'soppression.Womenaresaidtobringa"unique"
understandingtothepeople'sstruggle,anunderstandingderivedfromtheir"abnegationandprayer,"fromthejoyandsorrowtheyexperienceasmothersofthepeople:"Thereis
aprofoundspiritualityofthepoorcenteredonthedeath/lifedialectic.Facedwiththeirownlife/deathdialectic,eveninthebiologicalsense,womenexperiencesomethingthatmen
donot.Andtheyremindallofusofitsmeaningtheircontributionisforeveryone."23
Boff,forexample,extolsthevirtuesof"thefeminine"inhisORostoMaternodeDeus(ThematernalfaceofGod)andgoesmuchfartherthantraditionaltheologiansinrevaluing
femininityandwomen'sessence.
Thefemininemakesusseeanotherwayofbeinghumanandcivilized.Thelastseveralmillenniahavebeenmarkedbymasculinepredominance.Anditgivesrisetoanotherform
ofbeinghumanandofrelatingtoreality.Thisformischaracterized,principally,bythelogos,rationalityandconcept.Thelogosintroducesarupturebetweenmanandnaturewe
becometheownersoftheland,wesubjugateitsforces,webreakvariousequilibriumsthatitmaintains....Inthiscontextthefeminineemergesasapossibilityofanalternative
path,...Throughthefemininewedevelopthecapacityforanothertypeofrelationship,morefraternal,moretender,moresolidarywithourcosmicandtelluralroots....24
Thisessentialistimageryissometimesechoedbywomenandmenchurchactivists.Participantsataregionwideconferenceentitled"Woman:TheWorkshopofLife,theBuilderof
theNewSociety,"heldinNicaraguainMayof1983,proclaimedthat"allofusarecollaboratinginthegreatbirthofanewsociety,inthebirthofnewmenandwomen,whose
cradleispeaceandstructuresofjusticeandfellowship."Mary,motherofGod,becomesthefirstrevolutionarymother,ennobledbyherselflessdevotiontoherfamilyandtothe
struggle:"Thiswarofliberationhasalsoshownushowthewomanisarevolutionarymother.Insteadofbeingabrakeandanobstacletohersonsanddaughterswhowishtobe
committed,sheencouragesthemwithherwordsandherexampleofyieldingherselftothemanytaskswhichshecarriesouteverydayinordertowinthistotallyunequalbattle."
25
Suchviewsdonotquestionthesociallyconstrictive,exclusiveidentificationofwomenwithmaternityandthefamily.Liberationtheologians'viewofwomeninthe"personal"or
privatesphere,then,isincrucialrespectsquitecompatiblewiththatoftheVatican.EventheprogressiveBrazilianchurch,whichpositionsitselfclearlyagainstlegaldiscriminations
sufferedbywomeninpoliticsandproduction,isconsiderablymoreconservativewhenitcomestoissuesofmorality,sexuality,contraception,divorce,violenceagainstwomen,or
abortionissuesthatbecamecentraltoLatinAmericanfeministpoliticsinthelate1970sandhavealwayssparkedagreatdealofinterestamongwomeninneighborhoodgroups
throughoutSaoPaulo'surbanperiphery.Liberationtheologians,liketheorthodoxLeft,havetoooftenassumedthatsuchissuesareirrelevanttoworkingclasswomen.
In1983,forexample,theprogressiveSaoPauloarchdioceseofDomPauloEvaristoArnsproclaimedayearlongpastoralcampaignagainstviolenceandstreetcrime.But,asnoted
byoneparticipantinthestatewidemeetingwhichlaunchedthecampaign,"thespecificsexualviolencesufferedbywomenwasneveraddressed."26Furthermore,intheearly
1980s,theotherwiseprogressiveCNBBloudlyprotestedtheproposeddecriminalizationofabortioninthecaseofadeformedfetusandarguedagainstthedecriminalizationofacts
ofseductionoradultery(centraltoBrazilianfeminists'mobilizationsagainst"crimesofpassion")asthis,accordingtothebishops,wouldrepresent"acoupagainsttheinstitutionof
marriage"aninstitutiondeartotheheartsofeventhemostprogressiveclergy.27
WomenofallsocialclassesinBrazilabortestimatesplacethenumberofillegalabortionsatoverthreemillionperyearthousandsdieeachyearofcomplicationsresultingfrom
backalleyabortions.YetinaninterviewwithMulherio,FreiBettoassertedthatthe"directionofsexualityandtheevaluationoftheethicsofvarioustypesofcontraceptivesisup
tothecouple"butstatedthathewas"radicallyagainstabortion...[it]hasitsrootsinsociety,thatis,Ithinkthatabortionoccursbecausesocietydoesnotofferanysecurityin
life."28
In198788,theBrazilianchurchmountedapowerful"prolife,profamily"campaigntolobbytheConstituentAssembly.Popularwomen'sorganizationsandfeministgroupsalso
urgedlegislatorstosupportlongstandingwomen'smovementdemandsforsexualequalityinmarriageandforreproductivefreedom.However,theprolifelobbies,formedinearly
1987andsponsoredbytraditionalistsectorsoftheCNBBandthenewlyinfluentialBrazilianEvangelicalmovement,provedunshakable.ThechurchandtheChristianRightpacked
discussionsoffamilyplanning,familylaw,anddivorceattheConstitutionalSubcommissionontheFamilyinearly1987,arguingthatfeministinspiredreformswereimmoraland
threateningtotheBrazilianfamily.Zealousprolife,profamilylobbyistsstalkedthehallsofCongressthroughouttheconstitutionaldebates,oftenengaginginbitterverbalbouts
withthefeministrepresentativesfromtheNationalCouncilontheStatusofWomen(ConselhoNacionaldosDireitosdaMulher,orCNDM)29andotherwomen'smovement
lobbyists.
When,attheurgingoffeministconstituents,progressivelegislatorsintroducedtwoamendmentscallingforthedecriminalizationofabortion,the"otherwise"progressiveCatholic
churchandtheevangelicalslaunchedafullscalefrontalattackonreproductivechoice.ProlifeprotestersheldpayervigilsinfrontoftheNationalCongress.TheCNBBaddeda
"dignityoflife"provisiontoachurchsponsoredpopularamendmentthatalsoincludedfarreaching,progressiveurbanandagrarianreforms.Andevangelicalsresortedtotime
honoredscaretactics,accusingtheassemblyoflaunchingan"assaultonthefamily."Finally,theevangelicalblocintheConstituentAssemblyintroducedanamendment
prohibitingabortionevenincasesinvolvingrape,incest,orthreatstothemother'slife,exceptionscurrentlyallowedbytheBrazilianpenalcode.
TheseconservativelobbiesoverwhelmedtheeffortsofboththeCNDMandautonomouswomen'sgroupstoincludemorefarreachingabortionreformsinthenewconstitution.In
astrategicmovetopreventaretrogressivedevelopmentinabortionlaw,theCNDMandthefeministhealthmovementagreedtowithdrawthedecriminalizationproposalifthe
"prolife"amendmentwasalsorescinded.
Insum,theBrazilianchurch's"new"messagethatwomenshouldparticipate"asequals"inthe"humancommunity"coexistsuncomfortablywithavery"old"message,that
women'sprimaryandunique,ifnolongerexclusive,vocationsremainmotherhoodandthefamily.Women'soppressionintheprivatespheretheirinabilitytocontrolfertility,
theirsubjugationtotheirhusbands,theirsoleresponsibilityforthecareandnurtureofchildrenandtheelderlyseriouslyinhibitstheirabilitytoparticipateasequalsin
communitylife.Yeteventheprogressivechurchhasyettoreviseitspositiononkeyissuesthatmightamelioratewomen'ssubordinatestatusinmarriageandthefamily.This
fundamentalcontradictionhasplacedexplicitlimitsonthepoliticizationofgenderwithinpopularwomen'sorganizationsandhasmadeforanextremelyuneasyrelationship
betweentheCatholicchurch'smothers'clubsandthefeministswhointhe1970sbeganorganizingamongwomenintheurbanperiphery.30
WORKINGCLASSWOMEN'SPARTICIPATIONINTHEPEOPLE'SCHURCH
WomenneverthelessmakeupthevastmajorityofparticipantsinthenewchurchcommunityorganizationsinBrazil.Giventheirtraditionallygreaterinvolvementwith
institutionalCatholicism,womenmayhavetendedtojoinCEBsandotherchurchgroupsingreaternumbersthanmen.ThomasBruneau'ssurveyofreligiousbeliefsandpractices
amongBrazilians,conductedineightdiocesesin1975,confirmedthatwomenoutnumbermenamongthe"faithful."31
WomenoutnumbermeninmosturbanpopularorganizationsfoundinBraziltoday,bothreligiousandsecular.Women'srolesas"pillarsofthefamily"helpexplaintheirgreater
participationincommunityorganizations.32Asregressiveauthoritarianeconomicpoliciesthreatenedworkingclassfamilysurvivalstrategies,tensofthousandsofwomenjoined
theformalandinformallaborforcetosupplementfamilyincome.33Others,inkeepingwiththeirsociallyascribedrolesastheprincipalarchitectsoffamilysurvival,joined
neighborhoodselfhelporganizationsinunprecedentednumbers.
Althoughwomen'sinvolvementincommunitystrugglesforrunningwateroragainsttherisingcostoflivingstemsinpartfromtheirhousekeepingandmaternalroles,
participationinbothchurchlinkedandsecularorganizationsoftenleadswomentoquestionthoseveryroles,heighteningtheirconsciousnessaswomen.Butasweshallsee,the
church'sconservativestanceonwomen'sroleintheprivatesphereofteninhibitsthefullarticulationofthisdynamicprocessofselfempowerment.34
TheBrazilianchurchdevelopedagenderspecificstrategyforinvolvingwomeninitsnewpastoralmission.Inkeepingwiththesexualdivisionofpoliticallabor,localparishesoften
created"mothers'clubs,"whichfunctionedalongsideotherchurchlinkedcommunityorganizations.Theclubstargetedhousewivesintheneighborhoodsandorganizedactivities
consistentwithwomen'srolesinthefamilyandthecommunity.
Mostcommonly,theclubsprovidedsexstereotypedcoursesandactivitiesforwomensuchassewingorknittingclassesasanincentiveforcommunitywomentoparticipate.By

