UNESCO, UNEP, 'Swidden Cultivation in Asia' (Whole Book, 3 Vols)

~@
UNOIeO
Social Sciences in Asia and the Pacific
UNIP
,. ,
Unesco. Office of the Regional Adviser for Social Sciences

in Asia and the Pacific.
Swidden cultivation in Asio.: v. 1. Content analysis of
the existing lterature - a stocktaking exercise. Bangkok,
Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the
Pacific, 1983.
.. . p.
1. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - RESEARCH - ASIA.

2. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT - ASIA. 1. Title.
333.75
634.9
Swidden Cultivation
in Asia
Volume One
Content Analysis of the Existing Literature:
A Stocktaking Exercise
UNESCO REGIONAL OFFICE FOR EDUCATION IN ASIA AND THE PACifiC

Bangkok, 1983
Unesco 1983
Published by the
Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific
P.O. Box 1425, General Post Office
Bangkok 10500, Thailand
Printed in Thailand
The designations employed and the presentation of the material

in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion what~o
ever on the part of Unesco concerning the legal status of any country,
or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of the frontiers of
any country or territory. Opinions printed here do not necessarily
represent the official views of Unesco.
BKSS/83/0PC/268-1000
INTRODUCTION
Yogesh Atal
and P.L. Bennagen
The essays contained in this volume constitute the first part or"
the Report on a five country comparative study on Swidden Cultivation carried out in Asia under the auspices of Unesco's MAN and
the BIOSPHERE (MAB) Programme, and with major funding support from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).
This volume surveys the existing literature on Swidden Cultivation
in the five countries - India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines,
Thailand - with a view to identifying trends of research over a
period of time and to highlighting the contribution to knowledge
made by the studies. The second volume presenting country profiles of swidden is under preparation; and the third volume will be
devoted to five in-depth studies of communities still practising swid
den cultivation - empirical research for this is currently in progress.
This research project is concrete evidence of the social science
contribution to MAB. It is also a first effort of its kind where researchers from five countries have collaborated for a cross-cultural
comparative study on man-environment interaction. Having themselves formulated the research design, they willingly subjected themselves to its discipline, and even closely followed the time-table in
implementing its various phases.
I
Swidden cultivation was one of the several research themes

suggested by the national seminars, organized in 1977 by the Unesco
Swidden cultivation in Asia

Office of the Regional Adviser for Social Sciences in Asia and the
Pacific, to promote interest amongst the social scientists in the study
of the environment. These seminars underlined the need to guard
against one-sided accentuation either on the environment or on the
culture. The letter A in the acronym MAB signifies the linkage between Man (and his culture) on the one hand, and Biosphere, on the
other.
This obviously requires an interdisciplinary perspective
fusing the twin concerns of culture and the environment.
Swidden has generally been seen as cultivation and not culture
by those who are overly concerned with the "degradation of the
environment". To bring the concept of culture in their frame of
reference is as essential as bringing the concept of environment in the
domain of culture. Hence the priority assigned to this theme by the
national seminars.
As things developed, the 10th International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences convened a Post-Congress
Symposium on this theme at Bhubaneshwar, India, from 19 through
24 December 1978. The organizers of the Congress approached
Unesco for collaboration. The theme being of interest to the MAB
programme, Unesco agreed to fund the travel of four scholars from
the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia to enable their
participation in the Symposium.
The Symposium addressed to the problem of Shifting Cultivation both from the perspective of Quality of Life and of Environment. The Symposium came to the conclusion that practitioners of
Shifting (Swidden) Cultivation have always been viewed from the
perspective of the outsider who treated them either as a different and
a closed social system (in the classical tradition of anthropology, a
microcosm), or viewed them as a satellite system having deleterious
effects on their society and surroundings. The first perspective led
to the unintended consequence of a 'leave them alone' philosophy
and the second to the missionary zeal reflected in a 'change-themfully' slogan. That both extreme positions are untenable has opened
a new avenue for research, to see how to treat the problem (if it is a
problem) of Shifting Cultivation.
There has been very little effort to see the entire problem
through an "emic" perspective, i.e., the perspective of the tribal
himself who lives that culture. Solutions sought by the modernizers
to the "problems" - that are non-existent for the tribal- are, there2
Introduction
fore, irrelevant or non-acceptable to the tribal. He has also not been
provided with the alternative ways of earning a subsistence.
The papers presented at the Symposium led to a very interesting
and absorbing discussion. Rather than concentrating on the descriptive ethnography and material cultures of the various societies practising shifting cultivation, the group engaged in the discussion of
some fundamental problems - both theoretical and methodological.
Some of the major points raised and discussed are listed below:
1. Is Swidden Cultivation a practice peculiar only to the
primitive tribes? The Sri Lankan and Korean cases contradicted the
stereotype: in Sri Lanka, it is practised by Sinhala-speaking people;
in Korea - in the northernmost mountainous part - it is practised
by those people who escape to the mountains for political, economic, and religious reasons.
2. Is Swidden Cultivation to be viewed only as an economic
activity or does it need to be studied in specific historical and sociopolitical contexts? It was regarded as a product of hierarchical
societies which pushed and exploited small, acephalic, tribal communities. In this sense, Swidden Cultivation is linked with the distribution of power. A situation has been created through which the
tribal has been made a refugee in his own habitat.
3. Is Swidden Cultivation really uneconomical? Does it destroy the environment, or is it the simple fire phobia of the Westerner that regards Swidden Cultivation as bad? Strangely enough
some of the environment specialists in the group took the stand that
in the kind of environment in which this kind of cultivation is
practised, it is the most rational form of cultivation, as no other
form of cultivation will be possible, or economical. They also
argued that the so-called "innocent" people know enough about
their environment and they take good care of those trees and plants
that are regarded by them as useful. Only the unwanted ones are
destroyed. On the other hand, the forest department people have
been rash in introducing certain kinds of flora which are more
injurious to the soil. For example, the large-scale planting of eucalyptus trees has resulted in the further lowering of the subsoil waterlevel.
4. Can there be a positive policy towards Swidden Cultivation? Rather than condemning it as bad (without proper assessment
of the extent of damage caused by it) will it not be advisable to im3
Swidden cultvation in Asia

prove the methodology of Swidden Cultivation so that yield is increased and damage to the environment caused by it is minimised?
It was argued that any situation of man-environment interaction is
basically exploitative and therefore some damage to the environment
is inevitable, no matter what form of agriculture people practice.
Why, therefore, single out only this form of environmental exploitation for wholesale condemnation?
The questions generated at the Symposium called for a fresh
perspective, and for a newer set of studies couched in a cross-cultural
frame of reference. To promote such a programme of research,
Unesco-MAB convened a meeting of researchers to examine the
possibility of developing a research project on Swidden Cultivation
which would contribute to the MAB programme of the countries of
the participating researchers, and would promote better understanding of the problem in question.
The meeting was convened within the framework of MAB
Prqject I ("Ecological effects of increasing human activities on tropical and SUbtropical forest ecosystems") and the UNEP-Unesco
programme for the development of ecological pilot projects in
tropical forest areas (UNEP Project 1102-76-01).
The meeting held from 19 through 23 April, 1979 in Bangkok
at the Unesco Regional Office, invited the participants to:
1.
Define the scope of the study and identify researchable

sub-themes in the light of the specificities of different
national situations;
2.
Establish a common methodology of research, to ensure

comparability;
3.
Evolve a commonly agreed format for the presentation of

country reports, and for a consolidated comparative profile;
4.
Review practical arrangements for the carrying out of the

study (co-ordination, budget, time schedule, etc.); and
5.
Discuss other related matters.
Scholars from five countries of Asia were invited to join the

programme of research on Swidden Cultivation. They were from
India (Professor L.K. Mahapatra: Anthropoligist from Utkal University, Bhubaneshwar), Indonesia (Dr. B. Soewardi from Bogor Agricultural University), Malaysia (Dr. V. Selvaratnam: Sociologist from the
4
Introduction
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur}, the Philippines (Professor P.
Bennagen: Anthropologist from the University of the Philippines,
Manila), and Thailand (Dr. Narong Srisawas: Rural Sociologist
from Kasetsart University).
With the exception of the researcher from Malaysia - Dr. V.
Selvaratnum, who expressed later his inability to work on the project - all the participants to the meeting worked on the project
and completed the first phase. For Malaysia, the study for this phase
of the project was entrusted to Dr. Hood Muhammad Saleh of the
University Kebongasaan, Malaysia.
II
Despite a long tradition of research on swidden cultivation in

anthropology, the existing literature has not edequately responded
to the new questions being raised today. Initially, swidden cultivation was studied (under the popular title of shifting cultivation) as a
form of primitive economy practised by tribal people in far flung
places, living an exotic culture. While the philanthropists who found
the lives of swiddeners to be hard and their standard of living lower,
were motivated by the desire to modernize them, the anthropologists have largely been associated with a "save the culture" movement. The recent concern with the degradation of environment has,
in away, strengthened the cause of the administrators and philanthropists by getting an additional reason for shifting the "shifting
cultivators" from their traditional economy to some other modern
form. It is argued that not only the "QUality of Life" (QOL) of the
swidden cultivators is poor, they are also degrading the Quality of
Environment (QOE). Several measures have been contemplated by
the governmental and non-governmental agencies to tackle the twin
problem of improving the quality of life, and saving the environment.
In the process, difficulties have been encountered: swidden cultivators resist the externally induced programmes of change; and some
scholars, including anthropologists, have argued that the decision to
change the way of life of the people practising swidden cultivation
is a hasty one and is ill-informed. The Governments are gradually
coming round to the view that in many areas swidden cultivation
may not be totally stopped, may even have to be improved upon, as
all this population cannot be rehabilitated in plains lands, where
population pressure is already very high.

Such a situation calls for a fresh investigation of the problem
in a social scientific interdisciplinary perspective. The present
project attempts to respond to this new challenge. It has endeavoured to do the following:
1.
A consolidation of the existing knowledge about the people practising swidden cultivation.
2.
A systematic empirical investigation of the process of

development in the area where swidden cultivation is the
predominant mode of subsistence.
Monograph and research articles are available on swidden

cultivation. But these are discrete studies, and are largely discipline
bound: anthropological studies have focused on the customs and
practices and have followed the tradition of ethnography (of describing the way of life in the idiom of the eternal present); environmentalist studies have generally ignored the people and concentrated
only on the nature-made part of the environment. The present
study aims at fusing the two perspectives and investigating the
problem in a holistic frame.
As an initial step towards evolving a more accurate and a
common language for comparative purposes, the term swidden,
instead of the more popular terms shifting cultivation and slash-andburn cultivation is used in this research. The terms shifting cultivation and slash-and-burn cultivation, while describing cultivation
techniques, have acquired "disparaging connotation(s} which misrepresent the system"l. The term swidden specifies a farming technology as well as a lifestyle based on a particular adaptation to forest
and hilly environments.
The adoption of swidden as the common or generic term does
not preclude, however, the use of the local terms not so much for
their ethnographic flavour as for clarity.
Each country study is divided into three distinct components,
each constituting a phase, and resulting in a separate monograph.
The three parts of the study will be the following:
Barney, George L. 1970 An Analysis of Swidden Cultures in Southeast Asia

Ph. D. dissertation (mimeo.) University of Minnesota, p. 2
Introduction
Part I
Content Analysis of the Existing Literature on

Swidden Cultivation:
A Stock-Taking Exercise
Part II
Country Profile of Swidden Cultivation
Part III
Holistic Study of an Area under Swidden Cultivation
This is the first monograph in the series of three to be brought

out under this project on Swidden Cultivation, and it includes the
results of the exercise carried out in Phase One of the Project.
The purpose of this exercise was to review the trends of research in this field over a period of time and to identify the gaps
that exist, either in terms of the areas and people covered, or in
terms of the problems investigated. The review also attempts to
identify methodological innovations.
The content analysis of the existing literature on Swidden Cultivation is essentially a stock-taking exercise. The survey of literature has been carried out to answer the following question:
1.
Which particular ethnic groups and geographical areas have

been researched and by whom?
2.
How old (or new) are the data relative to different ethnic
groups?
3.
Are there any shifts in the interest in terms of topics, or

tribes?
4.
What has been the volume of publications in different time

periods, and how many scholars have been involved?
5.
Who carried out the studies (in different periods),

1.
11.
111.
which disciplines?
which nationalities? (locals - foreigners)
which professions? (scholars - administrators)
6.
What methodologies have been employed in the study of

the swidden cultivation, and what problems have been encountered?
7.
What hypotheses/generalizations have been thrown by

previous studies and are they corroborated by other studies?
8.
What gaps exist, and what priorities can be established?

7

III
A quick review of the country reports suggests that swidden cultivation as a research interest, involving both man-environment and i
man-man relationships, has attracted researchers from both the
natural sciences and the social sciences. Research was initially ethnographic until swiddening became part of conservation and development concerns of government, starting somewhere in the 1960s.
This led to policy-and action-oriented research. In the case of Thailand, additional reasons for research on swiddening include national
security problems in the border areas, and control of opium poppy
cultivation.
In any case, anthropologists and forestry specialists, individually
and sometimes jointly, have maintained an abiding interest in it.
However, in Indonesia, anthropological studies in this field began
waning so much so that no study on swiddening by anthropologists
was reported in recent years. On the other hand, studies by multidisciplinary and multiprofessional study teams have become more
common. This was attributed to the urgent need for research-based
data for policy-making and development planning.
Indeed, as the various Asian countries formulated their development plans, starting in the 1960s for some, and in the 1970s for
others, they gradually adopted a holistic approach to include not
simply economic variables but also socio-cultural and ecological ones.
The environment movement in the 1960s as well as the energy crisis
in the 1970s generated international cencern for environmental
research. This was reflected in funding support both from foreign
foundations (like Ford) and the local ones for research on swiddening.
But even as research activities became policy-oriented, scholars
from both the natural and the social sciences continued to address
themselves to swiddening societies as scholars concerns. Scholars
have come not only from anthropology and the forest and agricultural sciences but also from geography, geology, medical science,
linguistics, religious studies, social work, sociology, social psychology, and economics. The increased participation of a wide range
of disciplines and professions was accompanied by the use of a
greater number of research methods and techniques. The technique
of participant observation started to be supplemented by social
8
Introduction
surveys which allowed the use of quantitative techniques. In the
Philippines, Conklin developed the ethnoecological method even as
Frake showed how ecological and ethnographic studies may be done
within the framework of cultural ecology. From the natural
sciences, experimental studies and laboratory analysis of environmental data began to supplement the usual descriptions based on
ocular inspection. Systems modelling associated with natural resource management began to be applied particularly by those in
development planning.
The increased participation of a greater variety of disciplines
and professions indicates the improved quality of the educational
system in the various countries. It further shows the increasing involvement of local scholars in research, both for their professional
growth and for policy-making. While foreign scholars, usually coming from the colonizing countries, invariably contributed the first set
of studies, the native scholars now dominate the research scene.
Most scholars of diverse disciplinary and professional background, nationalities, and motivations have contributed to a greater
variety of studies on swidden. This is evident in the increasing number of ethnic groups covered as well as the greater diversity of topics
or themes pursued. Practically all studies on swiddenists as whole
cultures were done on the hill groups. In India, however, swiddening
groups in plain forests were also investigated. But lowlanders who
went into swiddening for reasons of poverty or some other pressing
reason were also studied. Most studies on swiddening by anthropologists were done as part of the more comprehensive ethnographic
studies as well as those on socio-cultural change. Often swiddening
was discussed only as part of other economic activities. Other studies focused on selected aspects of culture (e.g., religion, art, kinship,
language, political organization) with swiddening as a secondary, if
not peripheral, interest. More recent studies in the Philippines motivated by practical considerations tried to look into the attitudes and
perceptions of swiddenists regarding environment, conservation,
resettlement programmes and related problems.,
Contributions from the natural sciences emphasized productivity issues and environmental factors exploring further, and in greater detail, the relationship between environmental factors and the
developmental potential of swiddening. Of special theoretical and
practical significance are the studies on agricultural intensification
Swz"dden cultivation z"n Asz"a

and extensification. Studies of this sort should shed light on the
developmental alternatives for swiddening.
There is fairly wide coverage both in terms of geographic area,
ethnic groups, and topics. But in India, only a few were based on
states and regions. Moreover, data on the number of swiddenists are
only up to the 1960s as no study in the 1970s could be used as a
basis for estimates. Similarly, the Thailand country report focuses
on the hilly Northern Region where most of the tribal groups live
and therefore where most of the studies were conducted. Estimates,
however, are more recent than those in India. In Malaysia, there has
been an outburst of research activities in East Malaysia covering the
various tribes in Sabah and Sarawak, following the twin concerns of
the government to improve productivity while reducing the negative
effects of swiddening on the environment.
The available literature on swidden cultivation continues to confirm the complexity and variability of swiddening already observed
by earlier scholars . The varied ethnographic contexts in which
swiddening is described provide us with a better appreciation of how
swiddening is intimately linked with environmental and socio-cultural factors both at the micro- and macrolevels. But the particularizing tendency of ethnography is at once a boon and a bane. While it
provides us with a richness needed for understanding its internal
dynamics and the human dimensions, it makes generalizations and
theoretical formulations rather difficult. One source of difficulty,
as noted by the Malaysian country report, is the neglect of comparative studies. Consequently, the reports contain a variety of low-level
generalizations as in the probability statements on population pressure and on productivity.
The population hypothesis recurs in the literature - both old
and new. The older studies merely assert but the new ones try to
prove it. But then also the "hypothesis" appears in many forms.
The older literature tended to merely assert that population pressure
on land leads to disappearance of swiddening. The newer data show
See, for example, Conklin, Harold, 1957. Hanunoo Agriculture, FAO, Rome,
and Spencer, J E. 1966. Shifting cultivation in Southeast Asia, the University
of California, Berkerly
10
Introduction
this to be the case in some instances but not in others where some
intensification with increased productivity could occur. In still
others, it persists even in densely-populated areas. Clearly, the debate is not closed; there is a need to identify other relevant variables,
within the framework of multiple causality, affecting the relationship
between population pressure, environment, technology, productivity,
and direction of the development of swiddening.
Evaluated by theoretical traditions, the literature is characterized by the use of either functionalist or evolutionary theory. In
the first case, swiddening is seen as an adaptive system contributory
to the maintenance of a society. In the second case, it is seen as a
stage after hunting-gathering and before permanent agriculture. Refinements of these are now being made in the recent literature thereby specifying, beyond the gross statements, precisely the dynamics
of maintenance and transformation. An encouraging example is the
use of exchange theory which attempts to go beyond the usual teleologic and homeostatic formulations of the.older functionalism. Similarly, the more sensitive use of cultural ecology along with structural
analysis attempts to go beyond the simplistic determinism of evolutionary theory.
As complex a phenomenon as swiddening, notwithstanding the
encouraging trends, necessarily leaves some gaps. For example, not
all ethnic groups in the various countries have been studied. Even
those already studied for some reasons other than a better understanding of swidden cultivation need to be re-studied. In this connection, there is a need to keep a holistic view of the problem by
involving multi-disciplinary and multi-professional study teams.
There are very few quantitative studies at the micro- and macrolevels both in terms of environmental factors as well as socio-cultural
factors and the interrelationships of these two broad categories.
Such studies should also be made on a long-term basis and not simply
limited to one annual cycle.
There is also very little attempt to systematically situate swiddening in the larger political and economic structures that increasingly lead to the loss of autonomy of integral swidden systems. As the
Indonesian case points out, and as is also clear in the other papers,
swiddenists are exposed more and more to dominant societies. This
calls for urgent holistic and interdisciplinary studies in support of
broad-based development as well as empirically-grounded theory.
11

It is hoped that the review of literature on swidden relative to
five countries of Asia will be of use (i) to scholars who may be
tempted to take up studies to fill research gaps, and (ii) to administrators and planners who would wish to consult the existing literature to base their policies and programmes for the swiddenists and
the swidden.
12
INDIA
INDIA
L.K. Mahapatra
An Overview of
Swidden Cultivation in India
There are two major areas in India where swidden cultivation is

practised: (i) Central India, comprising two states, Madhya Pradesh
and Orissa; (ii) Northeast India, comprising States of Assam, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Manipur and Union Territories of Mizoram and
Arunachal Pradesh. Whereas in Orissa there are ten important tribes
practising swidden cultivation, in Madhya Pradesh only three or four
tribes, mostly in the Southeastern part adjoining Orissa, are engaged
in this. Of the total land-surface of Orissa 17.52 per cent, involving
about one million people, is under the direct impact of swidden cultivation. As for other parts of India, no dependable estimates
exist of the actual area under direct impact of the swidden cultivation.
As a result of the rising rate of population growth, heavy pressure on land, capitalistic exploitation of forest resources and extensive mining operations, the British colonial Government of India
adopted a restrictive forest policy and put curbs on what was called
"shifting cultivation". The present swidden cultivation ecosystem,
with a much reduced fallow period and consequent reduction in soil
fertility and increase in weeds, is mainly due to the governmental policy. This is especially so in Central India where at least 30 years of
fallow period was considered necessary for the climax vegetation of
Shorea robusta to stage a come-back. In South Orissa, the fallowing

period has come down to even 4-5 years. No wonder, hills after hills
have been laid bare due to heavy soil erosion. On the other hand, in
Northeastern India there is higher precipitation, quicker t~ee growth,
and lesser popUlation pressure on land. The hills there have, therefore, adequate tree cover and the fallowing cycle is much longer.
Again, it remains to be studied, whether soil erosion and depletion of
soil are more serious in North-East Orissa, where the swidden cultivators use ploughs to horn up the soil. In other parts of India, these
cultivators use hoes, picks and digging sticks to turn the soil, or to
mix the ashes as manure as deeply as possible. Thus, we may point
to two different patterns of swidden cultivation in India: Central
and the Northeastern. This is perhaps reflected in the difference in
government concern with swidden cultivation. Whereas in Orissa and
Madhya Pradesh, the states are taking initiative in inducing people to leave swidden cultivation and ta'ke'to permanent cultivation,
on land provided by the Government, no such sustained and insistent
effort is being made in Northeastern India. Of course, there are some
individual farmers in the eastern region who have voluntarily adopted
terrace cultivation and horticulture.
The government policy, even within the same state as in Orissa,
is sometimes self-contradictory. especially between two government
departments. Whereas the Forest Department tries to enforce a ban
on swidden cultivation, in order to conserve the forests, the Tribal
and Rural Welfare Department - looking after the welfare of the
scheduled tribes and castes - would like to improve upon the swidden cultivation practices. A careful analysis of the governmental
policy and programmes is needed to identify inconsistencies and
built-in contradictions.
There is a great need to assess the extent, nature and direction
of dependence on swidden cultivation as a principal mode of subsistence in different parts of the country. The dependence on swidden
cultivation may be considered community-based or individual-based.
Thus, exclusive community dependence may be construed as almost
total dependence on swidden cultivation by almost all (or at least
75 per cent) of the households. A typology of swidden cultivators
based on their degree of dependence on it is proposed below:
Exclusive dependence
a) community-wise: when no other type of cultivation
is practised, no other type of land is available for
permanent cultivation, or no other occupations are
there to be taken recourse to;
14
India
b) individual-wise: the landless, immigrant, recently
displaced or disinherited individuals and their households may depend on it exclusively.
Major dependence
a) community-wise: obtains, when 50-74 per cent of
the households depend almost wholly on swidden
cultivation, wh,ile others may take up agriculture,
other occupations, 'like growing of cash crops such
as oranges, bananas, turmeric, and ginger;
b) individual-wise: When agriculture, mining, wage, tea
plantation labour or other such cash income supplements earnings through swidden.
Contingent dependence
a) community-wzse: when almost all households of resettled, displaced, or disinherited or transplanted village communities, usually as a consequence of government decision or action, may carry on swidden
cultivation in their new settlement for 2/3 years as a
contingent phase of adoption of agricultural innovation or till a new avocation is stabilized;
b) individual-wise: when left with no other option,
individuals take up swidden cultivation.
Marginal dependence
a) community-wise: found among communities transplanted in self sponsored resettlement with greater
dependence on agriculture or wage-labour or mining
labour, or among acculturated tribal sections, where
the income from swidden cultivation falls below 25
per cent of the total household income from all.
sources;
b) individual-wise:
when individual households, even
non-tribal ones, take to swidden cultivation for
supplementing their incomes till they leave it under
pressure or force from the government officials.
Some characteristics of swidden, as practised in India, may now
be noted:
1.
With the simple technology and division of labour based on age

and sex differences, and without any large-scale group speciali15
zation of work, swidden cultivation has been found to be highly

adapted to the topography, soil type, manpower resources of!
the region.
2.
Land for swidden cultivation was village or lineage-owned and

one could cultivate as large an area as was manageable and
necessitated by the manpower available in the household.
3. Capital iqvestment was minimum and within the means of each

household to be renewed, when necessary.
4.
Deployment of labour beyond the household strength was avai

lable through organized labour exchange groups.
5.
A large variety of crops is grown-at least six varieties of cereals

(millets), five varieties of pulses, four varieties of edible leaves
besides one variety of oil seed.
6. Since the crops ripen at various times during the stretch of about
an eight.month cropping season, there is at no time the risk of
total crop-failure, whether due to drought or to excessive rainfall
in a region of uncertain monsoons.
7. As the food crops are available for harvest at different times, the
subsistence cultivators do not have to wait for a long period before the next harvest of cereals.
8. These crops together provide them with a more balanced diet
than from the lowland or other fields of permanent cultivation
which yield usually only paddy. The needed cash is secured by
growing some cash crops like turmeric or ginger or oilseed or by
exchanging some crops like pulses for cash.
9. Swidden cultivation is the only means of survival for those sections of the population, who do not possess any lowland or terraced plots of land because of the pressure of population or because of their being later immigrants having no suitable lands for
permanent cultivation. Thus, swidden cultivation has been a safety valve against pauperization and destitution. This function of
swidden cultivation is even more poignantly true in mining and industrialization areas, where the swidden cultivators are overnight
dispossessed and disinherited of the lands over which their forefathers had control for at least several centuries in the past.
For proper understanding and prognosis of the situation, not
only the pattern of dependence of the swidden cultivators themselves, but of their immediate neighbours and other sectors of a re16
India
gion's population must be considered from the point of view of the
national economy. It has been borne out by the previous studies
that swidden cultivation production per acre compares very well
with, even be better than, the production from alternative modes of
agriculture, like terracing, permanent lowland or upland cultivation.
The provision of alternative or supplementary sources of income and
employment in the hills should also engage our attention. Some experimentation with alternative modes in crop rotation, cultigens
grown, fallowing period, and trees to be grown during this period,
pest and weed control, as well as hybridization of species of cultigens
to make them more drought-resistant and pest-resistant is also called
for.
Ethnic Groups
and Swidden Cultivation
Same practice different names

In various regions of India, swidden cultivation is known by
different terms. In Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Mizoram, Manipur and in Arunachal Pradesh, swidden cultivation is widely known
as Jhum and the swiddener as Jhumia. In some parts of Nagaland,
swidden cultivation is known as Tekonglu. The Adi of Arunachal
Pradesh call it Adi-abik, whereas among the Rang of Tripura, it is
known as Hooknismong. In Orissa, the Kondh, the Koya and other
Dravidian-speaking tribes refer to it as Podu, Gudia or Dongarchas,
the Saora call it Bagada; it is known as Angwal among the L~jia
Saora. Some Kondh of Orissa call it Rama and the Kutia Kondh of
Phulbani name it Berenga. In Northern Orissa, among the hill Bhuiyan it is known as Komanchas, the first year swidden being called
Biribhuin, the second year swidden, Jala and the third year swidden,
Nala. In Madhya Pradesh, among the Baiga, swidden cultivation is
known as Bewar whereas among the Abujhmaria Gonds of Bastar, it
is known as Penda and among the Korku of Melghat forest, it is
known as Dahya. In Tamilnadu and South Kanara of Karnataka, it
is called Kumari. The same term is used in Maharashtra. Among the
Solaga of Karnataka, it is known as Podu, so also in Andhra Pradesh.
In Rajasthan, it is known as Dandakast in plain forest and Daikast
in hilly regions.
17

In Western Sambalpur, as also widely among Madhya Pradesh
tribes, dahi or dahia is practised whereby branches from forest ~rees
are cut and spread over a level land, then burnt, thus reducing them
to ash manure. Even on bewar fields in the second or third year dahia is practised. The Hill Bhuiyan of Orissa also practise such ashmanuring in the lowland fields and this is also known as dahz: In
parts of Malabar, the local people grow paddy in private forest areas
in Ernad Taluk by clearing the forest on gentle slopes and in flat
areas with no definite rotation or fallowing cycle. The local name
for this type of cultivation is Ponam.
The ethnic groups practising swidden cultivation in different
parts of the country are given below:
Table. Ethnic groups practising swidden cultivation
Sta
~s
Groups
Andhra Pradesh
Kolam, Hill Reddi, Khond, Samantha,

Savara
Assam
Garo, Naga, Khasi, Mizo, Mikir, Meri

Dagla
Bihar
Kharia, Male, Souriya, Pahariya
Gujarat
Kunbi, Kokna, VarH, Mavchi, Bhii
Karnataka
Malekudia, Kumbi,
Jenukuruba, Soliga
Kerala
Irula, Muduga, Kurumba, Kurichiyar,

Paniyar, Malanaikan
Madhya Pradesh
Baiga, Madia/Maria, Gond, Mawasi,

Pande, Korwa, Korku/Kodaku, Majhwar, Agaria, Pahari Korwa, Manjhi,
Bharia
Maharashtra
Thakur, Katkari, Kunbi, Konkani,

Warli, Mavchi, Bhil, Wakkal, Halkki,
Kumari Maratha
Manipur
Kuki, TangkhuI, Hmar; Mao, Maring,

Kahui, Kacha Naga
Meghalaya
Khasi, Garo, Jaintia, War, Pnar
18
Betta
Kuruba,
India
Nagaland
Sema, Ao, Lohta, Konyak, Rengma,

Tangkhul, Naga
Orissa
Bhuiyan, ] uang, Erenga Kol, Kondh,

Kutia Kondh, Binjhia, Kamar, Saora,
]atapu, Paraja, Gadaba, Koya
Uttar Pradesh
Sahariya (scheduled caste)
Rajasthan
Bhil, Saharia, Mina, Bagri, Garasia Uogi and Dholi castes are also
said to practise)
Kadar, Malasar, Pulayar, Sholagar, Irula, MUdigar, Malanaidan,
Naicke, Male Kudiyar
Tamil Nadu
Tripura
Tripuri, ]amatia, Kuki, Garo,

Reang, Naotia, Lushai, Halam,
Mag, Chakma
Union Territories
Arunachal Pradesh
Aka, Miji, Bangro, Bangni/Dafla,

Adi, Miniyong, Padam, Miri, Mishmi, Tangsa, Singpho, Wancho,
Nokte
Mizoram
Mizo, Kuki, Hmar, Lakher
As is clear from the table, in all the regions only the scheduled
tribes are practising swidden cultivation excepting the Saharia scheduled caste in Uttar Pradesh and local peasant castes in Malabar (Ernad Taluk) in Kerala. Though the complete list of scheduled tribes
practising swidden cultivation is not possible to adduce here, the
swiddener scheduled tribes would be definitely much more t.ltan
109, estimated by D.C. Kaith (1958), but much less than the total
number of scheduled tribes all over the country. Again, all the scheduled tribes of Arunachal Pradesh, expect the Apatani, Monpa and
Sherdukpen, pastoralists practise swidden cultivation. Similarly, all
the scheduled tribes of Nagaland except the Angami and Chakesang
terrace cultivators and a few other groups depend on swidden cultivation. In Mizoram, all the scheduled tribes are sWiddeners, whereas
in Meghalaya the scheduled tribes combine swidden cultivation
with horticulture. Some tribes like the Saora of Orissa combine
terrace cultivation with swidden cultivation.
19

For this study, we have relied largely on the work of anthropologists, a few economists, and fewer geographers who have endeavoured to study swidden cultivation, swidden economy, and swidden
cultivators. Professional social scientists have taken these studies
only since the 1930s.
Status of Study
of Swidden Cultivation
The earliest writings on swidden cultivation in India go back to

the colonial, military and administrative officers of 19th century.
They did not devute a whole book or even a whole chapter to swidden cultivation. Whether on a military march through the unsubjugated country side, or as untrained forest officials in search of sport
and thrills, or as administrators of the British Raj working in the
interior, foreigners were the first to sketch the major modes of livelihood of the tribal people. Invariably in the northeastern region of
India and in the Central Indian plateaus and hill ranges as well as
in the Daccan, these British officials found swidden cultivation being
practised by the tribes and reported about it. To this genre of untrained, casual, and unprofessional observers and chroniclers we owe
a valuable corpus of pioneer literature on the tribes of India. For
example, Macpherson and Campbell were military officers who were
sent on a mission to compel the Kondh of Ganjam and Boudh-Kandhamal districts of Orissa to stop human sacrifice (Meriah sacrifice)
for growing better crops; these wrote about the practices of the
Kondh. ]. Forsyth, a military officer, wrote The Highlands of Central India and observed and recorded the Bewar and Dahia swidden
written pioneering monographs on tribes of central India and eastern India in his famous book, The Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal.
He had also written about the swidden cultivation in all these parts.
Similarly, several officers of the Indian Civil Service, compiled
exhaustive ethnographic notes on the Tribes and Castes in Bengal
(Risley, 1891), Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India
(Russell and Hiralal, 1866, 40 vols.), Tribes and Castes of Bombay
(Enthoven, 1920-22, 3 vols.), Tribes and Castes of Northwestern
Provinces and Oudh (Crooke, 1896, 4 vols) and The Travancore
Tribes and Castes (Krishna Iyer, 2938-41, 3 vols.). Besides these,
20
India
there were also painstaking compilers of Imperial Gazetteers of India
including district Gazetteers which dealt with the swidden cultivation of tribes as a part of the general description of the region.
Overlapping with this period, we find some administrator-anthropologists belonging to the Indian Civil Service, who wrote classical
pioneering monographs on tribes of India in the first and second
decades of the 20th century. While writing on swidden cultivation, a
good deal of attention was given to their mode of cultivation and
other aspects of technology and related rituals. Some important
monographs on this series were the Khasi(Gurdon, 1914), the Garos
(Playfair, 1909), the Angami Nags (Hutas (Hutton, 1921), the
Lhota Nagas (Mills, 1922), the Rengma Nagas (Mills, 1937), and the
Lakhers (Perry, 1932)
S.C. Roy - a lawyer by profession, who got interested in tribal
ethnography through his professional involvement into the problems
of his tribal clients became a pioneer Indian anthropologist. His only
full-length book on a swidden cultivator tribe was on the Hill Bhuiyans of Orissa (1935). As Roy became an honorary lecturer in ethnology at Calcutta and other universities, he may be considered the
first-ever Indian professional anthropologist to study a tribe practising swidden cultivation. Again in the 1930s Verrier Elwin wrote on a
swidden cultivator tribe, Baiga (Elwin, 1939), and on the problems
of their swidden cultivation. He also wrote a short monograph on
the Juang of North Orissa (Elwin, 1946) and on the Bondo Highlanders of South Orissa (Elwin, 1950). In the 1940s, another eminent
anthropologist - Haimendorf - devoted a book to the Reddis of
Bison Hills (Haimendorf, 1945).
In the early fifties, tribal research institutes were established in
those states which had substantial tribal population. The Tribal Research Institutes of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Assam, and later on in the "Northeast Frontier Agency
(at present Arunachal Pradesh) and Maharastra took some interest in
studying the problems of swidden cultivation and swidden cultivators. The Research Directorate of Arunachal Pradesh is specially
credited with publication of an array of short monographs on swidden cultivator tribes like the Dafla, the Aka, the Gallong and the
Padam-Min-yong. Similarly, the Anthropological Survey of India has
also published a number of handbooks on tribes of India, for example, the Kuvi Kondh and the Didayi of South Orissa, who are the
swidden cultivators of the region. Thus 1950-51 would be the
21
watershed between the disciplines as also the nationality of the

researchers who made the problems of swidden cultivation their
concern.
The only published descriptive book till today in the field of
swidden cultivation is the one on Tribal Economy by an economist
from Madhya Pradesh, who wrote on the swidden cultivation of the
Baiga (Nag, 1957). Another major work on swidden cultivation was
by Mahapatra (1960), whose doctoral dissertation was devoted to
the Hill Bhuiyan swidden cultivation and economy and their transformation, but this is still unpublished.
Another book devoted to the examination of carrying capacity
of land under swidden cultivation was by Bose (1967) - a geographer currently employed as a human ecologist in the Anthropological Survey of India.
A major study on the Socio-Economic Impact of Shifting Cultivation Control Schemes in North-Eastern Region has been completed
by Aurora (1979) which is still unpublished. P.D. Saikia's work on
the Socio-Economic Structure of a Dafla village deals extensively
with swidden cultivation and the swidden economy of the Dafla
tribes (Saikia, 1969). A doctoral dissertation by N. Saha on the
Economics of Shifting Cultivation in Assam is another important
work (Saha, 1970).
It may be noted that the International Symposium on Anthropology of Shifting Cultivation convened as a Post-Congress symposium of the 10th International Congress on Anthropological and
Ethnological Sciences had inspired two major research projects in
Orissa. One was undertaken by the Tribal and Harijan Research-cumTraining Institute under the Directorship of N. Patnaik who studied
swidden cultivation intensively in three villages belonging respectively to Saora, Kondh, and the Hill Bhuiyan tribes of Orissa State. The
findings of the study were presented at the symposium. Another
research project was undertaken by L.K. Mahapatra, in collaboration
with B.N. Sinha, on the "Social ecology of the persistence of shifting
cultivation in Saora Hills". A paper based on this study was also
presented at the International Symposium.
Apart from these published a..'1d unpublished major works, there

have been a few publications in the nature of bulletins or brochures
on swidden cultivation in India. The credit for the earliest publications in this type of regional surveys goes to H.F. Mooney who wrote
22
India
a Report on Shifting Cultivation in Orissa (1951). This is a pioneering and trend-setting work by an eminent authority on forests in
India. Mooney presents an eye-estimate of the area affected by
swidden cultivation, the ethnic groups or tribes involved, and the
total number of peopel practising swidden cultivation in Orissa.
Mooney had taken some effective steps before independence, as the
Adviser on Forests for the Eastern States Agency, to re-settle swidden cultivators in farming colonies, which set the model for numerous resettlement colonies of swidden cultivators in Orissa and outside
Orissa. His report includes studies on the geomorphology, ecosystem
and the patterns and incidence of swidden cultivation in the endemic
areas in Orissa State.
A similar exercise for the State of Assam was attempted by
M.D. Chaturvedi and B.N. Uppal in 1953 which was published by
the Indian Council of Agricultural Research.
This booklet by the former Inspector-General of Forests and
Commissioner of Agriculture to the Government of India marks the
watershed in thinking and evaluation by technical administrators before and after Indian independence. The authors had pleaded for
understanding, scientific appreciation as well as caution in dealing
with the problems posed by swidden cultivation in former Assam,
that is, in Northeastern Frontier India as a whole. For the first time
one finds a recommendation for improvement in soil fertility during
the fallow years by inter-cropping swidden crops with a kind of
wattle (acacia mollissima) on the hill tops, steep slopes, or even in
the middle slopes for swidden cultivation practised by groups resisting change to alternative cropping or occupations. They also sugested that the hill tops and steep slopes of 45 degrees should be
kept permanently under afforestation, and that the gentle slopes up
to 10 degrees should be terraced and in between swidden cultivation
should be permitted leaving enough land for the purpose, so that the
cycle of rotation between two periods of cultivation is not less than
10 to 12 years.
D.C. Kaith, Director of Soil Conservation, Ministry of Food and
Agriculture, Government of India, published a booklet on shifting
cultivation practices in India in 1958 giving for the first time a survey
and review of swidden cultivation in the country. The nature of
land, ethnic groups, area and population involved in swidden cultivation, besides the crops raised and the suggestions for rehabilitation
23

of swiddeners or control of swidden, have been dealt with. Also the
author has analyzed the problem of soil erosion caused by swidden
cultivation and suggested a sound soil management programme to
stabilize agriculture on the slopes, thus minimizing the harmful
effects through different phases. However, the coverage of aspects
in different states has not been of even quality.
The Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute of Andhra
Pradesh brought out a mimeographed brochure on Shifting Cultivation in Andhra Pradesh (1969). The brochure notes that swidden
cultivation is fast vanishing from the tribal areas of Adilabad and
Warangal districts but it is still practised to a limited extent in some
areas in Khamaram and West Godavari districts, and is very much
rampant in the forests and hills of East Godavari, Visakhapatnam and
Srikakulam districts. Two modes of swidden cultivation are prevalent in Andhra Pradesh: Chelkapodu is the cultivation on plain
jungle clearings and flat lands, whereas Kondapodu refers to swidden
cultivation on hill slopes. Both modes involve rotation of swiddens
and undergo the same cycle of operations. However, there is marked
difference in the implements used. Hoe, digging stick, hand-axe and
knife are used in Kondapodu but plough, crow bar and draught animals are used in Chelkapodu. In both the types of swidden cultivation several crops are raised.
In the 1970s one notices heightened interest in the forests and
forest people, forest economy and the ecological hazards of deforestation. Some important conferences and seminars were organized by administrators, social scientists, and conservationists to
discuss the issues related to these topics.
There was a national seminar on the Tribal Situation in India at
the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, in 1969, which considered various aspects of the tribal situation and problems including
swidden cultivation. The proceedings of the seminar bearing the
same title were published in book form in 1972.
In March 1976, a seminar on Tribal Economy was organized by
the Department of Economics, Northeastern Hill University, Shillong; the proceedings of the seminar was entitled Some Aspects of
Economy of the Hill Areas of the Northeast Region. Several papers
presented at the seminar discussed swidden cultivation in the Northeast Region.
24
India
Another seminar on socio-economic problems of swidden cultvation in Northeast India (with special reference to Meghalaya) was
organized by the Northeast India Council for Social Science Research
at Shillong in June, 1976.
The proceedings of the seminar are unfortunately not available.
However, the list of papers presented at the seminar is given below.
General papers
1.
The pre-historic background of shifting cultivation, by T.e.

Sharma.
2.
Shifting Cultivation: Is it a way of life?

Garodata, by D.N. Majumdar.
3.
Shifting cultivation: A plea for new strategies, by P.K. Bhowmick.
4.
A positive approach to the problem" of shifting cultivation in

Eastern India and a few suggestions to the policy-makers, by
Baniprasana Mishra.
5.
Shifting cultivation:
6.
An integrated research approach to the problems of shifting cultivation with particular reference to Arunachal Pradesh, by B.N.
Ganguli
An analysis of my
Maladies and remedies, by G.P. Gupta.
Swidden cultivation and eco-system

1.
Impact of shifting cultivation on wild life in Meghalaya, by S.

Biswas & A.K. Ghosh.
2.
Shifting cultivation and evolution of Flora, by S.K. Jain, P.K.

Hajra & G.H. Bhaumak.
3.
Plant pioneers in a Jhum field and their role in soil conservation

and soil fertility, by R.P.M. Bordoloi.
4.
Development and change in an area under shifting cultivation,

by Saradindu Base.
5.
Management of land and water resources of Jhum-affected area

of North-eastern region, by R.N. Rai.
6.
Soil and water conservation technology for Jhum land, by A.

Singh & R.N. Prasad.
25

Swidden economy
1.
Practice of shifting cultivation in North-east India - A socioeconomic study, by Satya Dev]ha.
2.
Animal husbandry as a subsidiary source of economy for ]humias, by D.]. Roy & A. Varma.
3.
Alternative systems of farming for increasing productivity in

]hum lands, by D.N. Borthakur, R.P. Awasthi & S.P. Ghosh.
4.
Settled agriculture in areas of shifting cultivation, by S.K. Mukherjee.
Rehabilitation of swidden cultivators

The problems of rehabilitation of the ]humia families in the hill
areas of Assam, by D.N. Bordoloi.
It is difficult to present any consolidated resume of the papers presented. However, we may point out one or two interesting
aspects of swidden cultivation on the basis of these papers. T.C.
Sharma has traced back the history of swidden cultivation to about
9000 years before our time. Majumdar notes that though the traditional Garo culture was in complete harmony with swidden cultivation, the Garo willingly adopted other methods of cultivation, when
they found that swidden cultivation was inadequate to serve their
purpose. "People in these areas of advancing Christianity, who have
retained the traditional faith, have not found permanent cultivation
incompatible with their traditional faith". Majumdar gives away the
clue to this apparent paradox, as he notes that "most of such people
still retain shifting cultivation . . . no major adjustment in their
traditional religion has become necessary".
S. Biswas and A.K. Ghosh have pointed out in their paper that
the mammalian wild fauna have been affected due to the reduced rotation cycle of swidden cultivation. 'The absence of green cover and
destruction of the virgin forest cause serious disturbance in the territory of the wild animals and consequently they continue to make
an attempt to survive initially retreating into the deeper forest but
finally being left at the mercy of the exploiters".
The Himalaya Seva Sangh, New Delhi. devoted to the study of
the problems of the states and regions in and fringing the Himalayas
in the North and the North-east, organized two regional seminars and
a national seminar on the People and Forest in 1976 and 1977 at
Shillong Dehradun, and New Delhi. Problems of swidden cultivators
and cultivation was also dealt with in these seminars Proceedings
of the seminars have been published by the Sangha in 1979 in the
26
India
form of a book under the title Man and Forest.
A national seminar on Resources Development and Environment in the Himalayan Region organized in New Delhi in 1978 also
devoted a session to discuss papers on swidden cultivation in the
Northeastern region.
Mention must also be made here of the report of the National
Commission on Agriculture, Volume IX of which relates to Forestry.
In this report published in 1976 by the Government of India it is recommended that "shifting cultivation should be regulated, contained
and replaced as expeditiously as possible by resorting to Agro-Silvicultural methods apart from other methods". It further recommends that "the main approach to the solution of the problem of
shifting cultivation should be by permanently settling the shifting
cultivators and weaning them away from the practice of shifting
cultivation"
Social scientists and administrators organized yet another national seminar on Economic Development of Scheduled Tribes in
April 1979 at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bombay.
Though it discussed the forest policy in general, control of swidden
cultivation was also an important theme of the deliberations at this
seminar.
The seminar focused on the "Harmonization of the interests of
forest-dwelling tribals and the development of forest economy", in
addition to three other aspects of tribal development Two papers
were presented and discussed on the theme. Of these, the paper by
B.K. Roy Burman on "The deVelopment of forestry in harmony with
interest of the tribals", disputes the oft-repeated view that the tribals
were solely responsible for the degradation of the forest. He points
out that many tribal communities have taboo, and other customary
restrictions against wanton distruction of forests. He expresses certain reservations about the basic orientation of the National Commission on Agriculture and the National Forest Policy and Programmes. In another paper on "Harmonization of tribal interest in
the development of forest economy", M.N. Srivastava, InspectorGeneral of Forests, Government of India, presents a counter view.
He deplores that the high rate of deforestation in Tribal areas does
not cause concern in the minds of important expert committees or
commissions. Further, he does not agree with those who assert
the rights of tribals as the real owners of the forest domain. He
claims that "production forestry" would be in the long term interest
of the tribals as well as of the national economy.
27
Of particular importance to the students of swidden cultivation

in India is the International Symposium on Shifting Cultivation organized by the Department of Anthropology, Utkal University,
Bhubaneshwar, in December 1978 as a post-Congress activity following the 10th Congress of the International Union of Anthropological
and Ethnological Sciences. Present at this symposium were specialists in swidden cultivation from all over the world who provided a
good opportunity to Indian scholars to share their experiences and
compare their findings. Unesco contributed to his symposium
through its Man and Biosphere (MAB) programme by financing the
travel of specialists from some countries from Asia. The idea of a
cross-cultural comparative study on Swidden was proposed at this
symposium which MABjUnesco agreed to support and of which this
study is a part.
At this Symposium twelve papers on India were presented as
shown below.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Shifting cultivation and tribal policy, by S.G. Morab

Shifting cultivation in India, some problems and remedies, by
KS. Chandrasekharan
The economics of shifting cultivation in Northeast India. by Niranjan Saha
Production decisions in shifting cultivation - the Koya case, by
N.K Behura & P.K Nayak
Viability of traditional alternatives to shifting cultivation in
Saora Hills, Ganjam District, Orissa, by L.K. Mahapatra.
6.
A comparative study of crop production under shifting and settled cultivation in the hill areas of Northeast India,by P.C.Saikia
7.
Control of Shifting cultivation and rehabilitation of tribals, by

N.R. Panigrahi.
Shifting cultivation in Orissa. by N. Patnaik
8.
9.
Rationalisation of shifting cultivation in Orissa, by C. Patro &

R.N. Behera
10. Estimation of area under shifting cultivation in Machkund

Catchment by remote sensing, by B.K. Ghosh, KN. Chari & G.
Mahapatra
11. Manual interpretation of ERTS-I (land SAT - I) imagery for assessment of area under shifting cultivation in the district of
Keojhar, Orissa, India, by KN. Chari, N.C. Pandey, G. Mahapatra & C. Patro
28
India
12. Shifting cultivation in Orissa with special reference to Phulbani
District, by C.S. Dani
It will be useful to provide a brief resume of the papers presented at the symposium by the Indian specialists.
S.G. Morab described the mode of swidden cultivation among

the Soliga of Karnataka State and analysed the shifts in government
policy regarding forests and the practice of swidden cultivation. He
has suggested in his paper continuation of swidden in earlier occupied areas along with granting of land for permanent settlement and
promotion of terrace cultivation and settled irrigation.
KS. Chandrasekharan deals broadly with the suitability of
swidden cultivation in different ecological conditions. However,
the carrying capacity of land, methods of swidden cultivation and
some of the policy measures by governments and committees are also
mentioned by the author. He emphasized the need to organize research on "aspects relating to improvement of shifting cultivation
and this should cover choice of better seeds to be used for mixed
farming, techniques of mixed and relay cropping, selection of appropriated legumes, study of their nitrogen fixing capacity, nutrient
requirements of different crops in the local situation, tillage practices. . . accompanied by adequate training and extension effort".
Saha underlines the importance of swidden cultivation in the
Northeastern Region of India (that is, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur,
Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, and Mizoram) from which he draws
generalizations on the theme of the paper. He deals with certain
peculiar characteristics of swidden cultivation like the impact of nature on swidden cultivation, crop husbandry, division of labour,
and swidden cultivation as economics of factor utilization, land
utilization, man-days utilization in swidden cultivation and above
all the average area under swidden. He has analysed the extent of
production per hectare of land in the villages studied.
The paper by Behura and Nayak discusses the impact of various
factors in determining production from swidden land. Based on their
data from the Koya tribe they challenge the usual assertion that the
practice of swidden cultivation is unproductive and not fairly rewarding. The paper shows how the Koya population. the ecological
niche of the territory of Koya habitation, the culture of the people,
the headman of the village in swidden cultivation, and religion play
important role in moulding the pattern of swidden cultivation
practices. The household economic structure and division of labour
29

and exchange of service are interpreted to have a clear idea about
the Koya economy. They give a detailed account of swidden cultivation such as crops, cropping pattern, rotation of crops, implements
used in swidden cultivation, processing and storing.
L.K. Mahapatra's paper focuses on the productivity of swidden
land in Saora Hills in a comparative study of per acre yield of paddy
from swiddens, single crop agriculture, double-crop agriculture, upland cultivation, terraces and kitchen garden and the dependence
of the villagers on swidden cultivation in spite of alternative opportunities of earning a livelihood. Further, the highest average yield per
acre md its estimated money value are presented.
P.O. Saikia has devoted his paper to Northeast India in general

and to a village in Meghalaya in particular. Production of crops per
hectare of swidden cultivation in five hill villages of Northeast India
is analysed in the paper from which it is concluded: "An attractive
and remunerative alternative to shifting cultivation with high yielding
variety seeds and implements suitable to hilly areas is to be evolved
for weaning away the shifting cultivators from the primitive modes
of production" .
N.R. Panigrahi analyses the extent and operations of swidden
cultivation and presents a logical interpretation of the factors concerning the practice of swidden cultivation. He argues that swidden
cultivation practice is a "logical and economically justifiable form of
land use wherever there is a large amount of land and primitive economy exists," and that it is ecologically viable if after each occupation the fertility of soil is regained. He suggests that since the
family labour and hill slopes are the only assets of the tribals, the
strategy should aim at developing a stable system of agri-horticultural production in these hill slopes through labour-intensive schemes,
organized processing and marketing facilities.
Nityanand Patnaik has, in his paper, tried to differentiate between the patterns of swidden cultivation in North Orissa and South
Orissa. The techniques of clearing the forest, firing, nature of cropping and harvesting in North and South Orissa are broadly described.
Also described are the procedures like distribution of land, forest
clearing, sowing, weeding, watching, and harvesting among the
Bhuinya and the Kondh tribes which have been studied for this paper.
c.
Patro and R.N. Behera(discussed in their paper the measures

to rationalize swidden cultivation in Orissa. In doing so, they consi30
India
dered the extent of the area under the measures like land reclamation, development of irrigation sources, introduction of plantation
crops, introduction of spices and other fruits and a conservation
cropping plan, introduced by the government to induce people to
give up swidden.
The paper on Estimation of area under shifting cultivation in
Machkund Catchment by remote sensing by B.K. Ghosh, K.N. Chari and G. Mahapatra attempts to estimate the area under swidden
cultivation in Machkund area through the remote sensing method.
The paper's contribution was mainly methodological.
Another methodological paper was by K.N. Chari, N.C. Pandey,
G. Mahapatra and C. Patro which highlighted the discrepancy in area
estimation by H.F. Mooney(1951) and by the Indian Council for
Agricultural Research (1958). Feeling the urgency of accurate estimation of land under swidden cultivation, the authors recommended
a new technical procedure of manual interpretation of black and
white imagery from the earth resource technology satellite method
renamed as land Sat-I.
C.S. Dani described the practice of swidden in the Phulbani
district of Orissa. It is a descriptive account of the practices which
concludes with a set of recommendations.
Viewpoints on Swidden
While full length studies on swidden cultivation, or even all-India surveys to measure its extent are few, ORe comes across several references to this practice in the writings of social scientists and the administrators. This practice has generally been regarded as problematic and efforts have been made to abolish it. In the literature on this
"welfare" aspect of the institution, opinions are divided. On the one
hand, there are those interested in the tribal cultures who oppose
outside intervention and argue for the retention of the practice; and
on the other are those - mainly administrators and social workers who regard the practice as evil and responsible for environmental
degradation and argue for its abolition. A representative sample of
views and suggestions culled out from the various studies and reports
is presented in this section.
31
Since about 1858. administrators have taken cognizance of the

problem of swidden cultivation and have prescribed various measures
to wean the people from it. Nag observes that "it is clear that the
decision of stopping Bewar was taken by 'untrained' forest officials
in the so-called messengers of civilization" (Nag, 1958: 77). Besides
administrators, trained forest experts, agro-botanists, agronomists,
and soil conservation experts have discussed this problem and recommended various measures to minimise the evil effects of swidden
cultivation. Later administrators and planners-especially after the
country became independent-and several Commissions on Agriculture beginning with the Royal Commission on Agriculture (1928),
the Planning Commission and the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. have recommended various solutions from
time to time. Though social scientists came to the scene rather late.
Varrier Elwin in respect of the Madhya Pradesh and Orissa tribes,
and Christoph von Fuerer-Haimendorf in respect of the tribes in the
princely state of Hyderabad were the first social scientists to have
written about the problem of swidden cultivation. Some administrator-cum-anthropologists like ].H. Hutton, J.P. Mills, and W.V.
Grigson have also contributed to the understanding of the practice
of swidden cultivation and of the problems connected with it;
they also made several recommendations.
It will be impossible to reproduce here the plethora of recommendations and measures in respect of swidden cultivation in India.
However, it is necessary to provide a sample of these recommendations by experts. administrators and planners, and social scientists
in order to present not only the difference in views between these
categories of people concerned with swidden cultivation but also the
shifts in their perception and thinking from time to time.
Action-Oriented Stud ies
Interest in the practice of swidden cultivation was largely governed by the concern of administrators and planners about the deterioration of the environment and destruction of the forests. Several studies and reports on swidden have been carried out with an action orientation - describing the evil effects of the practice and sug
gesting alternative ways of cultivation to minimise the damage to
32
India
the forests. As an illustration of this concern read the following remark by Forryth:
"This system of cultivation, if it can be called by that name,
was of the most precarious nature. .. The dhya cultivation practised
throughout the hills of the Central Region was almost in itself sufficient to have proved the ruin of the forests, but other causes had
also unfortunately supervened. The most valuable timbers for railway construction and other purposes at the time were the teak and
the sal" (Forryth ...-82-83 as quoted in Nag. 1958: 76).
As a result of such view of the forest officials the Central
Provinces prohibited shifting cultivation in 1867. The Baiga were
given land and other assistance to switch over to settled cultivation.
M.L. Bor, a Botanist of the Forest Research Institute, Dehradun
had opined in his presidential address to the Botany Section af Indian National Science Congress in 1942 that "of all practices initiated by Man, the most obnoxious is that of shifting cultivation".
He attributed the cause of soil erosion in the Assam Hills to the practice of shifting cultivation (see B.G. Gohain, 1953: 256). Another
expert, Sir S.H. Roward, Inspector General of Forests, Government
of India, while dealing with swidden cultivation held a different view,
and recommended that, instead of preventing this method of cultivation, a trial should be given by regulating it, which means that if
a longer period of rest were given between the fellings, there was
little danger of soil erosion (RC. Gohain, 1953: 256). D.N. Borthakur developed his suggestions rather elaborately on "alternative systems of farming for increasing productivity in Jhum lands" in
Northeast India. He observed that "shifting cultivation has been
rightly held responsible for crippling the economy of the people
of the region. . . ." But he pointed out that Jhumming: (swidden
cultivation) is the outcome of age-old tradition and thus has become
the way of life; therefore, people would not like to part easily with
it. Secondly, any improved technology, in his opinion, should be
such that could cater to the needs of the people and is easily accessible and acceptable to them. He has visualised measures of improvement for increasing the productivity of Jhum land and suggested alternative systems of farming to replace Jhumming by permanent
cultivation, as the ultimate solution to the problem of swidden cultivation. Among the steps for increasing the productivity of Jhum
land he prescribes some short-term measures like proper land use
planning based on land capability: (a) passification; (b) checking soil
and fertility loss; (c) adoption of mechanical measures such as puertorican type of terracing, half-moon terracing, levelling system and
33
partial terracing, water disposal system and water harvesting technology; (d) adoption of soil management practices such as cover
crops to provide canopy, stripe and mixed cropping, relay cropping,
green manuring; and (e) improving productivity through crop management practices such as improved variety, crop planning, use
of manures, chemicals and fertilizers, weed control, water management, plant protection and use of suitable implements. Borthakur
outlines the long term measures for improving productivity in swidden land through (a) study of rainfall pattern; (b) physiographic
study of development of terraces; (c) water conservation; (d) cropping pattern; (e) testing of suitable implements; (f) studies on effects
of burning; and (g) through building up soil fertility by introduction
of leguminous plants like acacia during the fallow period.
Borthakur recommends the following alternative systems of
farming to replace ]humming: agriculture by terracing one-third
of the bottom area of the hills, horticulture for raising food crops
like citrus, banana, pineapple, guava and some temperate fruits like
peach, plum, pear and apple at higher altitudes. He also notes that
different vegetable crops, tuber crops like tapioca (cassava), colocasia, dioscorea, sweet potato and plantation crops like areca nut,
black pepper and coffee are being cultivated successfully in this region and their scientific cultivation may become quite remunerative.
As an intermediate step prior to the permanent settlement of
the swidden cultivator, two types of farming practices are recommended. Like the cropping pattern followed in West African humid
tropic belts, in lower altitudes of the Northeastern hills long growing
starchy crops like tapioca (cassava), colocasia, dioscorea, fruit crops
like papaya, banana (Cavendish group), and vegetable crops like chillies, sweet gourds and beans may be planted during the late growth
phase of the first cereal crops. As a result of the mixed planting at
the time when the first crop is ready the vegetative -growth of the second crops will form a protective soil cover. Some of the second
crops will be ready by the second year while the remainder may be
allowed to grow further for 3 to 4 years to be harvested as required.
This system will help reduce leaching and percolation of nutrients,
will reduce the losses due to sheet-erosion, and will help develop a
litter layer on the surface. The short dl1ration horticultural crops
mentioned above will also help transfer subsoil nutrients in the topsoil, thus the advantages of fallowing for the period of 4 to 5 years
may be attained to a great extent through this alternative system
with additional income for the Jhumias.
As for the long term solution through permanent settlement of
the swidden cultivators in settled agriculture, Borthakur recommends
34
India
that the upper portion of the hills above 30 per cent slope be covered
permanently with perennial horticultural crop species with suitable
inter or comparison crops. In the low hills (after 900 metres) fruits
like citrus, pineapples, banana, guava and leechi, in medium hills
(900-1500 metres) stone fruits like peach, plum. apricot, pear
and persimmon, and in high hills (above 1500 metres) fruit crops like
apple, pear and chestnuts may be cultivated. Shallow-rooted
leguminous crops which may develop thick-soil cover during early
monsoon period are considered ideal as inter-crops for this region.
Development of animal husbandry, fisheries, and poultry faming
are recommended as sources of subsidiary income as well as for infusing the idea of permanent settlement in the swidden cultivators.
While on the subject of improvement in the productivity of the
swidden land, it is quite in order to focus on the few studies on the
effects of burning on the soil and the plant regeneration cycle. R.P.
Awasthi (1975) has observed that the pH of the soil rises as a result
of burning, which is supposed to lead to increase in yields. Similar
ly, RP.M. Bordoloi observed the appearance of the blue-green algae
covering the swidden after about three weeks of burning. He concludes: "With their soil-binding, water-absorbing, and water retaining ability together with contribution of organic matter, the whole
medium is completely altered and made suitable for other plants to
follow. But the most outstanding contribution of these plants towards fertility of the soil is their ability to fix free atmospheric nitrogen in the soil and thereby make it rich in nitrogen which is so
vitally important for any plant growth". He, therefore, recommends
that in the short-term when other alternatives cannot be offered to
the people who solely depend on swidden cultivation, means should
be devised so that the dry belt soil such as in a Jhum field can be
quickly reclaimed. He suggests that suitable algae species be cultured en masse in laboratories near the swiddens and swiddens be
inculcated with these cultures for a quick growth of algae which will
then take care of the problem of soil conservation by reclaiming such
soil.
D.N. Borthakur et al in the more recent paper on "Agroforestry based farming system as an alternative to Jhumming" presented at the seminar on Agro-Forestry in May, 1979, proposed a
system of agro-forestry on the hill slopes for replacing swidden cultivation. The lower one-third portion is to be devoted to agriculture
on bench terracing, and the one-third medium portion to hortipastoral plants and the top-one-third portion given over to forestry. The
authors claim that the "system will least interfere with their sodo35

