JOURNAL OF APPLIED SECURITY RESEARCH

, VOL. , NO. ,
http://dx.doi.org/./..

Visual Motifs in Islamist Terrorism: Applying Conceptual

Metaphor Theory
Jonathan Matusitza and James Olufowoteb
a

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Nicholson School of Communication, University of Central Florida at Seminole State College, Sanford,
Florida, USA; b Department of Communication, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma, USA

ABSTRACT

KEYWORDS

This article examines visual motifs in Islamist terrorism based

on Conceptual Metaphor Theory, a theory using three key categories of metaphors (structural, orientational, and ontological
metaphors). These metaphors are applied to three case studies
to show how visual motifs can be used by Islamists to manipulate
their audiences. The case studies are the symbols of (a) the waterfall, (b) the hand, and (c) the color black. Overall, in this analysis, an
essential deduction from Islamist visual motifs is that metaphors
are a principal conceptual system for Islamists. Metaphors are
their main conduit for categorizing what they see in their universe
and how they perceive both their in-group members and outside
groups (e.g., infidels).

Conceptual Metaphor
Theory; Islamism; jihadism;
metaphors; propaganda;
symbols; terrorism; visual
motifs

Introduction
In this article, a meticulous analysis of visual motifs in Islamist terrorism is conducted based on Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a), a theory
using three key categories of metaphors (structural, orientational, and ontological
metaphors). These metaphors are applied to three case studies to show how visual
motifs can be used by Islamists to manipulate their audiences. The case studies are
the symbols of (a) the waterfall, (b) the hand, and (c) the color black. Many cases
of Islamist pictorial or graphic art are more than just images; they are also infused
with symbolic messages that convey ideas just as powerfully as images do. This
analysis draws, in part, upon the research of experts at the Combating Terrorism
Center, an academic establishment at the U.S. Military Academy in West Point. The
Center (2006) concentrates on terrorism and counterterrorism issues. It investigates
Islamist imagery as the main channel for the creation and dissemination of jihadist
ideas. Indeed, Islamist imagery is a conduit used by ideologues, radicals, terrorist
leaders, and sympathetic propagandists and it is created to expand their support
base and for recruitment purposes.
CONTACT Jonathan Matusitz
matusitz@gmail.com
Nicholson School of Communication, University of
Central Florida at Seminole State College, Weldon Blvd., Partnership Center (#), Sanford, FL , USA.
Color versions of one or more of the gures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/wasr.
Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

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Nevertheless, what is missing in the Centers research is a meticulous academic

analysis of Islamists motives for (a) relying on visual motifs to recruit jihadists and
future martyrs and (b) using specific images (so cherished in Islam) more willingly
than others. The Centers research tends to only describe the images themselves
based on Islamic texts, but no critical examination is provided. Therefore, recognizing and explaining how Islamist visual motifs are used, what ideas they convey,
why they are employed, and what reactions they cause, is important to our fight
against Islamism-induced violence. Overall, in this analysis, an essential deduction
from Islamist visual motifs is that metaphors are a principal conceptual system for
Islamists (i.e., in regards to how they think and act). Metaphors are their main conduit for perceiving and experiencing much of the world in which they live. This is
how they categorize what they see in their universe and how they perceive both their
in-group members and outside groups (e.g., infidels).
Visual Motifs
By and large, a visual motif is a visual theme that symbolizes a particular subject or
class of subjects. Visual motifs facilitate symbolic cohesion through images, settings,
backgrounds, colors, light intensity, or textual structure (Bearne, 2003). According
to Jones (1987), visual motifs pertain to the grammar of pictorial or graphic genres.
For instance, in Islam, many patterns in mosques are motifs in and of themselves
like those of the sun, moon, animals, plants, and landscapes. As this analysis will
demonstrate, motifs can be exploited to create emotional impacts and launch massive propaganda campaigns (Andre, 2012).
In regards to Islamist visual motifs, they are a type of guerrilla communication.
Guerrilla communication denotes political activism achieved by manipulating photos, cartoons, or language. It leads to subversive outcomes by controlling the process
of communication itself. Guerrilla communication differs from other forms of political activism in that it does not rely on the examination of the dominant discourses;
instead, it is contingent upon the interpretation of signs in a different manner. Its
main objective is to make an important nonquestioning of the existing (Berger,
2001). For Islamists, visual motifs accomplish several key aims. First, they articulate
identification with essential beliefs in Islam. They can invoke feelings and emblematize particular Islamic principles. Second, they create a mental conception of reality
for their audience. The use of methodically fashioned images conjures emotional or
historical memories, arousing an emotional response that can be conscious or subconscious. Third, they enable the propagandist to send a strong messagethat is, a
form of visual persuasion rooting for something or against something. For Islamists,
imagery is generally supplemented by texts and provides interactive methods on
how to put their hardcore principles into practice. Consequently, visual motifs are
analogous to visual propaganda (Ahmad, 2010; Burdman, 2003; Fighel, 2007).
Conceptual Metaphor Theory
Drawing upon the work of Lakoff and Johnson (1980a), Conceptual Metaphor Theory rests on the premise that metaphors are a function of our daily life and are deeply