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involvingwomeninthemothers'clubs,thelocalchurchisbetterabletoinvolvetheminitslargerpastoralmission.And,infact,mothers'clubparticipantsoftenformthe
organizationalcadreofalocalparish'scommunityinitiatives.InmostoftheneighborhoodsIvisitedinSaoPaulo,acoreofabouttenwomenusuallyparticipatedinthelocal
mothers'club,thefavela(squatters')movement,theCEB,andmostotherlocalchurchinitiatives,withtheglaringexceptionofthePastoralOperaria,thechurch'scommunity
labororganization.Womenneverthelessperformmostoftheinfrastructuralworkforworkerorganizations,aswellasforlocalyouth,prayer,andothercommunitygroups.
Additionally,thissamecoreofwomenwasheldresponsiblefortheupkeepofchurchbuildingsandgrounds.Longafterthemenhadleftcommunitymeetings,Ioftensawwomen
cleaningupafterthemsweepingthefloors,clearingthedishesafterrefreshments,engaginginstereotypicallyfemalework.Awidegapthusseparatesthechurch'snew
egalitariandiscoursefromtherealityofwomen'sexperienceinSaoPaulo'schurchlinkedcommunityorganizations.
Inastudyofdozensofmothers'clubsinSaoPaulo'sSouthernZone,JanyChiriacandSolangePadilhafoundthattheseperformeddualandcontradictoryrolesamongwomenof
thepopularclasses.Firstwasthepositiveroleplayedbytheclubsaschannelsthatfacilitated"theparticipationofhousewivesincommunitylife"second,wasthelimitationofthe
clubsastransmitters"ofChristianideologywhichinfluencestheprocessofwomen'sconcientizacaoinapredetermineddirection."Theyconcludethatwhereastheprogressive
churchpromotesformalequalitybetweenwomenandmenfromanewChristianperspective,thisperspectiveislimitedtoencouragingbothwomenandmentoparticipate
(differentially)incommunityactivities.ChiriacandPadilhawritethat"theequalityaffirmedindiscourseistranslatedinpracticeintoaformoffemaleparticipationdifferentfrom
thatofmen...womenarealwayscalledupontoperformtasks(nottomakedecisions)andinthecaseofmothers'clubs,thosetasksaremereextensionsofthosethatwomen
executeintheirownhomes."35
Mothers'clubsfunctionprimarilyas"ladies'auxiliaries"toparishorganizations,andwereinnowayestablishedwithwomen'sgenderspecificneedsordemandsinmind.Ididnot
seeorhearofasingleclubthathadbeencreatedwiththeintentionofhelpingwomengainconsciousness,oractpolitically,aswomen.Furthermore,thestrategyof
concientizacion,socentralto"mixed"groups,suchastheCEBs,isseldomemployedtopromoteacriticalconsciousnessaboutgenderpowerrelationsamongparticipantsof
churchlinkedmothers'clubs.Relationsbetweenwomenandmenwithinmarriageandthefamilyarediscussedonlyinthecontextof"preparationformarriage"minicoursesoften
requiredofcoupleswhoaretomarryorwithin"couplesgroups"designedtoenhancemaritalharmonyratherthanresolveormediatemaritalconflictorpowerdifferentials
betweenwomenandmenwithinthedomesticsphere.
Nevertheless,theclubsdoprovideamuchneededspaceforsociabilityamongwomenandhavethushelpedbreaktherelativeisolationofthedomesticspheretowhichwomenare
oftenconfined.Theclubscreateanorganizationalcontextfornetworkingamongneighborhoodwomen,onethatbuildsonandextendsbeyondestablishedkinshipandfriendship
networks.Networksofmothers'clubsprovidedthecoreorganizationalfociforseveralcitywideandevennationwidegenderbasedsocialmovementssuchasthestrugglefor
daycaremovement,thecostoflivingmovement,andthefeminineamnestymovement.36
THECHURCHANDPOPULARWOMEN'SORGANIZATIONSINBRAZIL:CASESTUDIESFROMSAOPAULO
AtJardimMiriam,thedaycaremovementgrewdirectlyoutofthelocalmothers'club,foundedinthelate1960s.Accordingtooneoftheearlyparticipantsintheclub,
themothers'clubstartedbeforeanyoftheotherchurchactivitiesintheneighborhood,beforetherewasevenachurchtospeakofintheneighborhood....Theclubwasstartedat
theinitiativeofJohnson&Johnsonwhosesalesrepresentativescametotheneighborhoodtopromotesanitarynapkins,teachwomentousethem,etc.Thesalesrepresentatives
alsopromotedlecturesonwomen'sreproductivecycle,menstruation,andsoon.AftertheJohnson&Johnsonpeopleleft,webeganholdingsewinglessonsforlocalwomenatthe
churchwhichwecombinedwithlecturesondifferentsubjectsofinteresttowomen.37
Participationintheclubledwomentoformulatenew,genderrelatedpoliticaldemands.Atmeetings,thewomentypicallydiscussedproblemsencounteredintheirdailylives,in
theirmarriages,infeedingandcaringfortheirfamilies.Neighborhoodwomenbegantovaluetheirabilitytocometogethertodiscusssharedproblemsanddevisecollective
solutions:
Themothers'clubhadexistedforalongtimebeforethecrechemovementbegan.Thewomenalwaysbroughttheirchildrentotheclubmeetingsandatfirst,werotatedtaking
careofthemamongstourselves.Around1970orso,webegantothinkofaplacewherewecouldleaveourchildrentobetakencareofwhenwehadotherthingstodo...
discussionscontinuedandtheideaemergedtoorganizeagroupofwomenwhowouldgotalktotheprefecture...wedidn'tevenknowwhatwewouldsaythere,butwewent
anyway,sixofus,andwetoldthemoftheneedfordaycareinourneighborhood.Twosocialworkersappearedandsuggestedwecirculateapetitionintheneighborhood.Sowe
did.38
Whenthewomenreturnedwiththepetition,signedbyover100localresidents,thesocialworkerstoldthemthattheSociedadedeAmigosdoBairro(SocietyofFriendsofthe
Neighborhood,orSAB)39wasthe"official"representativeofneighborhooddemandsandthatthewomenshouldthereforechanneltheirdemandforchildcarethroughthatlocal
organization.Itwasthenthatthefirstofseveralconflictsbetweenthelocalwomen'sgroupsandparallel,maledominatedcommunityorganizationsmaterialized.TheSABdidlittle
torepresentlocalwomenintheirquestfordaycare"thedemandjuststayedthereforfivewholeyears,andmeanwhile,wewereallwaitingfortheprefecturetocomeandbuild
adaycarecenterbecausewehadaskedforone....Thewomenintheneighborhooddidn'tparticipatemuchintheSABitonlyhasfiveorsixfemalemembersandthey'reonly
theretocleanupforthemen."Eventuallythewomenrealizedthatthey"hadbeenliedto"bythelocalSABbecause,astheyputit,"otherthingswerehappeninginthe
neighborhoodbythenthathelpedusgainpoliticalconsciousness."40
By1975,thelocalRomanCatholicchurchhadexpandeditsactivitiestoincludeorganizingthecommunityforimprovedurbanservices.Theparishpriestsawthecontinuationof
somesortoforganizedactivityamongneighborhoodwomenasanopportunitytodrawthemclosertothechurch'snewapostolicmission.Aschurchlinkedorganizations
blossomedintheneighborhood,thewomenactiveinthemothers'clubbecamethemostferventparticipantsincommunitystruggles.Theymobilizedarounddemandsfor
elementaryschools,healthcarefacilities,andothercommunityneeds,inadditiontodaycare.
Militantoppositiongroupsalsobegandoinggrassrootsworkamongthesenewchurchlinkedorganizations.41Andinresponsetotheworseninglivingconditionsofthepopular
classes,Christiancharitygroupsalsoextendedtheirworkintheurbanperiphery.Asoneoftheparticipantsinthewomen'sgroupexplained,"thefolksfrom[aChristiansocial
actiongroup]explainedtoushowtheprefecturefunctions...thatifwe'retherepressuringthem,thingswillhappen.IfweleaveituptothemortotheSAB,we'llneverget
anythingweneedintheneighborhood."Thewomendecidedtopresstheirdemandsthemselves,withoutthemediationoftheSAB,andorganizedweeklytripstothemunicipal
BureauofSocialWelfare.
Bythelate1970s,theparish,nowheadedbyaprogressivepriest,organizedadomesticsewingclasstomoreaggressivelyrecruitcommunitywomen.Localdaycareorganizers
appealedtostudentsinthisclass,manyofwhomjoinedtheneighborhood'sdaycaregroup.Thedaycaregroupalsodevelopedsolidcontactswithsocialworkersatthemunicipality
whokepttheminformedastothestatusoftheirdemandforadaycarecenter.Participantsrecalled:"wewouldgothere,fifteenortwentyormoreofus,wheneverwethought
thingswerebeingheldup...asmothers,wedemandedthatwehadtherightforaplacetoleaveourchildren...thefolksfromCidadeAdhemar[aneighboringvillawherewomen
werealsoorganizingfordaycare]cametotalktousaboutdaycareandhowitwaseverymother'sright."
Ihavedescribedthebeginningsofwomen'smobilizationinJardimMiriambecausethatexperienceillustratesfivekeycharacteristicssharedbyotherwomen'sgroupsIvisitedin
SaoPaulo'surbanperiphery.First,thewomenwhomobilizedfordaycareandothercommunityimprovementswereusuallyhousewivesordomesticservants.Mosthadbeen
employedoutsidethehomeatsomepointintheirlivesoroccassionallyworkedasdayworkersinthetertiarysector.Thewomenhopedtobeoccasionallyfreedfromchildcare
responsibilitiesinordertoundertakeotheractivities,includingpaidemploymentbut"workingmothers,"inthisandmostotherdaycaregroupsinSaoPaulo,areintheminority.
42
MostparticipantsItalkedwithatJardimMiriamandelsewherespokeoftheirparticipationindaycaregroups,mothers'clubs,orotherwomen'sorganizationsnotinexplicitly
"political"termsbutintermsof"personalliberation."Thatis,formanywomen,participationincommunityorganizationsisapleasant,empoweringexperience,onethatbreaks
themonotonyoftheirdailyhouseworkroutinesandenablesthemto"learnabouttheworld"fromotherwomenand"sharetheirexperiences"withwomenwhoselifeconditions
paralleledtheirown.