cultural system. Initially, even burning of the 65-70 per cent of the
lower slopes of the hills can be allowed before developing the lower
terraces". Although this agro-forestry system has been advocated as
an immediate measure in this paper, this agrees more with the proposal of Chaturvedi and Uppal (1953) than with the earlier paper by
Borthakur (1979).
The notion widely held that shifting cultivation is
responsible, in the main, for large-scale soil erosion
needs to be effectively dispelled. The correct approach
to the problem of shifting cultivation lies in accepting it
not as a necessary evil but recognizing it as a way of life,
not condemning it as an evil destructive practice but regarding it as an agricultural system evolved as a reflex to
the physiographical character of land. For too long,
]humming has been condemned out of hand as a curse
to be ashamed of, a vandalism to be decried. This
attitude engenders an inferiority complex and unhealthy
atmosphere for the launching of any development
scheme seeking to improve the current practice.
They advocated that on a hill under swidden cultivation alternating with silviculture, the top be afforested while the lower portion be terraced in gen tIe slopes. In the middle portion where swidden cultivation was to continue for the present, they suggested that
crop-planning and silviculture should be so designed as to make full
use of the inherent fertility and to restore it when exhausted.
N.R. Panigrahi is also of the same opinion. He says that "Shifting Cultivation is a logical and economically justifiable form of land
use, wherever there is a large amount of land and primitive economy
exists. From a social point of view, no objection can be raised if
after each occupation the fertility of the soil is regained. Shifting
cultivation from an agricultural point of view is not also objectionable so long as vegetation and the fertility of the soil are restored by
nature" (1978). He emphatically argues that permanent agriculture
depletes the land even more than swidden cultivation does under low
population pressure. He refers to the increasing salinity and swampiness of the lands benefitted through irrigation from Bhakra Nangal
and Hirakud dam projects and the area put out of cultivation in this
process might go up to one fourth of the total irrigable land. Panigradhi recommends a cautious approach adapted to the swidden
cultivation cycle. He says:
To wean away the tribals from Podu cultivation
will not be possible so long as an alternate economic
36
India
cropping in the hill slopes is demonstrated to the tribals.
It is proposed that in the second year of the Podu cul-
tivation the tribals will be persuaded to plant appropriate food plants under the in situ method. Such planting in the second year will not interfere with the usual
cultural operation of the annual crops grown in the
hilly slopes. It is hoped that with minimum amount of
after care and side grafting in situ, the fruit plants in the
Podu hill slopes will come to bear within 5-7 years so
that when the tribal comes back for his second cycle of
Podu in the particular patch after 8-10 years the value
of the fruit produced from the Podu hill slopes will be
more than that of the cereals and pulses grown in the
Podu land. It is expected that the tribal farmer because
of his love for fruit plants and the higher economic value of fruit produced in comparison to the usual cereals
and pulses grown in the Podu land, the fruit plants will
not be cut and the tribals will be weaned away from
Podu cultivation.
C.S.Dani, refers to the evil effects of swidden cultivation on
soil, on vegetation and wild life, on hydrological regime and climate
and on the people concerned and the country as a whole. But he
cautions that before formulating a scheme for effectively stopping
swidden cultivation, it is absolutely necessary to determine the area
affected by Podu Cultivation and the tribal people associated with it.
Aerial photography coupled with field investigation should be used
to determine the extent of the problem accurately. He recommends
the Tangya system of agro-silviculture, provision of alternative economic pursuits, permanent settlement, and providing facilities for
taking up subsidiary occupations, and, above all, effective education
for the swidden cultivators. C. Patro and R.N. Behera, argue in their
study that:
The mountainous topography where shifting cultivation is practised demands a well planned and rational
land use for improving the standard of living of the
shifting cultivators. Thus, the control measures may include land development or development of irrigation
sources to provide supplemental irrigation to cultivated
lands or introduction of plantation crops of economic
importance and introduction of improved cropping
pattern. Comprehensive land use programme on watershed basis has to be attempted to treat the land according to its need to prevent further deterioration due
37
to soil erosion and to use the same according to its

capacity for maximising production on a sustained
basis" (Patro and Behera, 1978).
W.V. Grigson, Aboriginal Tribes Inquiry Officer, made an extensive inquiry in the Central Provinces \n 1947 and found that
additional swidden could be given to the Baiga both outside and inside the Baigachak. He suggested that "Regulated bewar, never for
more than two consecutive years on one plot in this limited Baiga
country, may be a sounder form of agriculture than an attempt to
compel the Baiga to raise crop on the wretched inadequate Barra
fields allotted to them in the Chak" (Nag, 1958:86).
Like Grigson, another administrator-cum-anthropologist, J.P.
Mills, who had a long experience of administration and ethnographic
work in the Naga Hills, had recognized that the tribal people could
not be easily weaned away from swidden cultivation. Moreover as
against the views of some experts of the 19th and 20th century,
Mills had observed no serious ecological deterioration in the hills of
Assam and Nagaland where swidden cultivation had been practised
since time immemorial. He~ therefore, opined that if wisely regulated, the ]hum type of swidden cultivation could be carried on
indefinitely without any serious damage to the environment or
nation's interests (see Gohain, 1953: 256). It is very interesting to
note how another administrator-cum-anthropologist colleague of
].P. Mills, ] H. Hutton, holds almost the contrary view, in spite of
the fact that both were equally exposed to swidden cultivation in
Assam and Nagaland Hills. Hutton asserts that, "the practice of
swidden cultivation is uneconomic and detrimental to the interest
of the Indian community as a whole, except perhaps in certain
limited areas and under conditions of strict control".
M.S. Shivrc.man, adviser to the programme Administration of
the Planning Commission, observed in 1957 that:
It is a mistake to assume that shifting cultivation
in itself is unscientific land use. Actually, it is a practical
approach to certain inherent difficufties in preparing a
proper seed-bed in steep slopes where any disturbance
of the surface by hoeing or ploughing will result in
washing away the fertile top soil. The tribal people,
therefore take care not to plough or disturb the soil before sowing. The destruction of weeds and improvement
of tilth necessary for a proper seed-bed are achieved
with the help of fire. .. In most of the interior areas,
38
India
where communication is not developed and not sufficient land suitable for terracing is available, Jhumming
alone can be done for the present and as such every
effort should be made to improve the fertility of the
Jhummed land.
In order that restoration of soil fertility may be achieved soon
after the second year's harvest on swidden land, Shivaraman recommends growing of perennial red gram (Arhar) in the third year when
the swidden is left fallow 12 inches (30.5 cm) apart along the contours of slopes and in rows 4 feet (1.2m) apart. Besides, in every
acre (0.4 ha) about 2 pounds (1 kg) of seeds of calapagonium Nseuroides, a very fast growing leguminous creeper, may be sown when
the arhar is about 3 to 4 weeks old so that the calapagonium may
form a thick matted growth within two months, preventing soil
erosion completely and suppressing weeds and grasses. He asserts
that this was tried with success for putting down weeds and grasses
in areas of heavy rainfall like Malabar, South Kanara, and drought affected agency portions of Visakhapatnam district in 1952-53. As
calapagonium dries up in December and January, it can be destroyed
by fire before sowing other crops (Report of the Committee on
Special Multipurpose Tribal Blocks, pp-48-49, 51).
B.D. Sharma developed his recommendations on swidden cultivation based on his administrative experience not only at the rational level but also at the micro-level, among the Abujhmaria of
Bastar district in Madhya Pradesh. He observes that the local population in the Abujhmar region cannot be expected to change its
traditional economic pursuit within a short period. However, he
notes that there is good potential for settled cultivation, horticulture, and for cattle rearing in some areas in Abujhmar region.
Shifting cultivation may co-exist for some time but as
greater income accrues from horticulture and cattle
rearing, there will be lesser dependence on shifting cultivation as the primary economy activity. A greater
contact with the Extension Agency in regard to these
three areas can be used for using the potential for
shifting cultivation on suitable lands. It may, therefore,
be possible to slowly induce the community to meet
its field requirements from settled cultivation and other
needs from horticulture and cattle rearing (Sharma,
1978: 46-47).
39

K. S. Chandrasekharan asserts:
Any value judgement on shifting cultivation

cannot be based on cold logic or economics and has to
take into account the human consideration involved in
taking the problem of providing alternative means of
livelihood to the large population who are following
shifting cultivation as a way of life. There is considerable force in the argument that, for no fault of their own
they have been relegated from the status of the masters
of their surrounding to that of a refugee in their own
habitat (1978).
Writing about the people of the Northeast Frontier Agency
(NEFA) Verrier Elwin observed that,
Shifting cultivation (fhumming) . . . is closely
linked with their mythology, their social customs and
even their religion. The administration has wisely refused to forbid the practice, which in some states has
been stopped altogether to the distress and indignation
of the tribesmen. It is probable that the evil effects of
]humming erosion and destruction of the forest have
been exaggerated for if sufficient rotation is allowed,
and in a thinly popUlated area like NEFA there is no
reason why there should not be a long period for
rotation, the forest recovers well enough. And in many
parts it is unlikely that it will ever be possible to find
a substitute, the hills are so steep and the water scarce
(Elwin,1957: 21-22).
D.S. Nag has discussed at length the controversy on swidden
cultivation. He quotes Jacks & Whyte with approval: "It must be
admitted that no agricultural system except shifting cultivation has
yet been devised that will ensure lasting stability and fertility to tropical forest soils under human management" (1958: 90). Nag
says ~ "Often the system of agriculture is the result and not the
cause of social progress. Development of means of transport and
irrigation have been found to have changed the character of agriculture in any part of the world. Therefore, it is necessary to first
change the socio-economic environment of the axe-cultivator instead
of changing the system of cultivation only" (Nag, 1958:93). While
the Bewar system is peculiarly suited to the requirement and aspirations of the Baiga and there were some areas where bewar can be
extended, Nag (1958:96-99) recommends that:
1.
only mixed or bamboo forests should be felled for bewar;
40
India
2.
the Baiga must be made to realise their duties in regard to

forest protection and development; and
3.
as it is neither practicable nor desirable to isolate the

Baiga or make them subsist on shifting cultivation for all
time, the Baiga are to be encouraged and assisted to gradually take to regular plough cultivation.
Fuerer-Haimendorf recommended that the Reddis in the hilly

tract of the Godavari Gorge in Andhra Pradesh be allowed to practise
swidden cultivation over eight times the area actually occupied by
current swiddeners, so that there would be enough land for rotation
(Haimendorf, 1945: 308).
Surveying swidden cultivation in Orissa, L.K. Mahapatra (1953:
265-277) pointed out two alternate broad solutions: (a) giving land
to all swidden cultivators for settled cultivation which is obviously
impossible except perhaps in some parts of Assam (which included
Arunachal Pradesh, Maghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram in 1953)
and north Orissa, and (b) giving land for settled cultivation to those
who are willing to come down and also offering them other opportunities of alternative employment in fruit gardening (after controlled
swidden cultivation) and other arts, crafts, occupations in their
habitations on the hill slopes or in the valley below. He proposed
.implementation of controlled swidden cultivation by undertaking
legislative measures, scientific surveys, rehabilitation measures for
improvement of swidden cultivation and for betterment of the
swidden cultivators settled in agricultural colonies besides other anciliary measures on social education and innovation extension. In
another paper, L.K. Mahapatra (1978) examined the viability of
traditional alternatives to swidden cultivation in Saora Hills,
Orissa and came to the conclusion that there was very little total
dependence on swidden cultivation by the households in the four
villages studied, primarily because other sources of livelihood were
available for raising cash crops and cereal crops. He also found that
the money value of the total produce from swiddens was in general
higher than that of terraced cultivation and low land cultivation
practised by the same Saora families. He prosposed a number of
hypotheses for further investigation with regard to alternative means
of livelihood in place of swidden cultivation.
In an earlier study, L.K. Mahapatra found that among the Saoras swidden cultivation serves as a safety valve for those dispossessed by mining, industrial locations or who are landless and are dependent on it for their sheer survival (1960).
41

B.K. Roy Burman, in a paper on the development of forestry
in harmony with the interest of the tribals, observes:
Rather than getting away from shifting cultivation,
one is to look into shifting cultivation itself for a solution. Shifting cultivation is not a homogenous practice.
Different practices have different implications for
productivity and soil and water management. Many
tribes build rudimentary contour bunds across the
slopes in shifting cultivation fields. Again many cut
field channels. It is because of bias against shifting cultivation that such practices and continuous innovations
are not even reported. A quick documentation of the
same should be made all over the country. The shifting
cultivators should be encouraged to adopt the improved
practices on a wider scale and to invest the surplus in
farm forestry and in growing their own firewood,
fodder, housing materials etc. Thus, the growth should
be primarily from within and not from without (Roy
Burman 1979).
Roy Burman notes that schemes of settling swidden cultivators
in the plains for permanent cultivation and programmes of large scale
"terrace cultivation had been taken up in many areas, though many of
them had been costly failures. "Currently horticulture and coffee
and other cash crop plantation is being advocated as the panacea...
Horticulture is a capital intensive enterprise; and though it is expected to yield high profit, the risks of suffering heavy loss due to
the vagaries of nature and caprices of the market are also quite considerable ' (1979).
P.D. Saikia believes that:
Terrace cultivation is proved to be successful in
some parts of Northeast India, specially in Angami and
Chakesang areas of Nagaland and some parts of Manipur. But in certain ecological settings terrace cultivation
should not be considered to be the proper substitute to
shifting cultivation. It is observed that there is nothing
in the findings of the case studies that can be interpreted to mean that the hill tribals are inherently averse to
change or slow in adjustment any more than the general
village folk in this part of the country. An attractive
and remunerative alternative to shifting cultivation
with high yielding variety seeds and implements suitable
to the hilly areas is to be evolved for weaning away the
shifting cultivators from the primitive mode of production (1978).
42
India
N. Saha (1978) feels that Swidden cultivator:
Survives in the present form, not due to any inherent
virtue of the system, (but) due mainly to the absence of viable alternative to the people. It has been observed that a section of the Jhumia (swidden cultivators)
has made considerable progress towards settled living
and setlentary agriculture, may be due to incentives available with the development of communication, transport and marketing facilities. The problem of Jhumming ... in the ultimate analysis is more economic than
cultural. It is more connected with the question of
transforming traditional agriculture through technological change. A planned and directed change in the social and economic life of the Jhumias will require
building up of adequate infrastructure conducive to
economic growth...
Writing about the Koya of Koraput district in Orissa, N.K.
Behura and P.K. Nayak comment:
Due to openness of the society and economy to
the outside world and due to the fact that most of the
lands are flat and not hilly, the Koya are abandoning
swidden cultivation rather fast. They are at the same
time being afraid of losing land due to the large scale
reclamation of land by the Dandakaranya Project for
the Bangladesh settler families. This had provided them
a strong sense of retaliation to convert the previously
abandoned land into prepared cultivable plots so that
they can claim posse~sion right over the land before the
concerned authority.
But strangely, the Koya, young and old, who returned home
from Assam where they had gone to work in tea gardens resorted to
the traditional mode of cultivation, including swidden cultivation,
introducing no innovations against expectation.
A review of the existing literature on Swidden in India leads one
to believe that there is a trend towards sympathetic consideration of
the practice, as against the extremist view held in the past by administrators which regarded the practice as bad and undesirable. Swidden
is now viewed merely as "a way of life," a cultural mode of living rather than a mere mode of production. The need is emphasized to
relate this "economic" practice with the totality of culture lived by
a tribal community. It cannot be understood in isolation. It is
argued by some that the evil effects of swidden cultivation on ecolo43

gy and natural resources stem out of a much higher population pressure on land resulting in reduced availability of land, and depletion
of forest resources.
However, there seems to be a general agreement that swidden

cultivation will ultimately be substituted by permanent cultivation,
horticulture, afforestation, and adoption of alternative diversified
occupations.
While all the experts do not indulge in wishful thinking that the
swidden cultivators could be weaned away from swidden cultivation
in 10 to 20 years, a body of planners in 1973 came up with a proposal to bring about rehabilitation of swidden cultivators by transforming them into permanent cultivators or horticulturists in a span
of 10 years only. This has not been possible.
Some technical experts, some planners and administrators, and
many social scientists (especially anthropologists) have taken up the
position that as a short term measure the technology of swidden cultivation should be improved to ensure higher yields. The improvement in their economic position through such a measure will enable
the swiddeners to take up terracing, horticulture, or any other undertaking.
Comparative studies of productivity of swidden cultivation as
a mixed crop undertaking with settled agriculture as a monocrop
undertaking do not unequivocally support the view that the produce
from permanent cultivation is always of higher money value, stable
in yield, or less affected by agricultural hazards.
Summary Appraisal
Interest in Swidden cultivation in India is as old as interest in

the study of tribal cultures of this vast subcontinent and it dates
back to the emergence of British rule in India. Much of what was
written on swidden (called shifting cultivation then) is in the form of
notes, memoranda and memoirs of the British administrators who
were sent to these territories for purposes of administration. These
were followed by Christian missionaries who also wrote detailed
accounts on tribal customs and practices. The Imperial Gazetteers
of India and the District Gazetteers published in the late 19th cen-
44
India
tury provide the first dependable accounts of swidden; these are,

however, based on what the officers "observed" during their "tours"
and what they were told in their "circuit house interviews" with
knowledgeable informants. "The tribes and castes" series covering
different regions of India, and the notes of census commissioners are
the other sources of information relative to swidden cultivation.
Among the social scientists, it was the anthropologists who contributed a good deal to the understanding of the practice of swidden
cultivation. Being identified as "students of tribes" the anthropologists were perhaps the pioneers in presenting systematic accounts
in their ethnographies which invariably devoted a chapter to the
economic life of the tribe studied. In the initial phase, thus, both the
administrators and the anthropologists -- who wrote on swidden -were of foreign origin, mostly British. In the late 1940s and early
1950s more Indian anthropologists started tribal research and reported on swidden. It is only very recently that scientists from other
fields have begun work in tribal areas, and their number is too small.
There are few full length monographs on swidden cultivation as
such. As was said before, reference to swidden is to be found in
ethnographies. However, the number of papers published in research
journals, or presented in seminars on this topic is quite substantial.
The interest shown by government in the 1960s and 1970s in
tribal welfare has highlighted the problem of swidden cultivation.
Departments of agriculture and forestry institutes engaged in agricultural and agro-economic research, and the departments of anthropology in the universities of Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Assam and other northeastern states are now paying greater attention to this institution. It is evidenced by the seminars organized
to discuss this problem in the 197Os.
In the study of swidden cultivation three approaches have been
followed:
(1) Anthropological approach characterized by intensive smallscale observation and interviewing with schedules and a longer duration of stay in swidden villages. In recent years, anthropological
writings have tended to be more quantitative, supplementing observational data with secondary statistics and other materials.
(2) Survey approach Such surveys have appeared in the form
of regional or all-India studies on swidden cultivation.
(3) Comparative and quasi-intensive approach. The comparative study of the socio-economic impact of programmes of control
on swidden cultivation in Northeastern India by Arora is based on
45
Swdden cultvaton n Asa
both extensive and intensive studies. Similarly, the report on shifting cultivation in Orissa by N. Patnaik combines the macro-perspectives with intensive study in three villages. Similar in approach is
L.K. Mahapatra's study of swidden cultivation in four Saora villages,
where a comparison has been attempted not only between the four
villages but also between alternative modes of production and means
of livelihood as carried on in these four villages in addition to swidden cultivation. The study is designed to arrive at empirical generalization on the viability of alternatives to swidden cultivation in the
Saora Hills.
What the technical experts have been writing on the effect of
burning, the composition and the nature of soil, on the vegetation
growth in a burnt swidden and on the impact of swidden cultivation
on soil erosion is based on laboratory and field observations following natural history methods. Their studies are not oriented towards
wider generalization. These studies are yet to take up a comparative
framework between regions.
Apart from exploratory and descriptive studies by both social
scientists and natural scientists on the problems of swidden cultivation, problem-oriented experimental studies are not yet evidenced
among both the categories of scientists. Apart from the broad objectives of a research project, there is not much evidence of hypothesis construction at the beginning of the study. However, the paper of L.K. Mahapatra, based on a research project, has yielded a
number of hypotheses. These may be worth reproducing.
i) The households which are immigrant, or incapacitated or do not own or occupy sufficient terrace or
lowland or upland fields or permanent cultivation,
tend to depend exclusively on swidden cultivation.
ii) The households which own or occupy sufficient
terrace or lowland or upland fields, or which grow
an appreciable quantity of cash crops or which
have got permanent jobs away from the village
earning them sufficient money for the maintenance
of the family, tend to practise swidden cultivation
only to supplement their income. Such people will
be more prone to abandon swidden cultivation altogether for lack of manpower.
iii) The households which are accorded a higher status
as Shudha Saora tend to abandon swiddening
which is associated with the Lanjia Saora of lower
status.
46
India
iv) As more and more terraces are being constructed

along the hill slopes, on the upland (Padar) and as
raising of cash crops on permanently owned plots
of lands are on th~ increase, and job opportunities
are growing through education or labour contracts,
less and less number of households tend to depend
on swidden cultivation.
v) Because of the government restricting the area of
land available for swidden cultivation, more and
more households tend to diversify their sources
of livelihood.
vi) In spite of all the available opportunities of traditional and recently introduced alternative sources
of income swidden cultivation still produces a
variety of crops and products, which under favourable conditions tend to equal or exceed the money
value of the products derived from any form of
permanent cultivation on the same size of land.
vii) Though the traditional means of livelihood, other
than swidden cultivation, are not equally developed or available in all the villages of the Saora
land the potentiality of terrace cultivation to absorb more households will increase to the extent
such means are equitable, accessible, or made available to many of them.
Testing Generalizations
and Conducting Fur1.tler Studies
The review of literature suggests that while scholars have not

come up with many researchable hypotheses, they have made several
~neralizations which need to be tested. Some of the more prevalent
generalizations are called out from the literature and listed below:
1.
The area under swidden cultivation has shrunk progressively.
2.
Population growth has reduced the land-man ratio.
3.
The swidden cycle has been reduced to 3-6 years, compared

to 20-30 years in the past (especially in the Northeast Region).
Productivity of swidden land is lower in comparison with that
of terrace cultivation and permanent cultivation.
47
4.
5.
Food is not sufficient "to make both ends meet" for most of
the year.
6.
Forest produce is used for more survival for several months of

a year.
7.
Deficiency in food leads to various malnutrition-induced

diseases.
Living exclusively on fruits or on roots leads to various gastric
disorders.
8.
Swidden cultivation causes greater soil erosion than ploughing

in permanent cultivation under a traditional technological setup.
10. Burnt swidden destroys fertility, and brings about other harmful changes in soil which inhibit higher productivity and promote higher weed growth.
9.
11. Swidden cultivation technology is wholly unscientific, hence

uneconomic or deleterious for the environment.
12. Some swidden cultivators have themselves switched over to
other occupations or other forms of cultivation. Hence the pattern of dependence on swidden cultivation may vary from region to region, from o~e ethnic group to another, from one section to another in an ethnic group.
13. Subsidiary or alternative occupations adopted are not viable
to ensure minimum standards of living.
14. As swidden cultivation is labour-intensive and family labour is
the most important factor of production, there is a premium
on large family size and hence swidden cultivation is a deterrent
to family planning.
15. Swidden cultivation is the ultimate refuge of landless or dispossessed families in areas traditionally under swidden cultivation.
16. Swidden cultivation ecology keeps people in a village bound
together in strong bonds of co-operation and this induces
spontaneous social welfare of the crippled, destitute or otherwise deprived households.
The above features associated with swidden cultivation -- perhaps there are many more -- need to be systematically tested in
various ethnic groups or areas.
Country-wide comparative, co-ordinated and multi-disciplinary
studies are called for. rather urgently, to cover the following gaps
48
India
in our knowledge and understanding of the swidden cultivation as
an ecological situation, as a national or regional problem, and as a
problem perceived by the swiddeners themselves:
1.
2.
Population census of the ethnic groups dependent on swidden

cultivation and forest resources, swiddener family size, and labour force.
Census of land under swidden cultivation: quantity, physiography,vegetation cycle, soil type, land use, swidden cycle.
3.
4.
5.
Study of weeds, pests and natural enemies of pests and weeds.

Swidden land holding, swidden land tenure.
Survey of swidden productivity and consumption patterns of
swiddeners.
6.
Survey of nutrition and privation behaviour.
7.
Determination of effects of burning on soil, vegetation cycle,

ground water level etc. on swidden.
8.
Traditional swidden technology and its relation to soil erosion,

soil fertility and water retention.
Comparative study of traditional technology of swiddens,terraces and permanent mono-culture cultivation and its bearing
on soil erosion, soil fertility, water retention etc.
9.
10. Development of improved high-yielding seeds of the traditional

crops and other useful crops adapted to swidden conditions in
each ecological region or sub-region.
11. Development of optimum land-use and rotation of crops on
swiddens, using the traditional crops (improved varieties) for
greater production, least- ecological imbalance and quicker land
recuperation during fallow period.
12. Study of diseases endemic in the area of swidden cultivation
and their etiology.
13. Process and extent of adoption of alternative means of liveli-.
hood by the swiddeners; viability of these alternative occupations and modes of production in comparison with swidden cul- .
tivation.
14. Optimum family size, family aspirations, concepts of prosperous family and means of achieving prosperity as perceived by
swiddeners.
15. Forms and uses of co-operation in traditional swidden village
community and changes due to adoption of alternative means
of subsistence or modes of production.
49

16. Welfare needs of the village community, institutions that meet
them under conditions of swidden cultivation, and how these
are coped with under altered circumstances, as in settlers' colonies or under other modes of life adopted by the swiddeners.
17. Self-management or self-regulation institutions under swidden
cultivation situation and the changes in them or their substitutes in the event of transformation of swidden cultivators
into permanent cultivators or horticulturists.
18. Study of socio-economic impact of hitherto executed swidden
control schemes and swiddener resettlement schemes.
19. Legal provisions ensuring forest rights and security in land
rights and their implementation.
20. Impact of prohibition measures (for intoxicants and narcotics)
on the nutritional and psychological well-being of the swiddeners.
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Trz"pura, Part VI, Vz"llage
Survey Monograpp, No. 2,

Phillip, W.
1969
Porter, A.E.
1933
Porter, A.E.
1933
Porter, A.E.
1933
Porter, A.E.
1933
Census of Indz"a, vol. Ill,

Survey Monographs, Mawaai.

"Bhotia." Census of Indz"a,
vol. V, Bengal & Sikkim,
Part I Report, 458-459.
"Chakme." Census of Indz"a,
Part I, Report, Calcutta,
462,517-518.
Census of In dz"a, vol. V,
Bengal & Sikkim, Part I
Report, Calcutta, 476.
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Part I, Report, Calcutta,
477.
Risly, H.H.
Rivers, W.H.R.
1894
1903
Gazetteer of Sz"kkz"m
Observatz"ons on the vzszon
of the UralHs & Sholagas.
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(1), (Anthropology), 3-18.
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1961
79
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the Scheduled Trz"bes z"n
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1961
Roy Burman, B.K.
1961
Roy Burman, B.K.
1970
Roy Burman, B.K.
1971
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1971
Roy Burman, B.K.
Saikia, A. K.
1970
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1969
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the Registrar General of
India
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Ao Naga Village. vol. I,
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of the Registrar General of
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1969
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1969
Shilu Ao
1969
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1969
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1966
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1935
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INDONESIA
INDONESIA
Bedjo Soewardi
Method used for the

Analysis of Swidden Cultivation
Studies on swidden cultivation in Indonesia have a long history.

The oldest traceable article dates back to 1827.
The present analysis of literature represents the first effort of
its kind to collate and synthesize information on swidden research in
Indonesia. The objective of this content analysis is primarily to
evaluate the trend of the research in this area.
It is hoped that this analysis will provide a frame of reference
for future research and policy formulation. If such analysis could be
done periodically, say every 10 years, the effectiveness and the
efficiency of future research on swidden cultivation would no doubt
improve.
Co-operation among countries with similar problems
will maximize the benefits even more.
This content analysis over time is based on 154 research publications covering a time horizon from 1827 to 1979. To be more
meaningful, the analysis is divided into three periods:
1. Period One, 1827-1944. This was the period when Indonesia was still under the Dutch Administration.
2. Period Two, 1945-1968. Indonesia became an independent
country but was still in a transitional phase of development.
3. Period Three, 1969-1979. This period represented a new

era of deVelopment when Indonesia adopted the Five-year
Development Plan.

The division into these three periods is based on the following
considerations: First, there is close relationship between research
and government policies. Second, the purpose of .this analysis is to
provide terms of reference for future research which must be useful
for the government to formulate better policies for improvement
of the life of 'iwidden cultivators within the framework of broad
national development.
This approach is considered better compared to division into
periods of equal time span which may not have distinct characteristics of relevant issues and policies. Time alone may not tell anything unless it is related to a certain phenomenon.
Since the division is not based on equal intervals of time
the attributes are expressed on a percentage basis to avoid bias. More
detailed e1aborations specific to each aspect are given in respective i
sections.
Features of
150 Years of Study
The total number of papers collected during the present literature study is 154. The distribution of the number of papers for
Period One (117 years), Period Two (23 years), and Period Three
(10 years) is 70, 33, and 51 papers respectively. The productivity
for each period is 0.6, 1.4, and 5.1 papers/year. Detailed discussions
of the intrinsic features are given in the following sections.
Ethnic groups and geographical areas
To get a more exact explanation about the ethnic groups which
have been researched, the statements on ethnic groups are divided
into three categories: (1) The sub-ethnic group is explicitly stated,
e.g., Karo Batak, Kantu Dayak, Sakai; (2) Only the ethnic group is
explicitly stated e.g. Batak, Dayak; and (3) The ethnic group is not
explicitly stated although the area is clearly stated. Table 1 shows
the distribution of each category in three periods.
84
Indonesia
Table 1. Distribution of the statement on ethnic group

Period
Two Three
Type of statement
One
Total
1. Ethnic group is
explicitly stated
a. Sub-ethnic
b. Ethnic
2. Not explicitly
stated
Total
67.1
39.4
9.8
42.2
(32.9) (21.2) (5.9)

(34.2) (18.2) (3.9)
(21.4)
(20.8)
32.9 60.6 90.2

10Q.0 100.0 100.0
57.8
100.0
It is evident from the table that in the latter period many re

searchers did not specify the ethnic groups that they had studied.
Table 2. Percentage distribution related to areas
One
Period
Two
1. Indonesia
5.7
0.0
2. Sumatra
Aceh
4.3
North Sumatra
17.1
Riau
0.0
West Sumatra
1.4
0,0
Jambi
South Sumatra
5.7
Bengkulu
1.4
Lampung
0.0
3. Java
8.6
5.7
West Java
Central Java
5.7
East Java
5.7
4. Bali
0.0
5. West Nusa Tenggara 0.0
6. East Nusa Tenggara 1.4
7. Kalimantan
1.4
West Kalimantan
7.1
Central Kalimantan 1.4
South Kalimantan 2.9
East Kalimantan
1.4
33.3
0.0
0.0
3.0
0.0
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
6.1
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
Area
Total
Three
85
29.4
0.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
0.0
2.0
2.0
3.9
0.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
2.0
7.8
7.8
5.9
0.0
3.9
19.5
0.0
2.6
9.1
0.6
1.9
0.0
3.2
1.3
2.6
4.5
3.2
2.6
2.6
0.0
0.0
1.9
3.2
5.8
2.6
1.3
1.9
Period
One
Two
Area
Total
Three
1.4
North Sulawesi
5.7
Central Sulawesi
0.0
Southeast Sulawesi 0.0
South Sulawesi
4.3
5.7
9. Maluku
4.3
10. Irian Jaya
0.0
3.0
0.0
0.0
6.1
0.0
33.3
0.0
0.0
2.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
23.5
0.6
3.2
0.6
0.0
3.2
2.6
16.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
70
33
51
8. Sulawesi
Total
N=
154
I t is possible to draw the conclusion that the focus shifted towards the study of environment or natural resources. Of the studies
that reported on ethnic groups there is high frequency of the following: Javanese, Batak, and Dayak. Several other ethnic groups,
which practice swiddening, did not get reported; these are: Sakai
Kubu, Timorese, Banjarese, Buginese, Badui, and several minor
tribes.
Tables 2 and 3 present frequency distribution of articles related
to areas of study. During the entire period covered about 20 per
cent of the papers were concerned with Indonesia in general. This
genenil trend increases significantly during the last two periods; it
also clearly indicates greater interest in national questions and relatively less in micro field studies.
As shown in Table 3, about 70 per cent (114 papers) of the total papers referred to the five biggest islands. In decreasing order of
percentage the five leading islands are Sumatra, Irian Jaya, Kalimantan, Java, and Sulawesi. With the highest percentages in Period'
One the three islands Java, Sulawesi, and Sumatra seem the islands of
the past for researchers. Anyhow, these islands are also the most
developed major islands since the early time. Does this phenomenon
mean that researchers considered swidden cultivation in developed
islands no longer attractive to be studied? Or does this phenomenon
mean that swidden cultivation is relatively no longer significant in
those three islands? To some extent the answer to both the questions is in the affirmative although in several parts of those islands
swidden cultivation still persists but has unfortunately never been
studied. Kalimantan is unique in the sense that it got almost the
same attention before and after independence. Compared to those
three leading islands, a reverse trend in visible for Irian J aya.
86
Indonesia
From the detailed distribution shown in Table 2 we can notice

that very little attention has been paid to the study of swidden cultivation in several other provinces. The neglected provinces are
Riau, Jambi, Bengkulu, Bali, West Nusatenggara, South Kalimantan,
Central Sulawesi, and Southeast Sulawesi.
The trends in research seem to have been influenced by the
interest of the government in each period. The following elaboration
will make things clear :
The objective of the Dutch Administration was three-fold:
1. To be able to perpetuate and to expand colonization
through better knowledge and understanding of each ethnicgroup ;
2. To be able to exploit natural resources especially through
estate plantation and mining; and
3. In co-operation with religious missions to preach and to
make converts.
Provinces with the higher percentage of studies on ethnic groups
were important for the achievement of their objectives.
During Period Two, Indonesia was involved in the struggle for
independence, in consolidation of her territory and nation, and in
settling political affairs. Economic development and education just
began to receive attention, and research was at a low ebb. Although
at the end of the period a more systematic and planned economic
development was attempted, it was ineffective due to other pressing
political problems. One of the most important issues, particularly
around 1963, was to get back Irian Jaya from the Dutch. That is
why in that year, 25 per cent of the papers were written about Irian
Jaya.
In 1969 Indonesia introduced a system of Five-Year Development Plans (PELITA). This ushered in a new era of economic development. In this period, economics was the name of the game. New
types of problems inherent with the planned economic development began to arise. The population explosion forced the government to produce much more food through intensification of the
existing crop lands and extensification to make new lands productive. Transmigration of people from densely populated islands Oava,
Bali, and Lombok) to other islands ( Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi,
and Irian Jaya) was considered an important panacea. In line with
planned economic development the most profound challenge was
acquisition of budgetary resources for implementing the programmes. Forest exploitation, especially in KaIimantan and Irian
Jaya, provided one of the two most important sources for badly,
87

needed foreign exchange. Export of logs increased tremendously
frbm US ~ 26 million in 1969 to US $ 786 million in 1976. Extensification of agriculture outside Java, transmigration projects, and
forest exploitation necessitated more interest and attention towards
natural resources. Although the main objective of most of the
studies done during this period related only indirectly to swidden
cultivation, its close relationship with management of natural resources was considered important. Swiddening was held responsible for indiscriminately damaging valuable timber, for degradation
of soil, and for adversely affecting water resources. At the end of the
period more projects directly concerned with swidden cultivation
were started.
Table 3. Percentage distribution of papers referring
to five biggest islands
Island
Period
One Two Three
Total
Percent from
Papers
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
21.4
13.0
14.9
7.8
16.9
1. Sumatra
2. Java
3. Kalimantan
4. Sulawesi
5. IrianJaya
63.6 12.1
90.0 5.0
43.5 0.0
66.7 25.0
11.5 42.3
24.3
5.0
56.5
8.3
46.2
Main theme
In most research papers related to swidden cultivation it is

difficult to determine the main focus of the content of an article.
For one reason, there are marry papers that covered a wide scope
in almost equal intensity. For example, almost all papers contained
descriptions of farming practices and the spread of Imperata grassland although they were not the main objective of the respective
study or writing. In many cases neither the title nor the discipline
of the author represents the content.
The following classification is based on the following criteria:
the content, the title, the discipline of the author, and the objective
of the study. Table 4 presents the distribution of different types of
studies in each period. Interest in studying the status of swidden
cultivation and its impact has always been high in all periods. There
is no doubt that the impressive impact of swidden cultivation in
terms of forest devastation and expansion of Imperata grasslands has
stimulated several studies; Attention in studying cultivation practices
had been modest but declined significantly in the last two periods.
88
Indonesa
With a few exceptions in describing cultivation techniques there was

almost no variation in descriptions of slashing, burning and digging.
New approaches used by Dove (1979), and Driessen et. al. (1976)
were more meaningful and more interesting.
Interest in anthropological studies almost ceased during the last
period. Even during the second period most of the studies were only
limited to Irian Jaya, island of dispute between the Netherlands and
Indonesia. This again demonstrates the close relationship of government policy and the type of research. This is also true with studies
in traditional law (Adat) which mostly concentrated during the activity of Welvaart Commissie (Welfare Commission) around 1911. The
most conspicuous is the positive correlation between the economic
role of forest and the relevant theme of research. The same pattern
is valid for rehabilitation of swiddens and to a certain extent agricultural development.
Table 4. Distribution of main theme
Class of main theme
One
Period
Two
Total
Three
35.7
30.3
25.5
31.2
14.3
28.6
3.0
33.3
5.9
0.0
9.1
20.1
12.9
5. Forest planning and
1.4
exploitation
0.0
9.1
2.0
39.2
6.5
15.6
1. Status of swidden
cultivation and its
impact
Cultivation
practice
2.
3. Anthropological
Study
4. Traditional Law
6. Agricultural development
7. Rehabilitation of
swiddeners
0.0
15.2
5.9
5.2
1.4
6.1
19.5
8.4
8. Ecological studies
5.7
3.0
2.0
3.9
100.0
70
100.0
100.0
33
51
100.0
154
Total
N=
89

Author and Discipline
Nationality
The classification of author by nationality is only dichotomous:
Indonesian and foreigners as shown in Table 5. The striking increase
in the percentage of Indonesian researchers reflects the success of
education for the native Indonesians. The chances to get education
were very limited during colonial time. Conditions bettered after
Indonesia obtained its independence, and especially after the era
of planned development began.
Table 5. Nationality of Author
Nationality
Period
One
Two
0.0
100.0
48.5
Total
Three
1. Indonesian
2.
Foreigner
51.5
100.0 100.0
82.4
17.6
37.7
62.3
100.0
100.0
Profession
It is also not easy to identify the authors in terms of their academic specialization. Therefore. they have been placed in two categories: (i) scholars, and (ii) administrators
The result of the classification for each period is presented in
Table 6. The increasing percentage of administrators indicates the
tendency for scholars in the universities to do research under the
name of non-research government agencies. This is the actual situation in Indonesia even now. This condition stems partly from the
fact of limited availability of research funds in the universities. The
studies carried by government agencies were mostly done through
surveys with the primary aim to collect information for planning and
for policy making.
Table 6. Percentage distribution of profession

Period
Total
Profession
One
Two
1. Scholars
89.2
2. Administrators
17.1
81.8
18.2
60.8
39.2
75.3
24.7
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
Three
Total
90
Indonesia
Disciplines involved.
The relative distribution of the disciplines involved in the
studies of swidden cultivation is presented in Table 7. For about
23 per cent of the total papers, the disciplines of the authors were
unknown. Although it indicates the inability of the present analysis
to trace the disciplines involved, three causes of this failure can be
mentioned. First, the old publications particularly, did not state the
disciplines of their authors. Second, many government reports were
made by big teams, and most did not clearly specify the members
of the teams, let alone their disciplines. Third, a substantial number
of publications were written by administrators.
A major contribution to Swidden research has been made by
the forest science, particularly during the last period. This again
demonstrates the strong relationship of research and the interest
of the government. The second leading discipline was anthropology
though the frequency of this discipline shows a declining trend!
The peak percentage for anthropology was Period Two. The third
biggest contribution was from agricultural science which also declined through time. This decrease may illustrate that agricultural
scientists gave high priority to the problem of agricultural intensification and site preparation of the extensification projects. However,
this decrease was partly replaced by soil science. The insignificant
contributions from other disciplines indicates lack of interdisciplinary research.
Table 7. Relative distribution of the disciplines involved
Discipline
Period
Two
One
Total
Three
%
1.
2.
3.
45.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Anthropology
Forest science
Sociology
Natural sciences
Geography
Agric. science
Soil science
Ecology
Geology
Medical science
11. Not known
Total
21.4
2.9
5.7
10.0
2.9
12.9
0.0
0.0
1.4
2.9
40.0
33.3
15.2
6.1
6.1
9.1
12.1
3.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
15.2
0.0
72.5
0.0
0.0
0.0
5.9
3.9
3.9
7.8
0.0
5.9
16.9
28.6
3.9
5.8
3.2
10.4
1.9
1.3
3.2
1.3
23.4
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
91
Methodology,
Theory and Hypothesis
The methodologies employed by the authors are divided into
two broad categories t namely field study and library research. The
former methodoloJn7 is further divided into three levels t namely
experiment, survey, visit/journey. Table 8 shows the distribution of
percentages.
Table 8. Distribution of methodologies
Period
Methodology
One
Two
64.3
27.2
Three
Total
72.5
59.1
1.
Field study
1. Experiment
2. Survey
3. Visit / Journey
11. Library research /
(3.0)
(21.2)
(3.0)
(2.9)
(34.3)
(27.1)
(7.8)
(58.8)
(5.9)
35.7
72.8
27.5
100.0
100.0
100.0
40.9
secondary data
Total
100.0
In general about two-thirds of the papers were based on actual

field studies. This fact might represent a proper balance between
original research publications and synthesis-type papers. However,
during the first period of the independent era only one-fourth
of the articles were written based on field studies. This does illustrate that in that period the conditions for doing field studies were
not favourable either due to limited available research funds or scarce
expertise. The significant increase in the percentage of field studies
in the last period was mainly due to more surveys done in the framework of assessment of forest resources.
Population density and swidden cultivation
The most widely discussed theme is the relationship between
population density and swidden cultivation. It implies that swidden
cultivation is always the farming of choice whenever the land-man
ratio is high. Gourou (1956) postulated that population density is
a good basis for the stud,. of human geography. Swidden cultivation,
92
Indonesza
precludes a great density of population since only a small part of the

arable land is productive at anyone time.
The inherent hypothesis of the theory is that swidden cultivation will disappear gradually and automatically in line with
the ever increasing population. The basis of the theory and its
subsequent hypotheses have been developed from the facts that:
a) Extensive swidden cultivation takes place in sparsely
populated areas, and in remote areas. Even sedentary
farmers will practise this farming system if there is
excessive land available. Blink (1918) reported that in
North Sumatra, the Malays who had settled in the lowland a long time before, also practised swidden cultivation due to ample land available. Seavoy (1977) stated
a case about transmigrants from Java to Sumatra who
also practised swidden cultivation. Gintings (1971)
observed immigrants in East Kalimantan who lived
on swidden cultivation.
b) In many areas fast growing populations have resulted in
the shift from swidden cultivation to permanent cultivation - either dryland or wetland farming Uunghuhn,
1852; Joachim, 1893; Evans, 1919; Kools, 1935; Meuleu, 1950; Sofjan, 1963; Gintings, 1972; Seavoy, 1973;
Seavoy, 1977).
Although it may seem that the theory and the attendant hypotheses are strongly confirmed, it can not answer critical questions
such as:
1. Could the environment, especially that with low carrying capacity such as a tropical rain forest, support increasing popUlation to a level that provokes the swidden
cultivators to switch to sedentary farming?
2. Why, even in such densely populated islands, such as
Java, does swidden cultivation still persist?
The very simple model shown in Fig. 1, attempts to analyse
the theory by contrasting two extreme areas: East Java vs. Central
Kalimantan. The soil in East Java is very fertile, while that in Central
Kalimantan is of the opposite extreme. The slope of arithmetical
increase in resource (food) in East Java is much steeper than that in
Central Kalimantan. The slope in geometric increase in population
in East Java is also much higher than that in Central Kalimantan.
Assuming that no additional inputs of energy (fertilizers, irrigation
etc.) can be given, the maximal resource available in East Java
93
CMAX 2
,-;
..
._
I'
CMAX I
,':.... .;.,..;. ...

. .. .. . ... ,.:
Resource
~...;..........
(==========)
l
/
"
./~"'"
.J(A
)(
.
Jt(x
~~
JC'
:
>f.
... _ "
_----
---_
~x:
Population
(;;;;;;;;;;;;;;)
.lr;:' ~
(CMAX2) is logically much higher than that in Central Kalimantan

(CMAX 1). The time of saturation for East Java (TI) is undoubtedly
much shorter than that for Central Kalimantan (T 2 ). T 1 and T 2
are critical points where population growth will be drastically
checked by the limit of resource availability. However, T2 might
take a very long time; Since TI and T2 are the most likely times
for swidden cultivation to shift to permanent cultivation or where
additional inputs of energy are badly needed, the shift from swidden
cultivation to permanent cultivation in such rigorous areas as Central
Kalimantan will never occur or will take a very long time without
inputs of energy. This means that without external help swidden cultivation in this type of environment will persist almost infinitely.
And the gap between those ethnic groups who live in favourable
areas and the swiddeners who live in rigorous environment will be
wider and wider. This analysis may provide strong justification for
the ongoing resettlement projects.
It will, therefore, be quite interesting to do another such
quantitative analysis based on long term data to validate the model
of population density in relation to swidden cultivation and its
changing process to permanent cultivation.
Preservation of nature
Swidden cultivators have been well known as being destructive
to nature with their slash and bum practices. Almost all papers
described the spread of undersirable Imperata grasslands and the
94
Indonesia
decreasing forest as the results of swidden cultivation. On the contrary. it is interesting to note that several articles reported some
social values on the part of swidden cultivators related to preservation of nature. In 1862 Bakker stated that in Sanjai (South Sulawesi) it was contrary to customary law to leave land idle for more than
one year. a custom that created an excuse for the district chief to
take possession of individually owned land when the owner was
unable to cultivate it. Logically such a law discourages shifting practices. Forbes (1885) observed that in Timor some places were kept
intact to preserve at least small samples of vanishing flora in sacred
groves which were almost too carefully, even religiously. preserved
by the natives. In the upper Kapuas river in Kalimantan (Bouman.
1922) the customary law protected sacred places for the preservation of bits of old vegetation.
This type of value also exists in Java, to preserve some places
with old vegetation which are considered a source of spring water.
The central question that promptly arises is why such values could
not stop the practices of swidden cultivation. Does theory on population density apply here? Are there any other values or perceptions or external forces to push them to the opposite direction?
An in depth study is needed to gain information of such existing values. Such information will be valuable in the effort to minimize destructive practices and at the same time maximize the positive characteristics. Experience tells that even in dealing with more
civilized societies very often there has been ignorance of the existing values and perceptions. A good example is the selection of
plants in the regreening and reforestation programme.
Cash crops and swidden cultivators
From the present review of literature some generalizations
may be drawn. For the most primitive swidden cultivators the
staple food is root tubers (sweet potatoes and yam) for the uplanders, and sago palm for the lowlanders. For the more civilized swidden cultivators maize and upland rice are essential for the uplanders
while for the lowlanders their staple food is mostly swamp rice or
floating rice.
The cultivation of cash crops is the next step in the evolution
are process. A lot of varieties of cash crops (banana, sugar cane, tobacco, pineapple, fruit trees) have been planted by the natives in
many swidden cultivation areas in Indonesia Goest, 1882; Jongejans,
1918; Bums, 1849; Hagen, 1903; Holmes, 1924: Bor, 1932; Koentjaraningrat. 1963). Hagen (1903) observed the importance of ~oco
nut and sugar palm in Aceh. In 1918. Jongenjans made a positive
95

statement that the Lampung people were not swidden agriculturists
by preference, but the land was likely to be opened where it could
be transformed into a pepper garden. He also said that even rattan
was not merely a spontaneous forest product, rather it was planted.
As early as 1894, Jacobs reported that in old days in Aceh, the farm
lands were enriched with pepper and then abandoned because of the
unfavourable trade situation. Without any doubt cash crops are
acceptable to swiddeners since this country, especially Maluku, has
long been known as a potential producer of many kinds of spices
which attracted Westerners to the East.
As the theory is already confirmed, the government's policy
for introducing estate crops within the framework of resettlement
programmes is thus strengthened and justified.
Domesticated animals and swidden cultivators
Dobby (1954) did not agree that agriculture in the humid regions would have to follow a pastoral stage as semi-arid or arid countries. "Within Southeast Asia the shifting cultivation system has no
relation to the needs of domesticated animals. There is no evidence
here that the simpler tribes have been primarily cattle graziers".
This opinion was supported by Bartlett (1957). After reviewing a
vast amount of literature on primitive tropical agriculture, especially
from Indonesia, he concluded that primitive man in the humid tropics was not pastoral. The safest habitat for him would have been
the sea shore where he lived largely on molluscs and other marine
products, supplemented by what fruit and vegetables he gathered
in the forest, as well as by hunting.
For cases in Indonesia, the above generalizations need clarification from two points. First, several parts of Indonesia are not humid. In all islands in the Province of East Nusa Tenggara, animal
husbandry has long been practised. Conflict between swidden cultivation and livestock grazing as exposed by Ormeling (1955) and
Drees (1952) indicated the extent and intensity of animal husbandry.
Second, in the humid regions (Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Irian Jaya)
domesticated non-ruminants such as chickens and pigs have been very important to the primitive tribes. Pigs, for example, have more
meaning than merely a source of food for the primitive people in
man Jaya. Even ruminants were already part of the life of the primitive tribes in Surnatra and Kalimantan. Brenner (1894) described
Batak agriculture which used a primitive plough pulled by buffaloes
or bullocks. The close relationship between lrnperata grassland and
livestock was widely discussed in several papers (Evans, 1922; Joustra. 1926; Seavoy, 1973).
96
Indonesia
This elucidation is necessary since the recurrent burning of
Imperata grassland to provide fresh pasturage for grazing livestock
is more harmful than swidden cultivation itself.
Indentifying areas
for Further Research Priority
In this analysis the gaps of studies that can be identified and the
research priorities that can be formulated are as follows:
1. Several ethnic groups and areas are still overlooked by researchers, although studies in aspects other than swidden cultivation
most probably have been done; for example Kubu, Sakai, and Badui
tribes and areas such as West Nusa Tenggara, Central Sulawesi and
Jambi.
2. Information on swidden cultivation in coastal zones is very
meagre. In available literature a very superficial picture is given.
Goest, 1882; Joachim, 1893; Jacobs, 1894; Hagen, 1903; Houtman,
1903; Breda de Haan, 1904; Blink, 1918; Hamerster, 1926; Hannibal,
1952; Jansen, 1961; Sutaarga, 1963; Meyer, 1974; and Lamoroux,
1974). Until 1979 only one interesting study was done on swamp
rice swiddens of the Kantu of West KaIimantan. In that study discussion on the advantages and disadvantages of wet swidden and
dry swidden is presented. Considering the importance of recent
government efforts to develop tidal areas into agricultural land
and the significance of these areas in fishery potentials, it is no doubt
that more intensive studies on swidden cultivation in these types
of resource systems is imperative. In this connection, the Buginese,
who are peculiar to tidal areas or coastal zone, should get highest
priority.
3. So far only two studies (Ormeling, 1955; DirektoratJendral
Pertanian, 1973) discussed swidden cultivation in savannah areas in
the Province of East Nusa Tenggara. More research on these types
of areas will not only enrich the knowledge of all Indonesian study
on swidden cultivation but will also provide information for policy
formulation in developing one of the most backward parts of this
country.
4. No continuous long term monitoring of both swidden cultivation and swidden cultivators of a specific tribe in a specific area is
97
being done. This type of study will help clarify the hypothesis of the
relationship between population density and the extent and the
intensity of swidden cultivation.
5. There is lack of a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach
in studying swidden cultivation. Most of the papers, if not all,
are partial discipline-bound studies. Since the question of swiddening has several facts and requires involvement of different specialities
from both natural and social sciences it is necessary that interdisciplinary research on it is carried out.
6. There is also a need for more in-depth studies of existing
values and perceptions, customary law, and ethnobotany related to
the preservation of nature.
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di Indonesia (General guidelines for the
management of protection forest in Indonesia). In: RIMBA Indonesia 5(7-8}
:370-386.
Masalah perladangan
di Indonesia dipandang dari segi kehutanan (The problem of shifting cultivation in Indonesia
as viewed from the
aspect of forestry).
Jakarta: Direktorat
Penggunaan Tanah.
Vo!. 2. 56p. (Bahan
untuk sysmposium
Perladangan (Shifting cultivation) Djilid II}.
Prioritas dalam bidang penelitian hutan dalam rangka
pemanfaatan hutan
secara
berencana
(Priorities in forestry research to divise a systematic utilization of the forests. In: Pemanfaatan Hu tan secara
berencana untuk kesejahteraan masyarakat Indonesia: proceeding Seminar dalam rangka Alumni Home Coming
Day ke II Fakultas
Kehutanan Institut
Pertanian Bogor. Bo-
gor: FakuItas Kehutanan IPB, 1973. p.