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embedded within our cultural system. They act as channels or processes of communication that allow understanding of one concept in terms of another. Metaphors
can also evoke one concept by bringing up another, often unrelated, concept. They
represent an essential vehicle that people employ to interpret the world in which
they live. They offer us conceptual frameworks for our thinking, our views, and our
interaction with others. They assign importance to constructs and create structure
for experiences that may not be structured by their own terms (Bronack, Cheney,
Riedl, & Tashner, 2008).
In the same train of thought, metaphor is akin to conceptual mapping; the nature
of metaphors is conceptualization. Straightforward concepts are sometimes used to
identify and understand abstract and difficult concepts (Ruiz de Mendoza Ibez
& Hernndez, 2011; Ortony, 1993). A metaphor has both emotive significance and
discursive content; in a word, it is given meaning that rises aboveand cannot
be condensed torational discourse or emotive expression. The consequence is
that knowledge is more than simple facts and information; it is an affective experience that stimulates cognition and, by the same token, creates a substantial sensory
response (Hogler, Gross, Hartman, & Cunliffe, 2008).
Metaphors empower propagandists to strike a responsive chord within their audience. They build shared meaning and harmony within the audience. They represent
a form of evocative communication and provide signs to the advancement of an ideology (Gow, 2001). Usually, metaphors are effective because they are able to conceptualize phenomena, structure cognition, and generate abstract concepts. Abstract
reasoning would hardly exist without metaphors. So, they play a very significant part
in human thought, understanding, and the creation of our social, cultural, and psychological universe. In brief, they fashion the way we communicate, think, and act.
In a sense, attempting to understand metaphors is like trying to observe the world
in which we live (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b). According to Conceptual Metaphor
Theory, our mental concepts categorize the universe (and how we live in it) through
three categories of metaphors: structural, orientational, and ontological metaphors
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a).
Structural Metaphors

Structural metaphors are metaphors that emphasize particular characteristics of one

structured experience or activity at the expense of other experiences or activities
(Deetz & Mumby, 1985). Examples are argument is war, time is money, and religion is the opium of the people. These daily expressions echo the fact that we do
not merely refer to particular topics in a metaphorical way; we also act upon the part
described by the metaphor, thereby creating an entire discourse consistent with its
direction. An essential trait of structural metaphors is the highlighting/hiding contrast: certain characteristics of an experience or activity receive undivided attention
while others are ignored. In the case of argument is war, the attribute of conflict is
underlined but cooperation, which could easily be a feature of war as well (that is, the
attempt to end war), is neglected. Thus, the concept is metaphorically categorized,