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Second,asinotherneighborhoods,themothers'clubatJardimMiriamservedasthemobilizationalbaseforothermovements,suchasthestrugglefordaycare.Aswomencame
intoincreasedcontactwithoneanotherthroughmothers'clubsorhousewives'associations,theybeganidentifyingcommonconcerns,sharedneeds.Thoseneedswerenot
definedintermsofthelargerpoliticaleconomicsystemnoronthebasisofanarticulate,ideologicalunderstandingofthedynamicsofthatsystem.Rather,womenorganizedin
mothers'clubsdevelopedpoliticalclaimsonthebasisoftheirdaytodaylivedexperienceaswomen.Asfulltimeresidentsoftheurbanperiphery,theybegantoorganizeforurban
improvementsthatwouldfacilitatetheirjobsaswivesandmothers.Hence,poorandworkingclasswomenspearheadeddemandsforrunningwater,electricity,andsoon,intheir
neighborhoods.Yet,asonewomanIinterviewednoted,"themenwereinvolvedinthesocalledgrandissuesofunionorganizing,butwewerearoundorganizingfor
improvementsinourdaytodaylifeintheneighborhood."
Third,women'sgroupsoftenlackedsupportfromparallelcommunityorganizations,whethertheseweretraditional,clientelisticorganizationssuchastheSABsormaledominated
churchlinkedworkers'organizations.Manyofthemothers'clubsandotherwomen'sgroupsdevelopedaphilosophyof"ifwedon'tdoit,itwon'tgetdone"andbecamethe
vanguardoflocaleffortstoimprovelivingconditionsintheneighborhoods.
Fourth,theearlyorganizationalexperienceofwomen'sgroupsinJardimMiriampointstothecriticalroleplayedby"extracommunityactors"infacilitatingcommunitybased
politicalorganizing.Popularmovementparticipantsfromadjoiningneighborhoods,charityworkers,politicalactivists,andstatesocialworkersallprovidedkeyorganizational
resourcesandinformationtolocalwomen'sselfhelpeffortsintheurbanperiphery.
Last,aswomenparticipantsgainconsciousnessofthemselvesaswomen,asasubsetof"poorpeople"withdistinctconcernsandinterests,mothers'clubsoftenassumemore
explicitlypoliticaldimensions.Forexample,thechurchsponsoreddomesticsewingclassatJardimMiriamwastransformedintoa"professionalization"oroccupationaltraining
courseforwomeninthelate1970s.Aftermonthsofdiscussion,ahandfuloflocalwomenandthreemiddleclassfeministswhohadbeenorganizingintheneighborhoodforsome
timedecidedthatinthedomesticsewingclasstheyhadfallen"intothesameoldroutineofshowingwomenhowtobebetterhousewives...therewasnodiscussionofanything,
justsewing."Thefeministsfoundoutsidesupportfortheinstallationofindustrialsewingmachinesatthechurch,andthecoursebeganwithanenrollmentoftwentytotwenty
fivelocalwomen.43
InthisearlyperiodoffeministorganizinginBrazil,themovementsharedtheprogressivechurch'sandtheLeft's"integrationist"prescriptionforendingwomen'ssubordination:
workingclasswomenshouldbetrainedandencouragedtojointheformallabormarket.Thus,themiddleclassfeministsconceivedofthecourseinawaythatwasverymuchin
keepingwithprevailingSaoPaulofeministpoliticalstrategiesbefore197980:"weweregoingto`develop'thesewomen,teachthemskillssothattheycouldbecomeincorporated
intoproductivelabor.Wedecidedtoholddiscussionsaboutwhywomenneededtogainskillsandfinancialindependence,whyworkingoutsidethehomewasimportantfor
women."44Theydevelopedsimpletexts,incollaborationwiththelocalwomenorganizers,whichwerethenreadanddiscussedcollectivelyduringthe"theoretical"sectionofthe
professionalizationcourse.Onesuchearlytextconveysthecentralthemesaroundwhichthecoursewasoriginallystructured.
Ourobjectiveistodevelopaprofessionalizationcourseinindustrialsewing,inwhichwomencanlearntoworkthemachinesandalsolearntosew,aswellasgainknowledgeof
whatitmeanstobeawomanworkerinthesocietyinwhichwelive.
However,inorderforustounderstandallofthatitisnecessary,first,thatweunderstandthesituationthateachofuslivesintoday:inthefamily,inourworkwithinthehome,
inourworkoutsidethehome(orthoseofuswhodo),inthecommunity.
Fromthere,wewilltrytorelateallofthiswiththeideaofhavingaprofession:willitchangesomethinginourlives?whyhavewenotsoughtaprofessionuntilnow?whydowe
wantaprofession?whattypeofproblemsdoweconfront?45
Butasoneofthefeministcoreorganizersofthegroupputit,"withinthefirstthreemonthseverythingwethoughtthecoursewouldbefellapart...thecoursebecametheir
space.Theyspokemuchmorefreelyaboutanumberofthingsfromthebeginningthenwedid...thingslikesexuality,theirintimaterelationships...thingswehadn'tanticipated
discussinginthegroup."46Attherequestofstudentsintheclass,discussionsgraduallyfocusedlesson"women'swork"andmoreonsuchtopicsasdifferentialeducationof
children,women'ssocialization,womeninthefamily,andsoon.Awomanphysicianjoinedthegroupinearly1980and,atthebehestofthestudents,beganleadingdiscussions