115-126.
1975
Pencegahan terjadinya tanah-tanah kmtis (Prevention of

land degradation).
In:
SIMPOSIUM
Pencegahan dan Pemulihan tanah-tanah
kritis dalam rangka
pembangunan wilayah, Jakarta, 27 8/d
29 Oktober 1975.
31p.
Weles, Sahel
1971
Willer, T.].
1849
Masalahak-hak adat
dad masyarakat setempat dalam rangka pengusahaan hutan di Kalimantan
Tangah (On the problem of local adat
(traditional unwritten law) right in
relation to the logging industry in central Kalimantan). Bo- !
gor: FakuItas Kehu- :
ranan IPB. 1971. 93
p. Skripsi FakuItas :
Kehutanan Universitas Lambung Mangkurat Afiliasi Fakultas Kehutanan Institut Pertanian Bogor.
The Battas of Mandheling and Pertibi.
J oum. Indian Archipelago and Easter Asia, V 01. Ill.
No. VI, p. 366-378.
June 1849.
138
Indonesia
Ypes, W.K.H.
1932
139
Bijdrage tot de kennis van de stamverwantschap der inheemsche rechtsgemeenschappen

en
het
grondenrecht
der Toba. en Dairibatakas (Contribution to the knowledge of tribal relationship of native
communities
and
the agrarian law of
the Toba and Dairi
Bataks)
"Gravenhage: Marthinus Nijhoff/553p.
,..J',
MALAYSIA
MALAYSIA
Hood Mhd. SaHeh
and DanieHe Seguin
Background to
Swidden Cultivation
West Malaysia is situated on a peninsula jutting into the South

China Sea and so has historically been linked with the islands which
combine to make up what is today Indonesia, rather than with continental Southeast Asia. It shares its only border with Thailand and
it would appear that the waves of immigrants that originally peopled
this peninsula came from the north through that country (Benjamin,
1980). Moreover it is now generally accepted that these aboriginal
peoples of peninsular Malaysia (known as Orang Asli) speak languages belonging to the Mon-Khmer family, indicating even more firmly that they came down through Thailand (Diffloth, 1979). The
Orang Asli are supposed to have entered the peninsula in three waves
- the Negritos coming first about 25,000 years ago, the Senoi
peoples next around 6,000 to 8,000 years ago and finally the ProtoMalays about 4,000 years ago. However, it has been very difficult to
prove this hypothesis because of the problems facing archaeologists
who must work in a tropical climate tracing the migratory route of
peoples who had little in the way of material goods and no lasting
residences. In spite of this, the hypothesis is still accepted by most
scholars since it appears the most rational and has yet to be disproved.
The majority of swidden horticulturalists in the peninsula come

from one of the three groups of Orang Asli mentioned above; these
Malays who still practise shifting cultivation will be discussed separately in the last section of this report. The slash-and-burn
technique is practised by the majority, but not all, Orang Asli. However, it has been almost impossible to ascertain specifically what
group should be excluded either because it is a foraging group that
never plants gardens or else a completely sedentary group that no
longer shifts fields. Proto-Malay groups who are dependent on fishing or who have become completely sedentary recently (eg. the Mah
Meri who have given up swidden in the last forty years), are not
included in the bibliography. It does include references to all Negrito groups, including those who have been "resettled" by the
government since these resettled communities have a notoriously
short life-span. It is among the Senoi peoples that one finds the largest number of swiddeI1 cultivators and indeed there are few Senoi
communities that are not still dependent on this type of food production.
Geographically the Orang Asli are spread throughout the
peninsula, all of the Negritos and most of the Senoi living in the
northern parts of the country, while the Proto-Malays are concentrated in the centre and the south. Today there are no Orang Asli in
the states of Pedis or Penang although there are historical reports of
aboriginal dwellers on the island of Penang before the turn of the
century. The largest number of Orang Asli are found in Pahang,
the smallest in Kedah. The Proto-Malays form about 40 per cent of
the Orang Asli population, the Senoi 57 per cent and the Negritos
32 per cent. About 60 per cent of the Orang AsH live in deep jungle,
according to the 1969 JOA* survey, while the others live in rural
but accessible areas making them more open to assimilation.
At this juncture it might be wise to note that, to date, the
amount of research done on the Orang Asli living east of the main
range is insignificant when compared with the work produced
concerning groups accessible from the west coast area. The number
of researchers who have worked in the east is very small-Sircom
(1912), Endicott (1974, 1976), Jensen (1977), Nik Safiah Karim
(1977) and a few others. This situation is due to a combination of
Jabatan Hal Ehwal Orang Asli (previously the Department of Aboriginal

Affairs).
142
Malaysia
geography and history. When the British first took over Malacca on
the west coast, the country on the eastern side of the main range
was under impenetrable jungle (as it is, for the most part, today) so
access by land was impossible. Most of the rivers flowing down
from the range on the west were too narrow and shallow to be of
use and none of the main rivers in the east flowed from the range,
rather they flowed parallel to it (e.g., the Pahang R.). Access by sea
was impossible for half the year because of monsoons and in addition, the east coast states were either openly rebellious or resentfully passive making fieldwork for a British anthropologist unwise,
at least before the turn of the century. Thus there had been little
or no groundwork laid for further anthropological work such as was
prepared by the travellers and writers of the 19th century in the
western half of the country. As a result most field-workers still
continue to head west where the basic data has already been gathered
and there is some historical background.
As can be seen by a cursory glance through the chronological
bibliography, investigation of the aboriginal peoples of peninsular
Malaysia has been dominated by the British and much of the early
work was in fact done by government officers. These reports were
generaliy incidental to more immediate work such as river valley
surveys and military expeditions in the late 1800s, and later, in the
first half of the twentieth century, administration of the mainly
economic interests of the government (e.g., tin mines, forest reserves). During the 1800s there were also other, non-governmental
people writing on the Orang Asli. Usually they were travellers or
interested amateur ethnographers or linguists. After 1900, these
amateurs were replaced by professionally trained people such as
Skeat and Blagden, Annandale and Robinson, Evans and Noone. At
the end of the Second World War the British government established
a Department of Aboriginal Affairs and appointed Major WilliamsHunt as Adviser. After Independence in 1957, the new Malaysian
government retained the Department and changed its name to
Jabatan Hal Ehwal Orang Asli OOA). Since then it has been completely concerned with the administration and welfare of the Orang
Asli.
Most of the research on this subject had, until very recently,
been done by foreign scholars and graduate students. The majority
of these were German (and British, of course) until the war after
which there was an influx of American graduate students (Dunn,
143
Fix, Dentan, Endicotts, Rambo) whose varying anthropoloical

backgrounds and training have changed and enlarged the field of
Orang Asli studies.
In the 1970s, all four universities in Malaysia established departments of anthropology. This led to an explosion of work by Malaysian academics and students. A seminar on the ethnography of the
Orang Asli in peninsular Malaysia (published as a collection of
papers in Federation Museums Journal 24 was held in 1977 and the
papers presented gave a definitive overview of the state of the discipline up until that year. This set of papers is recommended for a
general summary of modem anthropological research concerning
the Orang Asli.
Research into the actual system of swiddening has been almost
non-existent to date, the exceptions being short articles by forestry
officers who are, given their perspective, negative about the subject.
Safian M.N. (1976) gives a fairly detailed description of the swidden
method practised by a group of Temiar in a provisional research
report. However the short time he spent in the field necessarily
limited the work. This lack of work on the ecology and cultural
ecology of the Orang Asli may perhaps be explained by the continuing dominance of the British school of anthropology in Malaysia
while the concept of ecological anthropology has been an almost
strictly American concern since its inception.
This report covers the period from 1824-1980 and includes
published and unpublished material written on the subject of swidden cultivators in Peninsular Malaysia. The bibliography includes
most, if not all, theses written at all three levels (BA, MA, Ph.D.) in
both local and foreign universities on the subject of the Orang Asli.
There are some intentional omissions which must be explained. The
work of Vaughn-Stevens, the authenticity of which has always
caused grave misgivings, will he deleted. Readers are referred to
Skeat's (1906: XXVI) note on the matter and the following bibliography. On the other hand, the enormous volume of work produced
by Schebesta and Evans required some selective editing since much in
the former's articles appeared to be redundant while, in the case of
the latter author the material sometimes seemed removed from the
topic at hand (e.g., Evans' travels in Thailand). Readers will find an
exhaustive list of references for both men's work in Carey's (1976)
bibliography.
144
Malaysia
The work done on the Orang Asli has been written in several
languages, most commonly English, Malay or German but also including French, Dutch and Japanese. However the majority of
papers were in English until some time after Independence (1957).
Then, in the 1960s an increasing local interest in the Orang Asli
combined with the "national language" policy of the Malaysian
government resulted in the production of a large corpus of writings
on the Orang Asli in the national language.
The problems encountered in collecting data for this report
were minimal. Three difficulties come to mind and all would have
been encountered during any research project of this sort. First, the
number of languages encountered required multilingual researchers
with a facility in several unrelated linguistic families. Secondly,
access to theses is difficult but not much more so than anywhere
else. Apparently some foreign students have been remiss in submitting copies of their theses to the JOA while others who did their
degrees at British universities have their theses on a restricted list
which prohibits distribution to libraries. Thirdly, bibliographies have
often been poorly done and obviously not cross-checked or verified.
Perhaps the most difficult task was picking out the threads from such
a large number of diverse sources and making sense of the resulting
data.
History of
Swidden Research in Malaysia
Skeat wrote in 1906 that one could divide work done before
1900 on the Orang Asli into three groups according to author:
a)
writers with local experience - government officials,

European missionaries (mainly French Roman Catholic),
planters and miners and a few scientific men with field
experience;
b)
scientific men without local experience; and
c)
travellers with no training and no adequate local knowledge.
He noted that the period from 1800-1850 was characterized by

145

"able but comparatively untrained European observers" such as
Raffles, Marsden, Crawfurd and Anderson. The majority of these
articles have not been included in the present report since they were
too broad in scope, usually covering several countries.
The second period delineated by Skeat (1850-1890) was characterized by Logan's (1847a, b, c, d, e) "critical, accurate and voluninous writings" which were written on the basis of his own fieldwork.
Travellers' notes were contributed by Miklucho-Maclay (1878a, b)
and Morgan O.de - 1885, 1886). In addition, valuable data was
collected by two French Roman Catholic missionaries, Fr. P. Favre
(1848) and Fr. P. Borie (1861, 1886). The government officials
writing on the Orang Asli at this time were Leech (1879a, b), Maxwell (1878, 1879, 1897). Swettenham (1880 a, b, 1887, 1894),
Mc Nair, Hervey (1882, 1884), Bellamy (1886), Hale (1888), Campbell (1887), and Lister. These governme~t reports were later used
for their data by European anthropologists such as Waitz, Reclus,
Quartrefages, and A.H. Keane.
The third period was merely ten years in length but from
Skeat's perspective represented a turning-point. He said, "During its
course some of the most eminent anthropologists of Europe, more
especially of Germany, have themselves either personally or through
their agents taken an active part in the work of inquiry"; in referring
to the writings of people such as Virchow (1894), Bartels (1896),
Martin (1899, 1900, 1905) and Schmidt (1903). At the same time
work by government officials such as Clifford (1886, 1891, 1897 a,
b), Wray (1894), Ridley, Kelsall (1894), Machado (1902) Cerruti
(1904, 1906, 1908) continued to be excellent. Also at this time,
Annandale and Robinson published the results of work done both
with the Cambridge Expedition of 1899 and on their own. Next
Skeat dealt with the problem of whether or not to quote VaughnStevens; even in 1906 the veracity of his reports was being questioned and since then much of his work has been discounted. Finally,
Skeat mentions two other authors himself as the researcher responsible for all the material in Pagan Races concerning "the Semang of
Kedah, the Pangan the Blandas and Besisi of the Kuala Langat district in Selangor", and RudolfMartin. Martin's book (1905) hadjust
been published and Skeat saw it as a complementary piece of work
to Pagan Races: the former dealt with the Orang Asli chiefly from
an anthropological point of view while the latter concentrated on
cultural and linguistic aspects. Unfortunately, Die Inlandstamme der
146
Malaysia
Malayischen Halbinsel has not yet, to our knowledge, been translated
into English.
The above authors were for the most part concerned with the
collection of word-lists or physiological measurements; otherwise
they wrote general ethnographic accounts containing a large amount
of descriptive data (concerning the material culture, the appearance
of the people and their personalities) but little or no information on
social organization, kinship or economy. In short, there was little
sodal anthropology being done. Even Skeat and Bladgen's Pagan
Races (1906), still a standard reference work, focuses on material
culture, historical origins, and various "exotic" beliefs and practices
to the exclusion of more sodo-anthropological areas. This focus
reflects what was the current trend in anthropological theory in
Europe between 1860-1900, that is, evolutionism, diffusionism plus
the use of the comparative method. Up until the turn of the century
most of these authors, German or British, civil servant or linguist,
had been educated by an intellectual community under the influence
of this pan-European philosophical current. After Skeat and Blagden
(1906), this influence lessened and interests begin to diverge according to the writer's background. The name of Evans dominates the
1910s and 1920s because of the enormous number of articles he had
published. However, at the same time several new trends were
appearing in the field of Orang Asli studies.
New trends in Orang AsH studies

The first was represented by the work of Schmidt and, more
particularly, Schebesta (again a prolific writer). The latter was,
according to Benjamin (1973a), one of the most outstanding fieldworkers of the Kulturkreislehre school of ethnologists that had
formed around Schmidt at the turn of the century. One of the
major concerns of this group was to demonstrate that monotheism
was common to the most highly developed ('European') and the
most primitive ("Negritos") societies. Thus Schebesta was sent out
to study the Negritos in the 1920s (1924-1925)supported by the
Vatican. Schebesta's writings contain accounts of the religion,
subsistence practices, ecology and social organization of the Negrito
groups he studied but they still bear the stamp of his religious
orientations and theoretical training. These must be taken into
account, particularly when reading his interpretations of religious
beliefs. Schebesta is also noteworthy for being the first anthropolo147
Swz'dden cultz'vatz'on z'n Asz'a

gist to do an extended period of fieldwork as an observer and semiparticipant.
Secondly, we can see the beginnings of what was called at the
time the "pro-Malay" campaign. As Burns 1 explains, the second
generation of British officers could afford to look critically at the
consequences of 25 years of British rule in Malaya whereas the preceding generation had been concerned with the problems of establishing and sustaining British authority. The centre of this "proMalay" (and, more generally, "pro-native") campaign was in Perak,
led by Birch and Wilkinson. The publication of a series of papers
on the inhabitants of the peninsula (Wilkinson (ed.), Papers on Malay
Subjects) is one facet of a wide range of comparatively radical
activities by the "new bloods". The Perak government had already
pioneered official links with the Orang Asli by appointing an Italian,
G.B. Cerruti (1904, 1906, 1908), as liaison officer. Carey (1976)
characterizes the general attitude of the British colonial officers
towards the Orang Asli as "ambiguous", reflecting the prevalent image of "uncivilized" peoples as "noble savages" who needed protection and preservation as the last remnants of archaic cultures. Thus,
until thirty years ago, the British government put most of its energy
into collecting ethnographic data from the aboriginal cultures theybelieved were disappearing. As early as 1906 Skeat voiced the concern that by protecting the Orang Asli from Malay aggression which
had previously forced them into isolation the British had unwittingly
aided in their assimilation and the 'loss of their native language,
customs and purity of blood.' Carey believes the British regarded the
Orang Asli as museum pieces; it is true that their administration and
study were always connected to the colonial museums. There was
no specific Orang Asli administration until after the Second World
War but in the meantime Orang Asli research and ethnography had
come to be regarded as the job of the curator at the Taiping Museum
in Perak. This location of course was related to the new liberal
("pro-MalaY")movement initiated by Birch et al.
I.H.N. Evans was the first curator and the man who apparently
started the tradition of a Cambridge degree for the head of Orang
Asli affairs. Evans was an indefatigable researcher and writer who
added a tremendous amount of raw data to the field of Orang AsH
studies. However he proceeded in the style of his predecessors for,
1 Burns, P.L.
1971
Introduction. In R.I. Wilkinson (ed.), Papers on Ma/ay_

Subjects. K.L.: CUP.
148
Malaysia
the most part, collecting dialects and customs and speculating on

historical origins. He had been trained in the same tradition as
Skeat (1906) who felt that at their preliminary stage of investigation,
the collection of definite data rather than the development of
hypothesis was the most immediate duty. Skeat also felt that the
problem of "the past history of these races could be approached
most readily from the linguistic side" (1906: viii). As well, Evans
was an archaeologist and thus even more closely connected with the
comparative method which suggested that parallels could be drawn
between primitive societies and the early stages of 'civilization'. In
sum, Evans collected and published a large amount of information
but used the traditional frame of reference. In addition he did do
fieldwork but it was necessarily cursory since he was responsible for
all the ethnography and archaeology throughout the peninsula.
In 1931 Evans was succeeded by H.D. Noone, the first anthropologist (Cambridge Ph.D) to work full-time with the Orang Asli.
His appointment and the ten years of work he did before his death
represent a turning point in Orang Asli studies. Noone's research was
the first to be based on true participant-observation fieldwork: he
lived with, and married into, the Temiar Senoi and in fact died in the
field. The best known of his surviving papers (many were lost during
the Japanese occupation) is his report on the PIe Temiar. This article
is the first to investigate and report on aspects, such as social structure and organization, which are germane to the field of social
anthropology. This relatively short report marks the beginning of
studies in this area among the Orang Asli.
It was during Noone's work and life with the Temiar that an
American graduate student came and worked with him for almost
two years. This was Kilton Stewart, an LSE student, whose major
interest lay in the investigation of traditional psychiatric systems.
His field methods consisted of administering 'universal' psychiatric
tests, recording and analyzing the dreams of the Temiar people and
generally observing the various checks on antisocial behaviour built
into the social system. The fieldwork and his subsequent thesis (not
finished until 1947) and articles provide an invaluable record which
complements Noone's more traditional data. Stewart, along with
Boas' students, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead, belonged to the
anthropological school involved in the study of personality and
psychology in different societies. He, in his turn, was the pioneer of
psychological studies of the Orang Asli, in particular the non-violence
149

hypothesis which has been reworked by both anthropologists and
psychologists. Although Stewart's writings were not published until
the 1940s he should be seen as a contemporary of Noone. The two
different approaches taken by Noone and Stewart illustrate the
complementarity of the British and American schools of anthropology at that time.
Other than the work discussed above, Orang Asli studies showed
little change in direction. One addition was the voice of the British
agriculture and forestry officers who provided a steady flow of data
on shifting cultivation even though they tended to be negative about
the method itself.
Writing in the 1940s was characterized by an unusual emphasis
on health and physical anthropology: Green, Morley and R.O.D.
Noone all published articles on these topics in the Bulletin of the
Raffles Museum, No. 4, in 1949. However, other than this new
element in the literature, articles were scarce due to the disruption
of the war and the Japanese occupation. An American (Cole 1945)
published a book on The peoples of Malaysia and included a strictly
descriptive section on the Orang Asli; the Forestry Department in
the person of Wyatt-Smith (1949a, b) continued to contribute data
on the effects of slash and-bum horticulture. Generally, the majority
of authors continued to present general ethnographic or linguistic
data with no attempt at analysis.
In the 1950s there were two authors who were notable more for
the role they played as government liaison officers with the Orang
Asli than for the amount or quality of their writing - Major P.D.R.
Williams-Hunt and R.O.D. Noone. However, their dual roles make
them an integral part of the history of Orang Asli research in Malaysia and so several lines must be devoted to them. After the Second
World War the colonial government decided to set up a Department
of Aboriginal Affairs when it became apparent that two-thirds of the
Orang Asli were assisting the communist rebels in the interior.
Williams-Hunt was appointed as the first Adviser in 1951. The job
was specifically administrative and was not supposed to be used for
research. In spite of this, Williams-Hunt managed to do a fair
amount of participant-observation fieldwork with the Semai. Like
RD. Noone, he was accepted by the Semai and married into the
group, and he, too, died suddenly in the field in 1953. The three
papers and one book he wrote represent the two sides of his work.
150
Malaysia
Two of the papers, one on Jakun numbering (1951a) and the other
on a Negrito funeral (1954) reflect his anthropological orientations
while the article on administration (1951b) and An introduction to
the Malayan Aborigines (1952) were written in his official/military
capacity.
R.O.D. Noone, the brother of RD., was appointed as the new
Adviser after Williams-Hunt's premature death. Although Noone had
the same academic background (Ph.D. Cambridge) and the same personal qualities that made his brother such a brilliant ethnographer,
his position as an administrator (rather than "field ethnographer
and curator" like RD.) prevented him from doing much research.
He only published two articles in the 1950s. The 1954 article was
the first economic study of the Orang Asli and was concerned with
their trade and trade routes. The 1956 paper discussed the distribution of the Orang Asli and was obviously written for strategic use
rather than future anthropological research. During his time as
Adviser, Noone did orchestrate the writing and passing of a bill
called the Aboriginal Peoples Ordinance (1954) which admitted the
government's responsibility for the Orang Asli, as well as guaranteeing them the right to follow their own way of life.
Also during this decade, medical anthropology continued to
develop (cf. Polunin, 1952, 1953) and the first ethnoecological study
was done by Harrison et al (1955). Needham returned to Oxford
after his time in Malaysia and. began, with his article on the Che
Wong (1956), to contribute to (and influence) the anthropology of
the Orang Asli. Two books were published, one about H.D. Noone's
life with the Temiar (Holman, 1958), the other concerning travels
through Temiar territory (Slimming, 1958), but neither is of intrinsic anthropological value. The forestry officers continued to write
about swidden, its effects and how these could be ameliorated.
It should be noted that it was in the 1950s that a change in
the focus of interest took place. The trend was away from the
general, towards the particular-authors no longer felt competent to
produce an article on the culture of the entire Negrito population or
to adress themselves to a general anthropological purview of a society
after a week's fieldwork. In addition, subjects which were considered intrinsic to a good ethnography at the turn of the century were
now only of marginal interest. They were replaced by related but
far more sophisticated fields of study-anthropometry being replaced
151
by physical and medical anthropology and the collection of word

lists by linguistic analysis. The question of historic origins disappeared and did not return until the 1970s.
Advent of modern anthropological studies
Independence for Malaya also marked the advent of modem
anthropology into Orang Asli studies. The decade of the 1960s was
outstanding primarily because it marked the entry of Malaysian
authors into the field. There are 51 references for the 1960s (in
itself an explosion in the field, the entire previous decade producing
only 20 articles); of these, 17 were written by Malaysians and 9 in
the Malay language. There were, as well, a number of important
publications by two authors who have been instrumental in giving
the study of the Orang Asli its present depth. This decade presented
the investigator with obvious trends connected to a specific group of
authors who often had a common educational background. During
the 1960s, the field was divided quite clearly into local and foreign
authors and their respective interests.
The first contributions by a Malaysian were written by I. Carey,
the Director of the lOA in the 1960s. The lOA's histmy has already
been discussed and it only remains to explain that the department is
dedicated to the government's policy of a smooth, painless and
uneventful assimilation of the Orang Asli into the wider Malay
(sedentary and Islamic) community. In addition, the work of
administration did not allow time, nor was adequate funding allocated, for strictly academic fieldwork to be done by the people at
the top trained as anthropologists l . Thus the papers produced, not
only in the 1960s but also in the 1970s, by the staff and officers of
the lOA tended to address themselves to problems of assimilation,
change (how to), discussions of why government programmes
worked or failed, and so on. They represent the 'applied' as opposed
to "academic" branch of anthropology.
Malaysians did not start producing work on the Orang Asli until
1963 when Asmah Haji Omar submitted a report on the Kentakbong
Both the Director-General and his Deputy must be trained anthropologists,

as is the case at present. Dr. Baharon A. Raffie'i took his Ph.D., in lOA
tradition, at Cambridge. Carey, his predecessor, broke this tradition having
already taken a degree at London before his appointment.
152
Malaysia
dialect of the Negrito language to the Malay Studies Department at

the University of Malaya (UM). This Department was the centre of
Malaysian academic work on the Orang Asli in the 1960s, since there
was no department of anthropology in the (then) only university in
the country. All of the work produced by this group (3 BA theses
and 3 staff papers) was concerned with linguistics. There were also
two "outside" theses, one from the Department of History concerning the economic history of the Orang Asli, the other from geography, a general survey of the Orang Asli as a whole.
The JOA staff wrote all but one of the papers done on modem
change in aboriginal communities while the Department OP Malay
Studies was responsible for all the linguistic work done in the 1960s,
excepting an article by Diffloth. This is a very clear illustration of
the point made above concerning clear links between the interest and
the author.
The second group to be discussed are the foreign graduate
students who arrived on the scene in the 1960s (and the 1970s) and
who have had such an impact since then. This necessitates a brief
review of historical scholastic influences in the Peninsula. Considering the fact that West Malaysia was a British colony until very recently it is not surprising to find many links still extant between British
and Malaysian academics and academic institutions (e.g., the aforementioned Cambridge tradition in the JOA). These links are particularly strong with Oxford and Cambridge since these two schools were
the training grounds for most of the British foreign service. Thus
it was often the case during the colonial era that local students
would be sent to one of these two to complete their education. In
fact this tradition of sending Malaysian students back to Britain for
their higher degees was continued by the present government until
1980 when prohibitive tuition fees forced the severance of this tie.
Several British anthropologists remain absorbed with Malaysia
and continue to send graduate students here to do their fieldwork.
One of these is Oxford professor Rodney Needham who did a short
period of fieldwork with the Orang Asli in 1955, during the Emergency. Since then he has sent his own students (Kirk Endicott,
Hood Mhd. Salleh, and Signe Howell), ecouraged others (G. Benjamin, R.K Dentan) and has written several short ethnographic
articles himself on groups he met here in the 1950s. Needham is
internationally known as an expert on kinship and belief systems and
153

this has often influenced the subjects broached by his students for
investigation. Furthermore Oxford and Cambridge remain bastions
of the British school of anthropology and this background is revealed
in the writings of students from these schools. Their work tends
to be traditional, a combination of solid ethnographic reportage
and conservative interpretation.
The Americans can not be said to have "school" anymore;
instead American anthropology is eclectic, sometimes moving into
fields not considered anthropological by traditionalists, and marked
by an approach that is often short on fieldwork, stressing instead
theoretical development.
The 1960s saw the publication of major theses and articles by
students from both "schools" and an examination of their work
illustrates the differences inherent in this academic background.
Geoffrey Benjamin, a Cambridge student, published four seminal
articles covering four particularly problematic areas of Temiar social
organization - political organization (1966), naming systems
(1968a), authority structure (1968b) and kinship (1967a). In addition he completed his Ph.D. thesis on the Temiar religious system
(1967b) which has yet to be released. Benjamin's work is notable
for its diachronic approach, its thorough coverage of the data and its
stress on discovering the internal structures of the society without
really generating any new theoretical principles. Perhaps his work
could be classified as historical rather than theoretical anthropolo~.
An American graduate student from Yale, R.K. Dentan, produced a total of six articles plus a Ph. D. thesis during this time.
Dentan's work, to take his thesis as an example, is concerned with
ethnoecology and the anthropology of food; in addition, he speculates about the applicability of Freud's "castration anxiety" syndrome to the Semai psyche. Although these may seem concerns
far removed from the mainstream of anthropology, they must be
seen as complementary to the more traditional, "British" areas of
research. Dentan's classic ethnographic monograph, done in 1968,
clearly illustrates that the two main foci of his work are ethnoecology and the Semaiideology.This work highlights Dentan's anthropological approach - synchronic and comparative (he divided his
time in the field evenly between 2 Semai villages), greater stress on
the author's own speculation and hypotheses and less emphasis on
sticking strictly to the facts. Dentan's use of theory is almost the
154
Malaysia
polar opposite of Benjamin's: he attempts to fit his data into several

different theoretical frameworks according to the facet of the society
he is examining, sometimes without very convincing results. In sum,
he is concerned with explaining Semai society in terms of larger,
universal patterns. This may explain why he devotes more of his
work to describing and analyzing the relations of the Orang Asli with
the outside world, than Benjamin does.
Other than the works by the above two, the 1960s also saw the
publication of a minor article by Kirk Endicott on blowpipe construction which signalled his presence in the field with the Negritos;
a first article by today's expert on Orang Asli linguistics, G. Diffloth;
and a series of four articles by Maeda Narifumi on the social structure of the Jakun (unfortunately several of these are only in Japanese).
In sum, the decade produced a large and wide-ranging body of
literature on the Orang Asli. The greatest interest still centred on
general ethnographic studies and belief systems, modernization and
linguistics. The first two subjects, traditional in Orang Asli studies,
were the concern of foreign scholars for the most part while the last
two were mainly broached by Malaysian au thors. These divisions of
interest became blurred in the following decade.
The decade of the 1970s saw continued expansion in the field
of Orang Asli studies, a fact marked by a seminar on the ethnography of the Orang Asli in peninsular Malaysia in 1977. Furthermore this growth occurred wholly within the Malaysian academic
community, no doubt due to the establishment of four anthropology
departments in the Universiti Malaya, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Universiti Pertanian Malaysia and Universiti Sains Malaysia, in
the early 1970s. During this decade there was a total of 131 reports
written on the Orang Asli: out of these fully 84 were written by
Malaysians-academic staff, students and JOA officers. Interestingly,
almost half of these 'local' reports were written by undergraduates,
either as BA theses, journal articles or fieldwork reports.
The large number of references in this decade makes it difficult
to isolate trends. However one thing that remains is the interest that
Malaysian authors take in the investigation of change - modernization, assimilation and its inherent problems - and the corresponding
lack of interest in this subject on the part of most foreign authors.
This difference between local and foreign scholars is often prevalent
155
in developing countries. Visiting anthropologists, until very recently,

were anxious to record and preserve "disappearing" societies without
putting much of their research time into discovering what the people
themselves wanted, what was feasible politically and how the two
could be reconciled. Local scholars, on the other hand, usually feel
compelled to voice their opinions about present-day realities and the
choices which the aboriginal peoples are constantly being forced to
make.
Contributions from Malaysian anthropologists
Malaysian authors also wrote most of the general ethnographic
material, for a change; this is explained by the fact that most undergra.duate students opt for a general survey of one community for
their theses and articles. Besides these two areas (23 general ethnographies and 24 articles on change) which attracted the attention of
Malaysian scholars throughout the 1970s, religion and ethnoecology
were also well covered by both local and foreign authors. Unfortunately, important areas were neglected: Dr. Baharon (1979)
stressed the need for more research into social structure, economics,
demography, inter-ethnic relations and linguistics.
Malaysian authors can be divided into three categories for this
decade - undergraduate students I who provided 34 of the references, academic staff (e.g., Hood Mhd. Salleh, Nik Safiah Karim
and Ton binti Ibrahim, Azizah Kassim) who wrote 22 of the articles
and, finally, JOA staff who contributed 28.
The first group's work is most important for the up-to-date
information collected rather than for the scope or depth of the
anthropological work. This is reasonable considering the fact that
they were only able to do fieldwork for a maximum of six weeks and
that they had had relatively little anthropological training compared to any graduate student. In fact, the reports done at USM
were all by second or third year students (excepting the work of
Couillard, an MA student).
The number of Malaysian anthropologists who are actually in
There has been only one graduate thesis written on the Orang AsH at a
Malaysian university - by Rajmah Abdul Samad who did her MA at UM on
the Temuan in 1971.
156
Malaysia
the field of Orang Asli studies is very small. Hood and Azizah
Kassim are the only two who are consistently producing work on
the subject. Nik Safiah and Ton bt. Ibrahim are actually linguists;
Carey, Baharon and Jimin bin Idris are discussed along with the JOA
staff to which they belong. The two linguists have done several
years of laboratory and field research on the dialects of a little
known group of the Senoi family, the Semaq Beri (cf. Jensen, 1977).
Azizah Kassim has been working for the last decade on the Temuan
and the problems of Orang Asli integration and assimilation.
Hood Mohd. Salleh is the first Malaysian to have actually done
his undergraduate and graduate degrees specializing in the study of
the Orang Asli and then returned to continue in the same line of
research and teaching at the Universiti KebangsaanMalaysia. He was
encouraged in this by his supervisor, Rodney Needham, at Oxford.
Thus his work belongs to both worlds - he is Malaysian and so
shares the concerns of local academics about the present and future
of the Orang Asli; but he is also Oxford trained and so emphasizes
enthnography and the study of ideology and belief systems. Hood's
Ph.D thesis (1978) like Benjamin's, and Endicott's, concerned a
society's belief system, in his case the Semelai curing rituals: it seems
likely that Needham had a hand in the choice of topics for all three
students. In any event the range of Hood's articles during the 1970s
(and 1980s) belies the dual background that makes his work comprehensive in either the foreign or local context.
The articles written by JOA staff were for the most part authored by three men, the former Director, Iskandar Carey, the
present Director-General, Baharon A.R., and the Deputy Director,
Jimin bin Idris: all three have been mentioned previously in this
report. As in the sixties, most of the papers issued were more or less
pragmatic - for practical application. There are two major exceptions - Dr. Baharon's Ph. D thesis (1973) and Carey's general enthnographic text (1976). The former is an excellent ethnography of a
group of Temuan who are in the middle of a metamorphosis - from
Orang Asli to Malay it would appear. Baharon's thesis, like Hood's
work, is unique in that he was able to observe from two perspectives,
actually three - as a "British" ethnographer, a Malaysian anthropologist, and as head of the government department established
precisely to help ease the Orang Asli through this transformation.
In any event Baharon's thesis is invaluable, like Hood's, for its
multiple perspectives.
157
Carey's Orang Asli seems to have become, in the short time

since its issue, a standard reference and textbook. It efficiently
covers all the major anthropological areas of each group, where there
was any information available either in the literature or in his own
records. It has a few minor faults-apparently it was several years in
the writing and so some of the information (Le., the census) is badly
out of date as is the bibliography. The approach is somewhat dated
today, hints of the old British protectionist attitude coming out
unconsciously here and there. On the whole, the book serves its
purpose admirably, the author having reminded us in his introduction that it was mainly for reference. It adds some valuable, previously unpublished information about the Emergency and the
Orang Asli resettlement scheme, the history and the organization of
the JOA. However, like Skeat and Blagden, Carey's book is useful
mainly as a compilation of previously scattered information from a
wide range of sources.
The 1970s also saw the arrival of several more foreign graduate
students who did excellent anthropological work on a wide range
of Orang Asli groups. Seven foreign students produced theses as a
result of fieldwork with the Orang Asli. Probably the best known of
these seven is Kirk Endicott. Although in the United States, Dunn's
monograph is more widely distributed and quoted.
Endicott wrote two Ph.D. theses about the Batek Negritos, one
on their economy and social organization for Harvard in 1974 and
one on their religious system for Needham at Oxford in 1976. The
two topics neatly illustrate yet again the differing but equally important emphases each anthropological "school" prefers. Many
American academics tend towards observable realms such as economics, ecology, trade, medical and physical anthropology while their
British counterparts are often more concerned with a society's ideological and metaphysical universe. Another American also produced
an excellent Ph.D thesis (at Universiti Malaya) in what might be
called the American tradition. Dunn (1971) included relatively little
traditional ethnographic data; instead he set out a hypothesis concerning the Orang Asli role in ancient trade and followed through by
inductive method to discover whether or not it was applicable. This
necessitated garnering evidence from archaeology and medical,
economic and ecological anthropology, and presenting it as part of
the defence of his hypothesis. This format was followed in the
monograph deriving from his thesis. Endicott also had a book pub-
158
Malaysia
lished from his thesis at Oxford and it is instructive to compare his
method with that of Dunn. Batek Negrito Religion represents a
contraction of interest to a particular ideological sphere of one
group; it represents detailed examination and interpretation rather
than widespread, generalizing hypothesis-creation. In short, Endicott's is a microscopic study, Dunn's macroscopic.
There were several other Ph.Do's completed on the Orang Asli
during this time period: Alan Fix (1971), on the demography of
the Semai for the University of Michigan; Peter Laird (1978) on
Temoq (Proto-Malay) shamanism for Monash University; Andrew
Hill (1974a, b) doing research leading up to a Ph.D. on religion and
healing among the Jakun for Sydney University; and finally, Clayton
Robarchek's (1977) thesis on Semai nonviolence for the University
of California Riverside. This last thesis plus Robarchek's other
articles on the same subject represent the next "generation" of
academic research on a question first posed by Kilton Stewart in the
1930s. It was next taken up by Dentan and has now passed on to
an even more specialized researcher, Robarchek, who is primarily
interested in psychoanthropology. His methods of analysis are
drawn from psychology but his interpretations conform to anthropology even though they tend to be equivocal at times.
There were also two foreign students doing MA's at the same
time as the above. Karen Endicott (1979), after doing her fieldwork
with her husband, produced an excellent thesis for the Australian
National University on sex roles among the Batek; and Marie-Andree
Couillard (1980), a French-Canadian student at the Universiti Sains
Malaysia, wrote an incisive MA thesis, analyzing the effects commercial art carving was having on the traditional economy of the Jah Hut
and the manner in which their society was shifting and reorganizing
to accomodate these changes.
Finally, there were three foreign anthropologists holding posts
at universities in Malaysia who, through the influence they had on
their students and through their own research and writing, affected
the field of Orang Asli studies.
Shuichi Nagata, a Canadian, was the first anthropologist to be
appointed to USM's School of Comparative Social Sciences. In
1971, Nagata initiated undergraduate work on the Orang Asli, choosing the topic "Marginality and the Malayan Aborigines" as the theme
for the papers. The students were required to do fieldwork and their
159

subsequent reports were mimeographed and became part of a series
of provisional research reports issued by the School. Nagata was
succeeded by Anthony Walker in 1973 who continued to send out
and supervise undergraduate students in the field. Unfortunately the
programme was brought to an end in 1979, interest in the field of
Orang Asli studies having flagged considerably.
At the same time at the University of Malaya, Terry Rambo, an
American ecological anthropologist, was encouraging his undergraduate students to do short periods of fieldwork using an ecological framework. This exercise resulted in a series of short reports I on
the ecology of several Orang Asli communities. In addition, it would
appear that Rambo influenced the topic of at least two BA theses Zainuddin's Temuan Ecosystem and Stephenson's Ethnoecology of
the Temuans of Kampung Paya Lebar, both done in 1977.
The 1970s was a time of great diversification and tremendously
increased interest in the study of the Orang Asli. This large volume
of writing peaked in the middle of the decade when most of the
foreign and Malaysian students were writing reports and theses based
on their fieldwork. However when all had completed their degrees,
the Malaysian students did little follow-up research (lack of funding?) and, to our knowledge, none of them went on to do higher
degrees in the same field. In the meantime, the number of undergraduates electing to study the Orang AsH as a thesis project has
dropped considerably. This may perhaps be linked to the drop in
interest within the anthropology departments themselves. Nagata,
Walker, Dunn and Rambo all gave up their teaching posts during the
1970s while Carey, who was also an instructor at Universiti Malaya,
retired. This left very few academic staff members in Universiti
Sains Malaysia or Universiti Malaya who were interested in teaching
or supervising research in this field. The exception remains UKM
where M.S. Hood continues to send students into Orang Asli communities, teach courses in the subject, supervise graduate students in
the field and write papers himself.
This slump in the number of students writing on the Orang Asli
showed up during 1978-1980. In fact in 1979 and 1980, the
amount of written work on the subject by any researchers is very
small. All the papers published in Federation Museums Journal 24,
Entire series held by the lOA main office library.
160
Malaysia
1979 were actually written and presented in 1977, thus leaving only
three pieces of work completed in 1979 (all by Kirk or Karen Endicott). The titles appearing in 1980 demonstrate that at present the
study of the Orang Asli is in another transition period as far as
authors are concerned. Members of the first (e.g., G. Benjamin) and
second (e.g., Hood and Robarchek) groups of graduate students are
continuing to do research and produce articles, while a new generation (e.g., S. Howell) are presently in the field. The next one or two
years should see another peak in publication by this new group of
foreign students. It is, however, a source of continuing concern that
virtually no Malaysian anthropology students are choosing this area
as their primary field of research and study. This situation must
change if the subject is going to be taught by trained local professionals rather than visiting foreign scholars.
Analysis
and Observations
The question of contribution to theory by work done on

Malaysian swidden cultivators is difficult to approach. One cannot
say that the field of Orang Asli studies is new and excuse the lack of
generation of theory on those grounds. Nor can one say that it is
an area hitherto ignored by anthropologists: there was a well-trained
anthropologist working here full-time in 1936 (RD. Noone) and a
fairly steady flow of foreign scholars and graduate students since
then. Yet the majority of work done in the field has produced few
theoretical insights into the situation within the Peninsula and no
theories which are more generally applicable. Indeed the number
of reports which use any recognizable theoretical framework is
limited.
In general, the work done on the Orang Asli could be characterized as descriptive and synchroni.c. There has been little effort put
into the conduct of research appropriate to the production of reports
which take into consideration the recent history of the people being
studied. This type of report would, ideally, incorporate all the data
dispersed throughout the literature of the last 80 years on a particu161

lar group into one document which would make sense of the current
of events over that time period. In other words, diachronic studies
are called for, particularly today when the JOA needs the help of
other anthropologists in determining the most beneficial method of
administering the Orang Asli's affairs. A report detailing the state of
a community in 1970 is of little use in 1981 if decisions have to be
made based on the changes (and the reactions to those changes) that
have taken place in the village or band over the last 60 years.
In addition, all but a few of the papers, reports and theses have
been particular rather than general; they deal with one community
rather than with a significant sample of villages or groups, or a wider
international field of comparison. There have been very few studies
undertaken which use data from several different Orang Asli groups
to develop theoretical hypotheses on patterns of social change and
adaptation, economic structure, cutural similarities and differences,
etc. Leach criticized his fellow British anthropologists for this same
fault in 1961, saying, "Most of my colleagues are giving up the
attempt to make comparative generalizations; instead they have
begun to write imreccably detailed historical ethnographies of
particular peoples".
Unfortunately many of the ethnographies
written here are neither impeccably detailed nor historical; the
primary function of these reports is simply data-gathering. At the
turn of the century Skeat felt this was the first priority; but surely
after 80 years of data-collection anthropologists and their students
should be prepared to start drawing both particular and general
conclusions and fitting them into a theoretical framework.
Geoffrey Benjamin has done most of the general theoretical
and diachronic work on the Orang Asli (cf. Benjamin 1973b, 1974a,
b, 1980). The paper entitled Semang, Senoi, Malay: culture-history,
kinship and consciousness in the Malay Peninsula is an excellent
synthesis and analysis of the major trends which have shown up in
the various ethnographies done on the Orang Asli: unfortunately
it remains unpublished. Fred Dunn (1971) also produced a major
piece of work which was historically comprehensive and concerned
with general hypotheses stemming from both historical and archaeological records and present-day ethnography.
Leach, E.
1961
Rethinking Anthropology. London: Athlone Press.
162
Malaysia
Finally, there has been little use made of Orang Asli data for
the purpose of comparative studies with groups from other countries.
As an example, many anthropologists (particularly those in the most
recent group, such as Karen Endicott and M.A. Couillard) have
noted the similarities between the ecological and economic environments of the swidden cultivators in the Amazon, studied by Robert
and Yolanda Murphy, and those of the Malaysian Orang Asli. However, a comparative study of the two groups has yet to be done: this
would appear to be a productive line of research.
On a more restricted level, several authors have added weight
to the theories they used by proving them applicable to new data.
Endicott, Benjamin and Hood all analyzed their data on belief
systems using well-known theoretical constructs. As well, Diffloth
has done quite a bit of linguistic work on a general theoretical plane,
trying to place Orang Asli languages into a larger linguistic context
and using linguistic data for reconstruction of Orang Asli history.
Each topic area will now be examined for the quantity, quality
and orientation of the majority of articles written on the subject:
1.
History and historical change - this subject has only been

approached by a few writers, most notably Benjamin. He
has been criticized, after the fact, for advancing theories
based on speculation, since historical documentation is
scarce up until the twentieth century. In any case Benjamin's hypotheses are concerned solely with the Peninsula
and are not developed into a more general theory of
social transformation.
2.
Linguistics - as mentioned above, Diffloth has produced

some interesting theoretical linguistic work-otherwise
linguists have concentrated on vocabulary collections from
the various Orang Asli dialects, and analysis of the internal
structure of the languages.
3.
General ethnography - this, by its very nature, is primarily

a forum for the presentation of information concerning a
particular group of people. Ideally it should describe an
entire group (i.e., the Temuan) rather than a single community (i.e., the Temuan of Kg. Paya Lebar) but the
length of fieldwork time required for this type of study
would be prohibitive for students working on their own.
It might be a valuable exercise for undergraduate students
163

to be spread out for fieldwork to a random sample of
Temuan communities instead of all going to the same
group, as happened in the 1970s. This would make a
cross-cultural survey possible and perhaps lead to the
generation of hypotheses concerning the observed similarities and differences.
4.
Cultural ecology - Dentan was the first to really use

ecological concepts in the field of Orang Asli studies.
However, he didn't extend his analysis beyond the two
specific communities he was studying and, in addition, he
was primarily interested in ethnoecology, that is, emic
classification of the environment. Rambo encouraged the
use of ecological theory in this field and his students
produced a large number of reports using this framework.
Due to inherent limitations, the exercises involved fitting
the data recorded into the correct theoretical box rather
than using induction to test the theories.
5.
Relgion. magc, belej systems, myths - the writing on

these subjects has been primarily descriptive, not suprisingly, since there is a paucity of theoretical work on the
subject in anthropology generally. That which has been
done on the Orang Asli has already been mentioned briefly.
6.
Kinshp and sodal organization - strangely enough, little

has been written on these two subjects which are so basic
to social anthropology. Work produced has been descriptive with no analysis to speak of, except in the cases of
Benjamin (1966, 1967a, 1968a, 1973b), Jensen (1977),
and Needham (1964). Even in the articles by the above
three, stress is laid upon unravelling the internal structure
of the particular group with no significant attempt to carry
the analysis outside that boundary.
7.
Psychological anthropology - this area has been popular

with certain groups of American anthropologists since the
thirties, starting with the "Culture and Personality" school
based on Freud's work and, more recently, "emic study"
enthusiasts and members of the "New Ethnology" group.
This field is necessarily theoretical and so in the reports
and theses on this topic one finds less general anthropolo164
Malaysia
gical data; however, the interpretation of the data has a
much wider scope to it than most other types of study.
The authors in this field are K. Stewart (1947), Dentan
(1968a), C. Robarchek (1977) and Halimah Abdullah
(1977).
8.
Medical anthropology - the work done in this field has

been primarily clinical (e.g. Dunn 1972 on internal parasitism among the Orang Asli), research into traditional
healing systems being written up, firstly, as a study of belief systems. Rambo's (1979) article on the scope of
human ecological research is informative with regard to
approaches, authors, etc. in this field.
9. Economic anthropology - the amount of work done on

the economy of the Orang Asli groups is shockingly small,
particularly considering the important role such studies
must play in the development of government policies concerning issues such as resettlement and assimilation. Kirk
Endicott's (1974) Ph.D. thesis on Batek economy and
social organization, Mohd. Aris Khamis' (1969) BA thesis
(in History) involving a survey of Orang Asli economic
development from 1800 to 1966, and M.A. Couillard's
article (1977) and book (1980) on the shift among the
Jah Hut from a traditional swidden economy to one based
on commodity production for sale are the only works on
the Orang Asli economic structure. In addition, only
Endicott and Couillard have made use of, and contributed
to, the theories found under the rubric of 'economic anthropology'.
10. Demography - Within this discipline the construction of
a valid theoretical base changed demography from a
mechanical form of census-taking to a useful anthropological tool for analyzing and predicting the effects of population behaviour. Two students have done a relatively large
amount of work on the subject over the past decade. Fix
(1971) worked with the theory of genetic micro-differentiation in his Ph.D. thesis as well as developing a method
that could be used to estimate mortality rates in the absence of vital statistics records for the group. Gomes'
(1976) BA thesis examined the impact of social factors on
the demography of a group of Jahai Negritos.
165

11. Deveiopment, assimilatz"on, inter-ethnic relations - Given
the fact that most of the work on these subjects has been
done by JOA staff in the employ of a conservative, democratic government, it is understandable that the more radical theories of development (e.g., Gunder-Frank) do not
make an appearance in the literature. However, none of
the work addresses any formal theory of change or modernization, conservative or radical. Rather, the work tends
to be concerned with the immediate formulation of policies and programmes, based on rather shaky analyses of
the Orang Asli situation. Student work on the subject
tends to be documentation of the immediate situation and
suggestions for amelioration of what they perceive as problems. This is an area that is desperately in need of more
theoretically-grounded research by anthropologists sensitive to the political issues involved.
The literature on swidden cultivators is for the most part
descriptive and synchronic: to complete the anthropological picture,
research must now be done from a solid theoretical base or else
attempts must be made to carry analysis from the specific to the
more abstract as the first step towards contributing to new theory.
Also a proper historical perspective must be considered a basic
requirement of any ethnographic report.
The basic anthropological method of collecting data-participant-observation - still appears to be the only way to really comprehend another culture. Among other things, it allows the researcher to discover the real, as opposed to ideal, behaviour of people
in certain proscriptive situations, and to gain the confidence of the
community to the point where previously unrevealed areas of ritual
and sacred knowledge may be disclosed. Most of the work done on
the Orang Asli has been based on personal contact between the
authors and the people. However, the length of the contact and the
type of contact (e.g., daily trips in, as opposed to residence) are
extremely variable depending on the researcher and the demands of
his project. The length and type of fieldwork should be clearly
stated at the beginning of the report along with the author's own
estimation of how this might have affected the quality and quantity
of data collected. In the same way the author of a report should
make it clear if he has any affiliations which may have skewed his
data collection. To be more specific, JOA officers should discuss
166
Ma lay sa
what effect their official position might have had on their Orang Asli
informants and on the behaviour of the group as a whole. And, to
address a more sensitive issue, Malay researchers should openly discuss, in the introduction to their reports, the possibility that longstanding antagonistic feelings between the two races may have affected the Orang Asli's attitude toward the researcher and vice versa.
This has already been done by Hood in the introduction to both
his theses, and by several of the Malay students from USM who
wrote provisional reports.
Some areas require attention in the near future. Although there
are no ethnic groups practising swidden cultivation that have been
left unstudied none of them have really been the subject of a comprehensive anthropological survey. Some, such as the Semaq Beri,
have only been the subject of one linguistic study as well as Ph.D.
fieldwork by a graduate student Oensen)whose thesis is not yet
finished. Thus, one could say that all the ethnic groups have been
studied but few adequately and none completely. More specifically,
future researchers should investigate kinship systems and social
organization, particularly comparatively; cultural ecology with
emphasis on the viability of a swidden cultivation as an ongoing
economic system; the economic structure of the various groups, the
changes taking place within the economy and the effect that they
have on the rest of the social structure; women's roles, particularly
economic, in swidden societies; political structures, formal and
informal, such as power brokerage, ideal versus real influence in the
community, the increasing (?) influence of formerly powerless
government-appointed headmen; and. finally, trade - as a part of
the traditional economy, as a catalyst for change and as the first
(inevitable?) link with the Western-style, wage-labour economy of
the majority of Malaysians.
Non-Orang Asli
Shifting Cultivators
The subject of swidden cultivation has not been well-covered in
Peninsular Malaysia: it has only been broached by forestry officials
in the form of a few, very short articles. After surveying the litera-
167
ture it appears that the authors do make one assumption about

swidden cultivation - that its practice is intimately linked with a
particular type of social organization. In fact, in much present-day
anthropological writing, world cultures are divided into discrete,
classificatory groups based on the type of economic system they
follow, (i.e., hunters and gatherers, swidden horticulturalists, sedentary farmers). Thus, in the case of Malaysia, it would be assumed, by
somebody still thinking in this evolutionary framework, that since
shifting cultivation is mainly practised by "underdeveloped" Orang
Asli groups, the more developed, Islamicized Malays have a correspondingly more developed type of food production. This is not
entirely the case today and seventy years ago even more Malays were
practising several different forms of non-permanent cultivation of
rice, and also maize, millet and gourds.
R.D. Hill has written an authoritative book, Rice in Malaya, on
the subject of cultivation systems and the development of rice
cultivation in the Peninsula. It covers the period up to and including
the decade of 1900-1910. This is the only widely-informed source
to be found on the subject of shifting cultivation as practised both
by the Orang Asli and, more particularly, by the Malays. Hill describes the round of work associated with Malay shifting cultivation,
drawing his information from the writings of authors such as Marsden, Raffles and Maxwell (pp. 38-40).
Hill explains that geographically there were four zones of settlement between the sea and the mountains - the first two contained,
respectively, the settlements of fishermen, Orang Asli and pirates,
and farther upland, wet rice farmers. However:
Inland again and up-slope were the hamlets of
Malay shifting cultivators separated from each
other by tracts of forest from which timber and
jungle products were extracted. Beyond these
yet again... were the orang bukit. the aboriginal
hill peoples, living a largely self-contained and
self-sufficient life. (Hill 1977:48).
This was the general pattern of horticulture in the Peninsula, at least
until 1910: in some areas of Kelantan, Trengganu and Pahang, it is
still the pattern U. Collins, personal communication). Hill's book
covers all the Malaysian states and he was able to obtain information
concerning the location of Malay shifting cultivators in each area.
168
In Kedah. Kubang Pasu and Padang Trap were two districts,

located beyond the rice plain, where "there were some bendangs but
most of the cultivation was in the hill clearings of huma (shifting)
cultivation, in which rice, maize, manioc and plantains were grown,
largely by Malays, Samsams and Siamese" (p. 62).
"The third zone (in Kelantan) comprised the more remote
valley lands in which shifting cultivation was practised by Malays.
Graham (1908) does not suggest that the making of ladangs was
confined only to the aboriginal tribes or to hill lands" (p. 66).
In 1900, trengganu had 30 per cent of its rice land under shifting cultivation, with maize, tapioca and yams being planted in the
rice fields during the dry season (p. 68).
Even in Province Wellesley and on Penang Island. swidden
horticulture was being practised. Low estimated in 1836 that there
were 270 acres under shifting cultivation at any given time on tht;
island and that in Province Wellesley padi huma contributed some
4 per cent of the total production of rice (p. 73,85).
Sinclair reported in 1877 that, in Perak. rice was grown by shifting cultivation on the sand ridges near the heads of major creeks
along the coast (p. 93). Only the river valleys were in wet rice; "for
the rest, shifting cultivation, by Malays as in Kinta, or Patani folk as
in Upper Perak or by aborigines as in the eastern hills and mountains,
was the ruling mode of culture." (p. 94). In the area around Ipoh:
Temporary cultivation was the rule, swamps and
hills being treated alike in that the forest was
cleared and the seed flung onto the soil, 'paddy
turbuang', according to Murton (1878: 107)...
Most people wished merely to obtain virgin
forest land, rimba. for growing dry rice, in many
cases attempting to avoid the government
prohibition of this by claiming that they proposed to grow coffee, pepper or nutmeg (p.
142).
In Negri Sembilan. war often led to an increase in the proportion of shifting cultivation since it could be practised in the
security of deep forest l but seven "in ordinary circumstances the
This method of escape was used more recently by Malays during the Japanese
occupation. (H.M. Dahlan, pers. comm.)
169

Minangkabau still commonly cultivated ladangs in tracts of secondary forest up slope" not only as insurance against crop failure but
because of the superior quality of hill rice (p. 126).
A good deal of land was also under shifting cultivation in
Selangor - no estimate could be made for Ulu Selangor by Hill but
in the Kuala Lumpur district he says it was quite extensive: "Most
of the land unner (shifting) cultivation in 1883 was planted with hill
rice, tapioca, bananas, maize and sugarcane". Ridley (1896) noted
that much of the forest left was secondary growth, largely the result
of shifting cultivation (p. 150). In Kuala Langat, shifting cultivation
of the swamp-forest was the rule:
The migratory habits of the ladang-makers had
two positive values; they sorted out the good
land from the bad and the economic activities
from the uneconomic, though only at the cost
of destroying large tracts of forest, the preservation of which was a peculiarly European desideratum (p. 153).
In the Kuantan basin of Pahang there were only two major
classes of cultivation - paya and shifting cultivation, the latter being
practised both on the hills and in swamps. Many of the cultivators
in this area came from Kelantan. Shifting cultivation was the rule for
the rest of Pahang and was practised both by Malays and aborigines.
Wise's (1901) Malay informants told him that the area of tanah
ladang (Le., swidden fields) annually brought under cultivation exceeded either of the other forms of horticulture (pp. 158-160).
Hill then describes the temporary systems of cultivation practised by the Malays in Pahang. He says that the following three
padi chedong. padi paya tabor. and padi tugal (huma) were probably
the most widespread of all cultivation systems in the State and were
not just confined to the hill lands. Hill also underlines the fact that
in no case did the Malay systems ever involve shifting the settlement
to the area of the new ladang (p. 162). And, finally, in Johore only
shifting cultivation (no wet rice) was reported in 1826. (p. 163)
The above quotes serve to illustrate that there is a very long
tradition of swidden cultivation among Malays throughout the
Peninsula. Although they do not shift residence as most swidden
farmers the major concern of this report lies with practitioners of
swidden cultivation no matter what form the accompanying culture
170
Malaysia
takes. Thus this is an area that could be fruitfully investigated, particularly for a comparative study with the Orang Asli or any other
swidden cultivators who shift field and home.
Bibliography I:
in Chronological Sequence
(This biblography is arranged chronologically, the references

for each single year arranged alphabetically by author. Each decade
is marked off by a line until the 1960s at which point, for the sake
of clarity, the demarcation is made annually. The year is only given
once and assumed repeated.)
Abbreviations used
Bijd. T.T.L.V.
Bijdragen Tot de Taal-, Land-, en

Volkenkunde.
FMJ. or Fed. Mus. J.
Federation Museums Journal,
JFMSMus.
Journal of the Federated Malay States

Museum.
JIA
Journal of the Indian Archipelago and

Eastern Asia.
JMBRAS
Journal of the Malayan Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society.
JHEOAorJOA
Jabatan Hal Ehwal Orang Asli

(Dept. of Orang Asli Affairs)
JRAI
Journal of the Royal Anthropological

Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
JSBRAS
Journal of the Straits Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society.
MF
Malayan Forester.
Tijd. Ind. T.L.V.
Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land-,

en Volkenkunde.
UKM
Universiti Kebengsaan Malaysia.
171

UM
Universiti Malaya.
UPM
Universiti Pertanian Malaysia.
USM
Universiti Sains Malaysia.
1824
Anderson John
Political and Commercial Considerations Relatbe to the Malayan Peninsula and the Britzsh Settlements in the Straits of Malacca. With Appendix of
the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Malayan Peninsula
and Particularly of the Negroes Called Semang.
Prince of Wales Island: East India Coo's Civil Service.
1847a
Logan,].R
Orang Binua of Johore,]lA 1 :242-293.
Physical characteristics of the Mintra.

1:294-295.
The Orang Biduanda Kallang of the River Pulai

in Johore. JIA 1:299-302.
Table of measurements illustrative of the peculiarities of the Mintra, Biduanda, Kallang and Sabimba.
]lA 1:305.
The superstitions of the Mintira with some

additional remarks on their customs, etc. JIA 1:307322.
1848
]lA
Favre, P.
Wild tribes of the Malayan Peninsula. Sumatra
and a few neighboring islands. ]lA
1850
Anderson, John
The Semang and Sakai tribes of the Malay
Peninsula. ]IA 424-432.
1850a
Low, Col. J ames

The Semang and Sakai tribes of the Malay
Peninsula. ]lA 4: 424-432.
The Karean tribes or aborigines of Martaban and

Tavai with notices of the aborigines in Kedah and
Perak. ]IA 4:413.
172
'Malaysa
1851
Barbe, Rev.
Agriculture of the Mintra.
1853
JIA
5: 487-488.
Earl, George W.
The Semang of the Malay Peninsula. In the
Natve Races of the Indz"an Archz"pelago: 150-157.
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1861
Leupe, P.A.
De Orang Benona's of wilden op Malaka, in
1642. Bjdragen Taal-, L and -en Volken-Kunde
Nederlandsch Inde 4:127-133.
Borie, H.
Notice sur les Mantras. Tzjd. Ind. T.L. V.
10:431 f.
a
Hunt, James
On the physical and mental characters of the
Negros. Anthropologcal Revew. Vo!. 1
1874
On the Negrito's place in nature. Memors

Read before the Anthropologz"cal Socety of London,
Vo!. 1:1--65.
Hamy,E.T.
Sur les race sauvages de la peninsule Malaise
et en particulier sur les Jakuns. Bull. de la Socete
d'Anthropologe de Bordeaux et du Sud-Quest.
2(9): 716-723.
1876
Castelnau, Fr. de
Memoire sur les Mantras. Revue de Phz"lologe
et d'Ethnographz"e 2:132-143.
1878
Anonymous
The Semangs. jSBRAS 2:231
Bort, Balthasar
Corte beschrijvinch der wilde Menschen, hun
omtrent Malacca. Tjd.Ind. T.L. V. 27
Maxwell, W.E.
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173

Kedah and Perak bordering on rovmce Wellesley.
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a
Miklucho-Mclay, N. von
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peinsula. jSBRAS 1: 38-44.
1879a
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jSBRAS 2: 205-221.
Leech, H. W.C.
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jSBRAS 4:34-44.
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Maxwell, W.E.
Aboriginal tribes of Perak.
1880a
jSBRAS 4: 46-50.
Swettenham, F.A.
From Perak to Slim and down the Slim and
Bernam Rivers. jSBRAS 5:51-68a.
1882
Comparative vocabulary of the dialects of some

of the wild tribes inhabiting the Malayan Peninsula,
Borneo, etc. jSBRAS 5:125-156.
Brau de Saint-Pol Lias
Sur la riviere Pluss, interieur de la Presqu'ile
Malaise: Nouvelle Revue.
Croix, J. Errington de la
Etude sur les Sakaies de Perak. Revue d' Ethnographie 1: 31 7 H.
Daly, D.D.
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the Malayan Peninsula 1875-82. London: Proceeding of the Geographical Society, N.S. 4:393 ff.
Hervey, D.F.A
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1883
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174
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1884
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1885
jSBRAS 10:189-194.
Croix,J. Errington de la
Sept mois au pays de l'etain, Perak. Bull, de
la Societe de Geographie de Pans, 1885: 394 ff.
1885
Morgan,Jacques de
Moeurs, coutumes, et langages de Negritos de
l'interieur de la presqu'ile Malaise. Bull. de la Societe
Normande de Geographie 7:411-455.
1886
Bellamy, G.C.
The Sakais of Selangor, Kuala Langat, Selangor
journal, 1895,3(14): 224 ff.
Borie, H.
La Presqu'ile de Malacca.
Sauvage. Tulle.
Les Malaise et les
Clifford, Hugh
The Sakai language.
jSBRAS 17:102-103
Morgan, Jacques de
Exploration dans la presqu'ile Malaise linguistique, moeurs, coutumes et langages des Negritos.
Bull. de la Societe Normande de Geographie 8:
141-169: 211-227 and 281-301.
1887
Campbell, J.A.G.
The Sakais of Selangor, Ulu Langat.
journalVol. 3 1895, No. 15:240 ff.
Selangor
Swettenham, F.
On the native races of the Straits Settlements
and Malay States. JRAI. 16:221
1888
Hale, Abraham
1891
On the Sakai. journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain & Ireland 15:285-301
Clifford, Hugh
Some notes on the Sakai dialects of the Malay
PeninsulajSBRAS 24: 13-29.
175

1892
Letessier, Rev. Charles

The Sakais of Selangor. Selangor j. 1: 101
Wray, L.
Ipoh poison of the Malay Peninsula.
21:476-481.
1894
JRA!
Dennys, N.B.
Descriptive Dictionary of British Malaya. London.