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action is metaphorically categorized and, hence, language is metaphorically categorized too. This leads to a metaphorically structured frame of mind within people
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980a).
Apropos of Islamist visual motifs, an example of a structural metaphor is a drawing of Jinn murdering Jews in every place they can be found (based on Quran
2:191: Kill them wherever you find them). In Islam, the Jinn are genies; spirits who
inhabit a hidden world (El-Zein, 2009). A race of supernatural beings, they were
created by Allah from the fire of a scorching wind (Quran 15:27), before the first
humans surfaced on Earth. This type of structural metaphor illustrates a manifest
highlighting/hiding dichotomy: even though, in reality, Jews can be offered a second
chance (i.e., to recant or convert to Islam) when caught practicing their Judaism, the
above-mentioned visual motif reduces all options to only one option. More precisely,
for the Islamist or Islamist-to-be, the visual motif becomes metaphorically reduced
to a false dilemma: there is only one possibility for pious Muslims vis--vis Jews:
Kill them.

Orientational Metaphors

Orientational metaphors are metaphors focusing on spatial orientationfor example, in regards to polar oppositions like up versus down, central versus peripheral, and front versus back. Whereas up is positive, down is negative. Similarly, happy is up and sad is down. These abstract concepts are grounded and
conceptualized in terms of our corporeal familiarity with the three-dimensional
world. Orientational metaphors tend to be used by groups that consider themselves
the center of the universe, along with significant objects and events of their universe.
Hierarchy, power, and honor become integrally linked to the goodness, growth, and
contentment of such groups. As such, control is up (i.e., we have power over the
enemy; Deetz & Mumby, 1985).
This phenomenon is comparable to the in-group vs. out-group distinction in
Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). For example, in a specific Islamist
visual motif, ideal social relationships among Muslims are depicted as points in
space; a map of a Palestinian State depicts a large region that includes the entire
nation of Israel with Muslims at the center of the map. Jews, in contrast, are shuffled
off to the out-group category and, in the process, pushed into the Mediterranean Sea.
In a similar vein, referring back to the up versus down dichotomy, up is fetishized
as Islamist martyrs relishing life in Paradise but down is viewed as infidels burning
in Hell.

Ontological Metaphors

Ontological metaphors allow propagandists to construe the world through the use
of common objects and substances that are often personified. Such metaphors
entail transferring entity characteristics onto domains of life that have a different

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meaningboth physical and nonphysical domains of life. Put another way, nonthings (i.e., ideas) become things; the opposite is also true (i.e., concrete things are
transformed into abstract things; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b). The same information can be described in different ways (Waterworth, 1997). For Lakoff and Turner
(1989), many cases of ontological metaphors lay emphasis on physical and behavioral features of humans, animals, plants, natural objects, and artifacts.
In many parts of the world, examples of such metaphors are plentiful: people are
animals (e.g., Achilles is a lion), people are plants (e.g., she is a tender rose),
and people are machines (e.g., my boss is a bulldozer). In general, ontological
metaphors map the formation and visual characteristics (e.g., type of life form, color,
shape, texture, etc.) of a conceptual sphere onto the formation and visual characteristics of another sphere. For example, in a large number of Islamist motifs, jihadists
(or jihadists-to-be) are represented as falcons. The jihadist as falcon metaphor is
a symbol of fearlessness, alacrity, and ferocity in holy combat. This image captures
essential virtues that a Muslim soldier is said to personify and that he or she needs
in order to reach the status of ultimate martyrdom (Renard, 1994).
Case Study I: Waterfalls
Charismatic leaders are renowned for using language rich in vocal imagery, symbolic insinuations, and metaphors (Conger, 1991). Water, for instance, is of immense
significance in Islam. It is considered a blessing from Allah because it endows and
supports life. The Arabic translation of water, ma, is cited 63 times in the Quran.
As mentioned in the holy text, Allahs throne is on water (Faruqui, 2001). The lifegiving quality of water is exposed in Quran 16:65: And Allah has sent down the
water from the sky and therewith gives life to the earth after its death. Indeed, that
is a sign for a people who listen [i.e., devout Muslims].
Metaphorical Meanings of Waterfalls