on"woman'sbody"and"woman'shealth"thesetopicsbecamethefocusofthecourseduringitssecondyear.
By1980,thecourse'sweeklytheoreticaldiscussiononwomen'shealthandreproductionweredrawingover100womensothatmeetingshadtobeheldinthechurchitself.
Topicsofdiscussion,suggestedbylocalparticipantsthemselves,includedvirginityandsexualrelationsbeforemarriage,unwantedpregnancy,andabortion.Atonediscussionof
reproductiverightsandfamilyplanning,nearly300localwomenfloodedthechurch.
Coreorganizershadapproachedtheparishpriestonanumberofoccasionsconcerning"thelimitsofthewomen'sgroupwithintheprogressivediscourseofthechurch...we
wantedtoknowhowfarwecouldgoindiscussingthespecificityofwomen'soppression."47Thepriesthadsupportedthegroup'soriginalproposalofdevelopinganoccupational
trainingcourseforneighborhoodwomen.Butasthecontentofthegroup'sdiscussionsbecamemoreradicalchallengingsomeofthecoredoctrinesofthechurchregarding
sexualnorms,thefamily,andcontraceptionhissupportwaned,eventuallyleadingtoovertconflictbetweenthecoreorganizersofthewomen'sgroupandthelocalparish.
Someofthemoreconservativechurchwomenhadbeenscandalizedbythestoriesofthebackalleyabortions,extramaritalrelations,andsexualrelationsingeneralwhichtypified
thecourse's"theoretical"discussionsby198081.Severalcomplainedtotheparishpriestthatthewomen'sgrouphad"gonetoofar."Hethenapproachedthecoreorganizers,
arguingthattheyhadnot"respectedthelimitsoftheparishioners"andmustthereforediscontinuetheirdiscussionsofsuchcontroversialissues.Thecoreorganizersrepliedthat
"hethoughtourworkwasabsolutelysecondarywithinthepoliticalworkofthechurch.Weinsistedthatthewomeninourgroupdidallthesupportworkforthechurchbut
receivednosupportfortheirownissuesinreturn...thewomenwerethefoundationofthechurch'sactivitiesintheneighborhood...theycleaned,cooked...evendid[the
priest's]laundry."48Frommyownobservations,women'sgroupparticipantsdidinfactprovideessentialsupportservicesforotherchurchlinkedcommunitygroupsandwerekey
participantsinanumberofthosegroups.Theyhad,forexample,collectedandpreparedfoodbasketsforthelocalcampaigninsolidaritywithstrikingautoworkersduring197980.
Andwhereasthelocalpriest,aferventadvocateofliberationtheology,seemedcomfortablepushing"thelimitsoftheparishioners"onclassissuesandtheneedfor"generalsocial
transformation,"genderspecificissuesthatdirectlychallengedchurchmoraldoctrinesseemtohavebeenadifferentmatteraltogether.Asthecourse'sdiscussionsincreasingly
centeredonwomen'soppressionintheprivatesphere,thetenuousalliancebetweenthewomenandlocalmalepractitionersofliberationtheologybecameevermorestrained.
Afterseveralheateddiscussionswiththepriestandextensivedeliberationsamongthecoreorganizersofthegroup,thewomendecidedtoleavethechurchandbecomean
autonomouswomen'sassociation.Theyrentedaseparatemeetinghall,retainingtwooftheirworkshopspacesinthechurch,butbrokeallorganizationaltieswiththeparish.
Individualgroupmemberscontinuedtoparticipatein"mixed"communityorganizations,nonetheless.Andcuriously,manyofthemenItalkedtowhowereinvolvedinthose
organizations,includingthepriesthimself,continuedtothinkofthewomen'sgroupasachurchlinkedgroup.Othersdismisseditasa"misdirected"organizationofwomenwho
didnotunderstandwhatisreallyimportantforwomenintheneighborhoodandweredividingthecommunitystruggle.
Significantnumbersofneighborhoodwomenappeartohavedisagreedwiththisassessment.Overthecourseoftheearly1980s,thewomen'sgroupenrolledover350local
residentsinitsprofessionalizationcourse.Somebecamemonitorsinthecoursetheytaughtthebasicsofgarmentmakingandlednewstudentsininvariablyanimated
discussionsofdomesticviolence,women'slegalrights,womeninpolitics,divorceandlegalseparation,women'smovements,feminism,andothersubjectsthatmalechurch
activistshaddeemedirrelevanttoworkingclasswomen.Someparticipants'liveswereradicallyempoweredbytheexperiencesinthegroupforexample,withthemoraland
materialsupportofthegroup,onewomanwasabletoleaveahusbandwhohadbeatenherforovertwentyyears.Althoughsomewerephysicallypreventedfromattendingthe
course,becausehusbandsthoughtit"madethemtoouppity"afrequentsubjectofdiscussioninthecourseothersdevelopedmorerespectful,egalitarianrelationshipswith
theirspousesandchildren.Whereasmalechurchactivistslabeledfeminisma"bourgeoismovement,"dozensoflocalpoorandworkingclasswomenbeganclaimingfeminismas
theirown.
Similarconflictsbetweenlocalwomen'sgroupsandthechurchdevelopedinGrajau,anotherpopularwomen'sorganizationwithwhichIhadfrequentcontact.Alocalmothers'club
alsoservedasthebasisforfurtherorganizationalactivitiesforwomeninthatneighborhood.Inearly1980,asmallgroupofwomenbeganmeetinginthechurchandinone