Kellsall, RS.
A list of Jakun names of persons, collected at
S. Madek. jSBRAS 26:57.
Luke, H.W. and RJ. Kelsall
The camphor tree and camphor language of
Johore. jSBRAS 26:35-56.
Swettenham, J.
Note on the Jaccons. JRA! 23:89-90. Virchow,
R.
Haar und shadel von Blandas Sinnoi (Malacca)
und der schadel eines Selon (Mergui-Archipel). Verhandlungen Berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie.
Ethnologie und Urgeschichte: 354-364.
Wray, L.
The long-jointed bamboo called "buloh bersumpitan" used by the Semang for making blowpipes.
Perak Mus. Notes No. 3:54 ff.
1895
Skeat, W.W.
gor:
1896
Report to gov't relating to Sakai tribes in SelanKuala Langat district. Selangor j. 5:525.
Bartels, Max
Mittheilungen aus dem Fraunieben der Orang
Belandas, der Orang Djakun und der Orang Laut.
Zeitschrift Fur Ethnologies 28:163-202.
Lapicque
A la recherche des Negritos Le Tour du Monde
176
Malaysia
N.S 1895 (1): 409, ff. 1896(2): 37, ff.
Skeat, W.W.
Sakai tribes in Selangor, Kuala Langat district.
Selangor Journal 5:325-333, 361-366, 392-395.
1897a
Clifford, Hugh
A journey through the Malay states of Trengganu and Pahang. Geography Journal 9:20.
A journey through the Malay states of Trengganu and Kelantan. J of the Royal Geog. Soc.
9: 1 ff.
Douglas, W.W.
Report to Government relating to Sakai tribes
in Selangor, Klang district. Selangor j. 5.
Maxwell, Charlton N.
Report to Government relating to the Sakai
tribes in Selangor, Ulu Selangor district. Selangor j.
5.
Roe, E.].
Report to Government relating to Sakai tribes
in Selangor, Kuala Lumpur district Selangor j. 5.
1897
Scott, W.D.
Report relating to Sakai tribes in Selangor,
Kuala Selangor district. Selangor j. 5:396.
Stonor,O.F.
Report to Government relating to Sakai tribes in
Se1angor, Ulu Langat district. Selangor j. 5:395.
1899
Martin, Rudolf
Die Ureinwohner der Malayischen Halbinsel.
Correspondenx-Blatt der Deutschen Anthropologischen Gesellschaft: 125.
1900
Martin, Rudolf.
Ueber eine Reise durch die Malayische Halbinel.
Mitteilungen der Naturwissenschaftlz"chen Gesellschaft
in Winterthur 2:21.
177

1901
Luering, Fr
Ulu Kampar Sakai. jSBRAS 35.
1902
Machado, A.D.
A vocabulary of the Jakuns of Batu Pahat,
Johore together with some remarks on their customs
and peculiarities. jSBRAS 38: 29-33.
1903
Annandale, Nelson and Herbert C. Robinson
Fasciculz" Malayenses:
Anthropological and
Zoological Results of an Expedition to Perak and the
Siamese Malay States, 1901-2: Anthropology, Part
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Blagden, Charles Otto
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Semang dialects of the Malay peninsula. jSBRAS
39:47-63.
1903
Schmidt, Pater Wilhelm

The Sakai and Semang languages in the Malay
Peninsula and their relations to the Mon-Khmer
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1904
Cerruti, G.B.
The Sakais of Batang Padang, Perak jSBRAS .
41 :113-11 7.
1905
Knocker, F.W.
A Sakai counting-stick or tally.
1(2): 60-61.
jFMS Mus.
Martin, Rudolf.
Die Inlandstamme der Malayischen Ha lbinsel.

Gustav Fischer. Jena.
1906
Cerruti, G.B.
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11. London: Mac Millan and Co. (Reprint by
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1907
Abbott, W.L.
Bark canoes among the Jakuns and Dyaks.
]SBRAS 49: 109-11.
1907-1916
Wilkinson, R.J. (ed.)

Papers on Malay Subjects.
Kuala Lumpur:
Oxford Univ. Press (Reprint, 1971).
1908
Cerruti, G.B.
My Friends the Savages. trans. by I.
Sapietro. Como.
Stone
Sanderson, Mrs. Reginald

The Population of Malaya. In A. Wright (ed.)
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1910
Wilkinson, R.].
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1912
Sircom, H.S.
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1913
Evans, I.H.N.
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1914a
Evans, I.H.N.
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Kloss, C. Boden
Measurements of some Biduana (Mantra) of
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Versuch einer Sakai grammatik und vocabu-'
179

larium. Anthropos 9: 529-538.
1915a
Evans, I.RN.
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176-186.
1915b
Evans, I.H.N.
Notes on some aboriginal tribes of Pahang.
]FMS Mus. 5(4): 192-219.
Notes on the Sakai of Ulu Sungkai in Batang

Padang district of Perak. ]FMS Mus. 6:85-101.
Notes on various aboriginal ,tribes of Negri

Sembilan. ]FMS Mus. 6(2). 101-114.
Some Semang vocabularies obtained

and Pahang. ]FMS Mus. 6(2): 115-125.
In
Perak
Dennys, F.O.B.
The Semang between Jaring and Remen. ]FMS
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Kloss, C.B.
Measurements of some Sakai of Sungkai and
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Robinson, RC. and C.B. Kloss
Additional notes on the Semang Paya of Ijok,
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Wilkinson, R.J.
A Vocabulary of Central Sakai Dialects of the

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1916a
Evans, I.RN.
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1916c
Notes on the Sakai of the Korbu river and the

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1920a
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Some Negrito beliefs and customs. ]FMS Mus.
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]FMS Mus. 9(1).
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Evans, I.H.N.
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1923a
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1925
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1976
Rambo, A.T.
Aktiviti "memburu-menghimpun" (hunting and
202
Malaysz"a
gathering) dz" kalangan Orang ]ahaz" Negrz"to di kawasan penemputan semula Orang-orang AsH dz" Pos Sq.
Rual. Tanah Merah, Ulu Kelantan. Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
Ratos, A.
Sedikit catitan ten tang kepercayaan keugamaan

Orang-orang fah-Hut.
Muzium Negara Malaysia.
Safian b. Mohd. Nazir,
Kampung Temakah: A Temiar community in

Perak. Prov. Research Report 4. Penang: Soc.
Anthrop Section, School of Comp. Soc. Se., USM.
Sharpe, Bryan
Interim Report on the Economic Conditions and

Prospects of the Orang AsH of Southeast Pahang:
Lembaga Kemajuan Pahang Tenggara Ill, N.
Taib bin Musa
Kepercayaan Suku Temuan dz" Bukz"t Langan.

RA. thesis, UKM.
Tamadan,j.
Orang Kuala Rengit: Satu gambaran Umum

dengan penekanan pada kegiaten Ekonomi dan
masalah yang berkaitan dengannya. Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
1977
Azizah Kassim
Orang-orang Temuan di Kg. Tuntur, Negri
Sembilan-Assimilasi budaya dan masalah integrasi
ke dalam masyarakat Melayu. ]emal Manusia dan
Masyarakat, Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
Baharon A.R.
Penyelidikan di kalangan Orang Asli:
satu
lapuran rengkas. Working paper pres. at Simposz"um
Kesarjanaan Melayu. K.L.
1977
Couillard-Afendras, M.A.
The commoditisation of a people. Insan (USM),
Januari, pp. 16-18.
203
Swdden cultvatz"on n Asa
Fix, A.
"The Demography of the Sema Seno." Ann
Arbor: Museum of Anthropology, Univ. of Michigan,
Anthropological papers 62.
Gall, Patricia L.
Temuan sodo-economic change: an ecological
model. In W. Wood (ed.), Cultural-ecologcal perspectves on Southeast Asa 11:102-112. Athens,
Ohio: Ohio Univ. Centre for Intemat. Studies,
Southeast Asia Programme.
Halimah bt. Abdullah
Psychologcal Adaptaton of Orang Asl and
Malays to ther Envronment.
B.A, thesis, Dept.
of Anthrop.,/Soc., UM.
Hill, R.D.
Rce n Malaya: A Study n Hstorcal Geography. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford Univ. Press.
Hood,M.S.
Curative rituals: a study of Semelai trance. PaPer press. at Semnar Etnograf Orang AsH, UM.
Jensen, Knud-Erik
Relative Age and Category:
Case. Folk 19/20: 171-181.
The Semaq Beri
Khoo Theam-eng
Some Aspects of the Nutrtonal Status of
Temar n Kemar. Unpub. MPH thesis, UM.
1977
Mohd. Said b. Mobin

Kekeluargaan dan hubungan personal d kalangan anggota keluarga rang Asl: satu kajan kes d
kampong Batu 26. dan Kampong Panjot. B.A. thesis,
Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UKM.
Nik Safiah Karim and Ton bt. Ibrahim

Penyeldkan Bahasa d Ulu TembeHng. Jabatan
Pengajian Aelayu, UM.
204
Malaysia
Perpustekaan U.K.M.
Malaysian Aborigines and Related Groups in
Southeast Asia. No. 9 in Bibliograf Kebudayaan
Melayu Series.
Robarchek, C.A.
Semai Nonviolence. Ph.D. thesis, UC Reverside.
University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
Robarchek, Clayton
"Prustration, aggression and the non-violent
Semai". American Ethnologist 4:762-779.
Saxe, Arthur and P. Gall
Ecological determinants of mortuary practices:
the Temuan of Malaysia. In W. Wood (ed.) Culturalecological perspectz'..?s on Southeast Asia.
74-82
Athens, Ohio:
Centre for Internatlonal Studies,
S.E.A. programme, Ohio University.
Stephenson, J osaphine
The Ethnoecology of the Temuans of Kampung
Paya Lebar. Unpub. B.A. thesis, Dept. of Zoology,
UM.
Voon, P.K. and S.H. Khoo

A Perspective of Orang Asli Settlement and
Resettlement in Peninsular Malaysia. Paper pres. at
Seminar of the Malaysian Soc. for Asian Studies,
Kuala Lumpur.
Zainuddin Abdul Rahman

The Temuan Ecosystem.
Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
1977
Unpub. B.A. thesis,
Zainuddin bin Ahmad

Perhubungan ekonomi dan ketuaan di kalangan
masyarakat Semai. RA. thesis, Dept. of Anthroop./
Soc., UKM.
1978
Awang Hasmadi Awang Mois

Orang Asli di Semenanjung, organisasi dan
perubahan. Dewan Masyarakat 16(2): 6-9.
205

Azizah Kassim
Some aspects of Temuan beliefs. Fed. Mus. j.
23.
Carey, I.
Penempatan semula Orang Asli dari perspectif
pensejarahan.
Dewan Masyarakat 16(2): 50-55.
Dahlan, H.M.
PenyeHdikan mengenai Orang AsH dulu dan kini.
Dewan Masyarakat 15(2): 16-17.
a
Hood,M.S.
Semelai Rituals of Curing. Unpub. Ph.D. thesis,

Univ. of Oxford.
b
Upacara 'Belian ': satu upacara-amal pembomohan Semelai. Dewan Masyarakat 16(2): 14-15.
Laird, P.
Temog shamanism and affliction. Unpub. Ph.D.

thesis, Melbourne: Monash Univ.
Paul, Robert
Instinctive aggression in man-the Semai case.
j. Psychol. Anthrop. 1 (1).

Rambo,A.T.
Bow, blowpipes and blunder busses; the ecological implications of weapons change among the
Malaysian. Negritos Malayan Nature Journal 32:
209-216.
1978
Shamsul Amri Baharuddin

Sikap dan prasangka terhadap
DewanMasyarakat 16(2): 10-11.
1979
Orang Asli.
Azizah Kassim
Research on the Orang AsH in the University of
Malaya. Fed. Mus. j. 24:219-234.
Baharon Ashar bin Rafie'i
Research on the Orang Asli and its relevance to
the Dept. of Orang AsH Affairs, Malaysia. Fed. Mus
]. 24: 185-210.
206
Malaysia
Couillard-Afendras, M.A.
A Jah-Hut community and its wood carvings.
Fed. Mus.]. 24: 125-144.
Dahlan, H.M.
Penyelidikan terhadap masyarakat Orang Asli
masakini. Fed. Mus.]. 24:211-218.
Diffloth, G.
Aslian languages and Southeast Asian prehistory.
Fed. Mus. ]. 24:3-18.
Endicott, Karen
Batek Negrito sex roles.

Australian National University.
a
Unpub. M.A. thesis,
Endicott, Kirk
Batek Negrito religion: the world view and

rituals of a hunting and gathering people of peninsular Malaysia. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
1979
"The Batek Negrito thunder god: the personification of a natural force". In A.L. Becker and A.
Yengoyan (eds.), The Imagination of Reality: essays
in Southeast Asian colerence systems. pp. 29-42.
Norwood: Ablex.
Gomes, A.G.
The demography of the Orang Asli
Fed. Mus. J. 24:75-92.
In
Malaysia.
Hood,M.S.
The cultural context of Semelai trance.
Mus.]. 24:107-124.
Fed.
Khoo Team Eng

Health priorities in the resettlement of the
Orang Asli. Fed. Mus.]. 24: 177-184.
Nik Safiah Karim and
Tom binti Ibrahim
Semoq Ben:
Mus.]' 24:19-40.
some preliminary remarks. Fed.
207

Rambo, T.
1979
"Orang Asli ecology: a review of research on

the environmental relations of the Aborigines of
Peninsular Malaysia". Fed. Mus. J. 24:41-75.
The Image of Nonviolence: World View of the
Semai Senoi.
Paper presented to South-western
Anthropological Association. Santa Barbora, 1979.
University of Malaya Library
Checklist of materials on the Orang Asli available in the University of Malaya Library. Fed. Mus.
J. 24:245-266.
Voon, P.K., S.H. Khoo and Zaharah Haji Mahmud
Integrated surveys for socio-economic change
among the Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia. Fed.
Mus. ]. 24: 145-158.
Walker, Anthony R.
Orang AsH studies at Universiti Sains Malaysia
1971-1977. Fed. Mus. J. 24:235-244.
Carey, 1.
Orang Asli, Tanah Melayu dan Masa Depannya.

Mimeo. K.L.: lOA.
n.d.
Chow Kim Sing
n.d.
Held report on the ecosystem of the sq. Cadak

community. Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
Othman,M.
Kajian terhadap aspek Assimilasi Budaya Nasional dalam Komuniti Orang Aslz" Semai di Pos Woh,
Tapah. Perak. Dept. of Anthrop./Soc., UM.
Rambo,A.T.
"Primitive Polluters; the impact of the ]ahai

Negritos on their Malaysian tropical rain forest
environment." Unpub. Mss., Dept. of Anthrop./Soc.,
UM.
1980
Benjamin, Geoffrey
"Semang.
Senoi.
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Malay:
Culture-His tory,
Malaysia
Kinship. and Consciousness in the Malay Peninsula."
Unpub. manuscript. ANU.
Couillard, M.A.
Tradition in Tension: Carving in a fah Hut

Community. Penang: Penerbit Univ. Sains Malaysia
for School of Comparative Social Sciences.
Hood,M.S.
Orang Asli as Peasants. Peper presented at
Conference on Peasantry and Development in the
Asean Region. Bangi, Malaysia: UKM.
I
1980
Hood,M.S.
Orang Aslt' Perceptz'ons of the Malay World.

Paper presented to Eighth International Conference
of Historians of Asia. Kuala Lumpur, August, 1980.
Howell, Signe
"Rules Nor Words." In Paul Heelas and Andrew
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Robarchek, C.A.
Modernization. Cultural values and the Nonviolent People: World View and Sociocultural Change
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to Malaysian gov't. on research conducted among
Orang Asli in Perak.
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Medical Reports Concerning Orang Asli
(Arranged alphabetically by author)

Brearley, A
1970
209
Serum proteins, Haematocrits,

heights and weights of aborigine subjects in West Malaysia.
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Bums - Cox, C.]. and

].D. Maclean
1970
Splenomegaly and blood pressure in aborigines in an Orang

Asli Community in West Malaysia. Amer. Heart j. 80:718
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Y.H. and R. Gillman
1972
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coronary
heart disease in
Aborigines in West Malaysia.
Brit. Heart j. 34(9): 953-958.
Chan Onn Leng and

Philip Chang
1971
The pharmacological activity

of Malaysian blowpipe dart
poison. Fz[th Malaysia-Singapore Congress of Medicine
1970. Kuala Lumpur: 105108.
Chan Onn Leng et al
1974
The cardiorespiratory fitness

and energy expenditure of the
Temiars. M]M 28(4): 267-272.
Chen,P.
1975
Medical systems In Malaysia:

cultural bases and differential
Soc. Sc. and Med. 9:
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Del Tufo, M.V.
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Census of Population K.L.:
Gov't. Printer.
Dissanaike, A.S., Ong,

RT. and S.P. Kan
1974
Trypanosome
infections In
Orang Asli (Aborigines) in West
Trans. Roy. Soc.
Malaysia.
Trop. Med. Hyg. 68:494-495.
Dissanaike, A.S.
and V. Thomas
1977
Study
among
Amer
26(4):
Dissanaike, A.S. et al
1977
Dunn, F.L.
1972
Studies on parasitic infections

in Orang Asli (Aborigines) In
Peninsular Malaysia.
M]M.
Internal parasitism in Malayan
aborigines. WHO Bull. 46(1):
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aborigines by IFA testsj. Trop. Med. Hyg.
401-406.
Malaysia
1976
Further studies on trypanosomiasis in Orang AsH (Aborigines) in West Malaysia. Trans.

Roy. Soc. Trop. Med. Hyg.
70: 170-171.
Haug, N.L., Davies, C.E.,

1969
Ananden, J. and T.W. Lim
Studies of bacterial disease in

West Malaysia Orang AsH.
MJM.
23:192-198, 269-271
24:24-31.
Sarcocystis infection in an
Orang Asli: the second human
case _from Malaysia. S.E. Asia
j. Trop. Med. Pub. Health
6:400-401.
Else, j.C. et al
Kannankutty, M. et al
1975
Lie-Injo, L.E., Bear, Al,

1977
Lewis., A.N., and O.B. Welch.
Haemoglobin constant spring

(slow-moving Haemoglobin C
components) and Haemoglobin
E in Malayan aborigines. Amer
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Lie-Injo, L.E. and j. Chin
1964
Abnormal Haemoglobin and

glucose 6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency in Malayan
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Lie-Injo, L.E.
1965
Hereditary ovulocytosis and

Haemoglobin E ovulocytosis in
Malayan Aborigines.
Nature
(London) 208:1329.
Lie-Injo, L.E.,
Bolton, J.M. and
H.B. Frudenberg.
1966
Hereditary ovulocytosis and

Gm groups in Malayan aborigines. Proc. Eleventh Paczfic
Science Congress 8:12.
Lie-Injo, L.E., Fix,

A., Bolton, J.M. and
R.B. Gilman
1972
Haemoglobin E-hereditary elliptocytosis in Malayan aborigines.

Acta Haematologica 47:210216.
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Lugg, ].W.N.
1975
Taste thresholds for phenolthiocarbamide, II: The thresholds of two uncivilized ethnic
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Dissanaike
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1951a
Endemic goitre in
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1951b
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1968
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Hepatic and pulmonary porocephaliasis in Malaysian Orang

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Montgomery
1974
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Ramachandran, C.P.
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1964
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Malays living close to Kuala
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1953
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Bibliography Ill:
Ethnic Group and Topic
(This bibliography is arranged according to ethnic group. There

are five major divisions (Negrito, Senoi. Pro to-Malay , Orang Asli,
Non Orang Asli Swidden cultivators) with subdivisions into specific
ethnic groups (e.g. Negrito-Batek, ]ahaz: Kenszu, etc.). Withz"n each
ethnic group. the references are divded according to the subject area
addressed by the author (e.g. Belief System, Social change. etc.).
The references themselves are ordered chronologically and linked
with the main biblz"ography. Thus to obtain a title one must crossrefer to Biblz"ography I.)
Negritos
BATEK
1)
BeHef system
1929
1973
1976
1979b
c
2)
Ahmad Salludin Y.N.D.

Atikah H.A.
Endicott, Kirk
Endicott, Karen
Malay.
Malay.
Am.
Am.
Aizan M.Y.
Malay.
Social change
1975
4)
Brit.
Malay.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Social organization/economy
1973
1973
1974
1979
3)
Evans, I.H.N.
Saidah H.R.
Endicott, Kirk
Endicott, Kirk
Endicott, Kirk
General ethnography
1925
1976
Evans, I.H.N.
Khadizan and Ab. Razak
Brit.
Malay.
Schebesta, P.
Ger.
]AHAI
1)
Linguzstics
1926
213

2)
Health
1966
3)
Rambo, A.T.
Am.
Gomer, A.G.
Am. (?)
Social organization
1976
7)
Am.
Demography
1976
6)
Kinzie and Kinzie
Economy
1976
5)
Am.
Sodal change
1976
4)
Kinzie, Kinzie and

Tyas
Abdul R.L
Malay.
Rambo, A.T.
Am.
Ecology
n.d.
KENSIU
1)
General ethnography
1970
1976
2)
Carey, 1.
Ahmad Ezanee M.
Brit., gov't.
Malay.
Hughes, n.R.
Brit., gov't.
Evans,I.H.N.
Evans, LH.N.
Brit
Asmah O.
Asmah O.
Malay.
Malay.
Health
1964
KINTAK
1)
Relief system
1920a
1922
2)
Linguistics
1963
1973
3)
General ethnography
1976
Nagata, S.
Can.
LANCH
1)
General ethnography
1914b
1915
Evans.LH.N.
Evans. LH.N.
214
Brit
Brit
Malaysia
Robinson and Kloss
Evans, I.H.N.
Brit., gov't
Brit.
Evans, 1.H.N
Brit.
Brit., gov't
Carey, 1.
Brit., gov't.
Carey I.
Brit., gov't.
1915
1927a
2)
Belief systems
1923b
1954
MENDRIK
1)
Linguistics
1971a
2)
Kinship
1970b
NEGRITOS (concerning more than one group)

1)
General ethnography
1824
1853
1863a
1863b
1878
1885
1886
1896
1896
1915
1925
1927
1928
1934
1936
1952
1973
1976
2)
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Fr.
Fr.
Fr.
Fr.
Brit., gov't
Ger.
Ger.
Ger.
Am.
Brit.
Ger.
Brit.
Brit.
Material culture
1894b
1969
3)
Anderson, J.
Early,G.
Hunt,].
Hunt, J.
Anonymous
Morgan, ].de
Morgan, ].de
Lapicque
Lapicque
Dennys, F.O.B.
Schebesta, P.
Eickstedt, E.
Schebesta P.
Murdock, G.P.
Evans,1.H.N.
Schebesta, P.
Benjamin, G.
Needham, R.
Wray, L.
Endicott, Kirk
Brit., gov't.
Am.
Rambo,A.T.
Am
Ecology
1978
215

Lnguistics
4)
1915
1922
1927
1942
5)
Brit.
Brit.
Ger.
Ger.
Chew RT.
Malay.
Needham
Freeman
Brit.
?
Zakariah A.
Malay.
Social system
1971
6)
Evans, I.H.N:.
Adams, T.S.
Schebesta, P.
Schmidt, W.
Belef system
1967
1968
Senoi
ehe Wong
1)
Economy
1975
General ethnography
2)
1940
1956
1974
3)
Ogilvie, C.
Needham, R.
AdiH.T.
Brit., gov't.
Brit.
Malay.
Ogilvie, C.
Brit., gov't.
Mummery, C.F.
Brit.
Linguistics
1949
Health
4)
1948
Psychologcal anthropology
5)
1980
Howell, S.
Brit.
R.
Ger.
JAHHUT
1)
Art
1975
2)
Relz"gon
1976
3)
Wemer,
Ratos, A.
Brit., gov't.
Couilard A., M.A

Couillard A., M.A
Couillard A., M.A.
Can.
Can.
Can.
Economy
1977
1979
1980
216
Malaysia
4)
Lz'ngu is tics
1976
5)
Fr.
Medical anthropology
1969
6)
Diffloth
Polunin, L.
Brit., gov't.
Baharon, AR.
Malay., gov't
Oral tradition
1964
MAH MERI (Sedentary in modem times)

1)
General ethnography
1886
1895
1896
1877
1877
1913
Bel1amy, G.C.
Skeat, W.W.
Skeat, W.W.
Douglas, W.W.
Scott, W.D.
Evans, I.H.N.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit.
Fix, A.G.
Fix,A.G.
Fix, A.G.
Fix, AG. and Luan
E.L.I.
Fix, AG.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am./Malay
SEMAI
1)
Demography
1971
1974
1975
1975
1977
2)
Psychological anthropology
1968a
1968b
1977
1978
3)
Dentan, R.K.
Dentan, R.K.
Robarchek, C.
Paul, R.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Diffloth, G.P.
Ghazali v.a.
TahirM.
Fr.
Malay.
Malay.
Lz'nguistics
1968
1968
1969
4)
Am.
General ethnography
1901
1904
1915c
Luering
Cerruti, G.B.
Evans, I.H N.
217
Ger. (?)
Ital.
Brit.

1916a
1916b
1967
1972
1972
1973
1975
1965
1967
1968c
1968e
1970a
1970b
Malay.
Am.
Dentan, R.K
Dentan, R.K
Dentan, R.K
Dentan, R.K
Dentan, R.K
Dentan, R.K
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Othman,M.
HassanM.N.
Malay
Malay
Zainudin T.
Malay.
Social change
6)
n.d.
1975
Belief system
1975
8)
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Malay.
Malay.
Ethnosemantics
5)
7)
Evans, LH N.
Evans,LH.N.
Hooker N.B.
Zainal
Shamsui A.B.
et al
ZaitunM.A.
Dentan, R.K
Economy/ecology
n.d.
1971
1977
Chow KS.
Dentan, R.K.
Zainuddin A.R.
Malay.
Am.
Malay.
SEMELAI
1)
General ethnography
1964
1974
2)
Morley, D.
Brit.
Ecology
1974
4)
Malay.
Malay.
Health
1949
3)
Hoe B.S.
HoodM.S.
Furtado, J.L
Belief system/ritual
1975
1976
HoodM.S.
HoodM.S.
218
Malay
Malay
Malaysia
1977
1978a
1978h
1979
HoodM.S.
HoodM.S.
HoodM.S.
HoodM.S.
Malay
Malay
Malay
Malay
Nik Safiah K
and Ton ht. Ihrahim
Nik Safiah K
and Ton ht. Ihrahim
Malay
SEMOOBERI
1)
Lz'nguistics
1977
1979
2)
Malay
General ethnography
1974
1975
1977
Needham, R.
Endicott, K
Jensen, KE.
Brit.
Am.
Danish
TEMIAR
1)
Psychological anthropology
1945
1947
1953
1954
1955
2)
Ger.
Brit., gov't.
Hughes, D.R.
Khoo T.
Brit., gov't.
Malay
Baharon, A.R.
Benjamin, G.
Malay, gov't.
Brit.
Needham,R.
Benjamin, G.
Benjamin, G.
Benjamin, G.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Belief system
1966
1967h
5)
Schahesta, P.
Carey, I.
Health
1963
1977
4)
Am.
Am.
Am.
Am.
Brit., gov't.
Linguistics
1931
1961
3)
Stewart, K.
Stewart, K.
Stewart, K
Stewart, K
Noone, R.O.D.
Kinship
1964
1966
1967a
1968a
219

6)
Political anthropology
1968b
7)
Brit.
Ecology/economy
1949
1959
1962
1973
1976
8)
Benjamin, G.
Moone, R.e.D.
Cole, R.
Carey, I.
Gov't of Malaysia
Bruguiere, Jean-Luc
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Fr.
General ethnography
1880
1882
1883
1933
1936
1958
1958
1972
1976
Swettenham, F.
Brau de Saint-Pol
Lias
Brau de Saint-Pol
Lias
Biker, A.C.
Noone, H.D.
Holman, D.
Slimming, j.
Noone, R.e.D.
Safian M.N.
Brit., gov't.
Fr.
Fr.
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Malay.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
Low, j.
Croix,j.E.
Croix, j.E.
Hale, A.
Letessier, C.
Maxwell, C.N.
Knocker, F.W.
Cerruti, G.B.
Cerruti, G.B.
Evans, I.H.N.
Bondy, V. de.
Wilkinson, R.J.
Platt, T.C.
Brit.,
Fr.
Fr.
Brit.,
Fr.
Brit.,
Brit.
Ital.
Ital.
Brit.
Fr.
Brit.,
Brit.,
gov't.
Evans, I.H.N.
Brit.
SEND! (more than one group discussed)
1)
General ethnograph y
1850b
1882
1885
1888
1892
1897
1905
1906
1908
1918c
1938
1939
1941
2)
Belief system
1918a
220
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
Malaysia
1918b
3)
Kloss, C.B.
Noone, H.D.
Green, R.
Brit., gOY't.
Brit., gOY't.
Brit., gOY't.
Clifford, H.
Clifford, H.
Tauern, a.D.
Wilkinson, R.J
Kiffner, F.
Brit.
Brit.
Gel.
Brit., gOY't.
Ger.
Strong, T.A.
Barnard, R.C.
Brit., gOY't.
Brit., gOY't.
Maeda, N.
Maeda, N.
Maeda, N.
Maeda, N.
Maeda, N.
Hill, A.
Azizah 1.
TomadanJ.
Mhd. SaidM.
Jap.
Jap.
Jap.
Jap.
Jap.
Aust.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Logan,JR.
Hervey, D.R.A.
Eyans, LH.N.
Noone, H.D.
Brit.
Brit., gOY't.
Brit.
Brit., gOY't.
Barbe
Jab. Pendidikan,
U.P.M.
Brit.
Malay.
Malay.
Linguistics
1886
1891
1914
1915
1928
5)
Brit.
Physical anthropology
1915
1939c
1949
4)
EYans,I.H.N.
Agriculture
1932
1933
Proto-Malays
JAKUN
1)
Social system
1967a
1967b
1967c
1969
1971
1974
1975
1976
1977
2)
Belief system
1846a
1884
1920c
1939b
3)
Agriculture
1851
1974
~221

4)
Physical anthropology
1847b,d
1894
1914
5)
Hill, A.
Aust.
Miklucho-Maday, N.
Hervey, D.F.A
Kelsall, RS.
Luke and Kelsall
Machado, A.D.
Winstedt, R.a.
Noone, RD.
Ross, A.N.
Russian.
Brit. , gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.1
Brit. , gov't.
Lz"nguzstics
1878
1882
1894a
1894a
1902
1920
1939
1939
1951
7)
Brit.
Ger.
Brit., gov't.
Medical anthropology
1974
6)
Logan,j.R.
Virchow, R.
Kloss, C.B.
General ethnography
1847a
1847c
1861
1861
1874
1876
1887
1894
1896
1897
1897
1914a
1915e
1917
1926
1949a
1964
1964
Logan,j.R.
Logan,j.R.
Borie, R
Leupe, P.A.
Hamy, E.T.
Castelnau
Campbell, j.A.G.
Swettenham, F.
Bartels, M.
Roe, E.].
Stonor, a.F.
Evans, I.H.N.
Evans, I.H.N
Sibbald, A. T.
Schebesta, P.
Collings, H. D.
Downs, R.E.
Le Bar, F.
222
Brit.
Brit.
Fr.
Fr.
Fr.
Fr.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Ger.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit.
Brit.
Am. (?)
Ger.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Am.
Malaysia
TEMUAN
1)
Ecology
1974
1977
1977
1977
1977
2)
Iamail L.
Malay.
Nor Ayob A.L.
Malay.
Abdullah H.
Malay.
General ethnography
1971
1972
1972
1973
1973
1973
1976
1976
8)
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Linguistics
1969
7)
Zabidah Z
Salehudin M.
Taib M.
Mustapa D.
Azizah K
Socio-economics
1975
6)
Malay.
Malay.
History
1976
5)
Wan Badariah 1.
Jaharah M.
Belief systems
1973
1974
1976
1976
1978
4)
Am.
Am.
Am.
Malay.
Malay.
Kinship and marriage
1973
1973
3)
Dunn,].L.
Saxe and Gall
Gall, P.
Stephenson, J.
Zainuddin A.R.
Rajmah A.S.
Zainab J., et al
Wahab A. (ed.).
Mariah D.S. and
Zabidah Z.
Azizah K
Baharon, A.R.
Lee K].
Malik, A.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Baharon A.R.
Azizah K
Malay, gov't
Malay.
Malay.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Assimilation
1976
1977
223

TEMOO
1)
Linguistics
1949b
2)
Brit., gov't.
General ethnography
1973
3)
Collings, H.D.
Laird, P.
Aust.
Laird, P.
Aust.
Belief system
1978
Orang AsH (works referring to more than one major subdivision ie

Negrito and Senoi)
1)
History
Benjamin, G.
Benjamin, G.
Brit.
Brit.
1880
1903
1903
1928
1955
1968
Swettenham, F.A.
Sehmidt, W.
Blagden, C.O.
Saller, K.
Harrison, J.L.
Nik Safiah Karim
1975
1979
Diffloth, G.
Diffloth, G.
Brit., gov't
Ger.
Brit.
Ger.
Brit., gov't.
Malay., leet.,
UM.
Fr.
Fr.
1974b
1976a
2)
3)
Linguistics
General ethnography
1848
1850
1850
1878
1978b
1879a
1879b
1879
1880
1882
1886
1887
1894
Favre, P.
Anderson, ].
Low,].
Maxwell, W.E.
Miklueho-Maclay, N.
Leech, H.W.C.
Leech, H.W:C.
Maxwell, W.E.
Swettenham, F.A.
Daly, D.D.
Borie, H.
Swettenham, F.A.
Dennys, N.B.
224
Fr.
Brit.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Russian
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Brit.
Fr.
Brit., gov't. .
Brit.
Malaysia
1897a
1897b
1899
1900
1903
Clifford, H.
Clifford, H.
Martin, R.
Martin, R.
Annandale and
Robinson
1906
Skeat and Blagden
1907-1916 Wilkinson, R.].
1908
Sanderson, R.
1910
Wilkinson, R.J.
1912
Sircom, RS.
1915b
Evans, I.RN.
1916c
Evans, I.H.N.
1920b
Evans, I.H.N.
1926
Schebesta, P.
1927b
Evans, I.RN.
1937
Noone, H.D.
1955
Cole, F.
1952
1954
Malaysia, Laws of
1961
Carey, I.
1964
Dentan, R.
1965
Miriam,J,
1976
Carey, 1.
1976
Muhammed R.R. et al
4)
Brit.
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Brit.
Ger.
Brit.
Brit.,
Am.
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Am.
Malay.
Brit.
Malay.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
Ecology
1892
1934
1971
1972
1975
1979
5)
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Ger.
Gel.
Brit.
Wray, L.
Ford, C.D.
Dunn, F.L.
Fao, E.L.
Ong. RT.
Rambo, T.
Brit., gov't.
Am.
Am.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Evans, I.RN.
Carey, 1.
Jimin Idris
Benjamin, G.
Brit.
Brit., gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Brit.
Religion
1923a
1970
1972
1974
225

6)
Kinship
1973
1980
7)
Brit.
Brit.
Psychologcal Anthropology
1977
8)
Benjamin, G.
Benjamin, G.
Halimah Abd.
Malay.
Medcal Anthropology
1952
1953
1968
1972
1972
1973
1979
9) Economy
1954
1969
1976
Polunin, I.
Polunin, I.
Bolton, ].N.
Bolton, ].N.
Soong].S.
Robson, Bolton &
Dugdale
Khoo T.G.
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Malay.
Brit.,
Noone, R.O.D.
Mohd. Arif Khamis
Sharpe, B.
Brit., gov't.
Malay.
Am.
Noone, R.O.D.
Jimin Idris
Gomes, A.G.
Brit., gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Am.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
Malay.
10) Demography
1956
1968
1979
11) SoCal anthropopology
1905
Martin, R.
Ger.
12) Change and modern polces

1951
1961
1961
1966a
1967a
1967b
1968
1970
1972
1972
Williams-Hunt,
P.D.R.
Carey, I.
Jab. Orang Asli
Baharon, A.R.
Baharon, A.R.
Baharon, A.R.
]ones, A.
Carey, I.
Baharon, A.R.
]imin Idris
226
Brit., gov't.
Brit., gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Aust.
Brit., gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malay, gov't.
Malaysia
1974
1975
1975
1977
1978
1978
1978
1978
1979
1979
n.d.
Asiah M.K.
Khairel A. V.
Hood,M.S.
Voon & Khoo
AwangH.M.
Carey, I.
Dahlan, H.M.
Shamsul, A.B.
Dahlan, H.M.
Voon, Khoo & Zaharah
Carey, I.
MaIay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
MaIay.
MaIay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
Malay.
13) Bibliographic sources & research

1977
1979
1979
1979
1979
Perpustakaan V.K.M.
Baharon, A.R.
V.M. Library
Walker, A.
Azizah K.
Malay.
MaIay, gov't.
Brit.
Malay.
Malay.
Non-Orang Asli
SHIFTING CULTIVATORS
1933
1933
1934
1937
1949a
1949b
1955
1958
1963
1966
Craig, JA.
Symington, C.F.
Craig, J.A.
Amot and Smith
Wyatt-Smith, J
Wyatt-Smith, J
Wyatt-Smith, J.
Wyatt-Smith,J.
Carrier, C.L.
Kochummen, K.M.
227
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Bri~.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
Brit.,
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
gov't.
PHILIPPINES
PHILIPPINES
Ponciano L. Bennagen
Background to
Swidden Cultivation Research
As a cropping system, swidden cultivation in the Philippines did
not remain unnoticed by the Spanish chroniclers. In 1640, a Spanish

missionary noted that:
". . .the country was so fertile that when
natives desired to plant their rice they only
burn a part of the mountain and, without any
further plowing or digging, they make holes
with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of
rice in them. This was their manner of sowing;
and, after covering the rice with the same earth,
they obtained very heavy crops." 1
In spite of this early impressionistic account, it was only until
the beginning of the twentieth century, with the coming of the
Americans, that systematic studies of swiddening were made. Those
who have shown interest in this cropping system have included not
only missionaries but also anthropologists, forestry specialists,
1 Diego Aduarte, O.P. "Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden

de Predicadores," 1640, Blair and Robertson. The Philippine Islands, vol. xxxii,
p. 199.
agricultural scientists and other professionals. Indeed, there is

already a wealth of information on swiddening scattered in the
literature of the various specializations. There is a need, therefore,
to take stock of what has already been done in swidden cultivation
research. There are both theoretical and practical benefits that may
be derived from this stocktaking exercise. Firstly, it will give us an
idea of the level of theoretical understanding we already have on the
nature of swidden cultivation and its interrelationships with environmental, social and cultural processes. Secondly, it will provide a
broader and firmer basis for development planning and action as well
as for further research.
Tradition of anthropological research in the Philippines
Anthropological research in the Philippines may be said to have
started with the ethnographic descriptions made by the Spanish
chroniclers and missionaries as early as the sixteenth century. Indeed, as Beyer 1 observed, there was relatively extensive note-taking
by missionaries during the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries.
After this period, very little was done until the latter part of the
nineteenth century when Europeans other than Spaniards started
making their own ethnographic notes.
On the quality of the ethnographic data during the period,
Hutterer 2 pointed out that the majority of the ethnographic information was "administrative reports to clerical or governmental
superiors, biographic memoirs, and popUlar accounts of curiosities,"
with a few primarily for scientific purposes. Nevertheless, some
provided the basis for an initial effort by Blumentrit 3 at describing
a comprehensive picture of the diverse peoples of the Philippines, a
1 H. Otley Beyer, "A Summary of the Results of Philippine Anthropological

Research to 1953." Abstracts of Papers Presented to the Eighth Pacific Science
Congress and the Fourth Far-Eastern Prehistory Congress (Nov. 16-28, 1953),
The Organizing Committee, University of the Philippines, 1953, pp. 489490.
2 Kar1 L. Hutterer, "Dean C. Worcester and Philippine Anthropology." Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, 6 (1978), p. 126.
3 Ferdinand Blumentrit, "An Attempt at Writing a Philippine Ethnography."
Transl. from the original German text by Marce1ino N. Maceda (Gotha: Justus
Perthes, 1882).
230
Philippines
work which has influenced ethnographic and racial classification in
the Philippines. 1
Moreover, the early accounts are now being
utilized in historical and comparative studies. 2
It is with the coming of the Americans, however, that a more
systematic anthropological tradition really started, stimulated by

the needs of the new colonial administration and influenced by the
anthropological tradition in the United States as well as the administrative experiences regarding the American Indians. With the
setting up of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes, there was a flurry
of ethnographic activity, subsiding only with subsequent reorganizations of the Bureau. 3 According to Barrows4 who headed the
Bureau, the research output was ethnological, that is, "race characterization and relationship."
In 1914, the American H. Otley Beyer joined the University of
the Philippines to teach anthropology. At the same time, he continued doing research on a wide variety of topics under the following
categories: (1) ethnographic works; (2) ethnological works; (3)
custom law; (4) folklore; (5) works on pre-history; (6) works on
Philippine archaeology; (7) tektites; and (8) pottery and oriental
porcelain. 5
Hutterer,op. cit., p. 125.
2 See, for example, William Henry Scott, "Class Structure in the Unhispanized
Philippines." Philippine Studies, 27 (1979), pp. 137-159.
3 See Hutterer, op. cit., for a useful account of ethnographic work during the
American period. See also, Rudolf Rahmann, "The Philippine Negritos in the
Context of Research on Food-gatherers during the Century." Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, 3 (1975), pp. 204-236.
4 David P. Barrows, The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes for the Philippine
Islands. (Manila, 1909), p. 8.
5 E. Arsenio Manuel, "H. Otley Beyer: His Researches and Publications." In
Mario D. Zamora, ed., Studies in Philippine Anthropology (Alemar's: Quezon
City, Philippinwa, 1967), p. 24.
231

With his works, H. Otley Beyer single-handedly developed an
anthropological research tradition undergirded by evolutionist and
migratory diffusionist 1 explanations which, surprisingly, are still
popular today despite new data and explanatory approaches.
Before the Second World War, most researches were on hill
groups in Northern Luzon and in Mindanao, including various
Negrito groups scattered all over the archipelago. It was not until
after the war that some significant shifts in area and topical focus
were made. This was, of course, brought about largely by the urgent
need to rebuild the country from the ruins of the war. Thus, in addition to the usual ethnographic studies, community studies along the
American tradition were conducted. 2
By the late 1950s and the early 1960s, Filipinos who had left
earlier for the United States for graduate training with support from
American foundations, notably Rockefeller and Ford, were already
returning. Coming mostly from the University of Chicago, they
brought with them such research techniques as participant-observation and the theoretical perspective of structural-functionalism. Of
course, American scholars themselves have continued to do research
in the Philippines for their Ph.D. dissertations, for grant-giving
institutions and for further professional growth.
The result of all this was an increase in researches and research
topics which partly reflected developments in American anthropology, the kind of training obtained by Filipino scholars abroad, the
perceived developmental needs of the country, let alone personal
pragmatic considerations. Research topics began to include specialized studies on kinship and social organization, folklore and
cultural change.
Up to the present, these three general topics have remained
the major concerns of Filipino anthropologists. In the late 1960s,
with the world-wide interest in ecological issues and the growing influence of systems theory and cultural ecology. the interrelationship
1 Frank Lynch, S.1., "Henry Otley Beyer:

15: 1 (1967), p. 7.
1883-1966." Philippine Studies,
2 Frank Lynch, S.J. and Mary Hollnsteiner, "Sixty Years of Philippine Ethno. logy, A First Glance at the Years 1901-1961." Science Review, 2 (1961), p. 3.
232
Philippines
between environmental factors and cultural processes gained serious
attention. Until then, the environment was described primarily as
background with general and impressionistic statements about its
effect on, while being affected by, demographic and cultural facttors. I
Another factor that has influenced research activity in the social
sciences in general and in anthropology in particular has been the
global concern with population growth and the accompanying
availability of research funds for popUlation studies. These studies
have argued for an in-depth understanding of the cultural context of
innovation aimed at population control.
To be sure, there have been efforts by individuals to do research
independent of developmental concerns but on the whole, local
social and cultural anthropological research in the Philippines has
responded to the pragmatic concerns of an underdeveloped country.
This is evident in the anthropological research output of the
Community Development Research Council as well as that of the
National Science Development Board. Even masteral theses usually
take off from practical concerns about cultural change. Partly for
these reasons and partly from traditions current in American anthropology, structural-functionalist paradigm has underpinned most of
the studies. 2
Research on swidden cultivation
Despite the early detection and description of swidden cultivation during the early decades of the Spanish regime, it was not until
the coming of the Americans that a scientific research tradition
I For a sympathetic assessment of some man-environmental studies in the

Philippines, see Jesucita L.G. Sodusta, "A Partial Survey of Cultural Ecology
Studies on the Philippines." Agham-Tao, I (1978), pp. 71-78.
2 For a fuller account of anthropological research in the Philippines, see Isabel
S. Panopio and Ponciano L. Bennagen, "The Status of Sociology and Social
Anthropology in the Philippines": Paper prepared for UNESCO Office of the
Regional Adviser for Social Sciences in Asia and Oceania (Bangkok, Thailand,
1980) and Ponciano L. Bennagen, "Anthropological Research in the Philippines," Paper for the 1981 NRCP Symposium, UPLB, College, Laguna.
233

started. As pointed out by Leopoldo Y. Yabes I, there was practically no scientific scholarship in the Philippines during the Spanish
colonial regime primarily because of the prevailing clerical intellectual tradition. He further pointed out that "the American colonial
era provided a more healthy atmosphere for the growth of scholarship." 2 Indeed, the first systematic researches on the economics of
swidden cultivation were done by Filipino scientists only during
the American Colonial Period.
During the same period, American anthropologists undertook
ethnographic studies on a number of ethnolinguistic groups practising swidden cultivation with various degrees of sophistication.
The studies were done for the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes which
later became the Ethnological Survey of the Philippines whose functions were, in turn, absorbed by the Division of Ethnology. The
Division was abolished in 1913.
Swidden cultivation as a research interest of anthropologists
has been generally a part of focal interests like social organization
and religion. A notable exception was the early work of the Belgian
missionary Morice Vanoverbergh on The Isneg Farmer (1932). In
the 1950s however, with the work of Conklin on the Hanunoo of
Mindoro and that of Charles Frake on the Subanun of Mindanao,
swidden cultivation started to become a primary research interest.
After the pioneering work, other American anthropologists did work
on swidden cultivation in the Philippines often for their Ph.D. dissertations in United States universities. A few Filipinos also began
to focus their attention on this phenomenon usually in relation to
some other aspects of culture and culture change.
Non-anthropologists, however, most notably those with basic
training in agriculture and forestry, were already doing research on
selected aspects of swidden cultivation even before the Second World
War and have continued to do so up to the present. On the whole,
I Leopoldo Y. Yabes, "Observations in Some Aspects of Philippine Scholarship

and H. Otley Beyer." in Mario D. Zamora, ed., op. cit., p. 53.
2 Ibid, p. 54.
234
Philippines
more and more researches on swidden cultivation are being undertaken by more professionals and scholars representing the disciplines
of anthropology, sociology and psychology, agricultural economics,
forestry, geography, botany and the professions like social work and
forestry extension. All this indicates the increasing realization of
the importance of swidden cultivation in relation to developmental
goals of improved quality of life and of the environment. The earlier
studies by anthropologists (Conklin 1957, and Frake 1955) were,
however, relatively academic in their aims. So, too, understandably,
were the other researches done for doctoral dissertations abroad.
Period covered by this study
In terms of publication date, this study covers the period from
1904 to 1980. It should be pointed out, however, that the publication date does not always reflect correctly the period of actual
research. This is not so bad if the publication lag falls within the
period analyzed. But in a few cases, as in Cole (1956), the actual
date of the field study and the date of publication fall in two different periods. When this happens, what can be inferred is not the
trend in research as such but a revival of interest in the topic as well
as increased opportunity for publication. In any case, when discrepancies of this nature are felt crucial to the understanding of the
trends, the appropriate comments will be made.
Types of materials examined and languages used
Included in this stocktaking are books and monographs, M.A.
and Ph.D. dissertations, research journals, research reports and
published official reports. Excluded are newspaper and magazine
reports which normally are popularized versions of the relatively
formal research, and official reports. Also excluded were opinion
papers on kaingin (swiddening) by administrators and foresters.
When pertinent to the discussion, however, these are referred to.
The literature is predominantly English with two in Filipino and one
in French.
Difficulties encountered in collecting information
While swidden cultivation gets front-page commentary in the
local newspapers during floods and drought, the scientific literature
on it is not exactly popular and in demand even among scholars
themselves. Consequently, only specialized university libraries keep
most of the materials and usually in the Filipiniana sections accessible only for limited periods.
235

More difficult to get hold of are Ph.D. dissertations and research
reports of both local and foreign researchers, mostly Americans.
For this reason, some Ph.D. dissertations have not been examined,
as in the case of Aram Yengoyan's dissertation on swidden cultivation among the Mandaya. Fortunately, in Yengoyan's case, his
shorter articles derived from his dissertation are available so that at
least one gets an idea of what his work is all about.
Absence of an agency that monitors on-going researchers in
the country makes it difficult to find out recent research activities.
This is particularly true for researches done by foreigners. As a result, some of the recent ones are not included in this stocktaking.
Ideally, a stocktaking exercise aims at completeness. But due
to the inaccessibility of a few materials as well as the constraints of
limited time and resources, completeness could not be achieved.
Notwithstanding this, it is estimated that some 90 per cent of the
materials were examined. All in all, there are 199 entries examined
for this trends report. Forty-eight of these are of a general type,
i.e., they discuss swiddening, or kaingin as generally used in the
Philippines, without particular reference to specific ethnic groups. In
a few cases, the reference is to a region, such as for example, Northern Luzon. The other entries, totalling 151, refer to specific ethnic
groups. For the purposes of this report, these are the entries that
are subjected to content analysis. The entries of a general type are
integrated in the discussion whenever clarity of exposition so requires.
Trends in
Swidden Cultivation Research
To understand better the trends in swidden cultivation research,

the materials will be examined according to the following periodization:
Period One, 1904-1945, falls within the
American Colonial Period (1898-1941). Research was mostly ethnographic, done primarily
in connection with missionary work and colonial
administration.
236
Philippines
Period Two, 1946-1972, covers the postSecond World War years characterized by the
national efforts to rebuild the country with
massive support from the United States, concern
with rural community development during the
1950s, and later, resurgent nationalism.
Period Three, 1973-1980, covers the period
immediately following the declaration of martial
law in the Philippines in September 1972 up to
1980. The first few years were marked by
uncertainty not only of academic life but of
the national life as well. But in 1978, national
plans (Five-Year Development Plan, Ten-Year
Development Plan and a Long-Term Plan up to
the year 2000) were formulated "towards the
attainment and sustenance of an improved
quality of life for all Filipinos." 1
Number of studies
As shown in Table 1, at least 15 studies were done during
Period One (1904-1945), 69 in Period Two (1946-1972) and 67
in Period Three (1973-1980). A few studies conducted in one
period were published in another period as in the case of Cole (1956)
which was done in 1910, that of Barton (1949) done in 1916 and
1941, and that of Wilson (1947) in 1940. But because the studies
were classified according to date of publication, the number of studies entered in each period may reflect not so much actual research
activity as general interest (including publication) in the topic for
that period. It is clear, nevertheless, that Period Three, covering a
period of only eight years, yielded the biggest number of studies
with an average of 8.38 a year. Period One, spanning 42 years, has
only 0.36 a year and Period Two, 2.56 a year.
Nationality of authors
The colonial history of the Philippines is also reflected in the
nationality of authors. Table 2 shows in Period One a total of 13
1 National Economic Development Authority, Five- Year Philippine Develop- I
ment Plan, 1978-1982, Including Ten'Year Development Plan, 1978-1987
(Manila, Philippines, 1977), p. v.
237
contributors with eight Americans representing 61.54 per cent.

There were only three Filipinos representing 23.08 per cent. A
Belgian and an Irishman contributed to rest of the studies.
Table 1. Distribution of ethnic group-focused studies per period
Years
Period
One
1904-1945
1946-1972
Two
Three 1973-1980
Total
Studies
%
42
27
8
54.55
35.06
10.39
15
69
67
9.93
45.70
44.37
77
100.0
151
100.0
Average no.
of studies
per year
0.36
2.56
8.38
Table 2. Distribution of nationality of authors

One
Nationality N
Three
Two
TOTAL
Filipino
23.08 15
36.59 27
49.10
45
41.28
American
61.54 22
53.66 19
34.54
49
44.95
16.36
15
13.76
100.00 109
99.99
Others:
Australian
Belgian
Danish
Dutch
2
French
German
Irish
Japanese
Vietnamese
Total
13
15.38
100.00 41
9.75
100.00 55
238
Philippines
In Period Two, the percentage of American contributors went

down to 53.66 per cent while that of Filipinos increased to 36.59
per cent. This pattern continued up to Period Three with Filipinos
constituting almost one-half (49.10 per cent) of total number of
authors. There was a sharp decline among American contributors,
from 53.66 per cent in Period Two to 34.54 per cent in Period
Three. More scholars from an increasing number of countries started
to do fieldwork in the Philippines so that in Period Three, Japanese,
French, Australians and Vietnamese contributors represented 16.36
per cent. The involvement of other scholars from countries other
than the United States may reflect the geographical position of the
Philippines in the Asia-Pacific region as well as the increasingly
multilateral relationships between the Philippines and other countries.
On the whole, however, there are more American contributors
than any other nationality. Of the 109 contributors for the whole
period covered in this study, 49, or 44.95 per cent, were Americans.
As pointed out by Tugbyl in relation to ethnological studies in
Southeast Asia, the Philippines has largely been an American preserve. This reflects, no doubt, the continuing interest of the Americans in the Philippines after the colonial period. This was followed
closely by Filipinos with 45, or 41.28 per cent, which reflects the
increased participation of Filipino scholars who returned from
graduate training abroad, mostly the United States. It further
reflects the improved capability for graduate training in the Philippines, specifically at the University of the Philippines, which has
made possible local research for the M.A. and the Ph.D. Moreover,
funding support from the National Science Development Board
enabled University-based scholars to do field research. Fifteen of the
contributors, or 13.76 per cent, come from countries other than the
Philippines and the United States.
Discipline or profession of authors
Swidden cultivation, involving as it does both man-environment and man-man interactions, has attracted researchers from the
social sciences and the natural sciences. It has attracted not only
Donald J. Tugby, "Ethnological and Allied Work on Southeast Asia." Cur

rent Anthropology. 9 (1968), pp. 185. 206.
239
academics but also missionaries, government administrators and

development workers.
In some cases, especially among the Filipino authors, scholarly
work is combined with administrative work. For classification
purposes, the disciplinal training is used instead of the administrative
position. Also, the primary disciplinal influence evident in the work
is utilized instead of the basic training of the worker. For example,
in at least two studies by foresters employing sociological and
social-psychological methods, the authors are classified as functionally in sociology and social psychology, which were the disciplines
they were specializing in as part of their graduate training.
Table 3. Discipline/Professional distribution of authors
One
Discipline/
Profession
Two
N
Three
Anthropology
69.23 25
Forestry
7.32
Economics
Sociology/social
psychology
Others (agriculture,
botany, education,
history, linguistics
1*
social work,
religious mission,
nutrition, geography
unidentified)
Total
13
23.08
7.69 10**
100.00 41
60.97 40
TOTAL
N
72.73
76
69.72
3.63
4.60
2.44
3.63
5.50
4.88
7.30
5.50
24.39
12.73
16
14.68
100.00 109
100.00
100.00 55
*Miller (1905) was Lt.-Gov. of Palawan and not professionally trained as an

anthropologist.
**Wilson (1947) was a mining engineer who became a close associate of H. Otley
Beyer (Natividad Noriega, personal communication, 1982).
240
Philippines
Table 3 shows that swidden cultivation research is dominated

by anthropologists, who in some cases, double either as missionaries
or civil servants or development workers. In Period One, more than
two-thirds of the contributors come from anthropology (69.23 per
cent) with the rest from economics (23.08 per cent) and a lone concontribution from an American military officer.
In Period Two, those from anthropology constitute 60.97 per
cent. Only one is from economics. There are three contributors
with training in forestry (Vergara et al., 1962 and 1964). Later
during Period Two, researchers with training in sociology (Kurais 11,
1967) and social psychology (Allison, 1963; see also Vergara et aI.,
1962 and 1964) entered the field. While their contributions are not
exactly sociological and social psychological in the narrow sense,
their participation does show possibilities for interdisciplinary cooperation in swidden cultivation research and that swiddening lends
itself to different investigative approaches. Indeed, this is evident in
the increasing number of contributors from agriculture, botany, education, linguistics and geography. In Period Two, these constituted
12.73 per cent with a slight increase in period Three (14.68 per
cent).
Continuing their dominance of the field, 40 anthropologists
represent almost three-fourths (72.73 per cent) of the total contributors in Period Three. Two foresters, who are also administrators
(Llapitan 1977 and Tadle, 1973) represent 3.63 per cent as do two
others (Nguu, 1979; and Nguu and Corpuz, 1980) with training in
agricultural economics.
There was an increase in sociological and social psychological
studies to four, or 7.27 per cent: Lantican (1979); Duldulao (1975);
Maturan (1976 and 1978); and Reyes (1977). Duldulao (1975) and
Reyes (1977) had basic training in forestry but acquired graduate
degrees in the social sciences. Of the remaining contributors, representing 7.27 per cent, in Period Three, one comes from nutrition
(Schlegel and Guthrie, 1973); another from linguistics (Yamada,
1973); still another from social work Uacinto, 1977). The increase
in contributions from the social sciences reflects the recognition of
the fact that swiddening has complex socio-cultural dimensions.
For the entire period, 76, or 69.72 per cent, of the contributors
are from anthropology. That anthropologists have dominated the
field may be attributed to their continuing interest in the study of
241
hill peoples who are predominantly swiddenists.