In Islamist visual motifs, waterfalls are often seen as the centerpiece of images or
in a pattern with other symbols (e.g., trees and luxuriant greenery, as presented
in Figure 1) that together imply a broader meaning. In the case of waterfalls, the
broader meaning evokes concepts of religious devoutness, virtue, the divine, and
the Garden (i.e., Paradise). Furthermore, it also denotes a more vibrant or active
development toward human transcendencein which the malevolent and decadent
human race will, one day, be annihilated. From this vantage point, waterfalls allude
to the soul, its spiritual advancement, and ultimately, its ascendance to the Heavenly
Garden. In Figure 1, this is very clear in the first words of the statement (Supremacy
and Purity).
Whether represented through short falls or massive chutes, waterfalls symbolize
both notions of religious wholesomeness and Allahs surefire support and generosity
to true, pious Muslims. The waterfall metaphor can be understood through both
an orientational and an ontological metaphor. From an orientational perspective,

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Figure . Supremacy and Purity Power and Awareness on the Way of the Blessed Jihad. Adapted
from The Islamic Imagery Project: Visual Motifs In Jihadi Internet Propaganda, by Combating Terrorism Center, , West Point, NY: Combating Terrorism Center.

a waterfall starts from a high point (i.e., for one to see it, one has to stare up or
above), in the same manner that Paradise is up or abovethat is, the Heavenly
Garden that devout Muslims will enjoy for the rest of their lives. In contrast, the
infinite hellish pit is down or below, and is specifically made for infidels. This
is a throwback to the up/down dichotomy described earlier. From an ontological
perspective, waterfalls stand for celestial beings with spiritual qualities; like spirits,
water cascades are falling from the sky to assist or relieve genuine, brave Muslims.
In brief, the waterfall symbolizes an Islamic miracle of some kind (Ahmad, 2010).
Visually speaking, a waterfall acts as a symbol of lavishness (as in a lot of water).
A lot of good things are imminent for jihadists in Paradise (Dickie, 1985). The waterfall, then, is analogous to the afterlife, which represents a rich energy source that will
always be available. In the Quran, the afterlife is often mentioned as the Garden. In
Arabic, Garden is called janna, the idyllic garden (Brookes, 1987). According to traditional Islam, the Prophet Muhammad heard a revelation from Allah about the
Garden of Paradise. The prophet described the Garden as a holy place abounding
with waterfalls, rivers, and fountains. According to Khansari (1998), there will be
many wonders, such as four rivers, water, shade, fruit, and nice gazebos in which
the chosen ones can relax and repose.

Dangers of Structural Metaphors

As we have seen, structural metaphors channel our attention toward one side of a
particular abstract experience, while attenuating or ignoring the other side of it. This
property of metaphor is cleverly maneuvered by Islamists to cause the target audience to look at the world in the particular frame that Islamists have established.
At the same time, this practice decreases the likelihood that the target audience
will consider other characteristics of the ideas presented to them (McCagg, 2003).
In an investigation led by Burdman (2003), it was discovered that the Palestinian

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Authority (PA)a self-governmental body that oversees and controls the West Bank
and Gaza Stripstarted a campaign to brainwash Palestinian pupils into embracing
self-sacrifice (martyrdom) as a duty of every true Muslim.
For example, children are taught to stone enemies and sacrifice their lives in
suicide missions against the Israel Defense Forces; they are also convinced that,
upon dying, they become lionized as martyrs and their families would be honored. In September 2000, the PA Ministry of Education Curriculum Committee
printed its first textbooks (Zimeray, 2001). The PA distributed additional books that
unashamedly instruct teachers to give lessons on the specific benefits of martyrdom.
One textbook contains an Islamist motif of a waterfall (similar to Figure 1), causing
Palestinian pupils to accept the afterlife (with waterfalls and a plethora of wonders)
as true. Because the PA-led brainwashing campaign even targets Palestinian infants,
the latter may never become aware of the other side of the ideas they were inculcated.
This is how structural metaphors work.