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another'shomestodiscuss"women'sroleinthefamily,inpolitics,women'sexperienceofsexuality,andsoon."WiththehelpoffeministsfromSexualidadeePolitica,afeminist
healthcollective,Grajauwomenorganizedaclassonreproductionandsexualitywhichranthroughout1980.Asdozensofneighborhoodwomenbeganattendingthediscussions,
thegrouphadtomovetothemeetinghallofthelocalWorkers'Party(PartidodosTrabalhadores,orPT).49Asthepresidentofthegroupsaid,"wecouldnotreturntothechurch
becausetherethediscussionwasanotheroneandnowourswassomethingelsealtogether...thepriesttoldusthatwomeninthefaveladon'tneedsex,theyneedbread...Itold
himthatwomentodaydoneedandwantsex...andthatiftheirhusbandsbeatthemormistreatthem,theyneedalternatives."Menfromothercommunitygroupswerealsoless
thansupportiveofthewomen'sgroup,sherecalled,"theydidnotwanttheirwivestoparticipate...theysaidthatwewerebeingdivisive...butwetoldthemweneededtodiscuss
ourownissues,ourownthings."50
WiththecollaborationoffeministsandwomenPTactivistsintheneighborhood,thewomen'sgroupalsoleftthePTmeetingspaceandprocuredfundsforthecreationofa
"women'scenter"intheneighborhood.AsinJardimMiriam,theyobtainedexternalfunding51andbegansponsoringanumberofoccupationaltrainingclasses,"consciousness"
groups,lectures,andotheractivitiesforneighborhoodwomen.Theyalsoprovidedgynecologicalandothermedicalservicesforwomenastherewerenohealthfacilitiesinthe
neighborhood.Bythetimethecenterwasofficiallyinauguratedinearly1983,theCasadaMulherdeGrajauboastedover250localmembers.
Withinthewiderangeofwomen'sorganizationsfoundinpoorandworkingclassneighborhoodsinSaoPaulo,bothofthesegroupsareunusualcases.Mostgroupssuchasthese
arerestrictedintheiractivitiesbecauseofalackoforganizationalresourcesothersareideologicallylimitedbytheircontinuingtiestothechurchortoantifeministsectorsofthe
Left.
Thecontinuedpoliticalhegemonyofthechurchintheurbanperipheryingeneralthusseverelycircumscribesthenature,content,andpoliticaldirectionofgenderandclassbased
politicizationamongthepopularclasses.AsHerminiaMaricatoputit,"withouttheChurch,90percentoftheurbansocialmovementorganizationsinSaoPaulowouldnotexist."
52
Thechurchprovidesanimportantinfrastructureforlocalorganizingefforts.Thus,astherangeofsecularorganizationalinitiativesexpandedinJardimMiriamandsomecommunity
groupsbrokeawayfromtheparish,horizontallinkagesbetweencommunitygroups,vitaltoorganizationalsurvival,wereconsiderablyweakened:"Inthelateseventies,everything
wasstillconcentratedintheparishandyouhadfargreaterpossibilitiesforcontactwithallkindsofpeople...itwasn'tliketoday,each[group]withitsownwork...before,there
wasalwaysaminimumof[collective]discussion...theactivitiesofourdaycaregroup,forexample,alwayscountedonsomesupportfromothers."53
Andthechurch'scontroloforganizationalresources,evenafternewinstitutionalalternativesforpopularparticipationemergedduringthelatterstagesofpoliticalliberalization,
presentsseriousobstaclesforsocialmovementgroupswhichseekpoliticalorideologicalautonomyfromthechurch.AsoneofthecoreorganizersoftheJardimMiriamwomen's
groupnoted,"whenwewereinthechurch,wehadmorewomenparticipating.Thechurchdrawspeople,notbecauseit'spolitical,butbecauseit'schurch."54
JardimMiriamisacaseinpoint.Afterthegroupbrokewiththechurch,participationinthesewingcoursesponsoredbytheJardimMiriamwomen'sgroupgraduallydeclined.In
early1983,coreorganizersdecidedtochangetheirstrategyvisaviswomenintheneighborhood,optingtophaseoutthecourseandestablishawomen'scenter.Agroupof
approximatelytenlocalwomenbeganmeetingweeklywithafeministorganizerfromSOSMulher,agroupprovidingservicestovictimsofrapeanddomesticviolence,hopingto
createasimilarorganizationintheneighborhood.
Bylate1983,thelocalparishandtheJardimMiriamwomen'sgroupwereagainatwar.Rumorsaboutthe"bourgeoisfeminist"natureoftheproposedwomen'scenter,itsalleged
intentionto"promotelesbianism"and"tearapartourfamilies,"spreadthroughouttheneighborhoodlikewildfire.Theparishpriestandsomelocalmaleorganizersfannedthe
flames,suggestingmoreoverthatexternalmoneyshadbeenmisusedbysomemembersofthewomen'sgrouptothedetrimentofotherparishactivities.Frightenedbyrumors
andenticedbytheparish'spromisesofcontinuingitsearlieractivitiesamongwomen,someofthecoreorganizersbrokewiththewomen'sgroupandreturnedtothechurch.
Bymid1985,theindependentwomen'sgrouphadceasedtoexist,andneighborhoodwomenwereonceagainattendingdomesticsewingclassesatthechurch.Therewere
lingeringsignsof"consciousness."ChurchwomenstillcelebratedInternationalWomen'sDayintheneighborhoodawomanworkerwasalwaysontherosterforlocalMayDay
celebrations.Butgonewerethe"theoretical"discussionsthathaddrawnandinspiredhundredsofwomeninearlieryears.55
Intheabsenceofcriticalideologicalspace,autonomousgenderbasedpoliticizationisthusoftenjeopardized.Onlywhensubstantialmaterialororganizationalresourcesbecome
available(asinthecaseofCasadaMulherdeGrajau)issustained,nonchurchlinkedmobilizationpossible.Inthesetwocommunities,individualfeministactivistsplayedacrucial
roleinprocuringalternativematerialresourcesandfacilitatingthedevelopmentofcriticalgenderconsciousnessamongneighborhoodwomen.FeministsinSaoPaulohavelong
beencommittedtoworkingwithpoorandworkingclasswomen'sgroupsintheurbanperiphery.Adiscussionofthecontradictionsthathaveoftencharacterizedtheireffortsat
buildingcrossclassalliancesisbeyondthescopeofthispaper.56However,itisclearthatBrazilianfeministshavesucceededinprovidingwomenofthepopularclasseswithnew
ideologicalandorganizationaltoolsforgenderedresistance.
Organizationalresourcesare,forinstance,alsomadeavailabletowomen'scommunitygroupsthroughtiesestablishedtothevariousleftwingpoliticalgroupsactiveintheurban
periphery.ButtheideologicalperspectivesofthoseorthodoxMarxistgroupsalsoconstrainthecontentanddirectionofcommunitymovements'politicalclaims.Otherwomen's
groupswhichIobservedintheurbanperiphery,whichwerelinkedtooneoranothersectarianpoliticalfaction,focusedonorganizingwomenaroundgenderrelatedissues(like
runningwater,electricity,andotherservices)or"general"communityactivities.Reproductiveissues,sexualviolenceagainstwomen,orissuesrelatedtowomen'sroleinmarriage
andthefamilywereseldomopenlyaddressed.
Women'sgroupslikethoseinJardimMiriamorGrajau,then,areanexceptiontotherule.Thepoliticizationofgenderspecificissues,"private"issues,didnotoccurtoanywhere
nearthesameextentinmostofthegroupsIvisitedorwhoseactivitiesIlearnedofatregionalorcitywidemeetingsandcongresses.Thepoliticaltrajectoriesofthesetwogroups,
nevertheless,highlightthefactthatwomenofthepopularclassesareconcernedwithgenderpowerrelationsaswellaswithproductionandreproductionandthat,giventhe
organizationalresourcesandtheideologicalspace,theydoarticulategenderspecificneedsandconcerns.Ifthesegroupshadnotbrokenwiththechurchoriftheyhadbeen
mobilizedorinfluencedbysectarianpoliticalfactions,forexample,theirorganizationaldynamicswouldundoubtedlyhavebeenratherdifferent.
CONCLUSION
ThepostVaticanIItheologicalreformulationofwomen'srolesinspiredanewchurchmobilizationalstrategyvisaviswomen.Buttheeffectivenessofthisstrategyisultimately
marredbyafundamentalcontradiction.Althoughthechurchnowencourageswomen'sparticipationinthepublicsphere,women'soppressionintheprivatespherehinderstheir
abilitytofullyparticipateincommunitylife.
TheBrazilianPeople'sChurchhasempowerdwomenascitizens,encouragingtheirparticipationinthecommunity,Yet,aswesawintheneighborhoodcasestudiesdiscussed
above,thechurch'sinabilitytocopewithwomen'sempowermentaswomen,theinevitablebyproductofsuchparticipation,severelycircumscribesthefuturedirectionofwomen's
participationinchurchandcommunitylife.
Contrarytotheassertionsofsomeprogressivetheologians,thebasicChristiancommunitiesarehardlylaboratoriesofwomen'sliberation.Althoughwomenmakeupover80
percentofthemembershipinCEBsandothergroups,theyareseldomfoundinpositionsofauthorityandareoftenrelegatedtosexstereotypedtasks.Moreover,thechurchoften
replicatesthesociety'ssexualdivisionofpoliticallabor,creating"separateandunequal"mothers'clubsandhousewives'associationswhichreinforcetraditionalgenderrole
expectations.Whencommunityparticipation,coupledwithexposuretoalternative(feminist)discoursesongender,triggeredacriticalgenderconsciousnessamongtheparticipants
ofchurchlinkedgroupsinourtwoneighborhoodcases,thechurch's"liberation"discoursewasunabletoaccommodatethechange,actinginsteadtoobstructtheprocessof
women'sselfempowerment.
LatinAmericanfeminists,includingmanyactiveinthechurch,insistthattheprogressivechurchmust,instead,ardentlycondemnthe"sinofsexism"andfomentthe
developmentofwomen'sconsciousnessonlythenwilltheliberationchurchpromotejusticeforallthe"people."Moreover,aPeople'sChurchpolicytrulycommittedtowomen's