Interestingly
enough, lowland swiddenists have been studied by non-anthropologists such as geographers, economists and foresters. While the great
majority of the contributors are from the academic community, a
few are in administration. Also, a few of them serve as consultants
to development projects. Among the foreign contributors, some did
their work either for graduate degrees abroad or for further professional growth. A few conducted their studies while serving as
missionaries.
Ethnic groups studied and their geographic distribution
Table 4 shows the geographic distribution of ethnic groups
studied. In Period One, of the 15 groups studied, seven (46.7 per
cent) are found in Luzon and 8 (53.3 per cent) in Mindanao. No
ethnic group in the Visayas was studied. It is, of course, in the
mountainous parts of Northern Philippines and in those of Mindanao
where most of the swiddenists are found. It is also these hill groups
that attracted the attention of missionaries and anthropologists in
the service of the American regime. The lowland Tagalog of Southern Luzon were studied by non-anthropologists.
In Period Two, the hill groups of Visayas representing 16.1 per
cent were also studied. The number of Luzon groups (14) increased
two-fold representing 45.2 per cent. That of the Mindanao groups
increased in number but the percentage decreased to only 38.7 per
cent. This trend was reversed in Period Three with 21 groups in
Mindanao representing one-half of the groups studied. The number
of Visayan groups decreased to three, or 7.1 per cent. That of the
Luzon groups increased slightly but the percentage went down to
42.9.
On the whole, almost 90 per cent of the ethnic groups studied
for the entire period were shared by Luzon and Mindanao with 40.4
and 48.1 per cent, respectively. The increased number of Mindanao
groups studied may be partly attributed to the interest in the previously unstudied Palawan groups as well as the establishment of the
Mindanao State University which started to serve as base for researchers in the area.
Ethnic groups and topical focus
Tables 5a, 5b and 5c show the ethnic groups studied, number of
studies done for each group and the nationality of the contributors.
242
Philippines
Table 4. Ethnic groups studied and their geographic distribution
during different periods
One
Island Groups
Two
Three
Total
46.7
14
45.2
18
42.9
21
40.4
16.1
7.1
11.5
Northern Philippines
(Luzon, including
Mindoro)
Central Philippines
(Visayas)
Southern Philippines
(Mindanao, including
Palawan and Sulu)
53.3
12
38.7
21
50.0
25
48.1
15
100.0
31
100.0
42
100.0
52
100.0
Total
During Period One, only 15 groups were studied. Five of these

are from the Central Cordillera groups of Northern Luzon: the
Bontoc Qenks, 1905): the Kalinga (Keesing and Keesing, 1934); the
Ifugao (Barton, 1922); the Isneg (Vanoverbergh, 1932); and the
Tingguian (Cole, 1922). Seven are from Mindanao in Southern
Philippines. These include the Manobo (Garvan, 1931); the Subanun
(Christie, 1909); and the groups from the Davao area, namely, the
Bagobo, the Bilaan, the Kulaman, Ata and the Mandaya (Cole,
1913). The rest include the Batak of Palawan in Central Philippines
(Miller, 1905); the Negritos of Northern Luzon (Garvan, 1934); and
the Tagalog of Southern Luzon (Delizo, 1934 and Oliveros, 1932)
and of Central Luzon (Manio, 1934). Except for the Tagalog, the
groups studied are hill peoples.
The studies were mostly ethnographic accounts done under the
auspices of the American colonial administration. Four deal with, or
touch on, the economics of swidden cultivation (Barton, 1922;
Delizo, 1934; Manio, 1934; and Oliveros, 1932); one with government and culture change (Keesing and Keesing, 1934); and one with
the social, economic and religious aspects (Cole, 1934); and one
with the social, economic and religious aspects (Cole, 1922). The
studies on the Tagalog swiddenists were done by Filipino scientists in
connection with University work
243
Table 5a. Swidden Cultivation Studies according to ethnic group,

number of studies, topic focus and nationality of author/s
Period One: 1904-1945
Ethnic Group
1-5.
No. of Topic-focus
studies
Nationality of
author/s
Bagobo, Bilaan,
Kulaman, Ata,
Mandaya*
ethnography
American
6.
Batak
ethnography
American
7.
Bontoc
ethnography
American
8.
Kalinga
ethnography,
government and
culture change
American
9.
!fugao
economics
American
10.
Isneg
rice cultivation,
land use
Belgian
11.
Manobo
ethnography
Irish
12.
Negritos
ethnography
American,
Belgian, Irish
13.
Subanun
ethnography
American
14.
Tagalog
economics
Filipino
15.
Tinguian
social, religious,
economics
American
Total
15
*Combined in Cole, 1913.
244
Philippines
Table 5b. Swidden cultivation studies according to ethnic group,
number of studies, topic focus and nationality of author/s
Period Two: 1946 - 1972
Ethnic Group
No. of
studies
l. Aeta, Ayta
2. Bago
3. Bagobo
4. Batak
1
1
1
5. Bukidnon of
Negros
6. Bukidnon of
Mindanao
7. Cebuano
8. Gaddang
2
5
9. Hanunoo
10. Ibaloi
1l. Ifugao
12. Igorot
1
5
13. Ilocano
14. Ilongot
15. Isneg
16. JamaMapun
17. Kalinga
1
1
3
18. Kankanay
Topic-focus
Nationality of
author/s
ethnography,
ethnobotany
ethnography
swiddening
culture change &
swiddening
ethnography &
swiddening
ethnography
Filipino, American
Filipino
Australian
American
corn cultivation
swiddening &
culture change
swiddening,
ecological
succession,
ethnoecology
culture change,
swiddening, land
use, ethnography
land use
upland rice,
religion, swiddening
land use, health &
deforestation
social organization, ethnography & folk tales
swiddening
ethnoecology
ethnography,
social
organization
culture change,
social structure
American
American
245
Filipino
American
American
American,
Filipino
American
American,
Belgian
Filipino
American
American
Filipino
American
Filipino,
American

Ethnic Group
No. of
studies
19. Magahat
20. Mamanua
21. Mandaya
22. Mangyan
23. Manobo
1
6
24. Negritos (of

Vi sayas)
25. Pala'wan
26. Samal
27. Subanun
1
1
4
28. Sulod
29. Tagalog
3
1
30. Tagbanwa
31. Tiruray
1
2
TOTAL
Topic-focus
Nationality of
authorls
ethnography,
rituals, beliefs
ethnography,
culture change
ecologi~al
succeSSIon,
swiddening,
culture change,
peasantization
ethnography
methodology,
ethnography,
swiddening,
agricultural
practices, culture
change
ethnobotany,
ethnography,
property concepts
social structure
swiddening
social organization, swiddening,
methodology
rituals, kinship
methodology,
swiddening
religion, ecology
peasantization,
agricultural
astronomy, swiddening
Filipino
American,
Filipino
American
Filipino
Filipino,
American
Filipino,
German
Japanese
Filipino
American
Filipino
Filipino,
American
American
American
74*
*Total number does not equal total number of studies in Table 3 and
4 because of multiple entry.
246
Phlippines
Table Se. Swidden cultivation studies according to ethnic

group, number of studies, topic focus and nationality of
author/s Period Three: 1973 - 1980
Ethnic Group
No. of Topic-focus
studies
l. Agta
2. Ata
3. Ayta (of Central
Luzon)
1
2
4. Bagobo
5. Batak
6. Bontok
1
1
1
7. Bukidnon of
Negros
8. Cuyonon
9. Hanunoo Mangyan
10. Higaonon
11. Ifugao
12. Ilocano
1
1
1
13. Ilongot
14. Irraya Mangyan
1
1
15. Isneg
16. Ivatan
17. I'wak
18. JamaMapun
19. Kalahan
20. Kalinga
culture change,
economic exchange
ethnography
culture change
and development
ethnography
population decline
descent and
inheritance
demography
agricultural
in tensification
social organization
ethnography
ecology
socio-economic
aspects of
swiddening
ethnography
participation in
development
culture change,
swiddening
vocabulary of
swiddening
household economics
ecology & social
change
agricultural development
economy, classification, ecology
247
Nationality of
author/s
Filipino,
American
American
Filipino,
American
Filipino
American
American
Filipino
American
Japanese
Filipino
American
Filipino
American
Filipino
American
Japanese
Filipino
Filipino
American
Filipino,
American,
Japanese
Ethnic Group
No. of Topic-focus
studies
2I. Kankanay
22. Kulaman
23. Magahat
1
1
2
24. Mamanua
25. Mandaya
26. Mangyan
1
1
2
27. Manobo
28. Mansaka
29. Manuvu
1
1
30. Negritos (of

Visayas)
Pala'wan
Remontado
Subanun
Tagakaolo
Tagalog
1
2
1
1
5
3I.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36. Talaandig
37.
38.
39.
40.
4I.
Taubuid
Tausug
Tau't bato
T'boli
Tiruray
42. Yakan
1
1
1
1
1
3
2
development
ethnography
culture change,
religion
culture change
social organization
swiddening,
development
farming practices,
ethnography
ethnography
social organization
ethnography,
integration,
swiddening,
development
kinship
swiddening
culture change
ethnography
perception &
attitudes towards
forest conservation & resettlement, economics
ethnography &
ritual
ethnography
ethnography
ethnography
art & society
nutrition,
swiddening
ethnography, cuIture change
Nationality of
author/s
German
American
Filipino
Filipino
American
Filipino,
Belgian
American,
Filipino
American
Filipino
German,
American,
Filipino
French
Filipino
Filipino
American
Filipino,
,Vietnamese
Filipino
American
American
Filipino
Filipino
American
Danish
68*
TOTAL
*Total number does not equal total number of studies in Table 3 and
4 because of nultiple entry.
248
Philippines
For Period Two, there were 31 groups studied, an increase by

slightly over 100 per cent. As in the previous period, Central Cordillera groups and Mindanao groups received great attention. A few
studies deal individually and collectively with the Igorot (Scott,
1958 and De Raedt, 1964), a collective term used to refer to the
Central Cordillera groups. But studies of specific groups were also
made as in the case of the Ibaloi (Barnett, 1967 and Resurreccion,
1971) and the Kankanay (Bello, 1972).
Among the Mindanao groups, the following were added to the
groups in Period One: Bukidnon of Negros (Oracion, 1963, 1964
and 1967); Mamanua of Northeast Mindanao (Maceda, 1964);
Samal of Western Mindanao (Kurais 11, 1964); and the Tiruray of
Cotabato (Schlegel, 1967), a Bisayan migrant group (Allison, 1963
and Vergara et al., 1964) and including the Jama Mapun (Casino,
1967). Cole's study of the Bukidnon of Mindanao, done in 1910,
was published in 1956.
Negrito groups of Luzon continue to interest researchers. In
addition, those of Palawan (Warren, 1964) and the Central Philippines (Oracion, 1954, 1955 and 1960; Rahman and Maceda, 1955,
1958 and 1962) began to attract researchers.
In Central Philippines, the Sulod of Panay Island Uocano,
1958, 1960 and 1968), the Tagbanwa (Fox, 1954), and the Pala'wan
(Kikuchi, 1971) of Palawan and the Cebuano corn cultivators of
Cebu Island, Central Philippines (Vandermeer, 1963 and 1967)
were studied. The Mangyan of the island of Mindoro, to the southwest of Luzon, also received attention (Conklin, 1957, 1959 and
1960 and Maceda, 1967).
Among lowland groups, the Tagalog remain a focus of study

(Vergara et al., 1962). The llocano of Northwestern Luzon (Santos,
1955 and Luna, 1963) were studied for the first time as were the
Gaddang of the Cagayan Valley (Wallace, 1967a and b, 1970a, b
and c). A study on the llongot done in Period One was published
in this period (Wilson, 1949).
Of the 69 studies made l , 14 or 20.28 per cent, focus on swiddening either exclusively or as it relates to other aspects of culture
Table 1 mentions only 69 studies but because some ethnic groups studied
together were referred to both collectively and separately, some studies
were entered more than once.
249

and including culture change. The others focus on selected aspects
of the culture of swiddenists and in this sense most of the studies
are really ethnographic.
During this period, Americans continued their interest in ethnographic studies even as they started focussing on selected research
problems. A number of American graduate students did their field
-research in the Philippines for their Ph. D. dissertation (Fox, 1954;
Frake, 1955; and Dozier, 1966) 1. Funding support came from a
number of agencies like Ford Foundation, Fullbright, United States
Department of State and the Philippine Studies Program of the
University of Chicago. In the late 1950s and on to the 1960s, Filipinos started returning from their graduate studies in the United
States. Putting their training into practice in the Philippines and
responding in part to the needs of national reconstruction through
community development and in part to those of their institutional
affiliations, they started doing research on a variety of topics.
Among them was Oracion (1954, 1955, 1960, 1963, 1964 and 1967)
of Silliman University in Negros, Central Philippines, who started his
work on the Negritos the Magahat and the Bukidnon of Negros
Island, Central Philippines. Oracion's works are essentially ethnographic and include notes not only on religion but also on their
subsistence activities such as swiddening and hunting - gathering. At
the University of San Carlos, Cebu City, a European-trained Filipino
anthropologist, Marcelino Maceda, teamed up with a German anthropologist-missionary to study the Negritos of Negros and Panay
Islands (Rahmann and Maceda, 1955, 1958 and 1962). Their notes
also include descriptions of various aspects of swidden cultivation.
A product of the same university, Lopez (1968) studied the agricultural practices of the Manobo of Mindanao. Studies on rituals,
kinship and culture change of a swiddening hill group of Panay
Island, the Sulod, were contributed by another Filipino anthropologist who trained at the University of Chicago Uocano, 1958, 1960
and 1968).
In many of these studies, and especially on the Negritos, religious beliefs and practices of swiddenists were emphasized. This is
Aram Yengoyan of the University of Michigan conducted his field research
for his Ph.D. dissertation among the Mandaya of Mindanao in the early
1960s, but his work was not available for examination.
250
Phlippines
understandable since Oracion worked out of a Protestant-managed

university and Rahmann and Maceda were with a school run by the
Society of the Divine Word of the Roman Catholic Church. Moreover, as pointed out earlier, Rahman was himself also a missionary.
It was during Period Two that advances in research methods
were made. Combining ethnographic and ecological approaches,
Conklin (1957, 1959 and 1960) came out with his study of swidden
cultivation among the Hanunoo of Mindoro. Already a standard
work, this study systematically showed the intimate interrelationships between swidden cultivation and the other aspects of Hanunoo
society. Funded by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations, it indicated the importance of investigating the
many forms of swidden cultivation. Its ethnoecological approach
which sought to understand Hanunoo swiddening according to
Hanunoo categories has influenced subsequent studies.
Along the same tradition and at about the same time, another
anthropologist studied the interrelationship between social organization and swidden cultivation among the Subanun of Mindanao
(Frake, 1955, 1957, 1960 and 1962). Based on his work, Frake
argued that swidden cultivation makes for highly independent and
mobile nuclear families, thus preventing the formation of formally
organized local and kin groups beyond the family.
In the 1960s, concerns about the application of scientific
knowledge to the solution of national problems began to include
attempts to solve problems associated with a degraded form of swidden cultivation. This refers to swidden cultivation as practised under
severe population pressure on land, thus making impossible a fallow
period long enough to allow soil regeneration. With funding from the
National Science Development Board, an interdisciplinary team
working out of the University of the Philippines, Los Banos did a
comparative study of swidden cultivation as practised by a hill
group, the Manobo, and an adjoining lowland group of migrant
Visayans (Vergara et al., 1964 and Allison, 1963 and 1964). Their
findings showed that in both groups, production is low with the
Visayans getting better crops returns than the Manobo.
Meanwhile, in March 1964, a National Conference on the
Kaingin Problem was held, participated in by foresters, members of
the wood industry, administrators and a few from the academe and
from the media. In this conference, an anthropologist (Oracion,
251

1964) argued for the use of anthropological knowledge in reforestation programmes and the importance of understanding the culture of
the people for whom the programmes are proposed. Except for the
official recognition that kaingin is a socio-economic problem, not
just a legal problem, and except for the continued work of Oracion
(1967 and for Period Three, 1974 and 1978), there are no indications that the conference has directly resulted in increased research
on swiddening.
In any case, a number of studies documenting how swiddening
is affected by other factors even as these factors are themselves affected were made. For example, Wallace (1967 a and band 1970a,
band c) described the relationship between swiddening, as well as
plough agriculture, with social organization, rituals and religious
beliefs but claimed that swiddening among the pagan Gaddang
created ecological disequilibrium thereby leading to the conversion
from swiddening to plough agriculture. Among the corn cultivators
of Cebu in Central Philippines, Vandermeer (1963) noted that those
with better land became permanent cultivators while those with
poorer land kept shifting within the same limited area. He pointed
out to environmental and historical forces, as well as population
pressure, as contributory to this pattern of development.
An important study on some environmental components of
swiddening in Southeastern Mindanao was made during this period
(Kellman, 1969) indicating possibilities for minimizing site deterioration while optimizing production. Another study done in the
Central Cordillera of Northern Luzon (Kowal, 1966) described
swiddening and its effects on soil erosion and vegetation. It also
noted that swiddens have given way to commercial vegetable gardens
in response to market demands.
The declaration of Martial Law in the Philippines in September,
1972, saw renewed efforts at national development planning. Involving all aspects of Philippines national life, these plans have affected
swidden cultivation research in more ways than one. For example,
the Five-Year Philippine Development Plan includes an Agro-Forestation Complementation Project which will resettle kaingineros (swidden cultivators) to areas "cultivated by agricultural co-operatives for
forest and agricultural crops.,,1 For another, the National Science
1 NEDA, ibid., p. 15.
252
Ph ilz"ppines
Development Board, an important local source of research funds,

has favoured development-oriented (i.e., applied) social science
research. In addition, cultural ecology, exchange and systems theory
current in the United States began to exert influence on adaptation
studies in the Philippines. These pragmatic and theoretical developments were to reveal themselves in some studies during Period Three.
Period Three covers only eight years but yielded 67 studies
almost as much as that of Period Two with 69 studies over a period
of 27 years. Some of the studies, however, are based on fieldwork
done during Period Two but which were published only during
Period Three as in the following: Francisco and Bernardo (1979) on
the Higaonon; Manuel (1973) on the Manuvu; Yengoyan (1975 a, b
and c) on the Ata, Kulaman and Tagakaolo; Kiefer (1975 on the
Tausug; Casal (1976) on the T'boli; Yamada (1973) on the Ivatan;
Bennagen (1977) and Peterson (1978 a and b) on the Agta of Northeastern Luzon; and Takaki (1977) on a Ka1inga village.
It can be seen that swiddening groups all over the archipelago
have been studied at one time or another and have included three
major lowland groups: the Tagalog, Ilocano and the Cebuano.
As for topic focus, ethnography has remained an important
preoccupation. Seven, or 10.30 per cent, pay particular attention to
swiddening as such. Most of the studies deal with selected problems
involving swiddening groups.
With funds from the National Science Development Board,
Bennagen and Olimba (1975) tried to find out the various factors
affecting the persistence of a degraded form of swidden cultivation
as an adaptive mode among the Remontado of Tanay, Rizal. Bennagen (1979) observed that the Remontado could no longer practise
their traditionally integral swidden cultivation due to population
pressure from immigrants, logging and mining companies and due to
government laws.
Interdisciplinary studies continued to be done by teams. One
of these described swidden cultivation among the Isneg of Northern
Luzon (Reynolds and Grant, 1973 and Reyes, 1973). Focusing on
the economy, patterns of status and role, family and kinship, education, political organization, health practices, and world-view and religion, the study showed that, among other things, swidden cultivation could contribute to production and conservation but would
need a number of technological improvements for increased produc253

tion. Schlegel and Guthrie (1973) compared the food consumption
of a typical and randomly selected adult male from each of a swiddening and peasanticized Tiruray community. They found out that
both diets were clearly nutritionally adequate with some variations
in nutritional content. Hires and Headland (1973) described a people who shifted from swidden cultivation to a predominantly cashoriented, plough-and-carabao-using* corn cultivation in response to
immigration of lowlanders and to government policies. Duldulao
et al. (1977 and 1978) presented a research-cum-action project for
the control of swidden cultivation.
Forestry specialists with graduate training in psychology,
sociology, communications and extension began to examine problems associated with swidden cultivation in a new light. Instead of
the stereotyped view that all swidden types are destructive and that
swidden cultivators should be penalized according to law, these
researchers started looking at perceptual, attitudinal and communication factors affecting swidden cultivation, forest conservation and
resettlement programmes (Duldulao, 1975; Velasco, 1976; Reyes,
1977; see also Rebugio 1972 and 1976).
Duldulao (1975) found out that among Southern Tagalog
kaz"ngi,ners 1, good knowledge of forest conservation as well as consequences of forest destruction does not necessarily lead to favour-
Water buffalo.
See Harold Olofson, "Swidden and Kaingin Among the Southern Tagalog: A
Problem of Philippine Ethno-Agriculture". Philippine Quarterly of Culture
and Society, 8 (1980), pp. 168-180 for his distinction between kaingin and
swiddening. He argues that not all kaingineros are swiddenists although all
swiddenists are kaingineros. Some kaingineros are fixed-field cultivators and
those of Mt. Makiling (Southern Tagalog) studied by Duldulao, Olofson
claims, may not actually be swiddenists. Duldulao is not clear about this
although Vergara et al (l962), in their earlier study of swiddening in Mt.
Makiling, observed that kaingineros in the area did shift fields but with a
tendency to plant permanent crops such as fruit trees. Vergara et a1. (l962:
23) tentatively classified these Kaingineros as "partial supplementary swidden
cultivators". Therefore those studies on Mt. Makiling kaingineros are included pending the resolution of their precise classification. It is possible
that some of those studied by Duldulao may be related to those studied by
Vergara et al.
254
Philippines
able attitudes andbehaviourtowards forest conservation unless comparable or better economic alternatives are available. Better economic options may even generate favourable attitudes towards resettlement (Reyes, 1977). In his review of selected popular and technical literature on swidden cultivation since the 1940s, Velasco
(1976) claimed that problems related to swiddening may only be
solved if the socio-cultural context of swiddening as well as the
personality of the swiddenist are given proper attention.
Traditional concerns like kinship and social organization and
ethnography with good accounts of swiddening continued to be
published (Manuel, 1973; Penmoyer, 1977; MacDonald, 1977; and
Peralta, 1979). Manuel (1973) claimed that the Manuvu are not
first-rate swiddenists as they do not utilize the land fully. Penmoyer
(1977) noted that the Taubuid are being adversely affected by landgrabbing lowlanders and even by contacts with government officials
and employees. Conklin (1980), in his impressive ethnographic
atlas of Ifugao, observed that swiddening is of the complementary
partial type practised in areas unsuited for irrigated terracing. MacDonald (1977) observed that swiddening among the Palawan is of the
established integral type and that, according to Peralta (1979), the
nearby Tau't Bato are highly productive. In an unpublished dissertation on Kalinga society focusing on aspects of economic exchange,
Takaki (1977) observed the decline of swiddening. Among the
factors for this are climatic variations, changing patterns of land use
and competing demand for labour. Swiddening, however, is observed
to contribute much to the vegetable diet.
A number of works consciously utilizing an ecological framework were published. Casifio (1976) discussed the shift from swidden cultivation to coconut farming among the Jama Mapun as a
response to environmental and economic factors. Estioko and
Griffin (1975), Bennagen (1977) and Peterson (1978a and b) pointed
out that swidden cultivation provides, although still minimally, one
of a number of adaptations to the natural and social environments
of a previously predominantly hunting-gathering society. Eder
(1977a) explained the population decline of the Batak of Palawan as
due to physiological, social-structural and psychological stresses.
Among the Cuyunon, a lowland group of Palawan, Eder (1977b)
noted that they shifted profitably from rice-based swiddening to
commercial vegetable gardening in response to population growth
255

and market demand for vegetables. Cadelina (1977) claimed that
among the swidden cultivators in Negros Island, production has
become uneconomic due to a reduced fallow period which in turn
was caused by deforestation and population pressure on land. Similarly, Lawless (1977) argued that population pressure is the prime
mover behind the increasing agricultural intensification among the
Kalinga of Northern Luzon.
Something new in this period is the study of art among a
former hunting-gathering people who shifted to swidden cultivation
(Casal, 1978). Casal suggested that the static art motifs among the
T'boli is in part a manifestation of their economy. Also a new
contribution is the study of the vocabulary of a swidden cultivating
group, the Itbayat of the Batanes Islands group (Yamada, 1973).
Work on the Negritos of the Visayas, Central Philippines, continued with contributions by the same scholars in Period Two
(Rahmann et al., 1973; Oracison, 1974 and 1978). Moreover, new
researchers from Silliman University in the same region started to
make their contributions to what may be called Negrito studies in
the Visayas (Cadelina, 1974 and 1977; Maturan, 1976; and Reynolds, 1976). From the ethnographic focus of the earlier works,
interest shifted to problems of culture change, integration and
developmen t.
Indeed, at this time, development had become so fashionable
that it increasingly appeared as a focus of research on swidden cultivators (Reynolds and Grant, 1973; Rice and Tima, 1973; Rice,
1978a and b; Postma, 1974; Tauchmann, 1974; Reynolds, 1976;
and Bennagen, 1977). A forester, Llapitan (1977) described a
government-sponsored welfare project implementing the concept of
forest occupancy management among a mixed group of swiddenists.
The same concern with development and especially productivity, has
resulted in a resurgence of research on the economics of swidden
cultivation (Nguu, 1979; Nguu and Corpuz, 1980). Dozina and
Herdt (1974) claimed that rice productivity in upland farms has
decreased. Nguu and Corpuz (1980) and Nguu (1979), on the other
hand, argued that swidden cultivation could be a viable farming
system especially with more diversified production activities (cf.
Eder, 1977b).
The same concern for development has led to studies which are
not focused on particular ethnic groups. These are listed in the
256
Philippines
general bibliography, along with other papers that have tried to survey the literature on swiddening for various reasons and with different emphasis (e.g., Lopez, 1966; Maceda, 1974; Rahman, 1965;
Velasco, 1976; National Task Force, 1979; and Scott, 1979). Other
papers are more or less conceptual and methodological in their
emphasis (Allison, 1964; Conklin, 1954 and 1959; Eggan, 1963;
Duldulao, 1979; and Sajise, 1980). Still others present an overview
of, or perspective on, swiddening, swiddenists and/or related aspects
(Alafriz, 1963; Daga, 1964; Depositario, 1965; Duldulao, 1978 and
1979; Fernandez 11, 1972; FAO, 1971; Keesing, 1962; Lansigan,
1959; Luna, 1975; Marfori, 1964; Maturan, 1975; Pelzer, 1945;
Pendleton, 1942; Rebugio, 1972 and 1976; Spencer, 1952; Utleg,
1967; Vergara, 1961; Webb, 1964; and Yengoyan, 1970).
Many of these papers are developmental, or at least meliorative,
in their intent. In this connection, mention should be made of the
Upland Hydroecology Programme in the University of the Philippines at Loas Banos, Laguna. Set up in 1976 with funding from the
Ministry of Natural Resources, the National Irrigation Administration and the Ford Foundation, it aims, among other things, to do
research on the hydrologic, biological and socio-economic aspects of
upland ecosystems. 1 The studies by Floro (1980); Jacalne and
Flores (1980); Pacardo and Samson (1980); Sajise (1980); Raros
(1980); and Samonte, Fernandez and Mallari (1980) exemplify the
type of research conducted by the programme.
Another agency, the Philippine Center for Economic Development, based at the University of the Philippines, Quezon City, has
supported a number of evaluative studies on government-sponsored
agro-forestry development projects related to swiddening (Segura-de
los Angeles, 1979 and 1980a and b).
These efforts show the increasing interest and co-operation
among various disciplines and institutions to come together to
address themselves to swidden-related problems. An interesting concrete expression of this is seen in the type of activity that combines
research and action by teams, the members of which come from both
Sajise, Perey and Romeo S. Raros, "Upland Hydroeeology Program." Paper

presented during the PESAM Workshop, January 21, 22, 1978, UPLB,
College, Laguna.
257

the academic community and governmental development agencies
(Duldulao et al. 1977 and 1978).
Indeed, outside of anthropology, the concerns have been more
explicitly pragmatic, particularly, and understandably so, those from
the natural sciences and economics. But while ethnography has
remained an abiding interest among anthropologists, the more recent
studies such as those in Period Three, show serious efforts at relating
socio-cultural factors to developmental issues.
On the whole, the available literature shows that while there
are enduring interests like ethnographic and culture change studies,
these have been extended to more focused studies that are at once
descriptive and action-oriented. More and more ethnic groups are
being studied. More and more researchers from the natural and
social sciences are getting interested in swiddening as an area of
research. A greater range of methods from the natural and social
sciences (e.g., ethnographic, social surveys, modelling and quantitative bio-physical methods) are being employed.
Still, the data on hand are uneven and do not yet provide an
adequate base for confirming existing theories on swidden cultivation, particularly those on environmental impact, productivity and
population pressure. As early as Period One, contradictory views on
these already appeared. Barton (1922) noted the destructive character of swiddening in the Central Cordillera of Northern Luzon. On
the other hand, Garvan (1931) asserted that swiddening was a perfect adaptation to Manobo environment and social institutions. This
is also suggested to be the case among the Isneg of the northern part
of the Central Cordillera (Vanoverbergh, 1932). Cole (1922) observed that among the Tingguian on the western flank of the Central
Cordillera, swidden yielded less than irrigated terraces. Pelzer (1945)
pointed out the difficulty of maintaining long fallow periods with a
growing population.
These contradictory views are carried over by subsequent
researchers. Santos (1955) argued that it is destructive based on his
impressionistic observations in the Ilocos Provinces. Keesing (1962)
in his study of the Isneg in 1932-33 concluded that swiddening is
central to the ecological and cultural balance of csneg society. This
view, or its variations, recur in the studies on integral swiddening
groups. But because of the differential influence of acculturation
forces, the views on the environmental and organization impact of
258
Philippines
swiddening vary. The more recent studies mention population
pressure as almost always destructive of both environment and social
organization.
Under various conditions of acculturation, swiddenists respond
in various ways. For an insight into the probable directions of development, there are the studies on hunting-gathering societies like the
Agta in transition to swiddening both hillsides and flatlands with a
few who have acquired skills and tools for plough agriculture. The
studies on the Tiruray, the Mandaya (Yengoyan, 1965, 1966a and b,
1971 and 1973) and others who have been drawn into the capitalist
economy and have since become peasants offer another direction.
The studies on the Jama Mapun, who shifted to coconuts, the Ibaloi
of Northern Luzon and the Cuyunon of Palawan who have shifted
to commercial vegetable gardening indicate still another.
For those who still practise swiddening either in its integral
form or its partial form, the old debate about destructiveness and
low productivity, on the one hand, and the ecological and economic
viability, on the other, remains confusing and unresolved. New reports still show its viability (Nguu, 1977, and Nguu and Lopez,
1980) on a Tagalog cultivator of Southern Luzon; among the Mangyan of Sibuyan Island (Tadle, 1975); among the Tiruray of Mindanao; among the Tau't Bato (Peralta, 1979), to cite some examples.
The case of agricultural intensification towards commercial vegetable
gardening by swiddening among the Cuyunon (Eder, 19 77b) is worth
examining particularly in relation to the population pressure hypothesis.
Contributions from the natural sciences, though still very few,
do indicate variations in environmental impact. The pioneering work
by Kellman (1969) and those from the Upland Hydroecology Programme need to be augmented soon and in a greater variety of settings if the environmental impact of swiddening is to be fully understood. With more data, even the testing of hypotheses on population
pressure and productivity as formulated by the social scientists
might prove easier to do.
At this point, the literature reviewed confirms once more the
great complexity and variability of swiddening. We are, therefore,
left with the paradox of being unable to firm up our theoretical
constructs in spite of having accumulated more data. Part of the
problem, perhaps, is that there has not been a sustained effort at
259

synthesizing existing data at appropriate intervals, testing the theoretical constructs in the field and in development projects, drawing
lessons from these, even as more research is done.
Research
Gaps and Priorities
Given the quantity and quality of the existing literature, it is

tempting to make a long list of research priorities but within the
framework of developmental objectives involving man-environment
and man-man relations that has shaped this study, only the following
is suggested.
Ethnic groups
It is important to study other remaining whole cultures practising swidden cultivation to shed further light on its dynamics under
present conditions. Among these, mention may be made of the
other Mangyan groups of Mindoro such as the Alangan, Batangan
and Ratagnon and those from Mindanao such as the Higaonon,
Bilaan, Maguindano, the Tagakaolo, Kulaman and Ata. Even those
that have been studied need to be re-studied in a much more focused
manner with an attempt to understand processes of transformation.
For example, it is good to ask what combination of specific environmental and socio-cultural factors are likely to contribute to various
types of swiddening or to alternative cropping systems.
It will be instructive to attempt a more systematic typology
of swiddening according to its impact on environment and on quality
of life. Such an effort would need quantitative data on each type.
Because swidden types appear to be in interaction not only with each
other but with other cropping systems, or more generally, production systems, the dynamics of interaction and transformation should
be investigated.
Topics or issues.
Structures and processes. Given the theoretical perspective now
current in development thinking that people's participation in decision-making facilitates or enhances the success of development projects, research focusing on structural and process issues affecting
260
Philppines
people's participation is needed. The objective is to identify ways by
which swiddenists might be empowered to decide their development.
Related to this are perceptual and attitudinal studies not simply
among swiddenists but also among researchers, development workers
and administrators themselves. The hypothesis is that researchers,
development workers and administrators, with their technocratic
bias, are themselves part of the problem.
Environmental factors. There is evidence in the literature that

swiddening is sensitive to climatic, hydrologic, edaphic and, in general, the bio-physical factors, at the micro-level. More studies on
these should be made and not only for one annual cycle but for
longer periods.
"Soft technology" research. This refers to the identification of
skills, crops, tools and other material apparatus that could be used in
enhancing productivity of swiddens, particularly in areas where
swiddening is the only viable cropping system.
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Wallace, Benny J.
1967a
The
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Wallace, Ben J.
1967b
Gaddang Rice Cultivation: A

ligature Between Man and
285

Nature. Philppine Sodological
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Wallace, Ben J.
1970a
Shifting Cultivation and Plow

Agriculture in the Pagan Gaddang
Settlements
Manila:
Bureau of Printing (A shorter
version of 1967a).
Wallace, Ben].
1970b
Agricultural Technology of the

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T.G. Harding and B.J. Wallace,
eds., Cultures of the Paczfic
New York: The Free Press.
Wallace, Ben J.
1970c
Hz"ll and Valley Farmers: Sodoeconomic Change Among a

Philppine People Cambridge,
Massachusetts, U.S.A.: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc.
Warren, Charles P
1964
Wilson, Laurence L.
1947
The Batak of Palawan: A Culture in Transition Research

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1957
The Tiruray. Philppine Sociological Review 5:12-39.
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1978
Features of Yakan Culture. In

Peter G. Gowing and Robert
D. McAmis (eds.) The MusHm
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1980
Continuity and Change in a Yakan Village. Dansalan Quar-
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1973
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1965
Aspects of Ecological Succession Among Mandaya Population III Eastern Davao Province, Philippines. Papers of
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1966a
Baptism and "Bisayanization"

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1966b
Marketing Networks and Economic Processes Among Abacacultivating Mandaya of Eastern

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1971
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Kindred and Task Groups in

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THAILAND
THAILAND
Narong Srisawas
Review of
Anthropological Research
Social science research in Thailand is in a developing stage, just

like the country itself. This is particularly true in the field of anthropology which is usually concerned with pre-literate societies
as the objects of study. These pre-literate societies in Thailand are
mainly tribal peoples or the ethnic non-Thai minority groups who
live in the mountainous areas of the north, central and southern
regions.
In 14 provinces of the northern region there are nine major
ethnic minority groups with a total population of 315,923 (Tribal
Research Centre, 1978). They are the Karen, Meo (Hmong), Lahu,
Lisu, Yao, Akha, Lua (Lawa), Htin and the Khamu.
In Kanchanaburi, Phetburi, Prachuap Khiri Khan, Ratchaburi
and Suphanburi Provinces of the central region there are only two
tribal groups, i.e., Karen and Lua, with an estimated population of
14,512 (Tribal Research Centre, 1978). In the southern region there
are about 300 Negrito people in Trang, Phatalung, Narathiwat and
Yala Provinces (Kunstadter, 1966:374). A survey report found that
there are about 200 Sakais living in Yala Province (Adivatanasithi
and Jullagate, 1980:1). These tribal peoples are subsistence peasants who usually practise swidden cultivation.
Anthropological research on the minority groups in Thailand
may he traced back to the 1920s when the Siam Society gathered

and published articles on the northern non-Thai ethnic groups.
Some intensive field research was done in the 1930s by Prince
Sanidh Rangsit the first Thai professional anthropologist, and Hugo
Adolf Bernatzik, the Austrian anthropologist whose work, Akah und
Meau. published in 1947, was the only major anthropological monograph devoted to tribal peoples in Thailand (Hanks, et al, 1964:VVI). Other studies on the hill peoples slowly began to include the
work of non-professionals such as Boon Chuey Srisavasdi, who
published his Thirty Tribes of Chiangrai (in Thai) in 1950, and
Gordon Young whose work, The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand
was published by the Siam Society in 1962. Early in 1963, Patya
Saihoo, a Chulalongkorn University anthropologist, produced his
useful report on The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand published by
SEATO. Patya Saiho was the first Thai anthropolgist to give a
critical review of all the scattered anthropological literature dealing
with the tribal peoples in northern Thailand up to that date. When
the Tribal Research Centre, Department of Public Welfare, Ministry
of Interior, was inaugurated in Chiangmai in 1965, a significant
increase in anthropological research and survey on the tribal peoples
in northern Thailand was expected.
Anthropological study has been carried on slowly since the
1920s by researchers from abroad and, like other studies in social
sciences in Thailand, it has been relatively neglected by Thai social
scientists. There are several reasons. Firstly, anthropological study
is not well-known among the administrators and policy makers in the
universities and other governmental agencies concerned with rural
development. The high-ranking officials do not understand that a
successful rural development programme normally requires personnel
trained in sociology, rural sociology, and anthropology. Hence,
there are only some courses in anthropology offered to students in
the departments of sociology and anthropology of different universities. No degree programme in anthropology is offered in any
university. Various concerned governmental agencies usually have
very little, if any, knowledge of anthropological study. Studies in
this field, therefore, seldom receive support academically and financially from the universities and governmental agencies concerned
with rural development. Secondly, there is an insufficient number of
well-trained anthropologists in the country and those few who
graduated from abroad have been assigned to various administrative
positions in universities and governmental agencies with the result
that they hardly find time to conduct intensive field research.
Thirdly, due to political problems in the mountainous Golden
Triangle which is the meeting place of Thai, Burmese and Laotian
290
Thailand
frontiers and communist infiltration within Thailand border areas,

the researchers feel it is unsafe to conduct intensive field study in
the tribal communities.
However, anthropological studies on the ethnic non-Thai
minority groups have been conducted in Thailand for a long time,
especially since 1960. The reasons for this may be mentioned:
(1) the central government has paid more attention to the tribal
movement in relation to national security in border areas; (2) the
increased migration of the swidden cultivators into the country
could cause extensive deforestation and soil erosion on the northern
watersheds; and (3) the government desires to control and prevent
the cultivation of opium poppies. These factors stimulated the
government to collect and publish information on tribal peoples for
distribution to governmental agencies engaged in the task of assisting
and providing for the welfare of tribal peoples. As far as research on
swidden cultivation is concerned, this author noted that few studies
have been done since 1960. Nevertheless, a review of literature on
the non-Thai ethnic minority groups in the country clearly shows
that the sociocultural and economic life of all tribal peoples depend
on swidden cultivation. For instance, supervising migration in search
of new farm land is an important duty of the Meo village chief or
headman in an economy based on swidden agriculture (Syed J amal
Jaafar, 1975: 68-69).
It will therefore be appropriate to divide all the studies on
swidden, carried out in Thailand into three time periods. Period one
will begin from the 1920s to 1959, Period Two from 1960-1969,
and Period Three from 1970 to the present. The reasons for doing
this are: Period One covers the time when some anthropological
studies including simple observation, field notes, travel notes (e.g.,
Bernatzik's and Srisavasdi's studies) and short articles published in
the Journal of the Siam Society, gave the public an awareness of tribal peoples in the country. This was also the time when some
Christian missionaries approached tribal groups with the primary
objective of teaching Christianity to the tribes. During this period
the highland swiddenists were relatively freer to carry on their
activities without interruption from the government. However, the
government showed its interest in assisting and providing for the
welfare of the hill peoples by establishing the National Tribe Welfare
Committee in 1959 (Ruenyote, 1969:12). Period Two covers the
period when the government realized that a national development
programme would be necessary to lift the country up from a less
developed to a developed level. The government launched the first
and second five-year national economic and social development
291

plans of which tribal development and welfare programme became a
part under the Department of Public Welfare, Ministry of Interior.
The social climate in Thailand then, was congenial for both domestic
and foreign scholars for conducting research on the non-Thai ethnic
minority groups. In addition, the establishment of self-help settlements fbr the welfare of the hill tribes, the development and welfare
operation centres, the hill tribe relation project, and the Tribal
Research Centre in 1965 (Department of Public Welfare, 1967:6)
has facilitated the conduct of field research on the tribal peoples by
many scholars. Period Three might be called the period of "progress" marked by the international conference on Shifting Cultivation and Economic Development held in Chiangmai in January 1970.
Nearly 100 people registered for the conference and 15 research
papers dealing with swidden cultivation in northern Thailand were
presented by both Thai and foreign scholars. As a result of this
conference a book on Farmers in the Forest edited by Peter Kunstadter, E.C. Chapman, and Sanga Sabhasri, was published in 1978.
Materials produced
The analysis includes books, theses, research reports, survey
reports, field reports, interim reports, research articles, papers,
ethnographic notes, journals, bulletins, magazines, manuscripts,
proceedings, monographs, data papers, memoirs, proposal, and film.
Hence, there are different types of material dealing with the nonThai ethnic minority groups during the three periods studied. Distribution of the materials covered is shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Types of materials covered
in the three periods
Period
Material
Books
Thesis
Research report
Survey report
Field report
Interim report
Papers
Ethnographic note
Journal
Bulletin
Total
One
Two
Three
2
3
1
3
2
1
1
9
1
2
2
292
11
41
1
3
2
6
1
6
12
12
44
3
1
3
3
8
3
Thailand
Period
Material
Total
One
Magazine
Manuscript
Proceedings
Monographs
Data papers
Memoirs
Proposal
Film
Total
Two
Three
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
2
1
3
23
81
2
1
2
2
2
1
2
1
107
Table 1 shows that the total number of materials collected in

this study is 107. The distribution of Period One, Two, and Three
is 3, 23, and 81 materials respectively. Besides, there are articles in
books, proceedings, ethnographic notes, and magazines distributed in
Period Two, and Period Three numbering 14 and 26 respectively.
Language covered
Most of the languages used in the literature are either Thai or
English. Two publications, i.e., Bernatzik's book and Kacha-ananda's
dissertation, were in the German and French languages respectively.
History of Research on
Swidden Cultivation in Thailand
Originally, swidden or burned clearing cultivation, was believed

to be practised by the tribal peoples who live in the mountains of
the northern and central regions. Later, due to population pressure,
the lowlanders in remote villages in the four regions also practised
this type of cultivation. The literature reveals that Christian missionaries were the first group of foreigners to approach the tribal
peoples in the northern region with the primary purpose of teaching
Christianty to the tribes. For example, Daniel McGilvary worked
with the Karens in 1867 and visited Lahu village in 1891-1892
293
(Kunstadter, 1966:389). While working with the tribes, McGilvary

observed that the hill peoples were already cultivating opium in the
hills between Mae Kok and Fang in Chiangmai Province. Therefore,
swidden fields were seen in the tribal communities in the northern
region more than a century ago. Another observer was Dusit Banijbatana, former Director General, Royal Forestry Department, who
wrote that swidden cultivation has been practised in the country
since the promulgation of forest laws during the reign of King
Rama V (1868-1910). In 1906 the Royal Forestry Department
which was founded in 1896, launched the teak taungya or agrisilvi
plantation, a solution for swidden cultivation practices on the hill
slopes by the Thai villagers in certain areas in Phrae, Lampang,
Nan, Chiangmai, Phitsanulok, and Sukhothai Provinces (Banijbatana,
1970:173-177). Researches dealing with swidden cultivation in the
northern region have been conducted by several social scientists and
administrators such as Miles (1969), Kunstadter and Chapman
(1978), Hinton (1978), Komkris (1978), Sabhasri (1978), Judd
(1961), Keen (1972), Walker (1975), and Grandstaff (1980). But
swidden cultivation is practised among the tribal peoples and the
rural lowland populatron in all parts of the country as Komkris
clearly mentions:
In Thailand, shifting cultivations are practised
widely throughout all parts of the Kingdom,
both in lowlands and in the mountains and by
the local population as well as by the seminomadic hill tribes, which are indigenous to the
country or which have moved in from neighboring states, during the last few decades, especially
from Burma and Laos (Komkris, 1970: 179180).
Since swidden cultivation relates to popUlation pressure Uinton,
1970, Kunstadter, 1970; Chapman, 1970; Keen, 1970; Walker, 1975)
and problems of swidden cultivators in Thailand are regional in
nature (Kunstadter and Chapman, 1970:148), it may be worthwhile
to briefly describe swidden cultivation in the four regions of the
country.
294
Thailand
In the northern region l , where the major catchment areas of
the country are located, swidden cultivation is carried on actively by

both the lowlanders and the hill peoples. The lowlandcrs take up
swidden cultivation as a supplement to their permanent wet rice
cultivation, while the hill peoples take it up as their means of subsistence. Although it is impossible to estimate the number of people
involved in this type of cultivation Judd estimated that more than a
million people in the northern region were engaged in one or another
type of shifting cultivation (Kunstadter, Chapman, 1978:9). There
were six ethnically and linguistically distinct groups of hill peoples
practising swidden cultivation: Karen, Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and
Akha, with a total population of 224,406 in 1967 (Keen: 51).
Some forty to fifty thousand hectares out of total eight million
hectares of normally forested land in this region are being seriously
damaged or destroyed each year (Keen: 56).
The types of crops cultivated by the hillmen are very similar to
that of the lowland swidden cultivators. The principal crops are
upland rice and corn with the addition of potatoes and opium poppy
in certain areas. Wild peaches and other fruit crops, e.g., lychee
and banana, may be grown commercially only near municipal centres
where fruit markets are located. Due to population pressure, the
bush fallow cycle varies from two or three years to fifteen or more
(Komkris, 1970: 183; Hinton, 1970:15). Normally, a fallow period
of eight to ten years tends to restore the land to its original fertility
(Kunstadter, 1970; Sabhasri, 1970). Therefore, the shortening of
the fallow cycle would lead to the deterioration of soil fertility as
indicated by the decline in rice and corn yield in the second and
third year (Chapman, 1970:249).
I Northern region consists of sixteen provinces: Chiangmai, Chiangrai, Kamphaeng Phet, Lampang, Lamphun, Mae Hong Son, Nakhon Sawan, Nan, Phetchabun, Phichit, Phitsanulok, Phrae, Sukhothai, Tak, Uthai Thani, and Uttaradit.
Land area is 170,000 square kilometers (National Economic and Social Development Board, 1976:4). Total population number 9,201,920 in 1977 (Population
Planning Sector, National Economic and Social Development Board, 1978,
mimeographed).
295
In the central region 1 , swidden cultivation is also widely practised by the rural lowlanders and the hill populations in Saraburi,
Lop Buri, Prachin Buri, Rayong, Chanthaburi, Kanchanaburi, Phetburi, Prachuap Khiri Khan, Ratchaburi, and Suphan Buri Provinces.
Therefore, the swiddenists are alleged to destroy thousands of
hectares of forest annually. Among the lowlanders, swidden cultivation is a process of turning the land to more or less permanent
cultivation. Hence, thousands of hectares of the reserved and unreserved forests are cleared by the local people or migrants from
other provinces and used to plant corn, cassava, and other field
crops. Then the land is gradually turned into permanent fields of
sugar-cane, cassava, corn, fruit tree plantation or any other crops and
mostly sold to big land owners or newcomers after which the swidden cultivator moves on to fresh pieces of forest land (Komkris,
1970:184).
In the southern region 2 , swidden cultivators, including southern
Thai Sakais, are found in Chumphon, Surat Thani, Nakhon Si Thammarat, Ranong, Krabi, Phangnga, Songkhla, and Yala provinces.
Swidden cultivation turned thousands of dense tropical evergreen
forests into grassland and permanent rubber plantations.
In the northeastern region 3 , swidden cultivation also turned

thousands of hectares of dry-evergreen and dry-dipterocarp forests
1 The Central region consists of twenty-five provinces: Ang Thong, Ayutthaya,
Bangkok-Thon Buri, Chachoengsao, Chai Nat, Chanthaburi, Chon Buri, Kanchanaburi, Lop Buri, Nakhon Nayok, Nakhon Pathom, Nonthaburi, Pathum
Thani, Phetburi, Prachin Buri, Prachuap Khiri Khan, Ratchaburi, Rayong,
Samut Prakan, Samut Sakhon, Samut Songkhram, Saraburi, Sing Buri, Suphan
Buri, and Trat. Land area is 66,364.2 square kilometres (National Economic
and Social Development Board, 1978). Total population number 14,465,729
(Population Planning Sector, National Economic and Social Development Board,
1978, mimeographed).
2 The Southern region consists of fourteen provinces: Chumphon, Krabi,
NakllOn Si Thammarat, Narathiwat, Pattani, Phangnga, Phatthalung, Phuket,
Ranong, Satun, Songkhla, Surat Thani, Trang, and Yala. Land area is 72,961
square kilometres and total population number 5,456,684 (National Economic
and Social Development Board, 1978, mimeographed).
3 Northeastern region consists of sixteen provinces: Buri Ram, Chaiyaphum,
Kalasin, Khon Kaen, Loei, Maha Sarakham, Nakhon Phanom, Nakhon Ratchasima, Nong Khai, Roi Et, Sakon Nakhon, Si Sa Ket, Surin, Ubon Ratchathani,
Udon Thani, and Yasothon. Land area is 170,218 square kilometres, and total
population number 15,148,360 (National Economic and Social Development
Board, 1978, mimeographed).
296
Thailand
into grassland and permanent plantations of kenaf, corn, cassava,

and upland rice. Owing to the highest population pressure in the
country in this region, the area now under swidden cultivation is
being turned more and more to permanent types of crops resulting
in poorer yields and soil depletion (Komkris, 1970:185).
However, this study will be restricted to swiddening in the
northern region only, and particularly, swidden cultivation practised
by the tribal peoples since the written materials referred to are
studies on tribal peoples and swidden cultivation practised by them.
Research Trends
Statements about ethnic groups. The materials covered in this

study are classified into ethnic groups stated explicitly and those
not explicitly stated, within the three periods. Those papers explicitly stating ethnic groups are sub-divided into group, sub-group, and
combined group. This latter category, i.e., combined group, is used
because there are several papers covering several ethnic groups, e.g.,
Meo, Karen, Lahu, since these ethnic groups usually live in the same
mountainous areas. Thus, when a researcher plans to study a Meo
community, he could also plan for a comparative study with a
Karen community. Distribution of the ethnic group statements is
shown in Table 2.
Table 2 shows that overall, the majority (85.1%) of the materials covered have explicitly stated the ethnic groups which they
have studied. When comparing the periods studied, it is found that
there is no significant difference between the proportion of the
ethnic groups studied. The interest in sub-groups has almost doubled
in Period Three as compared to Period Two. The large proportion
of combined groups in Period One is unavoidable since only a couple
of studies of a general nature were done. During Period Two and
Three of the combined group, the same trend is found, that is, the
proportion of the combined group papers is larger in Period Three,
while the proportion of the ethnic group not explicitly stated in
Period Two is larger than that in Period Three indicating a decrease
297

Table 2 The material covered by
ethnic groups stated and period
studied
Ethnic group
Period
- - - - - - - - - - - Total
One
Two
Three
_________ .Percent _______
1. Explicitly stated
a. Group
b. Sub-group
c. Combined group
2. Not explicitly stated
Total
~_w
_. __ ._. ___
100.0
71.0
89.1
85.1
( 50.0) ( 48.4) ( 48.5) ( 48.5)
( 0.0) ( 9.7) ( 17.8) ( 15.7)
( 50.0) ( 12.9) ( 22.8) ( 20.9)
0.0
29.0
10.9
14.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
in the number of studies not stating the ethnic group during the last
two decades.
Ethnic groups studied
Interestingly enough, the materials show that not all the major
non-Thai ethnic groups in northern Thailand lave been studied by
the Thai and foreign researchers during the three periods which
cover about sixty years. Therefore, the proportion of ethnic groups
studied varies within and between Periods Two and Three as shown
in Table 3.
Table 3 shows that overall, during the last two decades, the
Karen is the most popular group studied since it has the largest tribal
population, followed by Meo, Yao, Akha, Lahu and Lisu respectively. A comparison between Periods Two and Three shows that studies
on Karen, Yao, and Lahu, increased substantially from Period Two
to Period Three, while those studies on Akha and Lua decreased
drastically. This indicates that the researchers have been more likely
to be interested in studying Karen, Yao, and Lahu, than other
groups during the last two decades.
The main theme studied
The main theme studied varies widely over the three periods,
showing a variety of interests in studying the non-Thai ethnic groups
298
Thailand
Table 3 Ethnic groups studied in

the three periods
Ethnic group
Period
- - - - - - - - - - - Total
One
Two
Three
______ PercenL
Karen
Meo
Yao
Lahu
Akha
Lisu
Lua
H'Tin
Haw
Total
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
23.6
17.6
11.8
5.9
17.6
9.9
17.6
0.0
5.9
32.3
16.2
17.6
10.3
10.3
10.3
1.5
1.5
0.0
30.5
16.5
16.5
9.4
11.8
8.2
4.7
1.2
1.2
0.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
in the northern region. The main theme ranges from a general

description of the hill tribes to migration among the hill peoples, as
shown in Table 4.
Table 4 shows that overall, ethnographic description has been
popular among the researchers during the last sixty years. This has
increased substantially from Period Two to Period Three, followed
by socio-economic sUlVey, swidden cultivation, sodo-cultural change,
hill tribe development, sodal and economic change, and language
respectively. It is noticeable that interest in swidden cultivation
remains almost in the same proportion from Period Two to Period
Three.
299
Table 4 The main themes studied

in the three periods
Period
Theme
Total
One
Two
Three
__________ PercenL
Hill tribes
0.0
Swidden cultivation
0.0
Socio-economic survey
0.0
0.0
Opium producing area
Hill tribe development
0.0
Agricultural economy
0.0
0.0
Hill & valley population
Thai-tribal relations
0.0
Land use
0.0
Marketing
0.0
Agricultural development
0.0
Social and economic
0.0
development
Socio-cultural change
0.0
100.0
Ethnographic
0.0
Ethnological
0.0
Tribal history
0.0
Social change
Medicine
0.0
0.0
Agricultural production
Integration
0.0
0.0
Ecological
0.0
Autonomy and integration
0.0
Political
0.0
Language
0.0
Village structure
0.0
Family planning
Socio-economic role of
tribal women
0.0
Socio-medical
0.0
Economic organization
0.0
0.0
Soil
Socio-ethnological
0.0
Agro-sociological
0.0
Migration
0.0
300
3.8
7.7
7.7
3.8
7.7
3.8
3.8
7.7
0.0
0.0
7.7
0.9
7.4
1.5
7.4
29.6
25.2
0.9
2.8
0.9
2.8
0.0
1.5
3.7
1.5
3.0
1.5
1.8
1.5
0.9
0.9
0.7
0.7
3.7
4.4
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
3.8
0.0
7.7
3.8
0.0
2.8
2.8
27.8
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.0
0.9
2.8
0.0
0.9
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
7.7
11.5
19.2
26.6
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
3.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7
0.7.
Thailand
Nationality
There are at least nine nationalities of researchers coming to

conduct research on the ethnic non-Thai minority groups in northern
Thailand during the three periods studied, as shown in Table 5.
Table 5 Nationality of the researchers
Period
Total
Nationality
One
Two
Three
____ PercenL ______

American
Thai
Australian
New Zealander
Japanese
Austrian
British
Swede
French
Not known
Total
0.0
50.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
50.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
60.0
10.0
10.0
10.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
10.0
0.0
0.0
37.9
24.1
10.3
3.5
6.9
0.0
3.5
0.0
3.5
10.3
41.5
22.0
9.8
4.8
4.8
2.4
2.4
2.4
2.4
7.3
100.0
100.0
100.0
99.8
Table 5 shows that earlier researchers interested in tribal

groups in northern Thailand were Thai and Austrian. Researchers
from other countries, e.g., the United States, Australia, New Zealand and Sweden, came in Period Two; the largest proportion being
American researchers. In Period Three, researchers from Japan,
Britain and France joined the others.
The highest proportion of researchers overall was Americans,
followed by Thai, Australian, New Zealanders and Japanese. The
percentage of American researchers decreased drastically from
Period Two to Period Three while that of the Thai researchers rose
from 10 per cent in Period Two to 24.1 per cent in Period Three.
Swedish researchers were in northern Thailand only in Period Two.
DisCplz'ne
During the periods studied, the research on the non-Thai ethnic

minority in northern Thailand was found to be in different displines, as shown in Table 6.
301

Table 6 Discipline of the researchers
Period
Discipline
Total
One
Two
Three
____ Percenc ___________

Tribal architecture
Forestry
Religion
An throp ology
Economic anthropology
Geography
Language
No discipline
Total
0.0
0.0
0.0
50.0
10.0
0.0
10.0
10.0
0.0
13.8
0.0
72.4
2.4
9.8
2.4
56.1
0.0
0.0
0.0
50.0
20.0
20.0
30.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
13.8
0.0
4.9
4.9
100.0
100.0
100.0
17.1
2.4'
100.0
Table 6 shows that the only discipline in Period One is anthropology, while the number of disciplines increased to five, Le.,
tribal architecture, religion, economic anthropology, geography and
language in Period Two. Anthropology increased considerably in
proportion to the other disciplines from Period Two to Period Three.
Analysis
and Observations
Theory. These studies, both in the form of reading materials

and a film have contributed greatly to many anthropological, sociological, and agricultural development theories. These theories are important and necessary in carrying on the rural development programme of this country. Theories relevant to modem cultural anthropology are used in previous studies, e.g., technological systems
theory (Bock, 1969:219-309), in which the swiddeners used "primary" tools such as digging stick, axes, fire, etc., in cultivating the
soil. In theories about the origin of cultivation we see that seed
planting tradition based on rice, spreads in all directions from its
302
Thailand
probable area of origin in Southeast Asia (Bock, 1969:283). Hence,
at least six groups of tribal peoples, i.e., Karen, Meo, Yao, Lahu,
Lisu, and Akha, grow dry-rice as their subsistence food crop, and
some, e.g., Meo, Yao, Lahu, cultivate opium poppy as their main
cash crop. Economic anthropological theories are also applied in
previous studies. For example, the process of distribution in tribal
communities is set in a non-economic matrix which takes the form
of gift and ceremonial exchange (Herskovits, 1965:155). A report
on ruminants in the highlands of northern Thailand shows that gifts
of cattle between relatives for events such as weddings can lead to
a fairly wide distribution of ownership of cattle in Lisu villages
(Falvey, 1977 :44) Social structure and social system theories are
applied in several studies. For example, there is a research on White
Meo community aimed at studying the social structure and organization of a small swidden community which analytically describes the
structure and content of a particular system of shifting cultivation
practised by the White Meo. This study avoids the assumptions
which imply that social systems are intrinsically in stable equilibrium (Tribal Research Centre, 1967: 13). Functionalism is applied
in a study (Keen, 1972) when the researcher concludes that probably
a solution to problems of shifting cultivation in northern Thailand is
to educate people until they understand better the functions of their
environments. An agricultural development theory is also used in
a research work which suggested that aid should be offerred as a
"package programmes" that takes into consideration both economic
and social factors, including all the "elements", "essentials", and
"accelerators" in agricultural development Judd, 1970:42). An
ecological theory is applied in a study of swidden cultivation in
which basic ecological effects of the extensive use of fire in the
development of forest farming were analysed (Pe1zer, 1978:271286) Therefore, the studies have already checked the real world by
,observing several social and economic phenomena, e.g., preferences
and prohibitions of Meo, Lisu, Akha, and marketing conditions of
Karen, Yao, Lua, in accordance with the theories mentioned earlier.
Some studies have given swidden typology (Kunstadter, Chapman,
Sabhasri, 1978) and some authors follow Conklin's swidden typology
Uudd, 1961; Walker, 1975; Grandstaff, 1976) in explaining types
of swidden fields in northern Thailand.
Methodology. As far as methodology is concerned, the researchers
used different methods, e.g., participant observation, enumeration
303
Swidden cultivation in Asiu

and sampling, informant interview, sodo-economic survey, anthroplogical intensive field survey, in studying swidden cultivation
communities in northern Thailand. Observations range from a few
days of living in tribal villages to a few years of intensive field work.
Overall, participant observation with the researchers taking part in
village activities and playing roles of a village member is the major
method of investigation. The systems approach whereby the researchers look into relationships among system elements and interrelationships between the swiddening and sodo-economic systems of
lowland communities as well as the northern regional system was also
used by several researchers, e.g., Kunstadter, (1967), Kandre (1967).
Research gaps
All previous studies, such as the survey report of the Tribal
Research Centre, shifting cultivation in north Thailand (Keen, n.d.),
problems of shifting cultivation and economic development in
northern Thailand (Kunstadter and Chapman, 1978) usually concerned themselves with a general descriptive analysis and the relationships between variables involved in problems of swidden cultivation among tribal peoples, e.g., Karen, Meo, Yao, Akha, in the
northern region. Alternatives for solutions and development of
swidden cultivation are also presented by several authors, e.g.,
Miles, Keen, Grandstaff. Research gaps may be found in the area
of inter-community communication, which is concerned with interrelationships between different tribal communities since different
ethnic groups usually live nearby or in the same mountainous areas,
e.g., in the southeast slopes of Mt. Intanon where one can find Meo
and Karen swiddeners living in hamlets located at different altitudes
(Keen, n.d., 57). Therefore, this area of horizontal relationship
among the tribal communities could be studied intensively.
Annotated Bibliography
The materials collected in this study are classified and presented

in chronological order under three categories, i.e., general, ethnicspecific entries, and ethnic-combined entries. Almost all the bibliographies deal with the tribal peoples in northern Thailand since it is
the region where most of the anthropological studies have been
304
Thailand
done in this country. For some of the bibliographies, the content

of which is clearly stated in the title, no annotation is made.
General
Judd, Laurence, Cecil
1961
Chao Rai: Dry Rice Farmers in Northern Thailand. Ithaca: Cornell University, unpublished
Ph. D. dissertation.
The author discusses swidden cultivation practised
by the villagers at Commune "Baw", Nan province,
including: the environment of commune Baw,
the history of each hamlet, soil and plant resources, the technology, diet, occupation, the
economy, kinship and community relations,
education, religion, health care, political affairs,
leadership pattern, social, technological and ideological changes.
Geddes, William R.
1965
The Hill Tribes of Thailand.
Proceedings of
SEATO Seminar on Community Development,
SEATO, Bangkok.
General information about the hill tribes of northern Thailand.
Department of Public Welfare
1966
Report on the Sodo-economic Survey of HzU
Tribes in Northern Thailand.
Some general comments on the mountain peoples
of the north, economy and social structure, basic
problems, some basic opinions of hill people, and
recommendations.
United Nations
1967
Report of the United Nations Survey Team on the
Economic and Sodal Needs of the Opium-produdng Areas in Thailand. Bangkok: Government
House Printing Office.
The team describes the hill tribal peoples, the
ecological setting of the hill tribes and the resources thereof, the place of opium in the socioeconomy of the hill tribes, analysis of previous
surveys of opium production, the general problem
305

of opium, activities of the government of Thailand,
analysis of the situation, and recommendations.
Manndorff, Hans
1969
The Hill Tribe' Programme of the Public Welfare
Department, Ministry of Interior, Thailand:
Research and Socio-economic Development. Pp.
525-552 in Peter Kunstadter (ed.), Southeast
Asian Tribes, Minorityies, and Nations. Vol. n,
Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Judd, Laurence C.
1969
"The Agricultural Economy of the Hill Thai" Pp.
86-92 in Tribesmen and Peasants in North Thailand, Proceedings of the First Symposium of the
Tribal Research Centre. Chiangmai, Thailand,
1967.
Kunstadter, Perer
1969
"Hill and Valley Population in Northwestern Thailand." Pp. 69-85 in Tribesmen and Peasants in
North Thailand, Proceedings of the first Symposium of the Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai,
Thailand, 1967.
Miles, Douglas J.
"Shifting Cultivation: Threats and Prospects." Pp.
1969
93-99 in Tribesmen and Peasants in North Thailand, Proceedings of the First Symposium of the
Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai, Thailand,
1967.
Ruenyote, Suwan
1969
"The Hill Tribe Programme of the Thai Government." Pp. 12-25 in Tribesman and Peasants in
North Thailand, Proceedings of the firest Symposium of the Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai,
Thailand, 1967.
Keyes, Charles F.
1969
Tai-Tribal Relations in a Frontier District of Thailand. Research Report to the National Research
Council of Thailand and the National Science
Found~tion (mimeographed).
Saihoo, Patya
1970
The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand.