Origins of Waterfalls in Medieval Islam

In Medieval Islam, water, considered a precious source in the Ancient Persian gardens, was a symbol of Paradise to many Muslims: a place of perpetual pleasure after
death. For nomads and desert people, the Heavenly Garden fulfilled all the necessary criteria for living a great lifethat is, shade, privacy, beautiful tents, scents,
soothing sounds, and, most importantly, water. Therefore, the Quranic Garden is a
fulfillment of the dreams in Ancient Persia. In a true Islamic Paradise, waterfalls are
endless and flawless; the blessed ones can lie back upon soft couches (King, 1979).
As it is mentioned in Quran 47:15:
This is Paradise, which the righteous have been promised. There shall flow in it rivers of
unpolluted water, and rivers of milk forever fresh; rivers of delectable wine and rivers of
clearest honey. They shall eat therein of every fruit and receive forgiveness from Allah.

The jihadist mind often understands reality through imagery. Hence, it is easy
for propagandists to manipulate medieval Islamic symbols so as to recruit future
martyrs who will sacrifice their lives for Allah. In this particular regard, the second
half of the statement of Figure 1, On the Way of the Blessed Jihad, describes the
magnitude of the holy waterfall image: Allah sends spirits to protect you; Paradise
is above and beyond anything else; it will soon welcome you.
Under these circumstances, what jihadists look forward to is this sublime life
of world-happiness. It is a massive motivator that defines their daily reality. As
described in Quran 9:111, If you die fighting for Islam, you would die a martyr and
the rewards in Paradise would be wonderful. From this, it follows that the waterfall metaphor is a powerful channel for conveying an important and unique type
of message that is fundamentally poetic. Additionally, this metaphor is an effective
method of control; its chief aim is to produce a shared meaning system against which
insignificant resistance is expected from the message receivers (e.g., jihadists and
future martyrs).

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Case Study II: Hands

The human body can be an important channel to interpret the abstract universe.
In Muslim culture and history, hands evoke a great deal of imagery. The hand symbol is profoundly rich in religious-cultural themes. Consequently, a good understanding of that particular body part is needed. Arguably, the most important use of
the hand motif (both culturally and religiously) is the symbol of the hands raised
towards heavenfor example, when praying. As it is the case in other religions,
Islamic prayers require predetermined hand gestures; raising hands is one of its most
famous signs.

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Hand Symbol in Muharram

The symbol of the hand has particularly great significance during the month of
Muharram. In that period, the symbol is a way to pay tribute to Abbas, an ancient
Muslim warrior whose hand was severed when giving water to the injured baby of
Hussein at the battle of Karbala. To commemorate this event, small boys carry a tiny
silver hand as an amulet during the month of Muharram; its purpose is to acknowledge the wearers subservience to Abbas (Donaldson, 1973). In Shia activism, the
amputated hand of Abbas pays homage to the whole Karbala battle when Imam
Hussein (Alis son) was killed by the soldiers of the Umayyad Caliphate in the year
680. Many of Husseins followers were killed as well. Because the hand has an association with Abbas, it becomes a symbol of sacrifice and determination in Shia Islam
(Babaie, 2011). In the Islamic calendar, Muharram is the first month and one of
the four holy months of the year. As the Islamic calendar is part of the lunar calendar and, thus, differs from the Gregorian calendar, the days to celebrate Muharram
change each year (Ilyas, 1994).

Symbol of Power

Because in Islam the hand is holy and blessed, it is seen as a symbol of luck and
protection from malevolence. The Hand of Fatima (or khamsa) honors Fatima
Zahra, the Prophet Muhammads daughter. Today, it is an important amulet worn
across the Middle East (Rogers, 2012). Hands are also symbols overflowing with
power and authority, and often bring to mind the Quranic stories about the hand
of Moses that works miracles (i.e., Quran 20:22, 26:33, and 28:32). Since the dawn
of Islam in the 7th century, the hand has been a symbol of the tribal rulers gift to
not only punish non-Muslims or apostates but also to guard his own personal effects
and territory against evil (Lawrence, 1999).
As revealed in Figure 2, the symbol of the Salafi Front of Tunisia consists of a hand
pointed toward heaven and holding a Quran. It symbolizes a type of cosmic power
that brings Salafis closer to Allah, which makes them more powerful. The Quran
views the hand as a direct association between man and Allah; the hand, then, is

