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1. Introduction
Why do individuals resist tax compliance with their tax commitments and why
does this situation differ internationally? The question has been extensively
researched from the theoretical perspectives of general deterrence theory, economic
deterrence models and fiscal psychology (Cuccia, 1994). This study takes the view that
the actions of governments can best explain the phenomenon of tax compliance
internationally. It shows that where governments reduce bureaucracy and increase the
control of corruption, tax compliance will be at its highest. It argues for an implicit
social contract where the government and/or the state create a tax environment
unburdened by the inefficiencies of bureaucracy, and corruption for tax compliance to
be effective. This is especially crucial for developing countries where economic
development can be drastically hampered by lower public revenues due to lack of tax
compliance.
Section II of the paper describes the relationship of bureaucracy, corruption, and tax
compliance. Section III describes the data. Section IV presents the regression analysis
and discussions, and Section V concludes.
the likelihood that cheaters are rarely caught and penalized, and also defy a strict
profile description, the three theories and related findings do not provide a definite
explanation of why people pay taxes and over predict noncompliance (Andreoni et al.,
1988, p. 855). Tax noncompliance is a pervasive phenomenon in all societies. There is
good evidence of a shadow economy, internationally (for a survey, see Cowell, 1990,
pp. 22-3). The crux of the problem in the shadow economy is the fact that individuals
are behaving dishonestly by providing false information. When reviewing the
literature on the ethics of tax evasion from various religious perspectives and with a
focus on the question of whether tax evasion is unethical if the payments would go to
an evil or corrupt state, McGee (1999a) found differences among religions with the
surprising result that the Jewish literature strongly suggests that it would be
unethical to evade taxes under the Nazi regime, even though the taxes collected
might be used to kill Jews (McGee, 1999a, p. 150). In the case of transition/
developing countries like Armenia, McGee (1999b) found that tax evasion is easy
because there is no mechanism to collect taxes and there is a widespread feeling that
people do not owe anything to the government because the government does not do
anything for them.
Basically, it is the distortion of information that can affect the states problem of
exercising control and authority on the economy (Cowell, 1990, p. 40). What would lead
citizens to behave more honestly, provide correct information and improve the tax
compliance rate? One answer to this question is the role of government in creating an
intrinsic motivation to pay taxes, which has sometimes been called tax morale (Frey,
1994, 1997a, b). Government can try to deter tax noncompliance through a large and
strong bureaucracy (Kornhauser, 2002). The likely impact of a large bureaucracy is the
increase of bureaucratic corruption (Hall and Jones, 1997; Bai and Wei, 2003; Waller
et al., 2000). Both large bureaucracy and bureaucratic corruption are likely to reduce
the tendency of individuals in a given state to accept and trust their government in
general and comply with the tax burden in particular (Slemrod, 2002; Slemrod and
Katuscak, 2002). The government may elect to control corruption to create conditions
more conducive to tax compliance. Accordingly, the hypothesis to be tested in this
study is that:
Tax compliance is positively related to the level of control of corruption and negatively
related to the level of bureaucracy.
Basically, regardless of the reputation cost and/or the legal punishment tax
noncompliance trigger, a citizen might chose to comply with taxes if the level of
bureaucracy is low and the level of control of corruption is high. In short, less
bureaucracy and corruption trigger higher tax compliance.
3. Data
The determination of the sample rested on securing the necessary data on the variables
of interest specified in the main hypothesis of the paper. A total of 30 developed and
developing countries met this test. They are shown in Table I.
Table II summarizes all the variables. They are computed as follows:
(1) Tax compliance is measured by an assessment of the level of tax compliance that
varies from 0 to 6. Higher scores indicates higher compliance (La Porta et al.,
1999). The three highest scores are for Singapore (5.25), New Zealand (5.00) and
Bureaucracy,
corruption and
tax compliance
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Table I.