Sompong Press Ltd.
306
Bangkok:
Thaz"land
A critical review of the literature on the hill tribes

of northern Thailand, economic decline of the
tribes and work undertaken with the the tribes by
government agencies, private organizations and
private individuals.
Chapman, E.C.,
Hinton P., and
Kunstadter, P.
1971
"Swidden System Under Stress." Paper Prepared

for Internatz"onal Congress of Orz"entalists. Canberra, Australia.
Oughton, G.A.,
Thawee Raksachol, Wanat
Bhruksasri, and
Chantaboon Suthi
1972
Proposal for a Hz"ghland Zonal Development Project at Huaz" Mae Slaep, Tambon Pa Sang, Amphoe
Mae Chan, Changwad Chz"angraz".
In this proposal, the researchers described population and land capability, detailed project aims,
land allocation, project strategy, project capital
cost, annually recurrent project, cost, and financial summary.
Keen, F.G.B.
1972
Upland Tenure and Land Use z"n North Thaz"land.
Bangkok: Allied Printers.

The following are discussed by the author: swidden
economies, the fermented tea (Miang) economy,.
north Thailand-a dynamic region, land use change
through planning.
Tribal Research Centre
1972
Marketz"ng Condz"tz"ons and Commercz"al Farm

Production in the Highlands. Chiangmai: Tribal
Research Centre.
TRC provides information about marketing conditions and cash crops of the hill peoples.
307

Oughton, G.A., Chantaboon Suthi, Wanat
Bhruksasri, and Niwat Imong
1973
Proposal for Rez'nforcz'ng the Department of Publz'c
Welfare's Hz'ghland Development Actz'vz'tz'es at the
Tak Provz'ncz'al Hz'll Trz'bes Development and
Welfare Centre, Doz' Mussoe.
The researchers describe population and land
capability, detailed project aims, land allocation,
project strategy, and project capital costs.
Walker, Anthony R.
and Syed J amal J aafar
1975
"The Zonal Approach to Agricultural Development
in North Thailand." Pp. 205-211 in Anthony R.
Walker (ed.), Farmers z'n the Hz'lls. Georgetown,
Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press SDN. BHD.
Schapper, Henry P.
1976
A Working Paper on Development and Welfare of
Hill-Tribe Peoples in Northern Thailand. Chiangmai: TRC No. 2648 (mimeographed).
The author presents direction and rate of development, blind-alley approaches to developments,
positive qualities of hill-tribes peoples, reasons for
development issues in land use, people and productivity approach to development, incentives of
development, land tenure and development, targets
for development, interdependence of targets and
means of achievement, planning committee and
experimental plan of action.
Judd, Laurence, C.
1977
Chao Raz' Thaz': Dry Rz'ce Farmers z'n Northern
Thaz'land. Bangkok: Suriyaban Publishers.
This book grew out of Judd's dissertation in 1961.
In this book, he adds information on technological
changes after twenty years, social and ideological
changes of the villagers at commune "Baw".
Hickery, Geradd G.
and J esse Wright
1978
The Hz'll People of North Thaz'land: Socz'al and
Economz'c Development.
A research report containing four parts and five
308
Thailand
appendices, and a series of recommendations that
represent the authors' assessment of the kinds of
socio-economic
programmes
USAID/Thailand
might support among the hill people.
Kunstadter, Peter
and E.C. Chapman
1978
"Problems of Shifting Cultivation and Economic
Development in Northern Thailand." Pp. 3-23, in
Peter Kunstadter, E.C. Chapman, Sanga Sabhasri
(eds.) Farmers in the Forest. Honolulu: The
University Press of Hawaii.
Komkris, Thiem
"Forestry Aspects of Land Use in Areas of Swid-'
1978
den Cultivation." Pp. 61-70 in Peter Kunstadter,
E.C. Chapman, Sanga Sabhasri (eds.) Farmers in
the Forest. Honolulu: The Uni'l(ersity Press of
Hawaii.
Grandstaff, Terry
1980
The Development of Swidden Agriculture (Shifting
Cultivation).
A/D/C Teaching and Research
Forum, No. 23.
The author discusses four development aspects of
swiddening, i.e., productivity, income, system viability, and socio-cultural factors.
Walker, Anthony R.
1981
Society and Economy in Northern Thai Unplands:
An Ethnographic study of an Opium-produdng
Region. University of Singapore (mimeographed).
The author discusses the following: identification,
affiliation, demography and historical background
of the upland peoples, socio-cultural diversity in
the northern uplands, upland political systems,
upland economic systems, the production of
opium in two upland communities: a comparison,
concluding remarks: opium in the society and
economy of the northern Thai uplands.
Cooper, Robert G.
n.d.
The Tribal Minorities of Northern Thailand: Problems and Prospects. Chiangmai: TRC No. 02699.
The author considers in the first part, three major
309

problems facing the tribal minorities, the Thai
government and the world, i.e., resource scarcity,
security and heroin production. In the second
part, the prospects for sorting out appropriate
solutions to these problems are presented.
Keen, F.G.B.
n.d.
Karen
Iijima, Shigeru
1965
Shifting Cultivation in North Thailand. Chiangmai: TRC No. 0267.

The author discusses various aspects of swidden
cultivation, e.g., the swiddening system of land
use, population pressure and ecological disruption,
etc.
"Cultural Change Among the Hill Karens in Northern Thailand." Asian Survey. V(8): 417-423.
Bruneau, Michel
1967
"Village Karen du Nord-Quest de la Thailande,
e'tude geo'graphique". Bulletin de la Sectz"on de
Ge'ographie du Comite' des Tre'sors Historiques
et SCentijques Paris.
Hinton, Peter
1968
Karen Project. Field Report No. 1-2. Chiangmai:
Tribal Research Centre.
Marlowe, David H
1969
"Upland-Lowland Relationships: The Case of the
S'Kaw Karen of Central Upland Western Chiangmai" Pp. 53-68 in the Tn'besmen and Peasants in
North Thailand. Proceedings of the First Symposium of the Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai,
Thailand, 1967.
The author presents a preliminary description of
the structure of relationship between the S'Kaw
Karen and lowland people of Chiangmai Province.
Iijima, Shigeru
SoCo-Cultural Change Among the Shifting Cultiva1970
tors through the Introduction of Wet Rice CultureA Case Study of the Karens in Northern Thaland.
Memoirs of the College of Agriculture, Kyoto
University, No. 97 (Agri. Econ. Ser. No. 3).
310
Thaland
Hinton, Peter
1971
Iijima, Shigeru
1971
"Population Dynamics and Dispersal Trends

Among the Pwo Karen" in Roberg Ho (ed.), Proceedings of Seminar on Contemporary Thailand.
Canberra.
Social and Cultural Change of the Karens - A

Basis of the Nation - Building of Thailand. Tokyo
Sobunsha Co. Ltd.
Keyes, Charles F.
"The Karens in Thai History and the History of the
1971
Karens in Thailand." Paper delivered at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies,
Washington, D.C. (mimeographed).
Kunstadter, Peter
1972
"The Spirits of Change Capture the Karens." National Geographz'c Magazine. 267-284.
Hinton, Peter
1975
Karen Subsistence:
The Limits of a Swidden
Economy in North Thailand. University of
Sydney, unpublished Ph. D. dissertation. The author discussed the economy of four Pwo Karen
villages located in the remote area of Mae Sariang
District, Chiangmai Province.
Mohd. Razha Rashid and Pauline H. Walker
1975
"The Karen People: An Introduction." Pp. 87-95
in Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hills;
Ethnographic Notes on the Upland Peoples of
North Thailand. Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press
SDN. BHD.
The authors present a description of the Karen.
Several' aspects of the Karen, e.g., population
and distribution, dress, the name and the division,
language, settlement pattern, historical background, socio-political organization, religion, economy, and beyond the ethnic group, are discussed.
Mohd. Razha Rashid
_
"The Pwo Karen Village of Dong Luang: Some
1975
notes and Impressions." Pp. 97-100 in Authony R.
Walker (ed.) Farmers in the Hills Ethnographic
Notes on the Upland Peoples of North Thailand:
311

Pulau Pinany: Phoenix Press SDN. BHD.
Based on Peter Hinton's report on this community
in 1968-69, the author's general impression was
that the Pwo Karen of Dong Luang were relatively
poorer than many of the Lahu, Lisu, Yao and
Meo communittes visited.
Mohd. Razha Rashid
1975
Karen Swiddening Techniques. Pp. 101-107 in
Authony R. Walker (ed.) Farmers in the Hills:
North Thailand: Pulau Pinang. Phoenix Press
SDN. BHD.
The Karen conservation practices, land tenure,
swidden technology and the agricultural cycle,
were discussed. In conclusion; the author thought
that the Karen were more successful in maintaining
ecological stability than are many other swidden
cultivators in Southwest Asia.
Somphob Larchrojua
1975
The Karen Medidne.
University of Sydney,
unpublished M.A. thesis. The author discussed
the beliefs and practices of the Pwo Karen concerning illness and death, at Dong Luang, Mae Sariang
1976
Report on the Sodo-economic Survey of Ban
Huai Tom, Li District, Lamphun Province. No. 1
(in Thai)
Location, social structure, economic structure,
resident community services, and trade of the
Karen are presented.
Renard, Ronald D.
1977
Changing Patterns of Karen Life in Nineteenth
Century Northern Thailand.
TRC. No. 2654
(mimeographed).
TRC.
1977
Socio-economic Survey of the Pwo Karen. Hod
District. Chiangmai Province (in Thai)
residence community services, and trade of the
312
Thaz'land
Hinton, Peter
1978
"Declining Production among Sedentary Swidden

Cultivators: The Case of the Pwo Karen." Pp. 185198 in Kanstadter, Peter, E.C. Chapman, and
Sanga Sabhassi (eds.), Farmers z'n the Forest.
Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii.
The author describes the salient features of upland
Pwo Karen agriculture. A prediction that it population of the Pwo Karen continues to increase
while dependent on primitive methods of swz'ddenmg, productivity can fall off.
TRC
1978
Report on the Socz'o-economz'c Survey of the Ban

Na Klang Area, Lt' Dz'strz'ct, Lam phun Provz'nce.
(in Thai).
Pwo Karen, are presented.
TRC
1978
Report on the Socz'o-economz'c Survey of the Mae

Ngae Rz'ver Catchment, Mae Sarz'ang Dz'strz'ct, Mae
Hong Son Provz'nce. (in Thai).

residence, community services, and trade of the
S'kaw Karen, are presented.
TRC
1978
Report on the Socz'o-economz'c Survey of Tha Lam

Yaz', Srz'sawat Dz'strz'ct, Kanjanabur Provz'nce.
(in Thai).
Location social structure, economic structure,
Pwo Karen, and S'kaw Karen, were presented.
TRC
1978
Report on the Socz'o-economz'c Survey of the

Hua Phon Rz'ver Catchment, Khun Yuam Dz'strz'ct,
Mae Hong Son Provz'nce. (in Thai).
1978
A SoCo-economz'c Survey on Dau Mae Kanat

Luang Area, Mae Tha Dzstrz'ct, Lamphun Provz'nce.
TRC
(in Thai).
313
Swz"dden cultvatz"on z"n Asz"a
General social and economic conditions of the

Pwo Karen, and S'kaw Karen, were presented.
TRC
1978
Report on the Sodo-economz"c Survey of the

Pha Bon Rz"ver catchment, Ban Raz" Dz"strz"ct, Uthaz"
Ihanz" Provz"nce, Chiangmai:
TRC. (in Thai)
(mimeographed).
A general description of the Pwo Karen living in
the surveyed area.
TRC
1979
Report on the Sodo-economz"c Survey of the

Karen at Phra Bat Hua Tom, Na Saz" Commune,
Lz"s Distrz"ct, Lamphun Provz"nce. (in Thai).
Location of the Karen village, history, social

conditions, economic conditions, development
work and solutions on development work were
presented.
iTR~
1980
Report on the Sodo-economz"c Survey of Ban Mae

San. Area, Mae Mo DStrz"ct, Lampang Provz"nce. (in
Thai).
residence, community reservices, and trade of the
S'kaw Karen.
Meo
Keen, F.G.B.
1966
The Meo of Northern-West Thailand: A Problem

of Integration. Wellington: Victoria University,
unpublished M.A. thesis.
Stemming from three basic assumptions, i.e., a
belief in the need for change, integration not submergence, and the conviction that major elements
of Meo society, and of the physical environment
must be carefully assessed in the light of their
possible significance to development planning, the
author presented the background information from
which economic change might be successfully
planned among the Meo and northern Thai.
Binney, George A.
1968
The Sodal and Economz"c Organzaton of Two
314
Thailand
White Meo Communities in Northern Thailand.
Cambridge University, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.
The author described the geographic distribution
of the Meo people, their agricultural system, the
household and the village, the relationship system,
marriage and their social and economic organization.
Geddes, William R.
"Meo Year" 16 mm. Sound/colour Film (2,135
1968
feet).
Film showing the Main Cultural activities of the
Mae Tho people over a complete year.
Geddes, William R.
1970
Opium and the Miao: A Study in Ecological
Adjustment.
Oceania XLI (1).
Dusit Komkambanth
1971
The Prohibitions and Preferences in Social Behaviour of the Meo. Chiangmai: TRC. (in Thai)
(mimeographed)
1974
Report on the Sodo-economic Survey of Mae Sa
River Catchment. Chiangmai (in Thai).
TRC presented various tables concerning population structure and educational attainment, village
agricultural land use, areas and crops, agricultural
production, etc. Maps on present agricultural
land-use, and occupants of paddy-fields were also
presented. Notes on timber consumption, new
swidden clearings, and Meo migration pattern were
included.
1971
The Preferences and Prohibitions of the Meo.
Chiangmai:
TRC. (in Thai) (mimeographed).
TRC presented a background of the Meo, preferences and prohibition on residence, beliefs, marriage, birth and death, nutrition, Occupations,
sodal etiquette, and government.
315

Sanit Wongsprasert
1975
How to Approach the Meo in Mae Sa River Catchment, Mae Rim District, Chiangmai Province.
Sanit discussed the social, political, and cultural
conditions of the area studied. He gave particular
emphasis on the nature of Meo economy ceremonial laws, radio of man to land, and the fragmented nature of Meo leadership. The major
characteristics of the Meo and Khon Muang
peasants are also included.
Syed Jamal Jaafar
1975
"The Meo People: An Introduction," Pp. 61-72 in
Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hills:
North Thailand. Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press
SDN. BHD.
A description of the Meo, e.g., historical background, settlement patterns, social organization,
economic system etc., were presented.
Walker, Authony R.
"Two Blue Meo Communities in North Thailand."
1975
Pp. 73-79 in Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in
the Hills Ethnographic Notes on the Upland
Peoples of North Thailand. Pulau Pinang: Phoenix
Press SDN. BHD.
The author gave a general description of the Meo in
Phapuchom and Pa Khia villages, Chiang Dao Hill
Tribes Land and Welfau Station, Chiang Dao
Tau Chu Beng
"Meo Death Customs." Pp. 81-84 in Anthony R.
1975
Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hills; Ethnographic
Notes on the Upland Peoples of North Thailand.
Keen, F.G.B.
"Ecological Relationships in a Hmong (Meo) Eco1978
nomy." Pp. 210-221 in Kunstadter, Peter, E.C.
Chapman, and Sanga Sabhassi (eds.), Farmers z'n
the Forest. Honolulu: The University Press of
Hawaii.
316
Thailand
The author discussed about man-land relationships
in two Hmong (Meo) villages in western Tak Province.
A generalization was formulated that
studies of rural economics are more likely to be
fruitful if based on comparative analysis of their
dynamics, rather than on an attempt to classify
on grounds of agricultural types or ethnic divisions.
1979
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of the Tha
Wieng Khae, Chiang Klang District, Nan Province.
Chiangmai:
Tribal Research Centre (in Thai).
Cooper, Robert G.
1979
"The Yao Jua Relationship: Patterns of Affinal
Alliance and Residence Among the Hmong of
Northern Thailand." Reprinted from Ethnology,
XVIII (2), Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre,
No. 02698.
Geddes, William R.
Migrants of the Mountains: The Cultural Ecology
n.d.
of the Blue Miao of Thailand. Chiangmai: Tribal
Research Centre.
The author presents a two-part description of the
Miao people in Pasamliem, Chiengdao mountain,
Chiangmai Province. In the first part, the author
describes how the Miao live. In the second part, he
explains the way of life as a cultural system correlated with the ecology of the people, particularly, the main ecological factor in relation to the
cultivation of the opium poppy.
Yao
Kandre, Peter
1967
"Autonomy and Integration of Social Systems:

The Iu Mien ("Yao" or ''Man'') MOuntain Population and Their Neighbors." Pp. 583-638 in Peter
Kunstadter (ed.), Southeast Aszan Tribes, Minorities, and Natz'ons. Vo!. 11, Princeton New Jersey:
Princeton University Press.
Some of the research results may be relevant fori
planning of action programmes in the Yao village.
Some adaptive mechanisms are discussed within
the unchanged traditional organizational frame- i
317

work and values, and under the impact of changing
political and economic conditions.
Miles, Douglas
1967
Research in the Yao Village of Pulanka, Amphur

Pong, Changwad Chiangrai.
Yao Project Field
Report No. 1-8. Chiangmai: Tribal Research
Centre.
Kacha-ananda, Chob
1972
Le Systeme de la Famile Yao. Journal of Siam
Sodety. 60 (Part I).
Shiratori, Yoshiro
1973
The Passport of Yao Tribe and It's Historical
Background. Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre,
No. 2646 (mimeographed).
1974
Yao Documents and Their Religious Ceremony.
Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre, No. 2645
(mimeographed).
Syed Jamal Jaafar
1975
"The Election of a Yao Headman." Pp. 37-39 in
Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hills.
Georgetown, Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press SDN.
BHD.
Tan Chee Beng

1975
1975
"The Yao People: An Introduction." Pp. 21-31 in

BHD.
A general description of the Yao, i.e., population
and distribution, name, appearance, settlement
patterns, social organization, political organization,
religion, economic system, and inter-ethnic relationships, is presented.
"The Yao Village of Khun Haeng: Some Impressions." Pp. 33-36 in Anthony R. Walker (ed.),
Farmers in the Hills. Georgetown, Pulau Pinang:
Phoenix Press SDN. BHD.
A few first impressions of the settlement together
with some information gathered from the author's
converstions with Yao informants and Dr. Chob
Kacha-ananda, research officer for the Yao at the
Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai, are presented.
318
Thailand
1975
"A Yao Bridge Ceremony." Pp. 41-45 in Anthony

R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hills. Georgetown,
1975
"The Yao Naming System." Pp. 47-53 in Anthony

R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the Hms. Georgetown,
"A Legendary History of the Origin of the Yao

People." Pp. 55-59 in Anthony R. Walker (ed.),
Farmers in the Hms. Georgetown, Pulau Pinang:
Kacha-ananda, Chob
Etude Ethnographicque du Groupe Ethnique Yao
1976
En Thailand du Nord. University Paris, unpublished Ph. D. dissertation.
As communicated by the author, this study is a
general discussion on history of the Yao movement, distribution of Yao population, social system, government system, and religious system of
the Yao at Khun Haeng, Ngao District, Lampang
Province.
Takemura, Takaji
An Ethnological Study of the Yao Religious
1976
Systems in Northern Thailand. Chiangmai: Tribal
Research Centre, No. 2644, (mimeographed).
Processes of merit-making ceremonies, ancestor
worship, three phases of customary law, ethnohistory, kinship oranization, oral tradition, structure
of Pantheon and spirit world, structural analysis
of the "Ancestor Book Uua-fin-tan)", comparison
with Lanten Yao, and comparison with the Meo.
Kacha-ananda, Chob
1979
Yao Population Structure: A Case Study on the
Yao of Khun Haeng, Ngao District, Lampang
Province.
Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre,
(in Thai).
The author discusses a general background of the
Yao, history of the Yao, migration, population
composition, marital status, education, religion,
and government.
319
1975

Lahu
Walker, Anthony R.
1969
"Red Lahu Village Society- an introductory survey." Pp. 41-52 in Proceedings of the First Symposium of the Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai,
Thailand, 1967.
The author presents the basic structural features
of Red Lahu village society at Ban Pan Farn,
Phrao District, Chiangmai Province, and at Wiang
PaPao District, Chaingrai Province.
"The La Hu Nyi (Red La Hu) New Year Celebra1970a.
tions." The Journal of the Siam Society. LVIII,
Part I: 1-44.
Lahu Nyi (Red Lahu) Village Society and Economy in North Thailand. Vol. One, Vol. Two.
Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre.
The author presents the structure of Lahu Nyi
village society, demographic structure and household composition, a comparison of three Lahu
Nyi villages, etc.
Wongprasert, Sanit
1974
Lahu Agriculture and Society.
University of
Sydney, unpublished M.A. thesis.
Various structural aspects of the Lahu, e.g., swidden agriculture, social organization, trade and
commerce, religion and culture, etc., are discussed by the author.
Walker, Anthony R.
"The Lahu Na (Black Lahu) Christan Community
1975
at Huai Tadt: Some Notes." Pp. 1949-155 in
BHD.
1976
A Fundamental Knowledge and Social Preferences
of the Mussuh.
Chiangmai: Tribal Research
Centre. (in Thai).
Different aspects of the Lahu Yi (Red Mussuh),
e.g., social practices, government, religion, agricul1970
320
Thailand
ture, health, migration, time, nutrition and trade,
are presented.
Wongprasert, Sanit
1977
Sodal and Environmental Characteristics as the
Determinants of the Mussuh Population Structure. I
Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre. (in Thai).
The author discusses the social determinants,
environmental determinants, and popUlation structure of the Mussuh at Wieng Pa Pae District,
Chiangrai, and Mae Ai District, Chiangmai ProVInce.
1978
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of the Lo
Pha Krai River Catchment, Mae Ai District, Chiangmai Province.
This report covers social and economic condition,
of the Red Mussuh living in the catchment area.
Akha
Katsura, Makio
1965
Interim Report of Field Research on the Akha

Language. No. 1, No. 2. presented to the National
Research Council.
Dellinger, D., Peter Wyss
1969
"Some Comments on Akha: Its Relationships and
Structure and a Proposal for a Writing System
Part I, Thai Orthography for Akha", Part n, Pp.
108-117 in Tribesman and Peasants in North Thailand, Proceedings of the first Symposium of the
Tribal Research Centre, Chiangmai, Thailand,:
1967.
Kickert, Robert W.
1969
"Akha Village Structure." Pp. 35-40 in Tribesman
and Peasants in North Thailand, Proceedings of the
first Symposium of the Tribal Research Centre,
Chiangmai, Thailand, 1967.
The author presents several aspects of the Akha

village structure, e.g., village physical structure,
social and political structure, rank and class, etc.
321

Katsura, Makio
1970
Kacha-ananda,
Chob
1971
"An Outline of the Structure of the Akha Language, Part I: Introduction and Phonemics." Southeast Asian Studies. viii (1).
"The Akha Swinging Ceremony." Journal of the

Siam Society. 59 (Part I).
Syed Jamal Jaafa

and Anthony R. Walker
1975
"The Akha People: An Introduction." Pp. 169181 in Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the
Hills. Georgetown, Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press
SDN. BHD.
The authors present a general description of the
Akha, e.g., population and distribution, historical
background, settlement patterns, social organization, political organization, etc.
Walker, Pauline H.
"The Akha Village of Huai San: A Note." Pp. 1831975
186 in Anthony R. Walker (ed.). Farmers in the
Hills. Georgetown, Pulau Pinang: Phoenix Press
SDN. BHD.
Suthi, Chantabun
Report on the Socio-economic Conditions of the
1976
Akha, Mae Chan District, Chiangmai Province.
Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre. (in Thai),
(mimeographed).
Lewis, Paul White
1978
The Introduction ofA Family Planning Programme
to Akha in Thailand. The University of Oregon,
unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.
Theoretical consideration of the Akhas: A People
of distress, Akha attitudes regarding reproduction,
amelioration programmes for Akhas introducing
family planning to Akhas, an analysis of people
and programme, programme acceptance by the
Akhas, decision making regarding tubal ligation,
the sterilization process, and demographic impact
of the programme.
j
322
Thailand
Tribal Research
Centre
1980
Report on the Soda-economic Role of the Akha

Women. Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre (in
Thai) (mimeographed).
Backgroundt sodo-economic conditions of the
Akha t sodo-economic role of the Akha women,
sodo-economic role of the daughter-in-Iaw t socioeconomic role of the Akha wife are discussed.
Lisu
Durrenbergert E. Paul
1970
A socio-Medical Study of the Lisu of Northern
Thailand: Ban Lum, Amphur Mae Taeng, Changwad Chiangmai. Lisu Project Field Report, No.
1-7, 8-13 t and final report, Chiangmai: Tribal
Research Centre. (mimeographed).
Roop, Haigh D.
1970
A Grammar of the Lisu Language. Yale UniversitYt
unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.
Dessaint, Alain Y.
1972
Economic Organization of the Lisu of the Thai
Highlands. Honolulu: University of Hawaii unpublished Ph. D. dissertation.
Hope t Edward Reginald
1972
The Deep Syntax of Lzsu Sentence: A Transformational Case Grammar. The Australian National
University t unpublished Ph.D. dissertation.
Moh. Razha Rashid
and Pauline H. Walker
1975
"The Lisu People: An Introduction." Pp. 157-164
in Anthony R. Walker (ed.), Farmers in the HzUs.
BHD.
A general description of the Lisu, e.g., population
and distribution, settlement pattems t socio-political organization t etc. t are presented.
Mohd. Razha Rashid
"The Lisu Village of Mae Pun Naweh: Some Im1975
pressions." Pp. 165-168 in Anthony R. Walker
323

(ed.), Farmers in the Hills. Georgetown, Pulau
Pinang: Phoenix Press SDN. BHD.
1976
Preferences and Prohibitions of the Lisu i~ Chiangmai and Mae Hong Son Provinces. Chiangmai:
Tribal Research Centre (in Thai) (mimeographed).
Beliefs, social, economic, and government of the
tribes are presented.
Lua (Lawa)
Kunstadter, Peter
1965
The Lua' of Northern Thailand: Aspect of Social
Structure. Agriculture and Religion. Princeton
University, Centre of International Studies Research Monograph No. 21.
National
1966
"Living With Thailand's Gentle Lua."

Geographic Magazine. 130:122-152.
1966
"Residential and Social Organizations of the Lawa

of Northern Thailand." Southwestern Journal of
Anthropology. 22:61-84.
Zinke, Paul J.,

Sanga Sabhasri,
and Peter Kunstadter
1978
"Soil Fertility Aspects of the Lua' Forest Fallow
System of Shifting Cultivation." Pp. 134-159 in
Peter Kunstadter, E.C. Chapman, Sanga Sabhasri
(eds.), Farmers in the Forest. Honolulu: The
University Press of Hawaii.
H'Tin
David, Filbeck
1971
T'In Culture: An Ethnography of the T'In Tribe

of Northern Thailand. Department of Sociology
and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Science,
Chiangmai University.
T'In culture, religion, government, the family life,
the life cycle, folklore, and the dynamics of T'In
culture.
Dessaint, William Y.
n.d.
The T'In or Mal. Chiangmai: Tribal Research
Centre.
324
Thailand
The author describes the following: ethnic identity, linguistic background, settlement patterns,
demographic basis, economic system, everyday life,
the family unit, the village community, religious
traditions, and recent trends.
Haw
Mote, F.W.
1967
"The Rural Haw (Yunnanese Chinese) of Northern

Thailand." Pp. 487-524 in Peter Kunstadter (ed.),
Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorzties, and Nations.
Vo!. 11, Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Mote presents the rural Haw or the recent migrant
Yunnanese Chinese of Northern Thailand. He
describes about the Haw at Ban Yang and Ban Mai
villages, Fang district, Chiangmai Province. Several
points, e.g., history, population, schools, agriculture, contacts with the outside world, etc., are
included.
Combined ethnic groups

Hanks, Lucien M.,
Lauriston Sharp,
J ame R. Hanks
lQh4
A Report on Tribal Peoples in Chiangrai Province,
North of the Mae Kok River. Bennington-Cornell
Anthropological Survey of Hz'll Tribes in Thaz"land
Data Paper No. 1.
Several articles dealing with various cultural
aspects of the Akha, Lahu, Lisu, and Yao, are
presented including a description of the Mae Kok
region.
Hanks, L.M ,J.R.
Hanks, Lauriston
Sharp
Ethnographic Notes on Northern Thailand. Data
1965
Paper: Number 58, Southeast Asia Programme,
Department of Asian Studies, Cornell University,
Ithaca, N.Y.
The miscellany of papers giving information on a
few aspects of the life of a very small number of
325
Swidden cultivatz"on in Asia

ethnic communities, i.e., Karen, Lahu, Lisu, Akha,
Miao, Yao, and Yunnanese (Haw), in Northern
Thailand.
Kunstadter, Peter
1967
"The Lua' (Lawa) and Skaw Karen of Maehongson
Province, Northwestern Thailand." Pp. 639-674
in Peter Kunstadter (ed.), Southeast Asian Tribes,
Minorities, and Nations. Vol. 11, Priceton New
Jersey: Princeton University Press.
1967
Social Scfenttfic Research in Northern Thailand.
Bulletin No. 1, Bangkok: Silva Phorn Limited
Partnership.
This is the first bulletin prepared by the Tribal
Research Centre to inform the public about the
role and activities of the Centre, and the research
activities of social scientists not attached to the
Tribal Research Centre. The tribal groups covered
are: White Meo, Akha, Pwo Karen, Sgaw Karen,
Yao, Lawa, Karen, Khmu, Red Karen, Black
Lahu, and Lisu.
I
1970
Report on Socio-economic Needs of the Refugees

at the Ban Pa Klang Tribal Refugee Centre, Pwo
District, Nan Province. Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre (in Thai).
Migration, population, agriculture, nursing, needs
and attitudes of the tribal refugees. The tribal
refugees are: Meo, Yao, H'tin.
1971
Sodal Sdence and Related Research in Northern

Thailand. Bulletin No. 2, Bangkok: Silva Phorn
Limited Partnership.
The second bulletin prepared by the centre to
inform the public about role and activities of the
centre, researchers and their work. The tribal
peoples covered in the research work are: Akha,
White and Blue Meo, Lisu, Yao, Lahu, Meo,
Pwo Karen, S'kaw Karen, Yao, H'tin, and Lua.
Young, Gordon
1974
The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand. Monograph

326
Thailand
No. 1 (fifth edition). Bangkok: The Siam Society.
Born among the hill tribes in 1927, Young presents
the origins and habitats of the hill tribes in northern Thailand. The tribes covered are: Akha, Lahu
Nyi and Lahu Na, Lahu Shehleh, Lahu Shi, Lisu,
Meo, Yao, Lawa, Kha Mu, H'tin and Kha Haw,
Mrabi or Phi Tong Luang, S'kaw, Pwo Karen,
B'ghwe Karen, Taungthu, and Haw. The author
also discusses significant changes in social, culture
and economic patterns of the tribes.
1975
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of Bo Kaew
River Catchment, Sa Merng District, Chiangmai
Province (in Thai).
Social and economic conditions of the Meo, and
1975
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of Upper

Mae Tz"en River Catchment, Sa Merng and San Pa
Thong Districts, Chiangmai Province. (in Thai).
1975
Report on the Sodo-economic Survey of the Bo

Kaew Subcatchment (in Thai).
Karen.
1975
Report on the Sodo-economic Survey of the

Upper Mae Tien Subcatchment (in Thai).
Various tables concerning general socio-economic
profile of the survey area, population structure,
education and religion, agricultural land and land
tenure in the upper subcatchment of Mae Tien,
1974, etc., are presented.
Maneeprasert,
Manus, Kiree
Pokpong, Chira
Prongkio
1975
Reconnaissance Survey of the Impact of Tourism

in the Highland.
327

The researchers discuss about the impact of three
types of tours, i.e., town tour, jungle tour or
tribal tour, and special tour, towards the socioeconomic conditions of the Usu, Akha, Mussuh,
Karen, Meo, Yao, and Lua, in Chiangmai Province.
Grandstaff, Terry B.
1976
Swidden Society in North Thailand: A Diachronic
Perspective Emphasizing Resource Relationships.
Honolulu: University of Hawaii, unpublished Ph.
D. dissertation.
The author discusses two types of swidden
adaptation of Meo and Karen emphasizing on the
systematic interplay between the adaptation
requirements, historical factors and environmental
factors.
1976
A Survey on Ways and Means of Development and
Welfare for the Zonal Development Project: A
Case of Musu and Karen, Omkuy District, Chiangmai. (in Thai).
TRC presents typology and location of the tribal
villages, population, migration and history of the
villages, government and leadership, village land
areas and land use, buying-selling of the paddy
fields, resource used, and ways and means of
development in the survey villages.
Falvey L.
Ruminants in the Highlands of Northern Thailand:
1977
An Agrosociological Study. Chiangmai: Tippanetr
Press.
This study analyses the biological, economic and
sociological systems as applied to ruminant livestock among the Usu, Karen, Akha, and Meo
villages in Northern Thailand.
Kunstadter, Peter
1978
"Subsistence Agricultural Economics of Lua' and
Karen Hill Farmers, Mae Sariang District, Northwestern Thailand." Pp. 74-133 in Peter Kunstadter,
KC. Chapman, Sanga Sabhasri (eds.), Farmers in
the Forest. Honolulu: The University Press of
Hawaii.
328
Thaz'land

1978
Huaz' Chom Poo, Muang Dz'strz'ct, Chz'angraz' Provz'nce (in Thai).
Social and economic conditions of the Yao,
Mussuh, are presented.
1978

Huaz' Pz'ng Huaz' Pong Areas, Thung Hua Chang
Dz'strz'ct, Lamphun Provz'nce (in Thai).
Social and economic conditions of the Pwo Karen,

Sgaw Karen are presented.
1978
Report on the Socz'o-economz'c Survey of the Mae

Ma Area, Chae Hom Distrz'ct, Lampang Province
(in Thai).
Social and economic conditions of the Yao, Khmu,
Akha, Pwo Karen, and S'kaw Karen are presented.
1978
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of Tha Wang

Pa Dz'strict, Nan Province (in Thai)
Social and economic conditions of the Meo, H'tin,
Yao, and Khmu, are presented.
1978
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of the

Ban Na Sophit Area, Tha Chieng Khlang Dz'strict,
Nan Provz'nce (in Thai).
Social and economic conditions of the Khmu, Meo,
H'tin, and Lawa, are presented.
1978
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of Mae Sai

River Area, Muang District, Chiengrai Province (in
Thai).
Socio-economic information, e.g., location, social

structure, and economic stucture of the Karen;
Yao, Akha, and Mussuh, are presented for the
zonal integrated development project.
1978
Report on the Socio-economz'c Survey of Chan

329

River Catchment, Mae Chan District, Chiangrai
Province (in Thai).
Social and economic structure of the Mussuh,
Akha, Yao, Lisu, and Lawa, is presented.
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of Ban
Rong San Area, Chiang Kan District, Pha Yaow
Province (in Thai).
Social and economic structure of the Meo, and
Yao, is presented.
Wongprasert, Sanit
Highland-Lowland Migration: A Study of Lahu
1980
and Meo Movements toward Majority Life. Chiangmai: Tribal Research Centre.
A comparative discussion on the Lahu and Meo
immigration into Thailand, migration of the two
tribes to the lowland areas, and the future of
these tribes to live among the lowlands.
Tribal Research
Centre, Tribal
Development and
Welfare Centre,
Northern Region
Agricultural Office,
Northern Region
Agricultural
Extension Office,
and Amphur Chom
Thong
Report on the Socio-economic Survey of the
1980
Meo and Karen Villages, Chom Thong District,
Chiangmai Province (in Thai).
1979
UNESCO
UNEP
Volume Two
Coontry Profilll$
Indi.
Int:Jonesm
~/6Y$i8
Philippi".s
Thaifld
Unesco. Office of the Regional Adviser for Social Sciences in Asia and the Pacific.
Swidden cultivation in Asia: v.2. Country prOfiles: India, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Philippines, Thailand. Bangkok, Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia
and the Pacific, 1983.
i-xx, 1-309 p. (Social Sciences in Asia and the Pacific)
1. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - RESEARCH - ASIA. 2. ENVIRONMENTAL

MANAGEMENT - ASIA. 3. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - INDIA. 4. SHIFTING
CULTIVATION - INDONESIA. 5. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - MALAYSIA.
6. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - PHILIPPINES. 7. SHIFTING CULTIVATION THAILAND. 1. Unesco. Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific,
Bangkok. 2. Title. 3. Series.
333.75
634.9
Swidden Cultivation
in Asia
Volume Two
Country Profiles
India
Indonesia
Malaysia
Philippines
Thailand
UNESCO REGIONAL OFFICE FOR EDUCATION IN ASIA AND THE PACIFIC

Bangkok, 1983
Unesco 1983
Published by the
Printed in Thailand
The designations employed and the presentation of the material

in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of Unesco concerning the legal status of any country,
or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of the frontiers of
any country or territory. Opinions printed here do not necessarily
represent the official views of Unesco.
BKSs/83/0PE/58o-1000
CONTENTS
Page
Introduction by Yogesh Atal and P.L. Bennagen
Part One - INDIA by Sachchidananda and K.N. Pathak
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Chapter Five
Perspectives of swidden cultivation

Land, and the people involved . . . .
Swidden economy and operations
Socio-cultural imperatives
Government policy and consequent
opments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter Six
Summary and conclusions
Select bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.....
devel.....
1
3
13
37
63
.....
76
96
99
Part Two - INDONESIA by Bedjo Soewardi . . . . . . . . . . . .
109
Chapter One
The country . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter Two
Swidden cultivation .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chapter Three Subsistence and cash economy. . . . . . . . .
Chapter Four Inter-ethnic interaction
Chapter Five
Government policy on swidden cultivation
Chapter Six
Environmental changes in swidden areas.
Chapter Seven Summary and conclusions
References ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
III
120
131
136
138
145
148
150
Part Three - MALAYSIA
by Zuraina Majid . . . . . . . . . . . .
157
A Survey of existing literature

.
A geographical description of Malaysia .
The practice of swidden cultivation
.
Government policy towards swidden cultivation
.
Chapter Five
The present position: some problems in
the develoment of swiddenists . . . . . . . . .
Chapter Six
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
159
165
175
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
197
221
230
236
CONTENTS (Continued)
Page
Part Four - PHILIPPINES by PoL. Bennagen .
Chapter One
00
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
0000
0.00
Part Five - THAILAND

Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
00
0.00
by Narong Srisawas ..
.0.
0.00
000.
Methodology and review

Thailand: a developing country
The practice of swidden cultivation . . . . .
Government policy towards swidden cultivation .
The present position
0
Chapter Five
Bibliography
Chapter Five
Research in swidden cultivation in the

Philippines
The land, peoples, government and
economy
o.
The practice of swidden cultivation o....
Government and swidden cultivation:
policies and programmes
Why the practice persists: analysis and
summary.
0
Chapter Two
239
241
246
254
265
279
287
289
296
299
303
306
307
INTRODUCTION
Yogesh Atal
P.L. Bennagen
This is the second volume in a series of three volumes on

Swidden Cultivation in AsUz, based on a comparative study carried
out in five countries of the Asian region - India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand - under the auspices of Unesco's
MAN and the BIOSPHERE (MAB) Programme, and with major funding support from the United Nations Environment Programme
(UNEP).
The first volume surveyed the available research literature on
swidden in the five c~untries covered under this study. Essentially
a bibliographical exercise, the volume helped identify the trends of
research and indicated major gaps in knowledge in terms of unresearched swiddening communities and unresolved research questions.
That exercise will be of value to future researchers, who will be able
to find relevant references at one place. The volume can also be
regarded as a contribution to the history of knowledge from this
part of the world.
The present volume builds on the base of the first and provides
a macro view - in terms of national profiles - of the practice of
swidden cultivation. To a general reader interested in problems of
agricultural development, the essays contained in this volume will
provide information about the prevailing state of the practice of
swidden cultivation in each of the five countries. Each of these
essays focusses on the geographical spread of swidden, demographic
distribution and ethnic composition of swidden cultivators, typology
of swidden, review of government policies and programmes, and
identification of problems that are regarded as nationally important
relative to swidden cultivation.

11
It is estimated that the total land area within the world's
tropics adds up to 46 million square kilometres, of which the forests
occupy 19.15 million square kilometres, constituting 41.54 per cent.
The tropical forests are nearly half of the total forested land area
of the world. The region of Asia and Australia (excluding the Pacific)
shares 19.6' per cent of the tropical forest area (3.6 million square
kilometres, of which 83 per cent or 3 million square kilometres is
closed forest), while the share of the forest land is one-fifth of the
world total. The countries of Asia falling under the tropical category
have 55 per cent of the total population (584 million) living in forest
areas compared to 25 per cent in tropical Africa and 20 per cent in
south and central America.
In Asia and Australia the distribution of land, forest areas and

the population living in various tropical zones is seen in Table 1 on
page iii.
In the five countries covered in the present study the area of
moist tropical forest types is seen in Table 2 on page iv.
The five studies reported in this volume relate to 507 million
people inhabiting the 127.9 million hectares of tropical humid forest
areas. Their interaction with the forests has shaped their life styles
and also influenced the forest ecosystems in a variety of ways. The
study of tropical forest ecosystems has, therefore, received priority
attention in Unesco's MAB Programme. 'Biosphere', it may be said,
is the portion of the earth and its environment in which life
exists and sustains itself. It includes parts of the lithosphere,
hydrosphere, and atmosphere ... The whole biosphere is a
complex of interdependent structures and processes. Changes
in one part of an ecosystem or of the biosphere will eventually cause corresponding adjustments in others (Unesco, 1978:
41-42).
It is in this perspective of MAB that the present study is cast.
We may enumerate here the major forest functions (Ibid:

42-43):
The forest ecosystems have protective, regulative and
productive functions at the ecosystem level ... These functions can acquire utility value for man and become functions
ii
Table 1. Total area, forest area, and population in tropical countries of Asia,
Australia and Papua New Guinea
Country
Total land area

in 1000km2
(whole country
or part within
tropics)
Australia
2500
150
2000
83
10
470
10
100
16
270
9000
10
19
20
180
130
6700
37
15
India
1720
470
300000
174
20
Indonesia
121300
64
18
Brunei
Burma
Democratic Kampuchea
(Cambodia)
=:
Approximate
area of closed
forest, open
woodland and
scrub in 1000 km 2
Population
in 1000s
Approximate
population
density
perkm 2
Approximate
percentage
of population
which is urban
1900
1220
Lao
240
150
3110
13
Malaysia
340
240
10800
32
15
29 (West)
16 (East)
Papua New Guinea
480
330
1700
35
Philippines
300
180
39040
130
32
20
Sri Lanka
70
40
13 030
186
Thailand
510
310
36290
71
20
VietNam
330
140
41390
125
20-30
Total
9050
3600
584460
;;~
I:l..
~
1 Extracted from the FAO!UNEP report on the formulation of a tropical forest cover monitoring project (FAO, 1975) see: TropiCllI Forest
Ecosystems, Unesco, 1978, p. 21.
....
0'
;S
Table 2. Area of moist tropical forest types in five countries of Asia under study
Countries
India
Indonesia
<'
Malaysia
Philippines
Evergreen
rain forests
4.5
10.-
Total tropicol
area
1.8
1.4
89.2
21.-
Semi-deciduous
forellts
(in million ha)
(2)
(2)
Thailand
Total
124.70
3.2
1. Add 23,000,000 ha of moist deciduous forests.

2. Including the semi-deciduous forests.
3. Add 5,500,000 ha of moist deciduous forests (monsoon forests)
Source: Adapted from Tropical Forest Ecosystems, Unesco, 1978, p. 22, table 11.
6.3(1)
Population living
inforellt
areas in 1000s
300,000
90.6
121,300
21.-
10,800
10.-
39,040
10._(3)
36,290
127.90
507,430
Introduction
of the cultural ecosystem ... The effects of these functions
on the environment are called forest influences. The more
important of these are:
Protective functions
soil protection by absorption and deflection of radiation, precipitation, and wind;
conservation of humidity and carbon dioxide by
decreasing wind velocity;
sheltering and providing required conditions for plant
and animal species;
Regulative functions
absorption, storage and release of CO 2 , 02 and
mineral elements;
absorption of aerosols and sound;
absorption, storage and release of water;
absorption and transformation of radiant and thermal
energy;
Productive functions
efficient storage of energy in utilizable form in phytoand zoomass;
self-regulating and regenerative processes of wood,
bark, fruit, and leaf production;
production of a wide array of chemical compounds,
such as resins, alcaloids, essential oils, latex, pharmaceuticals, etc.
These functions can be utilized by man for:
Protection
sheltering agricultural crops against drought, wind,
cold, radiation;
conserving soil and water;
v

-
shielding man against nuisances (noise, sights, smells,

fumes).
Regulation
improvement of atmospheric conditions in residential
and recreational areas;
improvement of temperature regimes
areas (road-side trees, parks);
In
residential
Production
supply of a wide array of raw materials to meet man's
growing demands;
supply of employment;
creation of wealth.
Because of man-nature interaction in the tropical forests the
vegetative cover has been greatly modified and this modification has
had consequences that became a concern for ecologists. Logging,
swiddening, and agricultural development in the forest areas have
disturbed the structure of the forests in terms of 'phytomass distribution, leaf and crown geometry, and aerodynamic surface roughness' which is regarded 'essential for safeguarding sustained productivity and preventing the development of excessive stress'. With rising
population and increasing mastery of man over nature, the tropical
humid forest area is rapidly reducing. 'The world resource of potential arable land is 3.2 x 109 ha or roughly 25 per cent of the land
surface of the earth. 1.4 x 109 ha are already agriculturally and
sylviculturally utilized. "
The balance of 1.8 x 109 ha potential
arable land mostly lies within the tropics (1.1 x 109 = 61 per cent of
the arable land reserve and 55 per cent of the remaining tropical
forest area)' (Ibid : 50).
The micro-ecosystem is said to be greatly influenced by the
use of fire by people practising swidden cultivation. The following
quotation aptly summarises the consequences of burning:
Burning emits large amounts of matter into the atmosphere.
Large aerosol particles from burning vegetation spend a short
time in the atmosphere but may effectively increase the
infra-red re-radiation from the lower atmosphere. Small
vi
Introduction
particles remain for periods which may be as long as several
weeks in the upper troposphere even years in long-distance
transport. The extensive savanna fires during the dry season
lead to heavy dust concentrations in the atmosphere which
may even spread into the region of the perhumid equatorial
forest. The net effect of smoke pollution at ground surface
may be cooling or warming depending on the direction of
changes of the surface albedo and on the absorption coefficient of the particles in the atmosphere. Burning also releases
nutrients, especially nitrogen, into the atmosphere and into
the soil water. Eventually part of the latter will enter the
drainage system and be lost. The fate of the former is more
complicated and little understood (Ibid: 52-53).
The topic of shifting cultivation has been much researched and
discussed. Initially, anthropologists studied this as an important
element of primitive life and described the various cultural patterns
associated with it. In the recent years, the subject has attracted
attention from those interested in ecological questions. Rather than
promoting extreme positions favouring either culture or environment, the present trend is to see these as part of an interacting
system and view the problem in a symbiotic frame of reference. In
the process, the term swidden has been revived to replace the earlier
prevalent word shtfting cultivation which connotes a nomadic
character of the swiddeners.
Some swiddeners live in villages that have been settled
for hundreds of years and make repeated cyclical use of the
same fields; others live in temporary villages which are
abandoned as the fields become exhausted after a few years
or a few cycles of cultivation and fallow; some farmers
combine or supplement their use of permanent irrigated
fields with shifting cultivation, especially where irrigable land
is scarce (Kunstadter and Chapman, 1978: 3). 1
1 Walker (1975:7) writes: 'Swidden is an old English dialect word meaning "a burned
clearing". It was resurrected by Ekwall (1955) and is now widely used ... to refer not only
to the fields themselves but also to the type of agricultural technology otherwise known as
"shifting" or "slash-and-burn".'
vii

Various typologies have been suggested for the classification of
swidden. Those discussed by the researchers participating in the
present project are listed below:
Typology I:
Basis: Relationships between cultivation and fallow

periods, as seen in Thailand.
(Source:
Farmers in the Forest, edited by Peter Kunstadter,

E.C. Chapman, and Sanga Sabhasri 1978: 10-11).
1.
Short cultivation - short fallow (often used by Northern

Thai);
2.
Short cultivation - long fallow or forest fallow (often

used by upland Karen and Lua);
3.
Long cultivation - very long fallow or abandonment

(often used by Hmong and other opium growing hill
tribes); and
4.
Permanent field tree crops associated with use of forest

for swidden rice and fuel.
Typology 11:
(Source:
Basis: Historical background of practitioners.
Farmers in the Hills, edited by Anthony R. Walker,

1975: 7-8).
1.
Pioneers
In north Thailand these are

the people who cultivate
opium poppy as a cash crop in
addition to their subsistence
dry rice crop. They are relatively mobile and, at least
under ideal conditions, clear
substantial portions of climax
forest each year; hence the
designation 'Pioneer'.
2.
Established swiddeners
These people clear relatively

little or no climax vegetation ... they live at lower elevations, preferring to farm the
gentle slopes and plateau land
. . . Unlike the (pioneers),
viii
Introduction
these established swiddeners
generally farm for long periods
within one definite territory.
3.
InCpient swiddeners
These are those who have

taken to this form of agriculture more recently . . . Their
swiddens are usually as close
as possible to the permanent
lowland villages. Thus they
tend to farm in the poor
deciduous zone ...
Typology Ill: Basis: Degree of dependence on swidden

This was suggested by L.K. Mahapatra in the first
meeting of researchers held in Bangkok in 1979.
a)
Exclusive dependence - (i) community-wise: when no

other type of cultivation is practised, no other type of
land is available for permanent cultivation, or no other
occupations are there to be taken recourse to; (ii) individual-wise: the landless, immigrant, recently displaced or
disinherited individuals and their households may depend
on it exclusively.
b)
Major dependence - (i) community-wise: obtains, when

50 to 74 per cent of the households depend almost
wholly on swidden cultivation, while others may take up
agriculture, other occupations, like growing of cash crops
such as orange, banana, turmeric and ginger; (ii) individual-wise: when agriculture, mining or wage labour, tea
plantation labour supplements earnings through swidden.
c)
Contingent dependence - (i) community-wise: when

almost all households of resettled, displaced. or disinherited or transplanted village communities, usually as
consequence of government decision or action, may carry
on swidden cultivation in their new settlement for 2-3
years as a contingent phase of adoption of agricultural
innovation or till new avocation is stabilized; (ii) individual-wise: when left with no other option, individuals
take up swidden cultivation.
ix
Swidden cultz'vation in Asia

d)
Marginal dependence - (i) community-wise: found

among communities transplanted, in self-sponsored resettlement with greater dependence on agriculture or
wage-labour or mining labour, etc., or among acculturated tribal sections, where the income from swidden
cultivation falls below 25 per cent of the total household
income from all sources; (ii) individual-wise: when individual households, even nontribal ones, take to swidden
cultivation for supplementing their incomes till they leave
it under pressure or force from the government officials.
Typology IV: Basis: Phases of land cultivation.