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Figure . Jabhat al-Islah (Sala Front of Tunisia). Adapted from The Emergence of Salasm in
Tunisia, by F. Merone and F. Cavatorta, , Jadaliyya, , .

an ontological metaphor for Divine supremacy (Achrati, 2003). As such, the hand
adopts physical properties of Allah-conferred power. As mentioned in Quran 36:83:
Glorious is he in whose hand is the dominion of all things. Quranic references
to Allahs intervention give evidence to the jihadists vehement belief that they are
called to implement Allahs will and His work. The depth of such Salafi doctrine lies
in its capacity to fashion a selected and deformed interpretation of material reality.
The Salafi Front of Tunisia became very popular during the Arab Spring in early
2011. This Islamist movement supports the reestablishment of Salafi rule and holy
war (Wright, 2012). The hand represented in its logo (Figure 2) is a left hand; the
five left-hand fingers are an ontological metaphor for the followers of Muhammads
house (Ahl al-Bait in Arabic; Achrati, 2003). In the Golden Age of Islam, this left
hand symbol incarnated the five pure ones: Muhammad and his four most important followers. More precisely, it alludes to the five exemplary and paradigmatic
framers of Islam (Schubel, 1991).
Of equal relevance is the fact that the hand symbol lends itself to an orientational
metaphor. The hand is lifted up heavenwards because up means high and is positive (versus a hand down or pointed earthwards). In regards to the latter, only a
handful of Islamic symbols show the hand down. Figure 2 also exemplifies a structural metaphor because it symbolizes Salafis unapologetic devotion to Allah and
Quranic traditions by emphasizing only one body part (at the expense of other body
parts). This is at odds with Christianity because most symbols of Christians looking
toward Paradise tend to display their entire body (with their arms and faces looking
up to the Lord), as opposed to just one hand.

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Clasped Hands: Symbol of Unity

One of the Islamist hand symbols mentioned by the Combating Terrorism Center
(2006) is an Al Qaeda motif that shows clasped hands. The motif represents harmony within all jihadist groups and the ummah on the whole. Ummah refers to the
global Islamic community. As such, Al Qaeda uses handshakes to symbolize unity
not only between Al Qaeda and other jihadist organizations but also among all Muslims across the world. In regards to the clasped hands symbol, each of the two arms
is painted with a somewhat different color, substantiating the goal to bring local
jihad movements (often nation-based) closer together. In this sense, the clasped
hands motif links Al Qaedas missions and activities with those of similar jihadist
groups (e.g., Hand-in-Hand with the Mujahedin) and even Muslim populations
(Marchaux & Marchaux, 1987).
In the same train of thought, the clasped hands motif is an ontological metaphor
that symbolizes the whole world itself. A concrete image (i.e., clasped hands)
becomes something abstract (i.e., the world). The motif serves to describe a larger,
pan-Muslim unity between Islamic brothers and sisters across the globethose of
Chechnya, Iraq, Somalia, Pakistan, and so forth. Symbols of this type are used to
globalize, or pan-Islamicize, locally or regionally based jihadist struggles. In a comparable image, a hand holds a persons wrist, seemingly holding that wrist for safety
reasons, or at least ensuring that the Islamist will not fall. Below the image, the text
reads: The Hand of the Powerful: delivering Iraq from the occupation. In a third
image, underneath it, a text shows the beginning of the shahada (i.e., profession of
faith to Allah). Overall, all these images symbolize the supremacy of what a unified
ummah would attain (Combating Terrorism Center, 2006).

Case Study III: The Black Standard

In Islam, color is a strong source of influence and motivation. One specific color,
black, emerges as a versatile symbol. To begin, in Islam, black is a symbol of piousness and unconditional obedience (in both Sunni and Shia doctrines). For example, the Taliban and radical clerics in the Islamic Republic of Iran emphasize the
wearing of black turbans (and black clothing on the whole) for students and people working in mosques. In jihadist motifs, black is also used to stress the importance (or occurrence) of jihad and inflames passions about the reestablishment of
the caliphate (Combating Terrorism Center, 2006).