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empowermentmightpromote,forexample,thecreationofsheltersforbatteredwomenorforunwedmothersinpoorcommunitiesorperhapsdevelopoccupationaltraining
coursesinnontraditionaljobcategories(unliketheJardimMiriamcoursewhichtrainedwomentoenterthesexsegregated,lowpayinggarmentindustry).Suchinitiativesmight
providewomenwithideologicalandeconomicalternativesoutsidethefamily,enablingthemtoachievefull"humandignity"inboththeirpublicandprivatelives.
NOTES
1."InterviewwithFreiBetto,"inAgainstMachismo:RubemAlves,LeonardoBoff,GustavoGutierrez,JoseMiguezBonino,JuanLuisSegundo...andOthersSpeakaboutthe
StruggleofWomen,ed.ElsaTamez(OakPark,Ill.:MeyerStoneBooks,1987),9495.
2."InterviewwithLeonardoBoff,"inAgainstMachismo,97.
3.MydiscussionofthesecasesisbasedonfieldresearchconductedinSaoPauloduringOctober1982October1983,JulyAugust1985,andJuneJuly1988.During1982and
1983,Iwasaparticipantobserveratthewomen'sgroupatJardimMiriam,aworkingclassneighborhoodneartheindustrialABCDregionofSaoPaulo.Iamgratefultothewomen
ofJardimMiriamfortheirinsightsandsupport.ResearchsupportwasprovidedbyFulbrightHays,theInterAmericanFoundation,theSocialScienceResearchCouncil,andthe
UniversityofCaliforniaatSantaCruz.ThankstoSusanaWappensteinforherinvaluableassistanceinconductingadditionalresearchforthispaper.JuditMoschkovichandthree
anonymousFeministStudiesreviewersalsoprovidedusefuleditorialsuggestions.AnearlierversionofthispaperwaspresentedattheFourteenthInternationalCongressofthe
LatinAmericanStudiesAssociation,NewOrleans,1719March1988,andpublishedintheMichiganStateUniversityWorkingPapers,SeriesonWomeninInternational
Development,Fall1988,no.171.
4.Otherstructural,ideological,andinstitutionalfactors,ofcourse,conditionthedevelopmentofgenderconsciousnessamongpoorandworkingclasswomeninBrazil.Afull
analysisofthosefactorsis,however,beyondthescopeofthispaperandhavebeenextensivelydiscussedelsewhere.Foramorecomprehensiveexaminationofwomen's
mobilizationincontemporaryBrazilandadifferenttreatmentofthedatapresentedhere,seemyEngenderingDemocracyinBrazil:Women'sMovementsinTransitionPolitics
(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1990).
5.ForaconcisepoliticalhistoryoftheCatholicchurchinBrazil,seeThomasC.Bruneau,TheChurchinBrazil:ThePoliticsofReligion(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,1982),11
20.Forthemostcomprehensiveaccountofthechurch'spoliticalroleinpost1964Brazil,seeScottMainwaring,TheCatholicChurchandPoliticsinBrazil,19161985(Stanford:
StanfordUniversityPress,1986).
6.Conservativeupperclassanduppermiddleclasswomenwereamongtheprincipalparticipantsofthesemarches,andgenderplayedasignificantroleintheirpolitical
mobilization.Thesewomenemphasizedthetraditionalroleofwomenaskeepersofthe"moralorder"towageanostensibly"apolitical"fullscale,frontalattackontheGoulart
regime.SeeSolangedeDeusSimoes,Deus,PatriaeFamilia:AsMulheresnoGolpede64(Petropolis:Vozes,1985).
7.DanielH.Levine,"ReligionandPolitics,PoliticsandReligion:AnIntroduction,"inChurchesandPoliticsinLatinAmerica,ed.D.H.Levine(BeverlyHills:SagePublications,1980),
2021.BruneaupointsoutthatchangesintheBrazilianCatholicchurchactuallyprecededVaticanIIandwererelatedtoachanging"strategyofinfluence"pursuedbythechurch
inBrazil.Thethreemajorexplanationsfortheshiftinchurchpolicypositedbytheliteratureareinstitutionalrenovation,theologicalrenovation,andchangingstrategiesofpolitical
andsocialinfluence.
8.BrianH.Smith,TheChurchandPoliticsinChile:ChallengestoModernCatholicism(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1982),5.
9.SeeAlexanderWilde,"TheYearsofChangeintheChurch:PueblaandtheFuture,"JournalofInterAmericanStudiesandWorldAffairs21(August1979):299312CELAM,
"EvangelizationinLatinAmerica'sPresentandFuture,"inPueblaandBeyond,ed.JohnEaglesonandPhillipScharper(Maryknoll,N.Y.:OrbisBooks,1979),113285.
10.TheNationalSecurityDoctrinepositeda"nexusbetweeninternalsecurityandnationaldevelopment."FosteredbySuperiorWarCollegesinLatinAmericaunderthetutelage
oftheUnitedStates,thisdoctrinebecametheinformingideologyofmilitaryregimesthroughoutLatinAmericainthe1960sand1970s.Foranindepthdiscussionofmilitary
institutionaldevelopmentandtheNSD,seeAlfredStepan,"TheNewProfessionalism,"inAuthoritarianBrazil,ed.AlfredStepan(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1973).See
alsoMariaHelenaMoreiraAlves,StateandOppositioninMilitaryBrazil,19641984(Austin:UniversityofTexasPress,1985).
11.CandidoProcopioFerreiradeCamargo,BeatrizMunozdeSouza,andAntonioFlaviodeOliveiraPierucci,"CommunidadesEclesiaisdeBase,"inSaoPaulo:OPovoem
Movimento,ed.PaulSingerandV.C.Brant(Petropolis:Vozes,1981),60.
12.SeeespeciallyPauloFreire'sPedagogyoftheOppressed(NewYork:Herder&Herder,1972),andLasIglesias,laEducacionyelProcesodeLiberacionHumanaenlaHistoria
(BuenosAires:AsociacionEditorialAurora,1974).
13.Levine,30.
14.TheactualactivitiesandthepoliticalorientationoftheCEBsinBrazilvarygreatly.Foradiscussionoftheirdiversity,seeBruneau,12746.SeealsoRalphDellaCava,"The
People'sChurch,theVatican,andAbertura,"inDemocratizingBrazil,ed.AlfredStepan(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1989).
15.CarmenBarroso,"OrganizacoesNaoGovernamentais:OMovimentodeMulheresnoBrasil,"1981(mimeographed),89.
16.PeaceonEarth,anEncyclicalLetterofHisHolinessPopeJohnXXIII(NewYork:RidgePress/OdysseyPress,1966),140.
17.SecondGeneralConferenceofLatinAmericanBishops,TheChurchinthePresentDayTransformationofLatinAmericaintheLightoftheCouncil(Washington,D.C.:
SecretariatforLatinAmerica,NationalConferenceofCatholicBishops,1979),32.
18.RobertMcAfeeBrown,"TheSignificanceofPueblafortheProtestantChurchesinNorthAmerica,"inPueblaandBeyond,33334.
19.RosemaryRuether,"WomenandtheChurch,"ChristianityandCrisis,2Apr.1979,7879,citedinBrown,335.
20.AsTameznotes(p.40)"Unfortunatelythisexpressionwasputinafootnotetothefinalediteddocumentofthe1979bishops'conferenceatPuebla,Mexico,althoughithad
beeninthemainbodyoftheapprovedtext.Butatleastitisthere,inparagraph1134."
21.RobertSaro,"Pope,DefendingWomen'sDignity,SetsNarrowRole,"NewYorkTimes,1Oct.1988,p.1.
22."InterviewwithFreiBetto,"92.
23."InterviewwithGustavoGutierrez,"inAgainstMachismo,4445.
24.CitedinMulherio4(Sept.Oct.1984):10.
25."Woman:TheWorkshopofLife,theBuilderoftheNewSociety,"translatedfromEducacion,publishedbyCELADEC,(theLatinAmericanEvangelicalCommissionofChristian
Education,Lima,Peru),no.14(December1983),reprintedinLatinAmericanDocumentation,WomenintheChurch(Lima:LADOC,n.d.),510.