(Source:
D.]. Greenland, 1974).
Simple shifting
cultivation
dwellings and cultivated area

shift together
Recurrent cultivation
cultivated area shifts more frequently than dwellings; may

be complex; several field types
Phase Ill. Recurrent cultivation

with continuously
cultivated plots
Always complex; several field

types
Phase I.
Phase
n.
Phase IV.
Contz"nuous cultivation
Typology V:
May involve alternate husbandry with planted and cultivated pastures of fallow
crops.
Mixed typology (listing of various typologies)
(Source: Farming System in the Tropics, edited by Hans

Ruthenberg; Oxford 1971.)
1.
Vegetation systems
2.
Migration systems
3.
Rotation systems
4.
Clearance systems
5.
Cropping systems
6.
Tool systems
x
Introduction
Details of these are given below:
1.
Vegetation
lands
1.
11.
lll.
IV.
2.
(a) Forest (b) Bush savannas (c) Grass-
virgin forests
mature regenerated forests (secondary forests)
immature regenerated forests
grassland (imperata)
Migration
random shifts
11. linear shifts onto newly cleared adjoining lands,
which result in the steady and progressive clearing of mature forests
iii. cyclic shifts
1.
3.
Rotation
: 3 years cropping,
3 years fallow
ii. long rotation : 15 years occupation,
30 years unoccupied
total duration of rotation cycle: 45 years,
frequent changing of huts
lll. total duration of rotation: 30 years, semi-stationary housing
IV. total duration of rotation: 30 years, stationary
housing
1.
4.
short rotation
Clearance systems
burn, plant
burn, hoe and cut, plant
lll. cut, plant, burn
IV. cut, bury refuse in mounds, plant
v. cut, add extra wood, burn, plant, hoe
VI. cut, wait one season, plant (forest)
vii. killing trees by ringing, ridging, planting
1.
11.
5.
Cropping systems
root crops
nce crops
Hi. complementary: fruit trees, permanent garden
plots with irrigated rice, fish pond
1.
11.
xi

6.
Tool systems
1.
11.
lll.
digging stick systems

hoe systems
plough systems
III
The purpose of this volume is to provide a comprehensive

overview of swidden cultivation in each of the five countries. The
country profiles bring into perspective the geographical and environmental zones in which swidden cultivation is practised; the demographic structures, the economic system and the social organization
of swiddeners; and the policy orientation of the government towards
swiddening and swiddeners. Each country profile begins with a brief
introduction to the country in terms of its geography, demography,
diversity of cultures, economy, polity, and the developmental
strategy. It then analyses the prevalence and extent of swidden cultivation in terms of land-area under swidden, ethnic groups practising
swidden, typology of swidden, and brief cultural profiles of swiddener communities. Each study attempts a historical review of the
various measures taken by central, provincial, and local governments
to improve the quality of life of the people practising swidden, and
to restrict the practice of slash-and-burn cultivation. The resulting
consequences, and the present state of affairs, is then analysed with
a view to appreciating the problem and deriving conclusions.
IV
The vast landscape of Asia includes the humid regions of India

and Southeast Asia. These regions are heavily populated, with India
and Indonesia ranking among the top five most populous countries
in the world. The five countries (India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the
Philippines and Thailand) covered by the reports are characterized
by a diversity of physical types, languages, religions and polity, as
well as levels of economic development.
In all these countries, there are still pockets of swiddening
communities, mostly concentrated in the hill areas. It is probably
for this reason that swiddening is usually associated with tribal
groups. The reports show, however, that not all tribal groups are
swiddenists and not all swiddenists are tribal. With overall national
xii
Introduction
population growth and the inability of agricultural and industrial
development to provide gainful employment for the growing labour
force, landless rural workers and peasants moved to the frontier
areas opening up forest areas for agricultural purposes. One consequence of this migration, at least in the Philippines, is that some
traditional, or integral, swiddenists were displaced from their ancestral lands. Pushed into marginal and even sub-marginal areas,
they were unable to practise ecologically and economically viable
swiddening. In Thailand, former permanent-field farmers who
became swiddenists practised swiddening as a temporary stage before
permanent agriculture. They are now the most numerous in Thailand's Northern Region.
Most of the research on swiddening is ethnographic in character. However, there are some studies which focussed on selected
aspects either of the culture of the swiddening community or the
environment of the swiddening area, particularly its 'degradation' as
a consequence of swiddening. Recent studies on swidden tended
to be policy and action-oriented, being directed at converting swiddening into permanent-field agro-forestry, or agriculture. Indeed,
the studies indicate that the dominant relationship that characterized
swiddening has shifted from man-environment to man-man relationship. As a primarily man-environment relationship, traditional or
integral swiddening exemplifies man's sensitivity to the natural
environment. This is manifested in the efforts of tribal or integral
swiddenists to simulate the natural forest ecosystem, possible only
because they have learned to respond to the rhythm of the forest and
the seasons. But social forces outside of this ecosystem have changed
all this.
The incorporation of integral swiddening into larger ecosystems meant also the penetration into swiddening villages of new
economies, new polities, new ideologies, and new definitions and
uses of the natural resources. Generally self-sustaining and selfdetermining integral swiddenists have become dependent on the
larger ecosystem that has incorporated them. This integration into
the national, and even international capitalist economy has wrought
changes on the structures and processes of swiddening societies, with
the swiddenists usually at the losing end. Swiddenists have become
peasants, agricultural workers for local and transnational agribusiness, and hired labour for government projects. New gods and
xiii
Swidden cultivation in AsUz

deities continue to penetrate into the frontiers modifying age-old
beliefs and practices. New crops are grown not for their own use but
for others outside of their villages. The building of roads and communication facilities, often accompanying the entry of logging,
mining, and ranching companies and agricultural plantations, has
accelerated, for good or ill, their incorporation into the larger and
dominant ecosystem.
On the other hand, former permanent-field farmers forced by
poverty to take to swiddening have become marginalized. But they
look forward to their re-integration into the larger society by converting swiddens into permanent fields with hopes of acquiring legal
rights to these. Invariably, they perceive swiddening as nothing more
than a temporary antecedent to permanent agriculture.
As a whole, swiddening groups constitute a sizeable population
and cannot be ignored in any national development programme particularly one with an ecological component. But the justification for
including swiddening and swiddening groups in national development
plans cannot merely be as a response to the interests of political
leaders, agribusiness, and the world capitalist market. It ought to
reflect the importance of swiddening groups in the interlocking of
man-environment relationships on the one hand, and man-man
relationships on the other, in the present world-system considered
as an ecosystem.
Unfortunately, in the usual fragmented way of looking at
phenomena, these are often seen as separate. Consequently, manenvironment problems tend to be answered by technological solutions while problems arising out of man-man relationships tend
to be answered by the exercise of power. This, in turn, is often
expressed in technological solutions applied on swiddening groups by
the dominant sector of the society. Obviously, it is the exercise of
power that links the two broad relationships together. In a truly
developmental framework, the two relationships should not be
separated because the exercise of power coming out of man-man
relationships now determines man-environment relationships.
This conclusion we draw from the review of government
policies on swiddening.
The country reports show that swiddening first attracted
government attention because of its impact on the forest ecosystem,
xiv
Introduction
both in terms of forest destruction and soil erosion. As a result,
governmental policy on swiddening was initially legalistic and punitive. Punitive laws were formulated as early as the colonial period.
Decades of experiences with the punitive approach showed its
inability to check the forest destruction and soil erosion, attributed
wrongly or rightly to swiddening. In the Philippines, it was admitted
in the 1960s that illegal logging also greatly contributed, and has
continued to contribute, to environmental degradation. It is reasonable to believe that the same is true in other countries.
Conservation did not remain for long as the only basis for
government policies. In Malaysia and in Thailand, political reasons
and national security problems became important concerns. Meanwhile, development thinking in the late 1960s began to benefit from
the failure of the earlier economistic development plans to respond
to the problems of rapid population growth and increasing unemployment. A more comprehensive framework that included environmental concerns and socio-cultural values began to emerge.
The persistence of swiddening and the changes in development
thinking convinced the various governments to shift from punitive
policies to socio-economic approaches. The latest policies are characterized by a holistic view of swiddening aimed at harmonizing
ecological and economic goals and including national security problems.
The shift towards socio-economic approaches has resulted in
various government programmes and projects. In India, some of these
started in the 1950s and in the Southeast Asian countries in the
1970s. Essentially, the approaches were either through settlement
(in situ development) of swiddening villages or resettlement into
other areas. In all the countries, government measures include introduction of agricultural technology, social services such as health and
schooling, and granting of land-titles.
Notwithstanding these measures, reports show that swiddening
has remained unchecked. Although available data on the incidence
of swiddening are not updated and cannot be accepted with certainty, they indicate an increase not only of swiddenists but also of
area. The various reasons for the failure of the governmental measures to check swiddening may be categorized as follows: (1) land and
land tenure problems; (2) mismanagement; (3) lack of political will
xv

on the part of government; (4) cultural factors; and (5) enVIronmental and geographic isolation.
Land and land tenure problems include fear of land preemption by government and other agencies, absence of clear programmes towards land tiding and fragmentation of land which does
not favour the use of modern agricultural technology. Mismanagement includes failure to implement government policies and programmes in terms of concrete projects beneficial to swiddenists.
Crop selection, for instance, has been determined by the demands of
the world market regardless of the consideration of fit between crop
and land. Moreover, no means of livelihood is provided for as an
interim measure during the period of transition. These are related to
lack of, or weak, political will on the part of the governments. This
is reflected in the inadequate funding of development schemes meant
for the swidden areas.
On the other hand, cultural factors have something to do with
the difficulty among tribal swiddenists to adjust to sudden cultural
changes demanded by the more disciplined life in the settlements as
well as to the different requirements of a cash economy. The Indian
report points out, however, that cultural factors are sometimes cited
as a cover-up for administrative failures. Environmental and geographic factors include low-level soil fertility which does not encourage conversion into permanent-field agriculture. Geographic
isolation has delayed the diffusion of new technology and agricultural inputs; it has also kept them illiterate.
The Philippine country report argues that the national economic policies have tended to encourage the domination of the
national economy by transnationals led by those of the United States
of America and Japan, thereby making it extremely difficult to
implement programmes and projects that would rebound to equitable economic development. Instead, this has led to economic underdevelopment characterized by widespread poverty, unemployment,
and indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources for quick profits,
in spite of well-meaning national policies.
These same factors that are contributory to the failure of the
programmes and projects are equally contributory to the persistence
of swiddening. In addition, swiddening is seen in some cases as insurance against food shortage, whatever the cause, as well as against
xvi
Introduction
price fluctuation of commodity crops. It also continues to be practised in the absence of other economic alternatives. But as the
reports show, swiddenists willingly shift to other cropping techniques
or permanent-field agriculture which prove economically advantageous to them.
Based on the historical review of government policies on
swiddening and the available evaluative studies, the country reports
suggest the following:
1.
more interdisciplinary and interprofessional study teams;

this is important in view of the argument that policies,
programmes and projects ought to be informed by a
sound understanding of all aspects of swiddening, including historical perspectives gained from research in
culture change, adaptation, and modernization;
2.
introduction of appropriate technological inputs in

areas where swiddening is best suited; this is now taking
shape in agro-forestry and social forestry programmes
which are too recent to be critically evaluated;
3.
community participation, where swiddenists themselves

assume decisive roles in the various phases of development.
Within this perspective, swiddening can be seen as amenable to

a variety of measures that reflect its present position at the juncture
of the two broad relationships. Where it is the only viable cropping
system, it deserves to be enhanced to the benefit of both the environment and the swiddenists. Where it lends itself to more economically
advantageous alternatives, it ought to be replaced, again to the benefit of both the environment and the swiddenists. Decisions about the
direction of development are ideally made by both the national
development planners and the swiddenists, based on the best available information.
Towards this end, the available typologies of swiddening are
enlightening. The country reports mention a number of them, the
most important of which are the following:
1.
According to ecological, economic and cultural variables,

as in Conklin's and Walker's:
xvii

i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
2.
According to settlement patterning and mobility:

a)
Based on the Philippines cases, as in Ozbilen's:

i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
v)
b)
c)
Migratory swiddenists
Settled swiddenists
According to the ratio of cultivation period to fallow

period (based on Thai cases) :
i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
short cultivation, short fallow

short cultivation, long fallow
long cultivation, very long fallow
permanent field tree crops
According to degree of dependence on swiddening (based

on Indian cases):
i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
5.
Abandoning swiddenists
Rotating swiddenists
Based on Malaysian cases

i)
ii)
4.
Part-time settled kaingineros

Full-time settled kaingineros
Semi-nomadic immigrant lowlanders
Semi-nomadic immigrant natives
Semi-nomadic local natives
Based on Thai cases

i)
ii)
3.
Partial supplementary
Partial incipient
Integral pioneer
Integral established
exclusive dependence
major dependence
contingent dependence
marginal dependence
According to vegetation system (based on Indonesian

cases):
i)
ii)
upland forest
Imperata grassland
xviii
Introduction
iii) tidal swamp forest
iv) savanna
The typologies, in general, use a combination of environmental, economic, historical and cultural variables. In recognition of
the complexity and variability of swiddening, it is suggested that a
general typology which could serve as a guide to further research and
development planning should consider as many variables as could be
explored under the major categories of environmental, technoeconomic and historico-cultural variables.
Still, as the Indonesian and Indian country reports suggest,
generalizations could be oversimplified and unrealistic if concrete
development measures remain insensitive to the particularities of
both the environment and the swiddenists for whom research and
development are intended. It is argued here that research and development programmes creatively derived from the interplay of a
generalized understanding of swiddening and its environmental and
historico-cultural particularities should be able to take into account
the current state of swiddening as well as its future.
Stated another way, an approach to swiddening derived from
an understanding of its evolutionary movement while remaining
sensitive to its current position in the interface of specific environmental, techno-economic and historico-cultural variables would
obviate technocratic solutions applied to one and all.
In concrete terms, this is now being initially operationalized
in the various countries implementing agro-forestry and social
forestry projects, conceived as humanistic and holistic approaches.
The short-term and the long-term success of these new approaches
will certainly be influenced by the degree to which they will be
informed by the theoretical and practical lessons of the past, ethnoecological studies, detailed environmental studies, and theories of
social and cultural development. If the concepts of agro-forestry and
social forestry are a reflection of this confluence of theoretical
knowledge and practical experiences, then it should logically entail
the empowerment, not so much of development planners as of
swiddenists themselves, to take development action. Such action
should be according to their assessment of their own capabilities
and potential as decisive components of the new man-man relationships emerging from their integration into the larger ecosystem to
which they now belong.
xix

BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Ekwall, E.
1955
"Slash and bum cultivation: A contribution to Anthropological Terminology". Man LV, 135-6.
2. Kunstadter, Peter 1978

and Chapman E.C.
"Problems of Shifting cultivation

and Economic Development in
Northern Thailand" in Farmers in
the Forest (ed. Peter Kunstadter,
E.C. Chapman, and Sanga Sabhasri);
Honolulu, University of Hawaii.
3. Greenland, D.J.
1974
"Evolution of and development of

different types of shifting cultivation." In: FAO/SIDA/ARIN Regional seminar on shtfting cultivatz"on
and soil conservation zn Africa.
Rome, FAO.
4. Unesco
1978
Tropical Forest Ecosystems: A stateof-knowledge report (prepared by

Unesco/UNEP/FAO.)
5. Walker,
1975
Anthony R. (ed.)
Farmers in the Hz"lls; Penang, Universiti Sains Malaysia.
xx
Part One
INDIA
Sachchidananda
and K.N. Pathak
India
11. small annual cropped area per capita but comparable to that
of the other non-powered sedentary cropping systems;
12. use of vegetative cover as soil conditioner and source of plant
nutrient for cropping cycle;
13. when system is efficiently operated, soil erosion not greater
than soil erosion under other systems that are being efficiently
operated;
14. soil depletion not more serious than that under other systems
of agriculture when operated efficiently;
15.
details of practice vary greatly depending upon the physical
environment and the cultural milieu;
16. transiency of residence common but not universal, with many
patterns of residence according to the evolutionary level or detailed
system employed and preference of culture group;
17. operative chiefly in the regions where more technologically
advanced systems of agriculture have not become economically or
culturally possible or in regions where the land has not yet been
appropriated by people with greater political or cultural power;
18. destructive of natural resources only when operated inefficiently and not more inherently destructive than other systems of
agriculture when these are operated inefficiently;
19. a residual system of agriculture largely replaced by other
systems except where retention or practice is expedient.
It is obvious that the above gross characteristics do not conform to the list of features frequently set down as characteristic of
shifting cultivation.
Numerous studies on Swidden or shifting cultivation in India

have been conducted by various institutions and individual researchers. However, most of the studies have been conduc1:ed as part of
ethnographic studies of tribes. Only a few studies present a comparative estimate of different states or regions making it difficult to work
on a country profile of Swidden cultivator societies. The first major
work of comparative nature is that of D.e. Kaith. He made a
thorough statewise study of the swidden cultivator tribes His study
provides a statistical analysis of the number of households in relation
to total population of the swidden cultivators, the area under
5

swidden cultivation and the crops grown in this pattern. The data on
the area cut annually for swidden and the district-wise analysis
enables an assessment to be made of the enormity of the situation.
But since 1956-1957 when Kaith did his study, a number of changes
have taken place not only in the mode of living of the swidden cultivator tribes and their economic system, but also in state boundaries.
Another study covering different states and regions was by
B.K. Roy Burman and P.S. Sharma (1970) done in the 1960s.
Besides other things the study presents a breakup of tribes practising
swidden cultivation by states. One more work in the 1960s was by
Sardendu Bose who made an in-depth study of the socio-economic
interrelations among the swidden cultivator tribes of Abujhmar Hills,
Keonjhar Hills and Lushai Hills. In his work, Bose (1967) also examined the carrying capacity of land in these three regions and thus
provided a background for changes to be brought about. The work
of Dar (1970) is again based on the figures of the 1960s. This study
covers the swidden cultivators of Northeast and South India. Dar
has traced the statewise population depending on swidden cultivation
and presented data about the land available per person for swidden
cultivation. This provides a broader perception of the economic basis
of swidden cultivation. On the basis of facts and figures available
therein, Dar evaluated the success of the jhum control measures and
that of the alternative measures evolved. A similar study by Pal
(1980), based on the figures of the 1960s, presented the figures on
the population of swidden cultivators in relation to the total population of agricultural tribes and analysed the agricultural pattern in
relation to the social system.
There was no study in the 1970s which could provide an allIndia estimate of swidden cultivator societies corresponding to the
increase in population and other socio-economic changes. The only
inter-state study on swidden cultivator tribes in the 1970s covers
only Northeastern India (Saikia and Kalita 1979). However, there
have been a number of studies highlighting the socio-economic
features of a particular region or particular tribes.
The study by Das (1945) on the Purum of Manipur provides
an intimate view of the impact of the social and cultural milieu on
the economy of the Purum in the first half of this century. Nag
(1958), deals with the economic system of the Baiga at much length,
and presents a comparative study on shifting cultivator economy in
6
India
Assam, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Tamilnadu and Andhra Pradesh.
Mahapatra (1953, 1965, 1979), Patnaik (1977) and Mandal (1977),
Mahapatra and Kiranbala (1972-73), and Mahapatra (1969-1970,
1976), give details about some swidden communities in Orissa. Of
the studies conducted on central India the important ones are those
by Mathur (1976), Patel (1968) and Jay (1970, 1974). Vidyarthi
(1963) made an in-depth study of shifting cultivation among the
Maler.
The work of Haimendorf (1945) on Hill Reddis examines the
economy of that society in the light of historical experience. The
work of Raju (1971) on Jatapu examines the impact of developmental measures taken for the economic upliftment of the shifting
cultivator tribe. The study of Koya by Tyler (1974) is thorough and
examines the various facets of the Koya shifting cultivation. Other
such exclusive studies covering tribes of South India are by Morab
(1977) on the Soliga and by Sastry (1977) on other tribes of
Karnataka. In New deal/or tribal Indw, Elwin (1963) makes a strong
plea for scientific shifting cultivation.
Some efforts have recently been made towards the study of
shifting cultivation in India. Mahapatra (1979) has divided India into
two zones for the analysis of shifting cultivation. The first is central
India comprising Madhya Pradesh and Orissa and the second, Northeast India comprising the states of Assam, Nagaland, Meghalaya,
Manipur and Union Territory of Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh.
He finds only four tribes of Madhya Pradesh presently practising
shifting cultivation. In Orissa about one sixth of the total land of the
state involving about a million people is under this practice. No
actual estimate has been found about the rest of the country. On the
basis of his experience, Mahapatra formulates two main patterns of
shifting cultivation, the central and North Eastern. On the basis of
his observations Mahapatra (1979) formulates four major categories
of shifting cultivators in terms of the degree of their dependence on
swidden cultivation. The first category is that of exclusive dependence. This includes such cultivator tribes of which about three
fourths or more households are dependent on swidden. The cultivators under this category are landless and immigrant and their
households are exclusively dependent on swidden. The second
category is that of major dependence. This includes tribes in which
50-74 per cent depend almost wholly on swidden cultivation while
7

the rest of such a tribe may take up other modes of agricultural production. In this category the income from swidden is supplemented
through mining or wage labour, tea plantation labour or other
subsidiary sources of income. The third category is that of contingent dependence, which includes such tribes where almost all
households of resettled, displaced or disinherited or transplanted
village communities may practise swidden for two to three years as
a contingent phase emerging out of some governmental action of
resettlement or colonization. The fourth category is that of marginal
dependence. It includes cultivators whose income by swidden does
not constitute more than 25 per cent of the total income from all
the sources.
These studies, however, do not give any idea of the extent of
the area under shifting cultivation and the total population involved
throughout the country. There is no information about the impact
of recent measures to wean the tribals away from this system or the
number of people who have been relocated on permanent fields. The
area covered in the different studies by different authors varies widely. While conducting the study of shifting cultivators, some areas or
tribes covered in the previous studies are excluded whereas some new
ones are added. Hence, it is not possible to measure the change
taking place over a period of time. Sometimes data presented about
a particular tribe or region are contradictory. For instance, the
extent of area covered under shifting cultivation in Madhya Pradesh
in 1961 is shown as 947,680 acres (379,072 hectares) by Roy
Burman and Sharma (1970) whereas Mahapatra puts it to be only
44,000 acres (17,600 hectares). This gross difference cannot be
explained.
The two all-India estimates presented by D.e. Kaith in 1956
and Roy Burman and Sharma in 1970 appear to be largely identical.
Virtually no change is noted to have taken place in the extent of
land and population involved in shifting cultivation in 1950s and
1960s. It seems that both the estimates originate from the same
source though they claim relevance for different points of time.
There are hardly any figures about the land and population
involved in shifting cultivation or per capita availability of swidden
land in the 1970s. However, the study by Saikia and Kalita (1979)
provides such information for the Northeastern States. A large
8
India
number of states mentioned in that study are carved out of Assam.
Thus, a comparative study of even these states is not possible.
The study of Swidden cultivation in India involves the analysis
of the topography of the country in relation to the existing socioeconomic system. The country may be divided into three broadly
defined physiographic units: (I) the Himalayas and the associated
mountain chains; (2) the Ganga-Brahmaputra plain; and (3) the
Deccan plateau. The Himalayas comprise a series of parallel mountain ranges characterized by topographic complexity of a high order.
It stretches thousands of miles from west to east. The southern
plateau is an old mass of the earth's crust worn down by continuous
erosion. It is characterized by plateau surfaces, broken by striking
ridges, valleys and hill ranges. In between the two physiographic
units lies the Ganga-Brahmaputra plain. It is full of riverine deposits.
The filling has been done so uniformly that the plain gives an impression of a flat surface. It is largely in the hills of eastern India and in
the central Indian hills and plateaux that swidden cultivation is
found.
Till 1921, the population of the country was alternately increasing and decreasing. The rise in population was rather halting and
meagre. The year 1921 is recorded as a great divide in the demographic history of India. After 1921, with improved transport and
means of communication, movement of food became easier during
famines, and public health measures prepared the way for a reduction in the number of deaths. From that year there has been a steady
growth in population. During 1921 to 1951, the rise in population
was at the rate of 1.3 per cent per annum. In the decade 1961 to
1971 the rate of increase was 2.4 per cent per annum. This is on
account of a vast decline in the death rate accompanied by an
insignificant fall in birth rate. The total population of the country in
1971 was recorded as 547.9 million. The provisional population
figures for 1981 were 683.8 million.
In India 80 per cent of the population live in villages. The
density of population was 178 persons per square kilometre accord
ing to the 1971 count. The most densely populated areas are Kerala,
the Ganga-Jamuna plains, and West Bengal. In some agricultural districts in North Bihar and in Kerala the density rises above 600
persons per square kilometre. Only 20 per cent of the population live
in urban areas. There are nearly 150 cities with more than 100,000
9

people. There are also nine metropolitan centres which have a population of one million or more. These 160 cities accounted for 56 per
cent of the total urban population in the country. This trend towards
growing urbanization is indicative of great pressure on land. The
capacity of agriculture to absorb more people seems to have reached
a point of saturation.
The country is so vast that there is enormous diversity of
physical types, language, religion and caste. Distinct culture areas can
be marked out in the country. However, the social ethos of India
reflects a high degree of unity in diversity. The large geographical
spread of the country provides fertile ground for the germination and
flowering of regional diversities in the social environment. The differentiation in the natural landscapes is attributed to the emergence
of different forms and patterns of man-nature interactions in the
different regions of India. the food the people eat, the clothes they
wear, the houses they live in, the economic activities they carry out,
the languages and dialects they speak, the festivals they organize,
the myths and legends which embody their emotional responses, all
show great variety. The transhumant Guijar herdsmen in the Pir
Panjal, the Moplah fishermen of Malabar, the Maratha peasants of
the block cotton soil belt, the jhum cultivators of the humid northeast, and the industrial workers in the various urban centres have all
been coming to terms with their specific ecosystems.
The differing sources of waves of immigration in the subcontinent from the surrounding countries is a process spread over
thousands of years. The different routes of dispersal of these into
the various corners of the country and the consequent concentration
of diverse ethnic elements in the different regions has created a social
mosaic with distinct regional concentrations.
The unique feature of the social geography of India is not the
extent of its plurality but the fact that social diversity has been based
on, and is sustained by, underlying unity which has evolved over
time. In spite of the differences in natural environments of various
regions, the monsoonal rhythm of the seasons provides a strong
element of uniformity. The alternation of dry and wet seasons and
the concentration of life-giving rains in a few months in a year is by
and large an all-India phenomenon. The music and the fragrance produced by raindrops falling on parched thirsty earth generates intense
emotional r'esponse among people almost everywhere in India and it
10
Indio.
is on this that their rain-fed subsistence agriculture and the village

community is based.
The horizontal spread of cultural and socio-economic attributes from different parts of the country and the ever-growing giveand-take through interregional contacts and exchanges have generated a process of cultural fusion. Foremost of all these integrative
forces was the spread of Vedic and Puranic traditions all over the
country. This horizontal spread performed the unifying role, and in
the process, these great traditions developed the capacity to assimilate
elements of regional traditions and thereby enriching and transforming itself.
The development of inter-regional economic linkages and the
emergence of a national home market also played an important role
in unifying the country. The networks of railways and other means
of communication greatly facilitated the unification process. The
rural-urban migration stream brought together into urban agglomeration people who spoke different languages and dialects and professed
different faiths but were citizens of an emergent India.
The ethnic composition of the country is reflected in the
concentration of the Mediterraneans in the south, the Nordics in the
north and north-west, and Tibeto-Mongoloids in the Himalayan
region and the north-eastern valleys. The bulk of the tribal population in the belt of middle India is, however, composed of the Protoaustraloids. There is a sprinkling of Negrito elements in Kerala and in
a few communities in Gujrat and also in the Andaman Islands.
The vast majority of the Indian population follows Hinduism.
The Muslims form nearly 12 per cent of the total population. The
Sikhs and the Christians account for a much smaller percentage.
Other religions are Buddhism and Zoroastrianism. However, the most
important feature of the Indian social system is caste. It continues
to exert tremendous influence on the social life of India. Originally
rooted in Hinduism, its influence is also found among Muslims,
Sikhs, and Christians. As a result of conversion, a person may lose his
religion in India but he hardly ever loses his caste. In this connection,
the existence of social and economically deprived caste groups
known as the scheduled castes may be noted. Their concentration
reflects, in important ways, the incidence of poverty within the
regional structure and indicates a varying magnitude and breadth of
socio-economic exploitation in different regions of the country.
11
Swidden cultivation in Asza

From the point of view of language, India is marked by a great
deal of linguistic diversity. Out of the 187 languages spoken in India
23 are spoken by as many as 97 per cent of the population. The
languages can be divided broadly into four families: (1) the Dravidian
languages of the south; (2) the Indo-Aryan languages of the north
and north-west; (3) the Mon Khmer and the Tibeto-Burman languages of the north-east and the Himalayan region; and (4) the
Austric language family in the Aravali-Vindhya-Chotanagpur complex. Hindi accounts for the largest number of speakers in the
country. There are 13 other languages which have been recognized as
regional languages in different parts of the country.
India is basically an agricultural country from which 70 per
cent of its people derive their livelihood. Ever since independence,
agricultural production has been growing steadily. More and more
areas of the country have been brought under cultivation with increasing irrigation facilities. The dependence on monsoon rain has
been reduced to some extent and in many areas a second and a third
crop is also grown.
Industrial development has taken place at a fast pace since
independence and India now figures as one of the industrialized
countries of the world. New areas have been opened up with new rail
routes and national highways. A series of five-year plans have accelerated the pace of development. Besides agricultural and industrial
development, significant strides have been made in rural development.
New strategies have been evolved to see that the benefits of development reach the weaker sections of the community, namely the scheduled tribes and the scheduled castes, the rural artisans, the landless
labourers, and women. Integrated rural development programmes
have been drawn up to provide for the all-round development of the
people. In areas where the scheduled tribes are concentrated, integrated tribal development projects have also been initiated. These
are trying to raise the quality of life of the tribal peoples, who
hitherto had largely remained cut off from the general development
in the region.
12
Chapter Two
LAND, AND
THE PEOPLE INVOLVED
In the larger part of Northeastern India the term frequently

used for shifting cultivation is ]hum. However, in many tribal communities of central and South India it bears different names. In
Maghalaya it is known as Bogma among the Garos, Lyngkhalum or
Shyr# among the Khasis, Rz't among the Mikirs of Assam, Tekonglu
among the Ao Nagas of Manipur, Adiabik among the Adis of Lushai
Hills, Hookuismong among the Reangs of Tripura, Lankapadsenad
by Koya, and Remo, DaM Kaman or Bz'rz'nga by the Bhuinyas of
North Orissa, Gudz'a, Bagda, Sarban Donger Chara or Podu in Southern Orissa; as Beonra among the Birjhia and as Kurwa among the
Maler of Chotanagpur, as Bewar, Dahiya, or Penda in Madhya Pradesh, and as Podu among the hill Reddis of Andhra Pradesh.
Over a large part of Northeastern India the chief characteristics of shifting cultivation, while having different local names are
found to be the same. These are: (1) rotation of fields; (2) use of
fire for clearing the land; (3) keeping the land fallow for regeneration
for a number of years; (4) use of human labour as main input; (5)
non-employment of draught animals; (6) non-use of the plough,
but instead very crude and simple implements such as dibble sticks
and scrapers, are used, and (7) all the crops being grown are mixed
together. Furthermore, in most parts of Northeast India it is found
that hunting and gathering is an important subsidiary occupation
of the shifting cultivators (Saikia, 1976).
Land-man ratio
A thorough review of the tribal people practising shifting cultivation indicates that a considerable percentage of population is
engaged in such practice. The following table shows the percentage
of those engaged in shifting cultivation to the total tribesmen working as cultivators.
The above data reveal that the states most affected by shifting
cultivation are Manipur, Tripura, Orissa, Assam, and Andhra Pradesh.
13
INCIDENCE OF SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
EASTERN AND NORTH EAST INDIA
IN
. bet
fl
REFERENCES
International boundary
State boundary
<!> State capital
Area showing shifting agriculture system
~,-
Hill ranges and contours
India
Table 1. Shifting cultivators as percentage of total tribal

population in various states.
State
Percentage
Assam
47
Manipur
73.5
Tripura
60
Orissa
66.6
Bihar
Madhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
1.6
Karnataka
32
Andhra Pradesh
51
Kerala
39
TamilNadu
2.6
Source: B.N. Pal, "Some economic aspects of tribal agriculture" in Vidyarthi and Sahay (ed) Applied Anthropology and development in India, Delhi,
1980,p.1l7.
Table 2. Availability of land per capita in Selected

States of India
Available land per
cultivator (acres)
State
Assam
0.52
Manipur
0.29
Tripura
1.22
Orissa
0.43
Bihar
0.004
Madhya Pradesh
1.47
Maharashtra
2.89
Karnataka
0.18
Andhra Pradesh
0.48
Kerala
5.40
Madras (ramil Nadu)
1.39
Source: Pal, 1980, p. 118.

15

The commissioner for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in his
report for 1961 calculated the per-cultivator availability of land for
some states as follows:
This shows that the availability of land per cultivator is very uneconomical and unable to provide a subsistence living for a single
family.
Geophysical features
Shifting cultivation is practised in India in all the humid

regions of Southern and Southeastern India, from the tidal coasts
to upper limits of crop growth in the higher mountains. Only India
and West Pakistan contain areas too arid for the normal practice of
shifting cultivation. Parts of Deccan and the Northwest of India lie
outside the zone of active shifting cultivation.
The tropical regions with a mean temperature of approximately IS.3C and a minimum of 24 inches (610 mm) of rainfall per
annum and with a thin population have been found to be favourable
for swidden cultivation (Saikia, 1979).
The system of swidden cultivation is regarded as the first stage
of purposeful use of soil for crop production and is still prevalent
among most of the hill tribes of Northeast India and some of the
tribes of central and Southeast India.
Ecologically the main factors responsible for swidden cultivation in these tropical regions are the rapid exhaustion of soil fertility
and the low capability of soils to retain plant nutrients. The Food
and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) explains
the situation as follows:
These difficulties can be split into several factors - low
absorptive capacity for exchangable bases of the soil's clays
fractions, the tendency of these clays to immobilize phosphates, the heavy percolation rate of tropical rain through
generally very porous soils and the resulting leaching of
plant nutrients, the rapid destruction of organic matter by
bacterial action under conditions of high temperatures and
so on (FAO, 1957).
16
India
For an analysis of the pattern of swidden cultivation and its
related aspects and for the critical evaluation of this mode of cultivation in the ethnography of tribal society or of a particular tribe, its
impact on the concerned population and on the national economy,
it is imperative that a study of tribal India be made in terms of
geographical and demographic divisions. For this purpose, we may
divide India into three main regions inhabited by tribal populations.
1. North and north-eastern region - The area extends from
the foothills of the Himalayas to the north-eastern hill areas of
Nagaland, Garo hills, Khasi hills and Mizo hills, hill regions of Orissa,
and the hills of Chotanagpur. The State and Union Territories
covered in this region are Arunanachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur,
Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, West Bengal, Orissa,
and Bihar. The principal tribes living in these areas are Lepcha, Meeh,
Kachai, Miri, Mikir, Garo, Khasi, Naga, Kuki, Abor, Adi, Chakmo,
Mogs, Noga, Mishmi, Apatani, Dafla, Lushai, Gallong, Noatia,
Reang, Gadba, J uang, Maler.
In the north-eastern region swidden cultivation is prevalent

among many of the Naga tribes, such as the Sema Naga, Konyak
Naga; the Kuki tribes of Mizo hills; the Mikir and Modo group
tribes of Assam and the Abor group of tribes, Dafla hill, Miri, Aka
of Arunanchal Pradesh.
2. Central and West India - This region consists of mountainous regions of Vindhyas covering central Madhya Pradesh,
Satpura mountain range covering southern Madhya Pradesh, and
north-western Maharashtra and forest of Arawali covering southern
Rajasthan and some parts of north-western Madhya Pradesh. This
zone comprises the states of Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Gujrat,
and Maharashtra. The principal tribes inhabiting this range are
Saora, Salsor, Faria, Khond, Ho, Bhumij, Korwa, Gond, Bhil, Baiga,
Muria, Maria of Madhya Pradesh, and Kalki, Katkari, Kumari
Marahta, Maria Gond, Thakur and Wakkal of Maharashtra.
3. Tribal region of the Deccan Plateau - This region extends
from across the Godavari River, covering the southern part of the
river Krishna and includes all the mountainous region of the south
such as Nallamalai Hills, Javadi Hills, Nilgiri Hills, Shevaroy Hills
and Cardamom Hills. The states covered in this region are Karnataka,
Andhra Pra<Iesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu.
17
INCIDENCE OF SW1DDEN CULTIVATION
IN
..
,
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.IfI'.r"-,o
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CENTRAL INDIA
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.-.:"
,\/~
.....A.
~.,.I
',\ I(~
,i
,"
e"
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,.
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._.J
-'''\
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.,.......
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P R A 0 E 5 H
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c'
f"'l4J7.~.... I\
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00
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l~\J
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!~_''''"\
i',1
REFERENCES
................. International boundary

_._._.- State boundary
C!> State capital
Area showing shifting
agricultural system
~ Hill ranges and contours
.~
..
~/W~
" ..j
Sl.
_~
~(
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t
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._.~~~.
....,. '\:!J~
,'--'('?".,
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India
INCIDENCE OF SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
IN
SOUTH INDIA
Bay of Bengal
L
REFERENCES
_._.-.- State boundary
(!) State capital
Town
Area showing shifting
agriculture system
~ lsohyet line
19

The Principal tribes inhabiting these regions and practlsmg
shifting cultivation are: Kumbi, Bagata, Gadba, Kamar, Khond,
Khond-Dhar, Konda-Kapur, Konda-Reddi, Koya, Mali, Manna Dhor,
Nayak, Porya, Rena, Samanthu, and Savara of Andhra Pradesh;
Bettakuruba, J enukuruba, Kuman, Kunbi, Malakudia, Marati, and
Soliga of Kamataka; Irular, Kader, Kurumba, Kurichiya, Mudnaggar
and Paniyan of Kerala; and Kada, Kurumba, Malasar, Palayan, and
Paniyan of Tamilnadu.
Though precise data on the extent of shifting cultivation in
different regions of India are not available, a number of important
studies have been carried out on the socio-economic life of the tribes
practising shifting cultivation in different regions of India. However,
the information on the nature of tribal economy and socio-economic
structure of the tribal communities is rather scanty.
According to the Dhebar Commission Report (1962) the total
area under shifting cultivation in India is estimated to be 1.4 million
acres (560,000 hectares). To study the mode of shifting cultivation
in India and its importance in the tribal economy in particular and
Indian economy in general, the study conducted by D.C. Kaith in
1958 prior to the reorganization of States revealed that shifting
cultivation constituted a vital part of the economy of 12 states. The
following table presents the 1956 estimates of the extent of shifting
cultivation practised by tribal people in various states and union
territories of India.
It can be seen from the table that 109 tribes in 12 states comprising a population of about 2,644,200, excluding the tribal population of V.P. and Rajasthan, depended on shifting cultivation. Furthermore, nearly 439,918 acres were being annually cleared by these
tribes. These figures reveal the vastness of the problems.
Following is the statewise break-up of the figures available in

1956.
Assam
In Assam, shifting cultivation locally known as jumming is
mainly practised in the hill tracts. The tract, the approximate area
cut annually, and the population involved are follows:
20
Table 3. The extent of shifting cultivation practised by the tribal people in various
states and union territories of India (1956 estimates).*
Name of State
1.
IV
.-
No. of tribal
communities
practising
shifting
cultivation
No. of tribal
households
depending upon
shifting
cultivation
Total tribal
population
depending upon
shifting
cultivation
Total area of
land utilized
for shifting
cultivation
in aCles
Kind of crops grown
Assam
194,000
970,000
512,000
Paddy, Cotton, Organges Chillies,

Yarns, vegetables.
Orissa
20
200,000
1,000,000
400,000
Paddy, Pulses, turmeric, fruit trees.
Andhra Pradesh
(A.P.)
10
40,000
200,000
96,000
23,000
115,000
400
Madhya Pradesh
(M.P.)
15
600
30,000
44,000
Millets, Oil seeds and Pulses.
Bombay
10
5,000
25,000
723,000
Paddy, Millets and Oil seeds.
Mysore
2,800
14,000
2,500
Kera1a
15
2,000
10,000
54,000
Paddy, Millets, Potato, Cotton, Oil

seeds.
Madras
440
2,200
3,000
Hilly paddy, Millets, Maize Beanopastures, fruit trees.
Vttar Pradesh
Bihar
(V.P.)
200
Paddy, Millets, Vegetables, Pulses.
Millets, Oilseeds, chillies.
~
~
S
Name of State
1.
en
Ii:
No. of tribal
communities
practising
shifting
cultivation
No. of tribal
households
depending upon
shifting
cultivation
Total tribal
population
depending upon
dlifting
cultivation
Total area of
land utilized
for shifting
cultivation
in acres
Kind of crops grown
~
~
;S
-2'
<'l
~
"'1-
"'1-
N
N
Manipur
36,000
133,000
54,000
Tripura
10
19,100
95,500
116,900
Others
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
109
528,940
2,644,200
1,355,300
Total
Millets, Potatoes, Paddy, Cotton, ORseeds.

Paddy, Cotton, Jute Sugarcane
Vegetable.
Source: D.C. Kaith, Shifting Cultivation practices in India, Indian Council of Agricultural research. Review series, New
Delhi, 1956.
For a breakdown of figures according to statistics, please see Kaith (1958).
Note: Some of these older tables use acres and sq. miles. In the text the following conversions are used: 1 acre = 0.4
hectares (ha); 1 sq. mile = 2.6 square kilometres (sq. km).
c'
;S
~.
~
...,
S
India
Table 4. Area cut annually in Assam*

Approximate area cut
annually (in sq. miles)
Total
population
125
190,000
75
109,000
United Khasi and J aintia hills distt.
200
300,000
Naga hill distt.
125
200,000
Mizo (Lushai hills) distt.
120
180,000
Plain dist. of Kamrup,

Nowgong Cahar etc.
150
Tract
Garo Hill distt.

United Mikir hill North-Kachar
hill distt.
795
Total
979,000
The figures also include the territory and population now under the state of Megha-
laya.
Tribes associated with this form of cultivation are Garo, Naga,

Khasi, Mizo, Mikir etc.
Bihar
Swidden cultivation is normally done in the hilly tracts by
tribes known as Kharia, in Singhbhum, Maler in Santhal Parganas.
Table 5. Area annually cut in Bihar and population involved

Tract
Area
Singhbhum Distt.
Population
40 acres
150
Santhal Pargana Distt.
400 acres
1,500
Total
440 acres
1,650
The soils in these areas are lateritic, shallow, and sandy loan in
texture. The slope varies considerably from gentle to very steep. The
average annual rain fall is 55 inches (1,397 mm).
23
Swidden cultvation in AsUz
Bombay
Following is the extent of land and population involved in
1956 in Bombay State.
Table 6. Land and population in Bombay State*
District
Total area brought

under shifting
cultivation annually
in acres
Kolaba
About
Dangs
About 64,000
Belgaum
Kanara
Total
8,000
Population living
on shifting
cultivation
13,000 to 15,000
8,000 to 10,000
1,266
3,000
783
10,000
74,049
34,000 to 38,000
This also includes population and territory now under Gujrat State.
In 1956, in Kolba district the tribes 'Thakur' and 'Katkar' carried

out this form of shifting cultivation on areas selected on hill tops and
slopes. The soil in this region is lateritic, shallow, and hard. The
average rainfall varies between 100 to 105 inches (2,540 mm to
2,667 mm).
In Dang district, Kunbi, Konbani, Warli, Mavchi and Bhil are
the principal tribes carrying on such cultivation. Most of the areas
are rugged and hilly. The soil in the tract is red, grey, or black in
colour. Rainfall is 60 to 80 inches (1,524 mm to 2,032 mm).
In Belgaum district, 'Kermbis' living in remote forest areas
were practising shifting cultivation in about 10,000 acres of forest
reserved by the Government for the purpose. The soil is poor and
not suitable for permanent cultivation. The average rain fall is 130
inches (3,300 mm) and the areas are very steep.
Madras
In Coimbatore district the tribes Kadar, Malabar and Pulayan
grow crops like ragi, thinai, samai, varage etc. after clearing the land
and burning it; the same area is cultivated once in five years. In
Ulandi, the areas are low lying, and the rainfall average is 70 inches
24
India
Table 7. Areas and population involved in shifting cultivation
in 1956
Area in acres
cut annuolly for
Dist.
Total population
living on.
Coz"mbatore Dzstt.
(a)
(b)
Anamalais
Ulandi
480
655
50
50
Malabar Distt.
(a)
Ernad Taluk Private forest area
484
(b) Wallu Vanad

Taluk Atta Pady Arrson
Kozhikode, Kurumba and
Kottayam, Wynaad and
Chirakkal Taluk.
(c)
20,000 to 25,000
29,000
7,000 to
1,418
8,000
Nz"lgz"rz" distt.
Gudalu taluk
2,000 to
2,500
20,000 to 25,000
South Kanara dist

Neria village
Total
150
42,528 to 48,028
200
29,323 to 33,322
(1,778 mm). In Anamalai, the areas are on gentle slopes. Soil is red
or black. The average rainfall is about 100 inches (2,540 mm), minimum areas for the rehabilitation of these tribes in the above places
is about four to five acres (1.6 ha to 2 ha).
In Kollegal divisions, 135 acres (54 ha) of land on free lease
contract were being permanently cultivated by 59 families of
Sholagars whom Kaith observed as both poor and backward and
found them not interested in developing the land on their own.
They do not practice shifting cultivation on these areas now but
soil erosion was noted to be rampant and it was then suggested that
it can be prevented by terracing the land at government expense.
In Malabar district as Kaith observed, the local people grow
paddy in private forest areas in Ernad Taluk by clearing the forest.
No definite ~otation is followed.
25

Irular, Mudugar, Kurumba are the tribes associated with
shifting cultivation in Attapady valley. Cultivation is done for 2 to
3 years. The area is later abandoned for 3 to 6 years.
Karichiyar, Paneyar, Irular, Malanaikan are the tribes carrying
shifting cultivation in Kozikhode, Kottayam, Wynad, Kurumbranad,
Chirakkal Taluks.
In Nilgiri district, the hill tribes, paniyar, Naiken, Kurumbar,
were found to be practising shifting cultivation on slopes in Gudalur
taluk, by growing hill paddy, ragi, sanrai, cholam, again hill paddy
or vegetables in successive rotation, taking only one crop each year.
In south Kanara, the male Kudiya, carry what is known as
'Kumri cultivation' in the hilly areas of Neria, village. The same area
is cultivated once in 2 to 3 years. The rainfall is very heavy. Suitable
lands are not easily available.
Madhya Pradesh
The following is the 1956 estimate of the extent of land and
population involved in shifting cultivation" in Madhya Pradesh.
Table 8. Shifting cultivation in M.P.

Districts
Durg distt.
Bastar distt.
Chhindwara distt.
Chanda distt.
Balaghat distt.
Mandla distt.
Sarguja distt.
Raigarh distt.
Area in acres
cut
annually.
1,050
25,000 to 30,000
4,590
Total population
living on
4,420
13,000
8,160
700
558
2,994
1,217
120
2,000
230
5,000
340
680
Bilaspur distt.
2,772
6,930
J ashpur distt.
310
705
39,876
40,890
Total
26
India
In Bastar district the Maria, Muria and Gond cultivate only
sloping areas of various degrees under what is locally known as the
Mashan or Penda system.
In Chanda district the madia grow Khesari and Kodo on the
same lines as above on the steep slopes with poor soil in hilly areas.
The rain fall varies from 50 to 60 inches (1,270 mm to 1,524 mm).
In Balaghat district, the Baiga, and Gonds cultivate slopes
having sandy loam soil crops such as kodo, kutki madUl, ramtilla,
audt~ kong sawa, and Makai. The cultivation practices are similar to
those adopted in the other districts.
In Mandla district, the Baiga carry on shifting cultivation by
clearing the poor types of tal and mixed forest areas. Soil in the
valley is of black cotton type, while on the flat hill tops mainly
murram lies. The terrain is sloping to north and receives an annual
rainfall or about 100 inches (2,540 mm).
In Raigarh district, the Panda, Kerwa and Majhwar grow
crops such as ashar, khedt~ bedi, madUl, and makai (maize) cutting
and burning the standing growth. Each family cultivated about two
acres for 2 years and then abandoned the patch for 15 to 20 years.
The soil is sandy loam and average rainfall is about 70 inches
(1,778 mm).
In Sarguja district the Korwa, Kodaku, Agaria and Pande
carry on cultivation locally known as beera on the same lives as in
other district.
In Bilaspur district each family in Baigas raises the crop of
kodo kutkt~ castor, mustard etc. over a piece of two acres of land for
about 2 years and abandon the land thereafter.
In J aipur district the Pahari Korwa, and Majhi carry on cultivation on hill slopes rich soil. The average rainfall in these areas is
about 60 to 70 inches (1,524 mm to 1,778 mm).
Uttar Pradesh
Kaith in his study in 1956 found only two small pockets, one
Lalitpur subdivision of the Jhansi district and the other in Rupin
and Supin 'valleys in the upper reaches of the Tons valley in Tehri
27
Swz"dden cultz"vatz"on z"n Asw'

Garhwal district where shifting cultivation was in vogue. No actual
data about the populations involved in this area is available. In
Jhansi district the Sahanya, a scheduled caste, carry on this type of
cultivation with Jowar as main crop after clearing, felling and burning the slash and dibbling the seed before the monsoon without
ploughing the land. The tract is flat and undulating of type of
Vindhya highland having reddish sandy loam or clay loam soil. It
has an annual rainfall of 40 to 50 inches (1,016 mm to 1,270 mm).
In Tehri Garhwal district the people practising shifting cultivation differ in customs, features etc. from the inhabitants of the rest
of the Rawi Tehsil of the district. There are about 200 acres (80 ha)
under shifting cultivation.
Manipur
The following figures give ample proof of the fact that shifting
cultivation in Manipur was practised on a large scale in the 1950s.
Table 9. Shifting cultivation in Manipur

Total area
of State
in hectares
(ha[
Area constituting
valley proportion
in hectares
Area annually
cut for shifting
cultivation in
hectares (ha)
Population
involved.
(ha)
Area constituting
hills in
in hectares
(ha)
2,235,947
181,300
2,055,942
54,181
182,902
The tribes associated in this type of cultivation which is

locally known as Jhum cultivation are Kuki Angami, Tangkhul
Maring, Kabuie and Kachanaga. The pattern of shifting cultivation
exists largely in the Manipur South and Manipur East districts.
Mysore (Kamataka)
In 1956 Kaith studied shifting cultivation as adopted by the
hill tribes called the Betta Kuruba, J enukuruba and soliga in the then
Mysore state now Knoun as Karnataka.
Following is the distribution of Swiddening families in the
State.
28
India
Table 10. Shifting cultivation practiced in the Area
of Mysore (now called Karmataka)
Area under shifting
cultivation.
in hectares
Families
concemed
Begur Range
14
4
28
10
Ainurmarigudi Range
12
8
8
4
18
55
40
15
12
8
10
8
88
116
Area
Hansur Range
Heggadadinakote Range
Kakanakote Range
Gundal Pet Range

Chamraj Nagar Range
Bandipur Range
Total
Orissa
Shifting cultivation is being carried out over large areas which
are not suitable for permanent agriculture by tribes, the Bhuiya,
J uang, Erengakol, and Konch, in hill tracts in north Orissa, north of
the river Mahanadi and the areas in the district or Keonjhar, Sundergarh, Dhenkanal and Sambalpur. In south Orissa the Kondhs, Kutia,
Kondh, Bunjia, Kamor Kond, Saora, J alapa, Paroja, Gandba, Kojas,
and others carry out shifting cultivation in the district of Ganjam,
Koraput, Kalahandi. In between these two broad zones, there is a
small patch in sonebra plateau in the extreme west of the state comprising of the tribes Binjhia and Kamar. Locally this type of cultivation is called Rama by Kond and biringa by Bhuinya in the north
Orissa and podu Gudia donge and Chas in south. All these terms refer
to the primitive types of cultivation carried out on the slopes exceeding 30 0 However, terms like dahi in Sambalpur and taila in central
and eastern Orissa are different from the podu cultivation; the
former being practised on level ground, mild slopes or the hill. No
exact data is available for this state. But yet from the available information given in the table below it is seen that a total area of about
13,000 square miles (33,800 sq km), involving a dozen tribes with a
population of 1,100,000 was affected in 1956.
29
Swdden cultvaton n AsUz
Table 11. Shifting cultivation in Orissa

Area affected in
sq. miles.
District
Population of
connected tribe.
Total population
involved.
North Orissa
KeOlijhar
460
Bhuiya
Juang
20,000
800
28,000
Sundergarh
Bonae
300
Bhuiya - 10,000
Erengakol- 1,000
11,000
Dhenkanal
Pallahara
100
Bhuiya
2,600
2,600
Sambalpur
Barwa
Radhakol
360
150
Bhuiya
Kondh
Kondh
7,000
6,600
2,200
15,800
57,400
1,270
Total
South Orssa
Kalahandi
Ganjam
Koraput
Kalahandi Kharian
Ganjam
agency
Kondhmals
Baliguda
and
parlakheundi
-
4,500
JeyporeEstate
5,000
Total
Grand Total
800
200
Kondh
Kutiya
Kondh
Kamor
Bhuiya
Kondh
Sarora
Kondh
Saora
Jatapu
Paroja
Godaba
Koya
Other
- 111,000
1,300
119,300
1,600
5,400
- 206,800
- 35,600
600
- 176,500
- 52,500
- 15,200
- 145,700
- 34,300
- 28,000
3,800
303,000
456,000
10,500
878,300
11,770
935,700
30
India
Rajasthan
In this State Kaith (1957) studied the tribal people from hills
and forests carrying the following two types of cultivation.
(1)
Dandakast (in plain forest) and
(2)
Dakast (In the hills).
These types are prevalent in the districts of Banswara, Dungarpur, in the Kerwas subdivision of Udaipur, Shahabad and Chhippabarod Tehsil in Kota district. No accurate data are available at
hand, and whatever information on the extent of area under shifting
cultivation could be gathered is given below:
Table 12. Area under cultivation in Rajasthan

District
Area under cultivation

in acres
in hectares
Banswara distt.
100
40
Dungarpur distt.
100
40
Udaipur distt.
200
80
21,300
8,520
100
40
21,800
8,720
Shahabad tehsil
Chhippabarod tehsil
Total
The tribes, Bhil, Sahria, Meena, Bagri, Grasia including Jogi, and
Dholi, of Banswara, and Dungarpur cultivate on moderate to steep
hill slopes having poor soil and rainfall varying between 30 to 40
inches (762 mm to 1,016 mm).
Tripura
Tripura is a hilly territory and is entirely made up of parallel
ranges or hills extending north to south and alternated with narrow
valleys. The total area of the state is 41,116 square miles out of which
66 per cent is covered with forests. Around 47,000 hectares are
under swidden involving a total population of 95,501 distributed in
ten major tribes.
31
Swidden
Cultivation in India in the 19605
A further study by Roy Burman and P.S. Sharma (1970)

provides us a detailed study of the different tribes practising shifting
cultivation in different regions of India in the 1960s. The table on
pages 30-32 makes a regionwise comparative study of tribes practising shifting cultivation in the 1960s.
Shifting
Cultivation in the 19705
It is not possible to make a comparative estimate of the area

and population involved in shifting cultivation in the 1950s and
1970s due to inadequate data. The figures on shifting cultivation in
Northeast India in 1976 are, however, available.
From the data available earlier and that of Table 14 on page 33 it has
been found that about 2.5 million people of Northeast India eke out a
living from Jhum cultivation involving 2.7 million hectares of land.
32
Table 13. Tribes practising shifting cultivation in various states and union territories,
population involved in swidden and the area covered under shifting cultivation 1961 estimates
SI.
No.
1.
1.
Tribes practising
Name of the
State/Union
Territory
Assam
Abor, Chakma, Dimasa, Garo, Jaintia,

Karbi, Khasi, Lushai, Lalung, Mikir,
Mizo, Naga.
Population
Area covered
depending on
under shifting
shifting cultivation cultivation
(Approx)
(in acres)
1961
1961
200,000
96,000
Districts and divisions

where shifting cultivation
is carried on.
Karbi
Anglong,
Cachar Hills.
North
2.
*Arunachal
Pradesh
Hill Miri, Dafta, Padam, Gallong, Neshi,

Sulung, Tagin, Na, Mara, Wancho, Nocte,
Tangsa, Gangri, Aka, Monpa, Singpho.
Kameng, Lohit, Subanisiri,

Tirap and Siang.
3.
*Meghalaya
Khasi, Garo, Jaintia, War, Pnar.
Garo Hills, Jaintia Hills.
4.
Nagaland
Sema, Ao, Lohta, Konyan, Rengma,

Tangkhul, Naga etc.
Tuengsang
5.
*Mizoram
Lushai,
Lushai Hills
6.
Manipur
Angami, Hmar, Kabui, Kachanaga, Kuki,

Mao, Maring, Tangkhul
183,000
54,000
7.
Tripur
Chakma, Garo, Halam, Jhumia, Jamatia,

Kuki, Lushai, Mag, Noatia, Reang,
Tripuri
95,500
116,900
Manipur
South.
East,
Manipur
Sadar, Khowai, Kailashahar,

Kamalpur,
Dharmanagar,
Udaipur, Sonemura, Belonia
and Amarpur Subdivision.
SI.
No.
Name of the
State/Union
Territory
1.
Tribes practising
:il ifting cultivation
Toto
N.A.
N.A.
Bhwiyan or Bhuyan, Binjhia, Bonda,

Didayi, Erenga Kol, Gadaba, Jatapu,
Juang, Kamar, Kondh, Koya, Kutia
Kondh, Pengo, Paraja, Saora
935,700
400,000
8.
West Bengal
9.
Orissa
Population
Area covered
depending on
under sh ifting
(Approx)
(in acres)
1961
1961
10.
Bihar
Birjhia, Kharia, Maler,

Paharia, Sauria, Paharia
Norwe,
Mal
115,000
11.
Madhya
Pradesh
Agriya, Baiga, Bharia, Gond, Kamar,

Konku, Kondaku, Korwa, Ma~hi,
Madia/Maria, Majhwar, Mawasi, Pande.
30,000
12.
Rajasthan
Bhil, Sahria, Meena, Bagri, Gradia, Jogi,

Dholi
N.A.
13.
**Gujrat
Bhil, Konka, Kunbi, Kokanis, Mavehi,

Varli
14.
**Maharashtra
Bhil, Halkki, Katkari, Kunbi, KumariMarahta, Konakari, Mavebi, Maria-Gond,

Thakur, Wakkal, Warli
15.
Karnataka
Bettakuruba, J enururuba, Kumbi, Kunbia, Kumar, Malekudia, Marati, Soliga.
436
947,680**
N.A.

is carried on.
Jalpaiguri.
Keonjhar,
Sundergarh,
Dhankanal, Sambalpur, Kolahandi, Ganjarn and Koraput districts and Phulbani,
Baliguda, J eypore and Nalanangiri Subdivisions.
Singhbhum, Santhal Parganas, Ranchi.
Durg,
Bastar,
Bilaspur,
Chhindawara,
Balaghat,
Raigarh and Surguja.
N.A.
72,300**
2,500
~
~
Kolaba, South-Chand division and Janjira subdivision.

14,000
5..:
~
~
The Dangs and Some parts

of Surat.
25,000**
CI':l
~
Interior mountanious tracts

of Belgaum of South-Kanara
district.
.......
....
~.
....
c'
~
~
;:;.
~
""
~.
SI.
No.
Name of the
State/Union
Territory
1.
Population
Area covered
depending on
under shifting
(Approx)
(in acres)

is carried on.
1961
1961
6
Adilabad, Srikakulam district Agency tracts, visakhapatnam East Godavari, West
Godavari and Warangal.
16.
Andhra
Pradesh
Begata, Gadaba, Hill Reddi, Kammar,

Khond, Kolam, Kotiyar, Koyas, KendaKanpur, Konda Reddi, Rond-Dhor, Mali,
Manna Dhor, Nayak, Porya, Rena,
Samantha, Savara.
200,000
96,000
17.
Tamil Nadu
hula, Kadar, Kurumbar, Madigar, Malanaikan, Malasar, Malekudiyar, Naickers,

Pulayar, Paniyan, Sholagar
2,200
3,000
18.
Kerala
lrula, Kurumba, Kurichiyar, Malanaikan,

Muduga, Paniyar
10,000
54,000
VI
Tribes practising
Coimbatore and Nilgiris.
Attapaddy Amson, Malabar

district
and Vaunvanad
Talug.
* In 1956 and 1961 Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram were the parts of Assam and Gujrat and Maharastra were
the parts of Bombay state.
** Roy Burman and Sharma in their work show the extent of land in 1956 as 947,680 acres whereas Mahapatra puts it as 44,000 acres
only. However, to our analysis the figure presented by Mahapatra appears to be more accurate.
Sources: ii) B.K. Roy Burman and P.S. Sharma, "Tribal Agriculture in India", Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics,
Vol. 25, No. 3,1970, pp. 159-166.
iii) Jayanta, Sarkar, "An observation on some economic aspects of the tribes of Arunachal Pradesh" (paper presented in the "workshop on Tribal Economy" organized by Anthropological Survey of India, Calcutta) Feb
ruary, 1977.