Black Standard of Jihad

In Figure 3, the Black Standard (also referred to as the Black Banner, Banner of
the Eagle, The Banner, or simply raya in Arabic) symbolizes three events: (a)
the flag waved by the Prophet Muhammad to wage jihad against infidels (also used
in holy war by many of his followers, such as his own nephew Ali ibn Abi Talib);
(b) an eschatological emblem in Shia Islam (presaging the arrival of the Mahdi, the

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Figure . The Black Standard of Jihad, called Raya (There Is No God but Allah, and Muhammad is His
Messenger). Adapted from The Islamic Imagery Project: Visual Motifs In Jihadi Internet Propaganda,
by Combating Terrorism Center, , West Point, NY: Combating Terrorism Center.

redeemer of Islam); and (c) Islamic tradition overall (Nicolle, 1993). Based on tradition, Muhammad said that the coming of the Mahdi would be announced through
the Black Standard (Cook, 2002). Even though the Prophet had several banners, his
favorite one was the larger black raya, allegedly fashioned from Aishas head cloth.
Aisha was one of many Muhammads wives. This raya was also called The Punishment (Nicolle, 1993).
When Muhammad died, the Umayyad Caliphate succeeded him. They were now
the predominant leaders in Islam (between 661 and 750 AD) and the second of the
four main Muslim caliphates. It may be true that the Umayyads were the supreme
establishment of Islam at the time. Nevertheless, because they were Sunnis, they
were viewed by the Shiites as dangerous, rapacious, and religiously insubordinate
rulers. Hence, the leader of the Abbasids, Abu Muslim, led an armed uprising against
the Umayyad Caliphate. The goal was to set up a better Islamic ruling body that
would espouse orthodox Islam at the core of its doctrine. Since that revolution, black
has become the main color of the Abbasid Empire, for the simple reason that the
Abbasids wanted to expand their Shia base (Blankinship, 1994).
This is exactly how the Black Standard has been used in Islam: for Sunnis, it was
a symbol of jihad (led by Muhammad and his followers), and for Shiites, it was a
symbol of religious upheaval against the Umayyad Caliphate. In Shia doctrine, the
Black Standard even evokes expectations about Paradise and the Heavenly garden.
By and large, in the present-day Islamist movement, it is used to represent the desire
to conquer infidel territories and the restoration of the caliphate (Combating Terrorism Center, 2006).
The statement on the Black Standard (see Figure 3) is the shahada, the Muslim
profession of faith or the holy degree to Allah (There Is No God but Allah, and
Muhammad Is His Messenger). Originally, in the 7th century, the Black Standard
had nothing written on it. Only 13 centuries later did Islamist movements begin to
print the entire shahada on it. Today, terrorist organizations that brandish the flag
(or its image) include Al Qaeda, al-Shabaab (a Somali-based group affiliated with Al
Qaeda), the Islamic Courts Union (another jihadist group in Somalia), Hizbul Islam
(a third terrorist group from Somalia), and the Islamic State of Iraq (an organization

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that encompasses numerous Iraqi insurgent groups established in October 2006;

McCary, 2009; Stevenson, 2010).

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Ontological Metaphor for the Black Standard

After the birth and advancement of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 20th century,
modern jihadism proliferated through the Muslim world. Therefore, the color black
was used to pay tribute to the raya of Muhammad. The Black Standard itself is an
ontological metaphor for the conquest of Dar al-Harb (the House of War or infidel territories) by Dar al-Islam (the House of Islam or Allah-compliant nations).
Dar al-Islam is the divinely flawless abode of devout, pious Muslims. In The Black
Banners, Soufan (2011) notes that many quotes from the hadiths (that is, printed volumes that collect the deeds and sayings of Muhammad) make references to Black
Banners carried by new armies called to transform the world. The black symbol has some form of prophetic resonance with present-day jihadism. One day,
jihadists hope, all countries on the planet will have Black Standards planted on them
everywhere.
The flag is an ontological metaphor for the long-term dream of Islamists: the
restoration of the caliphate across the world. Consequently, holy wars will take place
everywhere, especially in Dar al-Harb. According to Ortony (1993), metaphors are
an easy method to influence followers, create change, and improve the adherents
likelihood to remember evocative images. It is no coincidence, then, that Osama
bin Laden used the color black for his Al Qaedas emblem. Conversely, although
Afghanistans national flag was black in the beginning, it is only one-third black
today. Afghanistans reasoning is that the nation should not be viewed as Islamist. In
fact, it has teamed up with the International Security Assistance Force to eliminate
Al Qaeda (Rubin, 2007).