List of countries
Name of country
Argentina
Australia
Austria
Brazil
Canada
Chile
Denmark
Finland
France
Germany
Indonesia
Israel
Italy
Malaysia
Mexico
Netherlands
New Zealand
Norway
Philippines
Poland
Portugal
Singapore
South Africa
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland
Thailand
Turkey
UK
USA
Tax
compliance
Bureaucracy
Control of
corruption
2.41
4.58
3.60
2.14
3.77
4.20
3.70
3.53
3.86
3.41
2.53
3.69
1.77
4.34
2.46
3.40
5.00
3.96
1.83
2.19
2.18
5.05
2.40
3.29
1.91
4.49
3.41
2.07
4.67
4.47
15.4
23.7
40.5
24.6
21.5
22.6
37.3
33.4
46.2
32.6
17.6
47.8
43.8
19.7
14.7
45.9
33.4
37.2
19.1
37.5
39.0
19.8
30.4
32.9
41.6
28.3
22.7
32.1
36.9
19.9
0.27455
1.60108
1.45711
0.05762
2.05547
1.02921
2.12902
2.08459
1.28239
1.62029
0.79885
1.27669
0.80233
0.63342
0.27713
2.02641
2.07494
1.68655
0.22809
0.49190
1.21791
1.94751
0.29886
1.21426
2.08534
2.07173
0.16479
0.34887
1.70652
1.40684
Australia (4.58). The three lowest scores are for Italy (1.77), Philippines (1.83), and
Sweden (1.91).
(2) Bureaucracy is measured by the percentage of government expenditures over
gross domestic product. Higher scores indicates higher bureaucracy. The three
highest bureaucracies are for Israel (47.8), France (46.2), and The Netherlands
(45.9).
(3) Corruption is measured by a control of corruption score obtained from Kaufman
et al. (2002). It measures perceptions of corruption, conventionally defined as the
exercise of public power for private gain. The scores are oriented so that higher
values correspond to better outcomes, in a scale from 2.5 to 2.5. A higher index
indicates lower corruption and higher control of corruption. It may be also
understood as the lack of corruption. The three highest scores are for Denmark
(2.12), Sweden (2.085), and Finland (2.084). The three lowest scores are for
Indonesia (0.79), Turkey (0.34), and Argentina (0.27).
Variable
Description
Source
Tax compliance
Bureaucracy
Control of
corruption
Bureaucracy,
corruption and
tax compliance
177
Note: This table describes the variables collected for the 30 countries included in our study. We
present the description and the sources from which each variable is collected
Table II.
The variables
Mean
Std. Dev.
Minimum
Maximum
TC
GEGDP
COR
30
30
30
3.410
29.822
0.217
1.010
10.505
0.906
1.770
9.300
0.798
5.050
47.800
2.129
Notes: TC: Tax compliance score; GEGDP: Government expenditures over gross domestic
product; COR: Corruption score
TC
GEGDP
COR
TC
GEGDP
COR
1.000
0.064 (0.736)
1.000
0.582 (0.0004)
0.526 (0.001)
1.000
Table III.
Descriptive statistics
Table IV.
Note: Significant at 0.01 level
Pearson correlation
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Table V.
Determinants of tax
compliance
Dependent variable
Intercept
COR
GEGDP
CL
R2 adjusted (%)
F
Wald test
Reset F-value
Hausman F-value
Model 1
2.699 (11.76)
0.672 (3.99)
31.85
15.95
0.01
0.04
11.23
49.89
15.44
0.01
0.05
11.24
Model 3
3.414
0.663
0.032
0.807
56.32
11.32
0.01
0.06
10.84
(5.99)
(3.73)
(1.72)
(2.62)
Notes: CL Dummy variable with a value of 1 for common law countries and a value of 0 for
civil law countries; significant at 0.01; significant at 0.05; significant at 0.10
is an important result for the developing countries where the lack of tax compliance
and the resulting low revenues can drastically hamper economic development. It is
very urgent for the developing countries to reduce both the corruption and the
bureaucracy in order to create the type of tax morale conducive to both tax compliance
and economic development.
This study is a levels study as opposed to a changes study. One could argue that
changes in tax compliance is sensitive to changes in bureaucracy and corruption in
addition to the levels of current bureaucracy and corruption. Future research that can
secure data on changes on tax compliance could include both forms of the variables,
levels and changes, in a replicated study.
This study may also acts as an anchor for examining the potentially correlated
omitted variables in this study. Examples may include: cultural differences regarding
tolerance to bureaucracy; cultural differences regarding tolerance to corruption; the
relation between the government and the population (democratic vs nondemocratic
regimes); differences in tax regimes that impact taxpayer compliance; differences in
national wealth that affect compliance; popularity of government with the population,
to name only a few. Future research needs to address the relevance of these and other
factors to the thesis of this study.
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Further reading
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Journal of Economic Theory, Vol. 21, pp. 265-93.
Corresponding author
Ahmed Riahi-Belkaoui can be contacted at: belkaoui@uic.edu