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26.DonaPalmira,CEBparticipantfromJardimMiriam,personalcommunicationtotheauthor.
27.Mulherio4(Sept.Oct.1984):10.
28.Ibid.,13.
29.Conceivedbyfeministactivistsasameansforthemovementtoinfluenceandmonitorstatepoliciesaffectingwomen,theCNDMwasestablishedin1985bythecivilian
administrationofJoseSarney.ForadetailedanalysisofthepoliticalroleoftheCNDMandotherlocalandstatecommissionsonthestatusofwomenestablishedinBrazilsince
1983,seeSoniaE.Alvarez,"Contradictionsofa`Woman'sSpace'inaMaleDominatedState:ThePoliticalRoleoftheCommissionsontheStatusofWomeninPostAuthoritarian
Brazil,"inTheBureaucraticMire:Women,InternationalDevelopment,andPolitics,ed.KathleenStaudt(Philadelphia:TempleUniversityPress,1990).
30.Foradiscussionoftheemergenceanddevelopmentof"secondwave"feminisminBrazil,seeCynthiaSarti,"ThePanoramaofFeminisminBrazil,"NewLeftReview173(Jan.
Feb.1989):7590,andmy"Women'sMovementsandGenderPoliticsintheBrazilianTransition,"inTheWomen'sMovementinLatinAmerica:FeminismandtheTransitionto
Democracy,ed.JaneJaquette(Boston:Unwin/Hyman,1989).
31.Bruneau,33.
32.Foracompellingcomparativeanalysisofwomen'smassiveinvolvementinpopularorganizationsthroughoutLatinAmerica,seeElizabethJelin,ed.,CiudadaniaeIdentidad:Las
MujeresenlosMovimientosSocialesLatinoamericanos(Geneva:InstitutodeInvestigacionesdelasNacionesUnidasparaelDesarrolloSocial,1987).
33.Forananalysisofwomen'slaborforceparticipationincontemporaryBrazil,seeespeciallyJohnHumphrey,GenderandWorkintheThirdWorld:SexualDivisionsinBrazilian
Industry(London:Tavistock,1987).
34.Forthebestanalysisofthispersonallytransformativedimensionofwomen'sparticipationinSaoPaulo'scommunityorganizations,seeTeresaCaldeira,"Mujeres,Cotidianidad
yPolitica,"inCiudadaniaeIdentidad,75128.
35.JanyChiriacandSolangePadilha,"CaracteristicaseLimitesdasOrganizacoesdeBaseFemininas,"inTrabalhadorasdoBrasil,ed.MariaCristinaA.BruschiniandFulvia
Rosemberg(SaoPaulo:Brasilense,1982):195,198.
36.CurrentestimatesplacethenumberofChristianBaseCommunitiesinBrazilatover80,000,primarilyconcentratedintheperipheryofBrazil'surbancenters.TheCEBs
functionalongsidethousandsofnonchurchlinkedpopularorganizationswhichsometimespredatetheauthoritarianregimebutwhichhavebecomeincreasinglypoliticizedover
thecourseofthelasttwodecades.Andparallelwomen'sassociationsoftenexistalongsidebothofthesetypesofcommunityorganizations,perhapsmakingneighborhood
women'sgroupsthemostnumerousamongthevariousnewformsofassociabilityfoundinBraziltoday.Onthefeminineamnestymovement,seeTherezinhaGodoyZerbini,
Anistia:SementedaLiberdade(SaoPaulo:EscolasProfessionaisSalesinas,1979).Onthecostoflivingmovement,seeTilmanEvers,"OsMovimentosSociaisUrbanos:OCasodo
`Movimento'doCustodeVida,"inAlternativasPopularesdaDemocracia,ed.JoseA.Moises,etal.(Petropolis:VozesSaoPaulo:CEDEC,1982).Onthedaycaremovement,see
MariadaGloriaMarcondesGohn,AForcadaPeriferia:ALutadasMulheresporCrechesemSaoPaulo(Petropolis:Vozes,1985).ForadiscussionofStateresponsetothedaycare
movement,seeSoniaE.Alvarez,"PoliticizingGenderandEngenderingDemocracy,"inDemocratizingBrazil,ed.AlfredStepan(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1989).
37.Unlessotherwiseindicated,thefollowingexcerptsaredrawnfromfieldnotesandinformalinterviewswithJardimMiriamwomenactivistsandfromanextendedformal
interviewwithtwolocalwomen,bothcoreorganizersofthewomen'sgroupandthedaycaregroupinJardimMiriam,SaoPaulo,15Dec.1982.
38.Ibid.
39.Thiswasoneofhundredsofsuchorganizationsestablishedunderpopulistruleinthe1950sandsubordinatedas"clients"oflocalgovernment"patrons."
40.Foraconcisediscussionofhistoricalandcontemporaryneighborhoodmovements,seePaulSinger,"MovimentosdeBairro,"inSaoPaulo:OPovoemMovimento,ed.Paul
SingerandViniciusC.Brant(Petropolis:Vozes/CEBRAP,1981),83107.SeealsoScottMainwaring,"GrassrootsPopularMovementsandtheStruggleforDemocracy:Nova
Iguacu,"inDemocratizingBrazil,168204.
41.Thiswastheresultofthechurch'sshieldingofpersecutedoppositioncurrentsduringthe1970sandofthemilitantopposition'sownreevaluationofguevaristorfoquista
strategieswhichprevailedontheLeftinthelate1960sandearly1970s.Thesestrategiesstressedmilitaryactionoverpoliticalorganizationandmassmobilization.
42.CynthiaSarti'sresearchonthedaycaremovementsuggeststhatmanymovementparticipantsseethecreationofcrechesintheirneighborhoodsasapossiblesourceof
employmentclosetohome.Seeher"ESinaQueaGenteTraz:SerMulhernaPeriferiaUrbana,"(masters'thesis,UniversityofSaoPaulo,1985).
43.LikemanychurchlinkedorganizationsinSaoPaulo,thegroupreceivedfundingfromaDutchCatholiccharity.Thegrantincludedmoneyfortheconstructionofanewchurch
andanewwingforitsorganizationalactivities.Soinanunusualreversalofchurchsupportforlocalwomen'sorganizations,thelocalwomen'sgroupatJardimMiriam,ineffect,
supportedthechurch.
44.InterviewwithtwoofthemiddleclasscoreorganizersoftheJardimMiriamwomen'sgroup,SaoPaulo,15Aug.1983.
45.GrupodeMulheresdoJardimMiriam,"CursodeProfissionalizacaoemCosturaIndustrial"(mimeographed),n.d.
46.Interviewwithmiddleclassfeministorganizers,SaoPaulo,15Aug.1983.
47.InterviewwithtwoofthemiddleclassfeministorganizersoftheJardimMiriamwomen'sgroup,SaoPualo,15Aug.1983.
48.Ibid.
49.ThenonMarxist,progressiveWorkers'Partygrewoutofthe"newtradeunionism"ofthelate1970sandearly1980s.Asaconsequenceofitsoriginsinunionstrugglesfor
autonomyandindependencefromtraditionalpopulistandcommunistpartiesandthestate,thePT,inmarkedcontrasttopartiesofthesectarianLeft,hasbeencommittedto
supportingsocialmovementdemandsandrespectingtheautonomyofmovementorganizations.SeeMargaretKeck,"DemocratizationandDissension:TheFormationofthe
Workers'Party,"PoliticsandSociety15,no.1(198687):6795.
50.InterviewwiththepresidentoftheCasadaMulherdoGrajau,19Aug.1983.
51.Inthiscase,thefundscamefromagrantfromthePathfinderFundintheUnitedStates.
52.HerminiaMaricato,EmTempo,no.42(December1978):4,citedinEvers,1385.
53.InterviewwiththedirectoroftheJardimMiriamdaycarecenter,SaoPaulo,18Aug.1983.
54.InterviewwithoneofthemiddleclasscoreorganizersoftheJardimMiriamwomen'sgroup,SaoPaulo,15Aug.1983.