Discussion and Future Directions

What this analysis has demonstrated is that Islamist visual motifs are a chief conceptual system for Islamists. They shed light on how they think and act. Visual motifs
become metaphors, a channel for perceiving and experiencing the universe in which
they live. This is also how they perceive their own in-group (i.e., ummah) as well
as their enemies. For Islamists, visual motifs accomplish several important objectives: they serve to identify essential beliefs in Islam; they can invoke feelings that
conjure up Islamic principles; and they frame a particular reality for their audiences.
This analysis was based on Lakoff and Johnsons (1980a) Conceptual Metaphor Theory, a theory using three key categories of metaphors (structural, orientational, and
ontological metaphors). These metaphors were applied to three case studies so as to
explain how visual motifs can be used by Islamists to manipulate their audiences.
For example, in regards to the first case study (i.e., the waterfall), it is easy to deduce
that this motif is played up as a powerful vehicle for martyrdom recruitment.

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Structural metaphors are metaphors that emphasize particular characteristics of

one structured experience or activity at the expense of other experiences or activities. In a study by Burdman (2003), it was discovered that the PA launched a campaign to brainwash Palestinian pupils into embracing self-sacrifice (martyrdom) as a
duty of every true Muslim. The PA did so by publishing textbooks that stress the benefits of martyrdom (i.e., enjoying eternal life in Paradise by dying as a hero) through
the manipulation of the waterfall motif, causing Palestinian children to believe this
is actually true. However, these pupils may never become aware of the other side of
the ideas they were inculcated. This is how structural metaphors work.
Orientational metaphors are metaphors focusing on spatial orientationfor
example, in regards to polar oppositions like up versus down, central versus
peripheral, and front versus back. From an orientational perspective, the waterfall symbolizes Paradise because it is up or above, a place reserved for brave,
devout Muslims. On the other hand, down symbolizes the evil earth reserved
for infidels. Ontological metaphors involve transferring entity characteristics onto
domains of life that have a different meaningboth physical and nonphysical
domains of life. Put another way, nonthings (i.e., ideas) become things; the opposite
is also true (i.e., concrete things are transformed into abstract things). Waterfalls
symbolize both notions of religious wholesomeness and Allahs unconditional support and generosity to true, pious Muslims. Indeed, waterfalls are falling from the
sky to assist or relieve His heroes.
For future research, it is important for scholars to continue investigating how terrorists visual motifs are used as a vehicle of visual propaganda for recruitment purposes. For example, Edward T. Halls (1976) low-context versus high-context dimension can explain how jihadists structure and perceive their world. A low-context
culture is a culture where meaning tends to be clearer: it relies on codes, theories,
grammar; it tends to be more unequivocal. On the other hand, a high-context culture is a culture in which the meaning is less clear; it is more embedded within the
environment and, thus, depends on the context. Only insiders would have a fuller
understanding. Given these circumstances, it would be useful for scholars to analyze
Islamist visual motifs from a low-context versus high-context distinction. As such,
would there be significant differences based on that comparison?
It is the authors hope that this article has increased readers awareness of how
Islamist visual motifs work, what ideas they convey, why they are employed, and
what reactions they trigger. Understanding this is important to our fight against
Islamism-induced violence. As one can see, visual motifs can be easily manipulated
to create emotional impacts and launch massive propaganda campaigns.

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