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55.Theabovediscussionofthe"downfall"oftheJardimMiriamgroupisbasedoninterviewsconductedwithparticipantsonbothsidesofthesplitinAugustof1985.
56.Foradiscussionofthetensionsthathavetypifiedtherelationshipbetweenlargelymiddleclassfeministgroupsand"afeminist,"popularwomen'sorganizations,seeMarianne
Schmink,"WomeninBrazilian`Abertura'Politics,"Signs7(Autumn1981):11534CynthiaSarti,"PanoramaofFeminisminBrazil"andAlvarez,EngenderingDemocracy.
CopyrightFeministStudiesSummer1990

Detalles
Materia

Civilrights
Culture
Feminism
HispanicAmericans
Hispanics
Humanrelations
Interpersonalcommunication
Minority&ethnicgroups
Personalrelationships
Religion
Spirituality
Women
Womensrightsmovement
Socialconditions&trends
Clergy
Catholicchurches

Lugar

LatinAmericaBrazil

Empresa

RomanCatholicChurch

Ttulo

Women'sParticipationintheBrazilian"People'sChurch":ACriticalAppraisal

Autor

Alvarez,SoniaE

Ttulodepublicacin

FeministStudies

Tomo

16

Nmero

Pginas

381

Nmerodepginas

Aodepublicacin

1990

Fechadepublicacin

Summer1990

Ao

1990

Editorial

FeministStudies

Lugardepublicacin

CollegePark

Pasdepublicacin

UnitedStates

Materiadepublicacin

PoliticalScienceCivilRights,Women'sStudies,Women'sInterests

ISSN

00463663

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FMSDA2

Tipodefuente

ScholarlyJournals

Idiomadelapublicacin

English

Tipodedocumento

Feature

Nmerodeacceso

00625496,SFLNSGFEM0800FSSB653000015

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IDdeldocumentodeProQuest

233177981

URLdeldocumento

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Copyright

CopyrightFeministStudiesSummer1990

ltimaactualizacin

20140308

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