Table 14. Area under, and population dependent on, shifting
cultivation in north-east India 1976*
Area Jhumed
Annually
(thousand
hectares)
No. of
Families
Jhummed
per family
(hectares)
248.58
92.00
148
0.62
a. Mildr hills
415.10
54.00
45
1.20
b. N.C. Hills
83.20
15.60
13
1.20
Manipur
100.00
60.00
50
1.20
Meghalaya
416.00
76.00
68
1.12
Mizoram
604.03
61.61
45
1.37
Nagaland
608.00
73.54
80
0.92
Tripura
220.79
22.30
43
0.51
2,695.70
455.05
492
0.92
State/Union
territory
Arunachal
Pradesh
Area under
Jhum
thousand
hectares)
Assam
Total
* Sources:
1) Director of Evaluation and monitoring, N.E. Council, Shillong.
2) R.K. Mukherjee, "Some Social Constraints to Agricultural

Development in North East India" North-Eastern Mfairs,
Annual Issue, 1975.
36
Chapter Three
SWIDDEN
ECONOMY AND OPERATIONS
Out of the total area considered to be under Swidden cultivation only a small extent of land is brought under cultivation in a
particular year. This proportion of land depends on the number of
years a plot is cultivated consequently and thereafter is allowed to
lie fallow before cultivation is resumed. For instance, if a plot of
land is cultivated consecutively for two years and then is allowed
to lie fallow for eight years, then one quarter of the land available
for shifting cultivation would be actually under cultivation in a
particular year. However, the area to be cultivated in a particular
year and the rotation cycle are also influenced by a number of other
factors such as the fertility of the soil of the area undertaken and
availability of manpower and so on. From our study this fact also
comes to light that fallowing is not a consciously planned attempt
to restore the fertility of the soil but is forced by the hard natural
conditions which lead to the depletion of the fertility of the soil
(Dar, 1970).
Land ownership
In most of the hill areas of Northeast India, land is owned by

the community as a whole. Individual ownership of land is recognised in certain areas usually confined to homestead and settled
farm land. Each village operates in a particular demarcated area
and the power of distribution of land for cultivation to individual
families is vested in the headman or the village council (Saikia,
1976). The headman or the village council selects a fertile forested
area within the demarcated area at the beginning of the agricultural
year and distributes land to each individual family of the village
according to necessity. But besides necessity, the size of land allocated to a family depends to a large extent on the number of working hands of the family.
37

Usually the households cultivate plots selected through various
means, including divination. Ordinarily, a plot remains under cultivation for one or two years, after that it is abandoned and the household concerned cleans up another patch of land for cultivation.
After a lapse of a number of years, varying from five or six to 12 to
15 or at times even more, they may return to the same plot. It is not
always that the same household cultivates the same plot of land.
Very frequently individual households do not have absolute ownership over the land cultivated by them; their rights are of the nature
of usufruct. They can hold the land so long as they make effective
use of it. As soon as they stop their operation, their rights cease.
In the next cycle any other person belonging to the same community
may take up the plot. If, however, a person plants a tree on a plot of
land, his right over the tree continues in many communities. As a
result, a curious situation sometimes comes into existence, where
the agricultural produce on a plot of land belongs to one person, but
the trees on the same plot, belong to another (Burman, 1960).
It has been found that due to non-fixity of tenurial rights,
the farmers naturally have very little attachment to the land they
operate. They do not take interest in the improvement of the land
for future use. A tendency to improve land is noticed in areas where
land is privately owned.
Among the Karbi of Assam and among other tribes of Arunachal Pradesh where land is communally owned, one can cultivate
a plot of land according to ones choice. The village headman enjoys
the power to settle disputes relating to sharing of jhum land among
the villagers. Inter-village disputes regarding jhum land is very rare
as the villages are scattered widely over the hills the distance between
one village and another being usually not less than 5 miles (8 km).
When there is dispute between the households regarding jhum land
the dissatisfied group may leave the village and set up a new village
with a headman of their own (Saikia, 1968).
Among the Adis of Lushai hills the village forms the largest
agricultural unit, each having its own jhuming fields within its territorial boundaries, marked by such natural features as hills or
streams. The demarcation of the boundaries takes place through
various processes. Similar is the pattern of landownership among the
Idus of the Diban Valley in Arunachal Pradesh.
38
India
In Manipur a chief setting up a new village used to pay some
sort of tribute to the chief of the community within whose jurisdiction the territory acquired by him was considered to lie. Sometimes
physical might was the determining factor in settling the question of
right. In many areas of Northeast India feuds relating to village
boundaries were quite frequent; and even now they are not uncommon. In many areas within the boundary of the village, there is clanwise demarcation of land.
The Khasi hills district of Meghalaya is divided into Rajs ruled
by Siems (Raja), Lyngdoh (priest), Pator, Basan and Sardar who are
administrators of each Raj. Each member of the Raj is entitled to
cultivate any vacant land as much as he pleases. As long as he cultivates, the land belongs to him. If a man does not cultivate land under
his occupation for three consecutive years, it reverts to the Raj and
some other person can cultivate it. (Gohain and Saikia, 1979).
Among the Garo, the machong or lineage group is the owner
of a particular akhing (community land) where members of that
machong have the right to carry on shifting cultivation. In Garo
hills of Meghalaya the hill mouzas are divided into several Akings,
each under a Aking Nokma (headman) who technically owns land
on behalf of his clansmen. The Aking Nokma has the power to distribute land among his clansmen for the purpose of jhuming. (Saha
and Barkotky, 1969).
Among the Chero of Manipur, the land of the village under
shifting cultivation is in the possession of the village community as
a whole. The chief does not have any extraordinary right over the
land. All members of the village community have equal right to any
part of that village. No areas are marked out as areas of clans and
families.
Among the Hmar of United Mikir and Cachar Hills of Assam
there is no family-wide demarcation of land. Among most of the
Kuki and Mizo group of tribes, the chief is the sole proprietor of the
land and the villagers have to take land on a rental basis. On the other
hand, among the Mikirs, it has been noted that once a plot of land
has been cultivated by a particular household, the same household
will cultivate that very plot of land after being left fallow for a
certain period.
39

Among the Tangkhul Naga of Manipur East district land disputes arise from time to time particularly among the plot owners
since there is no record showing the area of ownership maintained by
the Revenue Department. At the same time the interval between
each cultivation of the block of land is too long to remember the
exact boundary and the interested individual owner changes the
stone boundary extending his plot of land (Hungyo, 1977).
Among the Angami of Manipur a greater part of jhum land is
individual property and subject to life interests and mortgages,
which may be sold or otherwise disposed of at the will of the owner,
though when selling an ancestral field the vendor retains a small
fragment in nominal ownership lest he die or suffer misfortune. In
several Angami villages a certain amont of jhum land which is reserved for thatching grass or for the preservation of cane for bridges,
is the common property of a kindred or a clan or of the whole
village. The cultivation of land of this sort is settled either by a
system of general consent or by a system of 'grab' provided it does
not exceed the limit and deprive others of their share. Usually the
ownership of the first claimant is recognised for two years. A series
of cultivations by the same man in the same place appears to set up
a private right to the particular plot, and there is no doubt that in
this way private rights in land have arisen. In some transfrontier
villages all land is still common property of the village. Jhum land that
has not yet become the subject of private rights can not of course be
sold except by the clan or kindred owning it, though with their
consent it might be possible for a man to sell his share in the common rights. Jhuming, however, is of quite secondary importance in
Angami country except for the chakma village. For this reason
common rights in land still survive. Where jhuming is the normal
form of cultivation, private rights have superseded common rights,
as among the Semas and Aos (Hutton, 1969).
According to Gohain (1953) some villages possess certain
common land called molipatat ownership, the right of which rests
with the whole village. Where there is a shortage of land, cultivation
may be carried out on this land by the needy people of the village
with the consent of the village council. Besides this, all arable lands
are divided into two categories: patat, or rotation zone for jhuming
by the villagers; and arik or field plot of individual households
within each patat. The boundaries of ariks are marked with heaps
40
Inda
of stones placed at regular intervals to make the right of a permanent

nature. The rights of cultivators over such lands, are passed over to
the male descendants. In case a family is short of land a special
meeting of the village tries to find a clan with surplus land and if
there is any, they get if leased out temporarily to the needy family
while the original right of such land rests with the lender class. Such
a temporary arrangement is usually for two years.
The patat ownership pattern is found to be prevalent among
the Padam and Gallong of Arunachal Pradesh and Abor of Assam.
The agricultural land throughout Subansiri, Kamla, Lower Kemang
and Papu valleys is practically owned by individuals within overall
control of the village. Each village has its own area ranging from one
hill to another. An individual who wants to open jhum land can do
so on his own. A similar system is found in the Tangsa villages of that
region (Sarkar, 1977). Among the Sherdukpen of Arunachal there
exists a system of limited individual ownership in respect of jhum
land. Once an individual brings a jhum plot under cultivation, he
has the prerogative of cultivating the same plot, on completion of the
jhum cycle after a number of years, but he cannot sell the jhum
plot under any circumstances. He can, however allow others to cultivate the plot, if for any reason he cannot do it, in a particular jhum
cycle. The various clans in the village have their own clan land. Such
land includes distant forest areas and steep rocky forest where honey
can be found (Roy Burman, 1971:66). Among the Singhho of
Arunachal, the chief is the master of all land within his territory
but in fact individual rights to land are recognised and respected.
No transaction of land, however, can take place without the chief's
knowledge and permission. A similar system of land ownership is
prevalent among the Khamti, Wanchoo and Nocte of Arunachal
Pradesh (Sarkar, 1977).
In Sema and Kanyak regions of Nagaland the land ownership
right is vested in the village chief and it passes by inheritance on the
basis of blood relationship. But even in these regions, the actual
cultivator of the land has a perpetual right of cultivation and that
right is handed down by inheritance. In Nagaland the problem of
fragmentation of land has not arisen to any large extent, excepting
among the Angami.The Angami and Chakesang of Nagaland have
individual ownership system of land. Every individual owns land and
enjoys every right over it. The right is permanent, heritable and
41
Swidden cultivation in Asza

transferable; ownership of land being either by inheritance or by
purchase. However, there are many cases where land and forest are
held jointly by Khel (clan or lineage), but this system is on the wane
(Das, 1977).
Among the Ao Naga the individuals, who are in need of land,
take the same on lease from individuals having surplus land. In such
case also, the land is reverted to the original owner after two years.
Among the Maria and other tribes of the Abujhmar Hills of
Bastar (M.P.) disputes over distribution of land among families are
practically unknown, mainly because of the fact that there is ample
land for all. In the Lushai Hills also there is no shortage of land. The
land is distributed in a more democratic way through lottery where
everyone has an equal chance. As they are educated and far less
primitive in comparision with the Hill Marias, they are able to evolve
such a system. Among the J uang, a similar primitive tribe of the
Keonjhar Hills, Orissa, disputes over distribution of land is common
as there is shortage of land and pressure of population (Bose, 1967).
Among the Pauri Bhuiya or Hill Bhuiya of Western Keonjhar
and Eastern Bonai the land coming under Swidden cultivation are
generally of two types; First, the swidden land free to all villagers
and held by the tenure of 'corporate village ownership' as village
common land and forests, second the flat upland or 'gura' land for
swidden cultivation held by the family. (Mahapatra, 1965).
Among the Baiga of Madhya Pradesh there is no clan or tribal
leadership. The measurement and division of plots among the families is done by Forest Department officials. The land is owned by
the family. (Nag, 1958).
Among the Koya of Andhra Pradesh cultivation bestows
possession. The man who is acknowledged as the cultivator of a
field is also the owner of it. However, cultivation does not confer
rights of permanent possession. If a cultivator allows his fields to
lie fallow for three years, he relinquishes all rights in them. Prior
cultivation does not establish residual rights for when a field has
lain fallow for three years, any Koya cultivator has a right to clear
and crop it (Tyler, 1974).
42
India
Jhum cycle
The typology of swidden along with the cycle, consecutive

cultivation period and the subsequent fallowing period which is
known as jhum cycle, differs from tribe to tribe. The fallowing
period is mainly dependent upon the density of population of a
particular area, availability of suitable hill slope, composition of soil
and capacity of the same to recoup its fertility through natural
process (as the tribals traditionally do not put any other fertilizer to
augment the productivity).
The higher the density of population the shorter the jhum
cycle. The following tables shows the variance in jhum cycle in
different regions of tribal India:
Table 15. Variance in jhum cycle in regions of tribal India
Tribe and the region
Period of cultivation
in years
FaUow period
in years
Khasi (Meghalaya)
4 to
Garo (Meghalaya)
Mikir (Assam)
to 2
Sema Naga (Assam)
10 to 12
Lakher (Assam)
8 to 10
Dirnasa (Assam)
to 2
Lushai (Assam, Tripura

and Mizoram)
Lhota Naga
Rengma Naga
to 2
Ao Naga
Angami Naga (Manipur)
10 to 12
2 to 3
(Bambooing
7 to 8
(Dense forest)
8 to 10
20 to 30
10
5 to 15
Mao (Manipur)
10
Kabui, Maring and Chero

(Manipur)
to 2
10
Hmar
2 to 3
10 to 20
Jhumia (Tripura)
about 10
Reang (Tripura)
7 to
Koya (Orissa)
10
Orissa (Keonjhar hills)
12
Maler (Chotanagpur)
Adis (NEFA)
43

The review of swidden cultivation prevailing among the tribes
of India brings to light the fact that over the past few decades the
jhuming cycle has been abridged from a longer margin to a shorter
one. For instance in the case of Nagaland it has been reduced to 6-10
years while it was 12-15 years a few decades ago.
The main factors influencing the jhum cycle are a) increase in
population, and b) destruction of forests.
Shifting
of residence
In the tribal regions where residences are not shifted the dis-
tance of agricultural land from the residence is an important consideration. In Northeast India generally the tribal communities practise
shifting cultivation. There are however, some tribal communities
which frequently change their residence because of various factors
including the impermanence of their cultivation. The names of the
Mikirs and the Kuki group of tribes could be mentioned under this
category. Among the Marias of Abujhmar hills the villages also shift
along with the shifting of penda fields (Bose, 1967). A hill Mikir
village or a karbi village in karbi Anglong district of Assam cannot
be considered a geographical unit because of the frequent change of
site of the village. As they shift to new localities at almost regular
intervals the construction of permanent houses at a particular site is
considered useless. In general, however, the villages are usually fixed
in one locality but their jhum fields shift to a new place along with
the jhum cycle. Moreover, the size of a village is usually small. In
some cases only four or five households, situated 2 or 3 miles (3 to
5 km) apart constitute one village. It is rather difficult to take up
agricultural development plans in such small, isolated, migratory
and semi-nomadic villages.
Among the Jhumias of Tripura the shifting of villages was
common in the past. Now it is very rare. In some cases among the
Jhumias some individual families shift when a man of one village,
who finds it difficult to co-operate with the rest of the villagers,
joins another where he has some relations or sees better prospects
for jhuming.
44
India
The Tangas of Tirap district in Arunachal Pradesh establish
field-homes near the land where almost all the family members
stay during agricultural activities.
The shifting cultivators of Tripura may be classified in the
following three categories:
(i) Jhumias by choice:- In this category are such tribal
people who have got permanent land and a homestead, but, being
closer to the hills, jhum a small area only to produce cotton and
some vegetables which are easily grown in the jhum. The tribes
coming under this category are - Jamatia, Noatia and a few Holams
and Riangs, who with the patronage of the king, got some special
privileges and encouragement in acquiring land. A large number of
Chakmas and Mugs, who came to Tripura only in the recent past,
occupied lands either by reclamation or by driving out others from a
particular area and started ploughing. (ii) Incipient Sedementary
Farmers:- This category consists of those tribal people who have
reclaimed some land in the foot hills and loongas and have started
plough cultivation out of their own choice. But because of inadequate income, owing either to insufficient land tilled or insufficient plough farming, they practice jhuming as a supplementary
source of income. (iii) Pure Jhumias:- Pure Jhumias entirely
depend on jhuming for production of their food and do not possess
plain land for plough cultivation. They are not conversant with the
methods of ploughing at all.
Intensity of labour
among shifting cultivators
Unlike permanent or terrace cultivation shifting cultivation is

labour-intensive and is usually carried out through numerous forms
of co-operative labour outside the family. In the shifting cultivation
human labour and land are the principal factors of production.
In most of the tribal societies, one is not accustomed to work
as an agricultural labourer. Hence one is very much dependent on
family labour which is the vital input under shifting cultivation. It
is precisely because of this factor that the size of swidden depends
45

mainly on the number of able-bodied members in a swidden cultivator family. Marriage is an important source of procuring more working hands. Among the Jhumia the institution of marriage requiring
the prospective groom to stay in his father-in-Iaw's house for a period
of three to five years provides an important source of labour supply.
This practice among them is known as 'Jamai-Khatka'. During the
period of Jamai-Khatka the prospective groom has to engage in all
work connected with Jhumming.
In a study of the Dafla in Assam (Saikia, 1968) it is observed
that there is an abundance of jhum land and thus the cultivators
having more working hands at their disposal can produce more crops.
As it is observed; there is usually no provision of agricultural labour
among the shifting cultivators, the economically well off cultivators
either purchase slaves or procure wives to work for them. In such an
economic network polygyny is a natural tendency. Procuring more
than one wife is considered as a sound investment of surplus wealth
to bring more working hands to the family. Since slavery is now
illegal, marriage is the only way for the tribe to get additional working hands for a family. The system of polygyny appears to be common among many other tribes where it is used as a means to procure
more labour. A change in the shifting cultivation system would also
obviously lead to a change in the social priorities and in the system
of living among these tribes.
Following, are the normal labour requirements for different
agricultural operations in Kanther Terang village in Karhi Anglond
district of Assam*
Table 16. Labour requirements Kanther Terang village
a)
Felling trees, cutting over growth and clearing jungle
27 man days per acre
b)
Tillage and sowing
12 "
c)
Weeding
d)
Harvesting
9 "
15 "
Total
63 "
* Source: P.D. Saikia, Changes in Mikir Society, Agro-Economic Research

Centre for N.A. India, Jorhat, 1968.
46
India
Table 17. Average Number of Mand days (8 hours a day)*

Male
1. Housing building
20
2. Watch house construction
10
3. Making of tools and Implements
Female
10
4. Field work in Jhum

5. Domestic work
6. Collection, fishing, hunting
Total
150
30
100
30
SO
250
300
150
* P.K. Mahapatra, 'Handbook on Koya: Economic activities and quest for food' Adibasi,
Vol. XI, No. 4, 1969-70, p. 23.
Among the shifting cultivators of Agalgri area of Meghalaya the following are the normal labour requirements:
There is gross division of labour among the Jhumias. Men play
the leading role in jhum cutting operations and clearance of fields,
requiring greater physical strength. Women take up less strenuous
jobs like sowing, watching and harvesting which spread over the
longer part of the year. The data available from Northeast India show
that Jhumia remain unemployed for 100 days a year for lack of
jobs. These man days are lost due to absence of any initiative either
by themselves or the administration of that region to implement any
scheme which could utilize this surplus manpower by engaging them
in terracing, land reclamation, afforestation, horticulture, road
building on some basic agro-industries.
In Meghalaya there is no agricultural labour class among other
tribes excepting the Khasis and the J ayantias. Every able-bodied
person can work on communal land for himself and hence hardly
anybody offers labour for hire.
Compared to paddy cultivation in the plains the Apatani
paddy cultivation (under jhum) in Arunachal Pradesh is far more
labour intensive. The preliminary tillage operation is done during the
winter before the onset of heavy rains, with iron hoes, and puddling
the soil is done with the feet. This takes a lot of their time and the
activities involve extensive labour (Saikia and Kalita, 1979, 82). In
the narrow and broad villages in Arunachal Pradesh the landowner
seeks the help of kin for preparation of the jhum field. The cutting,
47

clearing and burning of jhum is generally done by the men and the
work of sowing, weeding, harvesting and bringing the crops from the
field to the granary is done by the females. In the Padam village of
Arunachal the male population is divided into four main groups
based on age and marital status. These groups co-operate with each
other according to the need. In exchange for their services the groups
get a share of the produce which is used in feasting or for similar
purposes.
The Tangsa also seek the help of their villagers. Those who
render their services are served with meals and rice beer (chol) thrice
a day. The Bagni of Papu valley too adopt similar methods of recruiting a labour force. One member from each family renders his services
in clearing the jhum field (haram) of the wanchi chief.
Shifting cultivation among the Koya too is found to be labour
intensive. In a field study conducted in the late 1960s it was found
that for clearing a plot of about two acres (0.8 ha) of land it took
about 42 man days (P.K. Mahapatra, 1969-70 : 23).
Among the Maler every family has to participate in clearing
the field, hence the family running short of working hands engages
Santhal and the Mal Pahariya of the neighbouring villages as labourers. Sometimes the Santhals also clear the forest on contract and get
half the felled trees of the Kurwa on a fixed date. The owners of the
plot also join the labourers in the agricultural operation known as
dari nide.
For the Koyas of Andhra Pradesh clearing the forest for new
podu is also hard work. Including previously cleared fields the total
area cultivated by a man is estimated at four acres (1.6 ha) per year.
The size of the podu field virtually depends upon the number of able
bodied workers in a family or co-operating kindred or lineage segment. In podu cultivation the close agnatic relatives co-operate by
locating their fields adjacent to one another and cutting and burning
them at the same time.
A review of the pattern of shifting cultivation shows that
among a large number of shifting cultivator tribes it is labour intensive and its success depends largely on the availability of a labour
force. Since hired labour is seldom available, shifting cultivation must
depend on a co-operative labour force.
48
India
Supplementary
sources of subsistence
We also find many of the shifting cultivator tribes adopting

supplementary sources of subsistence. When the jhum produce is
not adequate, it is supplemented by hunting, fishing, and the collection of vegetables, roots and tubers from the forests. All these
practices are not conducive to the maximum utilization of family
labour on individual farms.
The Maler sell a larger part of the wood in the weekly market
to buy food grain at the beginning of the agricultural season because
at that time they have hardly any grain left. The economy of the
Maler family is further supplemented by hunting and gathering. For
the Kamars of M.P. however, hunting is not at all a regular source of
food supply because of forest game rules and watch kept by the
court of ward officials. They do a bit of hunting by stealth. Nevertheless, the Kamar use fishing as an important source of food next
to shifting cultivation. Hunting and fishing are the important
sources of livelihood for the tribes of Lushai Hills and the Hill Maria
of Bastar region. Certain edible plants are also consumed by the
people to save themselves from hunger in times of crop failure.
Hunting is more popular in the foot hills than in the interior.
Economic structure
Mostly the economy of the shifting cultivators has been found

to be of limited and self sufficient nature. However, their economy
has been conspicuously influenced by the social milieu. Usually
there is little marketable surplus with the shifting cultivators. Their
marketing facilities are limited and the extent of monetization is
restricted. The surplus produce is exchanged with traditional goods
such as brass bells, beads and in some cases salt, utensils, dry fish
and clothes.
The Juang area is deficient in food. Storing of crops is not as
common as in the Lushai Hills or in the Abujhmar Hills. For purchas49
Swidden cultivation in ASUl

ing the items of basic necessities such as clothing, utensils, implements and food items, they trade their cash crops such as russi or
oilseed. For the Idu Mishmi the forest within the village boundaries
provides the villagers with nearly all their needs; bamboo and thatch
for building houses, firewood, cane for making mats, baskets and
other household articles.
Among the Jhumia, jhuming represents a uniquely self sufficient economy. The self-sufficiency has of course been broken
down to a considerable extent by the impact of their contact with
the plainsmen. However, the essential characteristics of a subsistence
economy still persists. In the past the Jhumias produced everything
they consumed. They did not produce for exchange but only for
consumption. However, among their crops, cotton and sesamum
were commercially important. These commercial crops brought them
in contact with businessmen who induced them to produce a surplus
of cotton and sesamum to exchange for salt, tools, metal-ware and
other necessary items. Subsequently, money entered their life as a
medium of exchange. The introduction of money in the economic
life of the Jhumias brought a vital change in their socio-economic
relationship.
Nevertheless, the economic change brought about by the introduction of money has not completely eliminated the basic feature
of the self-sufficient Jhumia economy. They come to the market to
buy a number of items such as salt, Shidal (fermented fish), tobacco,
leaves and molasses for preparing such items as tobacco, cooking oil
and cloths, but none of these is absolutely necessary to be purchased
from the market. They have either the indigenous method of producing them or have substitutes for them.
In the whole operation of jhuming the most critical period for
Jhumia is from Ashar (mid-Jume) to Bhadra (mid-August). Generally
at this time most of the jhumia families run short of food. But this
is the period for weeding and watching the jhum and without these
tasks being done jhum will not be successful. In such hours of crisis
the Jhumias take credit from the mahajans (money-lenders) in the
form of a crop advance called dadam. Usually the rate of interest is
50 per cent or above. The system of dadam virtually wrecks the
Jhumia economy. Once trapped in the vicious circle of money
50
India
lender the Jhumia shifting cultivators seldom escape. After paying
back the dadam the Jhumia has hardly enough food-stock sufficient
to support him up to the end of the agricultural year and thus a poor
Jhumia has to come back to the money lender at the close of the
jhum yera. The dadam becomes a recurring feature in the life of
poor Jhumias.
In the beginning, when jhuming was dependent on free cooperative labour the yield was more or less equal. But due to some
factors external to the system such as destruction of crops by pests
and wild animals, or owing to someon's illness at the time of jhum
work, some jhumias might get an inadequate yield. Then they would
borrow money to help their family subsist and for procuring seeds
at the time of jhuming in the following year. The leaders take the repayment in the form of labour through which they manage to do
jhuming on a bigger plot. Here comes a disparity between the two
types of Jhumias. Inequality of income and economic status that is
observed among the Jhumias today owes its origin to such a sequence
of events.
Selection
of jhum plot
In the selection of a plot for shifting cultivation a number of

factors are taken into consideration. The following types of land are
preferred for shifting cultivation among the Ao Nagas:
1.
Land which was left fallow in the last cycle of cultivation
in the block, i.e., land lying fallow for twenty years or more;
2.
Land which has more sun and where fewer weeds grow;
3.
Land facing east, as in such land fewer weeds grow and
paddy thrives better; and
4.
Level land where soil does not erode.
Before starting felling operations the Kamar select suitable

levelled patches of land lying in between two slopes having a regular
51

supply of water. The Lushai prefer bamboo forests for shifting
cultivation. Jhumias of Tripura always prefer a bamboo forest to
any other type for the jhum plots. The Jhumias also have to avoid
elephant tracks in selection of the Jhum plots. They prefer a hill,
one side of which is steep while the other three sides are with slanting slopes and are sorrounded by marshy lands. Under such surroundings a jhum is free from plunder by elephants. The availability of
a water resource is also a major consideration in selecting the plot of
land as the Jhumias have to stay at the jhum site for a considerable
period. A plot close to a brook is much preferred.
In selecting the plot for Kurwa cultivation the Maler of Rajmaha! Hill seriously consider whether the fertility of the field has
adequately recuperated. This is indicated by the level of vegetation
there. They do not select the Khallu Kurwa field very far from the
village. Otherwise, it would be difficult to protect the crops from
wild animals and thieves. They also do not use the plot near burial
grounds and sacred groves because they think that the dead ancestors,
evil spirits and Gosain (God) will get angry and may bring calamity
to the family.
Among the Ao Nagas the elders of the clan get priority in
selection of the plot. After they have made their selection according
to their choice the younger ones get their chance (Roy Burman,
1966).
In some areas, for instance among the Chero, the selection of
jhum plots is made by lottery and a similar system is followed by
the Lushai of Mizoram. Among the Maria of Abujhmar hills the
field for shifting cultivation (Penda) is selected by the patel or
village leader in consultation with Mokaddam and Panchamukhia
members of the de facto village council. The Maria of Abujhmar
hills mark some high trees at the outer line of their agricultural
plot and exempt them from felling. These trees form the boundary
of one's holding. Among the shifting cultivators of Keonjhar hills
also the system of distributing Taila plot is identical to that of the
Maria.
The Purum of Manipur choose the plots of land on their own.
The plot of agricultural land selected by one from a village is not
necessarily adjacent to those selected by others of the same village.
They hardly realize the advantages of their plot being adjacent to
52
India
those of the others from the point of view of protection. After the
selection of a particular plot the occupant marks its boundary which
is respected by his co-villagers. A dispute over the violation of
boundary is decided by Khullakpa (chief officer of the village) with
the help of the village elders (Das, 1945).
Among the Dimasa tribe of Assam the dry land is tax free and
hence a household can cultivate any amount of land without taking
prior approval of the village council. Lands of individual farmers are
demarcated either by natural land marks or by placing two wooden
sticks crosswise at each corner of the field. This method of marking
the land is locally known as daupher. A particular plot once selected
and demarcated is not encroached upon even if it is left fallow for
many years.
In the Garo Hills district of Meghalaya there are a number of
legal factors which have a major role in selection of a Jhum plot.
Under the Garo Hill district regulation the following types of land
cannot be selected and allotted to any person for jhum cultivation or
to cut any forest:
a)
land within a radius of 40 metres of any water source
or catchment area.
b) land within a distance of 50 metres on either side of the
state public works department or district council roads.
c)
any area covered by sal or other valuable trees and
d) any village or community forest recognised as such under

the Garo Hills (Forest) Act, 1958. (Borah and Goswami, 1977).
Among the Angami of north Manipur all the households
select the plots only on one side of the village leaving the other side
for grazing purposes. The one who selects a plot on the wrong side
faces severe difficulty in guarding it against the birds and beasts.
Furthermore, he can not claim compensation if his crops are
damaged by somebody's cattle.
The Baiga of Madhya Pradesh prefer to keep the bewar nearer
to cheir residence so that it is more convenient for their wives to
carry pej (meals) to them. It also enables them to protect the Bewar
from wild animals. They can, however, opt for a patch even 3 to 4
kilometres away if other factors are favourable. They usually prefer
53

a patch of dense growth as its vegetation lasts two or three burnings
and fertility is not exhausted sooner (Nag, 1958).
Among the Hill Bhuiya of Orissa selection of a patch for shifting cultivation is controlled by the traditional village leadership
within the limit of village boundary not touching reserved forest
boundary. In a meeting of village elders presided over by the naika
(secular headman) the area for shifting cultivation is selected in consultation with the Dahuri (priest). The naika along with the dahuri
goes on the spot and allots plots for the family members. The size
of the family and number of working adults are taken into account
to determine the size of individual plots. Among the J uangs of
Keonjhar Hills, Orissa, disputes over distribution of land are common
because of shortage of land in proportion to the population.
Methods of
Clearing and burning:

After the suitable area is selected for cultivation the jungle is
cleared by felling the trees and lopping off the undergrowth, using
simple tools such as the axe and dao. This operation is conducted
during December and January. Among the Bhuiyas it is done during
Phalgun-Chaita (i.e. February-March). In Garo Hills the trees are cut
2 to 3 feet (0.6 m to 0.9 m) above the ground. The Maler adopt a
similar practice. After the harvest the lower portions of the trees are
used as firewood. The fruit trees like mango, Mahua, Khend and
Karam are protected from cutting. During the felling several trees
are left which are used as boundary pillars between family plots
besides being used for several climbing vegetable plants such as
beans.
Usually it takes less than a month to clear the whole area
allotted for a single family. But, it may exceed a month if the jungle
consists of hardwood and no bamboo. The felled trees and bushes
are allowed to dry in the sun for about a month. Bamboo takes the
54
India
least time to dry and the harder the trees the greater the time given
for drying. Once the whole plot is cleared then the dried forest is
set on fire. In several villages of Keonjhar Hills, apart from taila a
small terrain is given to another type of cultivation, akin to shifting
cultivation, which is known as Guru. In addition to the bushes, felled
trees sometimes brought from elsewhere are deposited on the field
and set alight. Such fields are kept fallow for a much shorter period
of four to five years. Occasionally a single firing is not sufficient to
bum all the trees; bamboo forests can be reduced by a single firing
but hardwood forests require two firings. The fertility of the soil
depends on the total deposition of ash on the ground and complete
burning helps to produce a better yield. Usually the firing is followed
by the spreading of ash on the soil, and in this way the nutrients
contained in the vegetation, in particular, calcium, phosphorous,
potassium and nitrogen are added to the soil. In the Keonjhar Hills
the burning operation is required only in the newly acquired land or
first years Taila. In the second year, this field has to be fertilized.
Some small bushes which grow during those months after harvesting
in addition to some others cut down and brought from nearby
forests, are deposited in the centre of each taila field and burnt to
ashes. In this way, they replenish soil fertility in the second year.
The shifting cultivators all over India can assume when rainfall
will occur and accordingly select the date for firing. People in
different regions of India, practising shifting cultivation, have good
practical knowledge of the local climate and they make a more or
less correct speculation of the time the monsoon will break. They
set fire to the dried forest within a few days of the heavy showers
that come and distribute and mix the ashes with the soil and increase
its fertlity. The burning of debris makes the soil capable of receiving
the seed without the preparatory tillage. Further, if the soil is stirred
by any implement it gets loose and is likely to suffer from heavy runoff during the rains. In the Garo Hills the burning operation is done
in March and the Bhuiyas of Orissa conduct it in Baisakh (April-May).
After firing, a number of tree trunks may remain unburnt and
may create difficulties in sowing. Such unburnt wood is removed.
In the Garo Hills the unburnt and unwanted logs are collected from
the field for erecting fences around the farm or else they are kept
aside. Sometimes the logs are kept horizontally on the slopes to
prevent soii erosion. The unburnt little tree trunks are collected for
55
Swidden cultivatt"on in AsUz
fuel. The clearing operation (Aba-Khila) is done in the latter part of

March. One or two showers are sufficient to settle down the ash in
the field. After the clearing is completed, the field becomes ready for
sowmg.
Sowing:
The method of sowing seeds under shifting cultivation in different regions is more or less similar. The seeds of millet and chillies
are broadcast over the same plot. Seeds of other crops such as paddy,
sesamum, gourd and brinjal are sown dibbled in separate holes.
Cotton is sown by dibbling by most of the Garos, but some sow it
by broadcasting as well. The shifting cultivators like the J uang.
Pauri Bhuiya of Orissa, the Angami, Lhota, Rengma and Sema of
North Eastern India dig a little hole by dibbling stick and drop the
seeds into the hole. The tribles like Ao, Chang and Koya sow by
broadcasting.
In shifting cultivation seeds are generally sown in a mixed
pattern. The proportion and types of crop mixture depend, by and
large, on traditional wisdom which conforms to the soil conditions
and climate. In Northeast India the minimum and maximum number
of crops in the mixture are found to be three and ten respectively
(Borah and Goswami, 1977: 37). In Garo Hills paddy, maize, millet,
arum, tapioca, sweet-potato, chilli, different vegetables, sesamum,
ginger, cotton and jute are sown in the mixture. The Lushai grow
tobacco, chilli and sugarcane in separate plots, cotton is also cultivated separately or else is sown with other crops in the same plot.
Among the J uangs, madia and gogoi, two millets similar to jowar and
bajra are cultivated along with the paddy in the border of the fields.
The hard and thick stems of these plants form a barrier against wild
animals. The Angami usually grow rice in newly cleared jhum plots
and millet, maize or jobstear are grown in the second year. Among
the Jhumia 50 per cent of the total jhum area under cultivation is
used for paddy, 30 per cent for cotton, 15 per cent for sesamum and
5 per cent for vegetables and root crops. Unlike Lushai Hills, seeds
in Keonjhar hills are sown in a more systematic way. The central
portion of the field is restricted to paddy which is the shortest plant.
Encircling the paddy different seeds are selected according, to the
size of the crop. In this way paddy, the shortest plant among other
crops takes the central position and Madia, the tallest of the crops
takes the perimeter of the field.
56
India
Seed sowing and planting continues from the end of March to
the end of April in the Garo Hills. A mixture of seeds of millet,
chilli, brinjal, bean, gourd, and lady's finger is broadcast first. Paddy,
maize and cotton seeds are sown in holes dug by dibble stick at
appropriate distances. Sowing in holes is done from the lower to
upper slopes. After this, arum, tapioca, sweet potato, ginger and
banana are planted in the field.
Among the Birjhia, arhar is grown as a common cereal. Cucumber is also a common crop among them. The other crops grown
by them are marka and tangun. When the rainy season approaches
the Birjhia cultivators broadcast mama seeds all over the plot and
then the entire plot is scratched with a land scratcher through which
the seeds and the ashes get mixed up and absorb rain water properly.
Crops grown
in Swidden cultivation
Shifting cultivation has very little scope for specialization as

diverse crops are sown in a single plot of land. Notable among the
main crops are paddy, tapioca, millet, maize, jobstear, sweet potato,
yam, beans, mustard, turmeric, ginger, brinjal, tomato, pumpkin,
gourd, onion, chilli and tobacco. Vegetables like cucumber, chilli,
onion, ginger are grown in places where the heaps of woods are burnt
and is more fertile due to accumulation of ashes.
Ginger is the main commercial crop of the Abor of Assam. The
shifting cultivators of M.P. also grow leafy vegetables, melon, cucumbers, root vegetables and pulses. The Baiga grow arhar in the
middle of the Bewar plot and on its boundary lines. They also grow
some other crops such as sanwa, mandia, juar and brinjal. Besides the
above crops some crops are grown by certain tribes according to their
needs. For instance, the Purum of Manipur grow sauki and eat the
leaves in addition to cereals.
Among the ]uang of the Keanjhar Hills a new taz"la (jhum plot)
is used for a cash crop which is primarily russi, an oilseed and birhi a
pulse. In the second year taz"la is used for mixed cropping, starting
57
Swidden cultivation
tn AsUz
from paddy and millets to beans and pulses. From the third year it
is left fallow.
In addition to the above mentioned crops, cotton is grown by
the Naga, Garo, Kuki, Reangs and Tripuri and some tribes of Assam.
Chillies and vegetables grown by the shifting cultivators of Manipur,
Tripura and Nagaland frequently find their way to the market. It
has been noted that potato, tomato, and other vegetables and fruit
have been introduced in the recent past.
Of what might be called natural crops, among the Angami of
north Manipur, the principal is thatching grass, which is of great
importance in some villages with little jhum land. It is protected
from damage and encroachment, but not otherwise cultivated, and is
usually village or clan property.
The crops are generally raised in mixed farming. The usual
items are paddy maize, cotton, millet and vegetables of various kinds.
Some crops are grown as a single crop. Sesamum is usually a single
crop in Mikir Hills, paddy is a single crop in Garo Hills in the second
year of cultivation, sugarcane is a single crop in Mizo Hills as well as
Mikir Hills. Shifting cultivation has very little scope for specialization as diverse crops are shown in a single plot of land.
Watching the crop:
Crop raising in Jhum cultivation is a strenuous job. Besides the
occasional pests and diseases, there is fear of birds, rats and wild
animals destroying the crops both during day and night. Parrots,
wild cocks, rats, wild bears, porcupines, rabbits, monkeys and occasionally wild elephants are the enemies of crops. In order to save the
crops from such enemies, the shifting cultivators in many areas, such
as in the Garo Hills, construct watch-houses. The Maler construct
temporary watch huts called khallu kuriya in the Kurwa field. They
also make a high platform known as 'Danda' where they sit during
the day. While this enables them to keep birds away they however
fail to prevent the damage by insects, pests and locusts. Finding
themselves helpless in preventing such troubles they start praying to
spirits as they believe that they are due to the anger of spirits. The
wild animals damage more than half of their crops. A number of
implements are used to kill and scare away the wild animals and birds
destroying crops.
58
India
Soon after the completion of sowing or sometime during the
sowing, jhum plots called 'Penda' among the Marias are fenced by
wooden logs and bamboo. This is communal work and all adults
join in the construction of a heavy fence along the perimeter of the
penda. The cultivators have to watch day and night when the crops
are ready for harvest particularly the fields lying within the reach of
wild animals from the adjoining forest. The Tangkhul Naga construct
their field huts selecting a level place in the centre of the field. In
this hut, they take their mid-day meal and stay throughout the
agricultural activities of the year. This also works as a suitable guard
room for them. However, despite constant vigilance it is not easy to
save the crops from the wild animals and birds. This is an important
factor for the low productivity of crops in the jhum fields.
Weeding
After the first showers many offshoots from the stumps of
the trees come out. Several varieties of grass also grow and if they
are not checked they may stifle the growth of the crops and take
away the nutrients and water content of the soil. For this reason at
least once and generally twice, weeding and cutting of offshoots
is practised during the growing period of the crop.
Weeding is one of the most strenuous and labour consuming
parts of the shifting cultivation. It is essential in shifting cultivation,
as without it the farmers cannot expect to harvest anything from
their field. It is a continuous process to tackle the rapid growth of
the weeds. Weeding is done solely by human labour. At least four
weedings are necessary, otherwise the undergrowth may use up the
lion's share of water in the soil (Bose, 1967). Among the Jhumia of
Tripura weeding is done at least thrice. It is labour intensive work
and it plays a decisive role in the economy of a Jhumia family.
Among the Jhumia both men and women take part in weeding and
are also joined by their children in this work. Among the Purum also,
weeding is usually done three times. Among the Tangkhul Naga
weeding is usually done twice in an agricultural year. Sometimes it
becomes essential to carry out this operation three times in a year
if the weeds grow faster. This is so if the field is cultivated after a
short interval and the burning operation is not very successful due to
weather conditions.The Mal Paharia make every effort to protect
the growing plants against injurious grasses. Normally a Khallu crop
is weeded two to three times for yielding rich harvest.
59

The burning destroys weeds in the Jhum to some extent. This
is one of the principal attractions for the tropical cultivators towards
shifting cultivation. Weeds grow very fast in the rainfed areas in the
tropics. The difficulty of getting the weeding done in time imposes
a limit on the area which a family can cultivate.
In Northeast India generally three to four weedings are done.
In some cases, as in the case of the Apatani the fields are weeded
three to five times depending on the irrigation received. Among most
of the shifting cultivator tribes both men and women assisted by
their children take part in weeding. In some other areas weeding is
the exclusive duty of the women folk. In the Garo Hills weeding in
the jhum field is done four times. The first weeding which requires
much labour and time is after twenty-five days of sowing the seeds.
The rest are in mid June, August, September and in early November.
The first three weedings are applicable in case of all crops while the
last two weedings are for the long duration crops like cotton and
chilli.
It is found that weeding and harvesting go side-by-side. The
members of the family who go for weeding bring some ripe products
in the basket (khirang) on their back while returning home from the
field. The cultivators harvest the perishable crops in time and prevent
them from rotting in the field.
Harvesting
In shifting cultivation generally there is mixed farming with
the harvesting of different crops being done as and when they are
ready. The method of harvesting is also a crude one. Sickles are
sometimes used for paddy harvesting and in many cases paddy is
harvested only by picking by hand and filling a basket on the back.
In harvesting root crops like arum, tapioca and ginger where digging
is necessary, either a dao or a hoe used.
Among the Lushai, harvesting begins in August. Maize is the
first crop to ripen. After maize the fast-growing paddy is harvested in
September. Generally, after the busiest season all the harvesting is
completed before Christmas. Among the Jhumia paddy is first crop
to be harvested in Bhadra Ashwin (September-October), maize is
harvested next, followed by sasamum. Cotton is usually the last
produce to be plucked off from the Jhum land in the month of
60
India
Kartik and Agrahanya (November-December). The different vegetables including cow peas and chillies are harvested frequently from
the third month to almost the end of the seasonal calender. Similar
is the agricultural calendar of the Idu Mishimi.
Among the Maria the bulk of the harvesting begins in October-November when Kosra ripens. It is followed by the harvest
of other varieties of millet. Paddy is harvested in November-December. The remaining crops, mainly the vegetables and pulses are
harvested next. Harvesting ends with Idka in January.
The Lushai Hills, specially the southern side, occasionally
faces crop failure on account of the cyclones which sweep over the
area. Crop failure also occurs in the Lushai hills at intervals of 25 and
50 years. The two kinds of famine locally known as thingtam and
mautam are caused by bamboo. After every 50 years the bamboos
start flowering and bearing seed and finally the old generation dies
out. This is followed by invasion of rats which devour the rice crop
and cause a famine.
Storage
The safe preservation of the produce is a major problem for
the farmers. The Garo shifting cultivators dispose a considerable
amount of their product soon after harvest. The tuber crops are
directly brought from the field for consumption or sale according to
requirements. Cotton, the main cash crop, is sold soon after harvest
by most of the farmers. Some economically better off families hold
back cotton for a few months with the intention of selling at a higher
price. A considerable amount of paddy is preserved safely for future
consumption. Besides paddy, millets and maize are also kept in a
granary. Vegetables like pumpkin that can be preserved for a longer
period are kept either in the kitchen or in the granary.
The Adi and other groups of Mishmi do not store the grains
in their houses, but in granaries built at some distance from their
houses. This method saves the foodstuff should the house get burnt.
Other varieties
of Swidden cultivation
There are some other varIeties of Swidden cultivation with

some variations. For instance among the Kamars the two other
61

patterns of shifting cultivation besides Dahi are 'Beora' and 'Guhad'.
In Beora cultivation trees with a girth of about one and a half feet
(46 cm) and more are not felled. In other respects Beora is also
identical to Dahi system. Guhad is however, restricted to few villages
of Mainpuri and Khariar tract of Raipur district which have an ample
supply of Katai bamboo (Dube, 1951: 35). The yield in the guhad
field is believed to be unusually large.
The Bhuiya tribe of Orissa practise shifting cultivation with
names Dahi and Koman. In the Dahi method they clear a more or
less level patch on a hill slope. All the trees, bushes and shrubs are
cut down and left to dry. Once they are dry they are burnt, the land
is dug up and rice is planted. In the Koman method all the bushes
and shrubs are cut and placed in heaps round the trees and they are
burnt after a month or two. The fires destroy the branches and
twigs leaving the scorched and baked trunks. The ashes are then
spread all over the Koman plot. In one part of the Koman plot the
upland rice is sown and some other crops in the rest of it. Beans are
sown round the tree trunks.
In a pattern called alda in Nagaland the tribes cut but do not
burn at the time of shifting cultivation. Thus the cut plants and
undergrowth grow very quickly the next year with fresh leaves and
thus prevent soil erosion and also preserve soil fertility. In many
areas in Nagaland tree trunks are used across the slope so as to check
the velocity of water. In some areas where the slopes are covered
with grass and bamboo groves; pegs, bamboo pieces and grass are
fixed across the slope to prevent soil erosion. Through the deposition
of washed down soil along the tree trunk or bamboo and grass
barriers, a sort of rudimentary terrace develops in the course of time.
62
Chapter Four
SOCIO-CUlTURAl IMPERATIVES
Shifting cultivation has a special significance in the ethos of

concerned tribal society and the social relationship, cultural values
and mythical belief are directly linked with it. Tribal values orientation is one of the basic causes underlying the continuance of shifting
cultivation among most of the tribes of hill regions. In some cases
it is observed that the value problem has affected the adoption of
settled agriculture where the land is already available or is made
available by the government. An instance from a Toto family of west
Bengal shows that the adoption of settled paddy cultivation by a
son was opposed by his father as the settled agriculture would require preservation of the grain for consumption purposes for a longer
duration whereas the father wanted to offer a feast and alcoholic
rice beer to those persons who would join him in a reciprocal labour
relationship in connection with shifting cultivation (Roy Burman
and Sharma, 1970: 154).
There are many other illustrations of how value and traditional
concepts appear as obstacles to the introduction of improved agricultural practices among the tribals. In the study of the Toto it has been
observed that certain varieties of millets are symbolically associated
with their community life. They would not cultivate the varieties
which exist among the neighbouring Nepalis, for it would be considered to be almost moral apostasy. Similarly, the Nepalis would not
cultivate the varieties cultivated by Totos because they consider
the latter to be culturally low.
The Baigas do not use a plough because they do not want to
tear the breast of mother earth. This is the making of the Baiga
shifting cultivators as settled cultivators. The Mizo and the Garo too
have remained shifting cultivators though they do not harbour any
such belief. The Mizo however prefer hill-top settlements. In the past
it was because they wanted protection from infectious diseases pre63

vailing among the valley dwellers. Though the cause no longer remains there, they continue to stay on hill tops. A section of Mizas
has settled in the plains but it is quite small in number.
For the Koyas Podu cultivation is not a mere set of agricultural practices, it contains a whole nexus of Kaya religious beliefs,
attitudes, self image and tribal identity. Among them there are three
cycles of ritual. One is associated with disease, another with phratry
and clan and a third with Podu cultivation. In such a network it is
quite natural for a Koya to believe that those who still practise podu
cultivation are practicipating in something that is an essential component of Keya life. To the Koya, the bhumi talli (earth-mother) is
inhabited by unseen forces whose powers influence man's destiny.
They control the rains, the fertility of crops, the vigour and health
of men and animals, and they can always be found burning somewhere in the vicinity of every piece of luck and each misfortune. The
Koya believe that the earth goddess demands offering in return for
beautiful harvests, vigorous livestock, healthy humans and successful
hunting parties. Koyas beg her permission before harvesting any
crop, cutting trees, hunting or tilling the soil. The first share of
every major crop and a portion of all the animals slain are offered
to mother earth. They believe that the mother earth is fond of
blood and lusts for animal sacrifice. As the belief exists blood imparts fertility and stirs the earth into frenzies of reproduction and
every ceremony dedicated to 'Bhumi talli' must include the sacrifice
of at least a chiken. In the pre-British period even human offerings
were made to 'bhumi talli' once a year. Even today many Koyas
believe that human sacrifice (narabali) is still offered to bhumi talli
in the remote hills (Tyler, 1974: 23).
The Koya is fully guided by mythical belief in conducting
agricultural operation. Before cutting the growth or a particular plot
the Koya would see whether any strange, unexplained events occur
in its vicinity. Then the final decision is taken after a dream. Should
he dream of white cloth, cows, elephants or horses (that is domesticated animals) the signs are considered to be favourable and he will
proceed to the next step but should he dream of black cloth, pigs,
tigers or jackals or dead people, he will abandon the site and proceed
to an alternate plot subjecting it to the same tests as the previous
one. A similar dominance of mythical belief and the role of dreams
is found among the Lakher.
64
India
For the Garo the jhum cultivation constitutes the pivot of
their social life. It is observed with due solemnity and much eclat.
Worship of dieties is calculated to bring prosperity and bumper
crops. The chain of rites and rituals of the Garo begins with Agalmoka or Achiroka which is observed to invoke rains. The J amegapa-aha-u-a is observed at the time of sowing seeds. In this, boiled
grains of paddy are offered to the god of harvest who can save the
crop for the year. In mangela celebration each of the family prays to
god with offerings of jhum produce from their own land. This is
observed after harvest.
Among the Soliga, observance of rites are necessary before
final selection. Even in these settlements which were once cultivated,
the Soliga have to go in for hundeya and consequent rituals have to
be observed. Dreams form the basis for final decision. The results of
the dreams of elders living during the hundeya cumulatively lead
them to decide whether to form a podu or not.
Thus for most of the shifting cultivators their mode of agriculture is a way of life. All elements in social living are geared to and
integrated into the continued operation of culture on this level. The
different stages of jhum operation are connected with agricultural
rites and ceremonies. The adoption of new techniques of agriculture
may not provide facilities to worship the appropriate dieties. The
shift from traditional type of cultivation means partial shift from
their traditional way of life itself. Hence the introduction of settled
cultivation among the tradition-bound shifting cultivators will be a
long process because it will contain in itself the seed of a vital change
in their lives.
Rites and rituals
connected with swidden cultivation
Rites and rituals constitute an integral part of the shifting

cultivation economy. At various stages of shifting cultivation we
find the initiation through various rites and rituals. These activities
are integrated with the tribal belief and socio-culturallife.
The Konyak do not perform any rite or ceremony till the
beginning of sowing but once the seed is embedded in the earth they
realise the threat of nature and solicit protection of god by offerings
65

and prayers. At the first ceremonial sowing the founder of the village
sacrifices a chicken in one of his fields on behalf of the whole village
and offers it to the sky-god gowang.
The Lakher who decide about the selection of a particular
agriculture plot through dreams have ria long chtri sacrifices as the
first ritual related to shifting cultivation. Leaving the jhum half cut
all the plot owners gather to celebrate the ria long chtri. The day
after the sacrifice is known as aoh and is a day for complete rest,
no work is done on this day at all. After the cutting operation is
completed all those having jhums on a particular slope bring their
beer to the house of one of their members for a feast.
Among the Idu Mishmi a sacrifice is usually performed before
the sowing of seeds to ensure a good crop. A fowl is sacrificed and
offered to god Malo, who is believed to give good crops.
Among the Purum the worship of Nungchungba marks the
beginning of the agricultural operation of the year. When the paddy
stalks appear usually by the month of Mera (October-November)
the worship of Sabuhog is performed. A Purum householder begins
his harvest only after the first fruits of the year are offered to Senamahi by his pipa (head of the Sib or subsib officiating as the
priest).
In the Keonjhar Hills the tritia festival is found to be observed
before sowing begins. This ceremony is observed on the third day of
the new moon in the month of Baisakh (April-May). In this ceremony some seeds of paddy are transferred from the hut to the
jungle. This signifies the belief that if a demon comes in the form of
property and agriculture, Lakshmi may be transferred to the jungle.
After a few days the actual pudhan or buita with the help of village
committee and other elders brings the pot containing paddy seeds
from the tree implying that the demon is already driven out and the
goddess Lakshmi has come to the village. The goddess is received by
the villagers with drums and music and is placed upon a specially
erected platform near gramsiri (village god). Later on these seeds are
used as sacred seeds during sowing.
Among the Pauri Bhuiya there are two important rituals
performed on threshing ground known as gundamanda and khala
puja, on khala puja we find a direct impact of Hindu rituals. In this
form of ritual the Hindu goddess of wealth is worshipped with a
66
India
sacrifice of white chicken and baram, the tribal deity, with another
chicken.
The J uang perform gundadia ritual on their respective fields
offering shares of their product to the local dieties and to their
ancestors.
The Kamar use the services of the local baiga to start the
burning operation of dahi plot. The Baiga prays to the budharaja for
protection of crops and better yield.
Among the Maler the series of rituals begins right before
sowing. Before the ,seeds are sown, the Maler offer a chicken or an
egg to dade gossain (the god of the Kurwa forest) and promise to
offer him a goat or a pig whichever he would require provided the
harvest be a bumper one. This busy and complex agricultural operation is followed by festivals of music and dance. These festivals and
merry-making depend upon the success of the Kurwa. The most
important festival of the Maler known as pelai is observed when the
crops are harvested and stored. This festival is associated with worship of different gods and the ancestors. It is a festival of both joy
and sorrow. Joy is associated with the meeting of relatives living far
and wide. The sorrow is associated with the memory of the dead
ancestors. The Maler propitiate the different gods and goddesses
along with dead ancestors as not to harm the family and to protect
the village from epidemic. The meeting of the different village people
leads to the selection of the bride and groom and the meeting of the
lover and beloved. It is observed that if the yield is beautiful the
festival is observed with full fanfare and even a buffalo is sacrificed.
The buffalo sacrifice is known as 'Managarme' among them. The
relatives, gathered together on the eve of Managarme, are offered
Taadi (maize beer or Bajra beer) followed by the feast if the yield is
bumper. If the yield is meagre they are offered simply taadi. Thus
khallu is the hub round which the life of the Meler revolves. It is
central because it provides them the maize on which they subsist.
It has religious import because the moral and religious system is
determined by it. The sacredness of their life is reflected in the
sanctions and taboos associated with the Khallu operation. According to the existing belief among Maler a moral man is one who works
on Khallhu land, offers sacrifices to the Gossaiyan and observes all
the taboos and customs associated with Khallu cultivation.
67
Swz"dden cultz"vatz"on z"n ASUl

The Koya carefully preserve the grain from productive and
vigorous plants and use it as seed for the new year's crop. Before
sowing, a handful of each kind of seed to be seen in the coming year
is taken from the storage baskets and handed over to the village
priest who sprinkles them after mixing in some of the blood from
animals sacrificed in a village ceremony dedicated to the mother
earth (bhumi talli). When he receives the impregnated seeds from
the priest, the cultivator takes them to his field and after saluting the
mountain goddess sows them in a corner. The rest of the seeds are
sown following the initiation ceremony.
Brief cultural
profile of swidden societies
1. The Purum
The Purum tribe is one of the old Kuki tribes of Manipur. Its
members live on the western fringe of the hills that separate the hills
of Manipur from the Kabaw valley. The Purum people were earlier
wrongly described as a clan but it was later found that they were a
distinct tribe. They are endogamous and are known by a specific
name. They have a dialect of their own and claim a specific habitat.
Five clans have been identified among them. Each clan is further
divided into sub-clans whose headmen are known as pz"pa. The clan
is an exogamous organization. A person has to marry from only
one or specially selected clans. The Purum live in nuclear families.
To raise one's social rank a person has to perform the genna sacrifice
in which a mz'thun is killed in the course of an elaborate three day
ritual. Each village has a headman known as khulapa and seven other
functionaries. There is a village council known as ruz"shang which
deals with all kinds of complaints. Death, mutilation, slavery, ostracism and fine are forms of punishment awarded to guilty persons
according to the enormity of their crime. The Purum worshop their
ancestral spirits. Their most important duty is nungchungba. Nowadays, they have taken to the worship of Hindu deities like Krishna,
Rama, Mahadeva, Durga and Kali.
Although shifting cultivation is their major occupation, wet
cultivation is not unknown to them. However, wet cultivation is
confined to the richer section of the tribe. The shifting cultivation
68
India
land is owned by the community but the wet valley land is now
equally divided among the sons with the youngest getting a slightly
larger share.
2. The Dimasa
The Dimasa constitute one of the Kachari tribes of Assam
and are concentrated in the United Mikir and Kachar Hills. Since
1961, they have been recognized as a separate tribe. Their population
is near about 250,000. The most unique feature of the Dimasa
social structure is the system of double descent. Both patrilineal and
matrilineal systems of descent are in vogue. A man reckons his
descent from his paternal grandfather while a woman does so
through her maternal grandmother. They are two co-existing and
intersecting sibs of kin groups - one matrilineal and the other
patrilineal. The kinship terminology is bilateral, generational and
determined by mainly sex and seniority and the degree of affinity.
Among the Dimasa, nuclear families predominate. They are strictly
monogamous. Marriage takes place when a person becomes adult.
Bride-price has to be paid. They have a youth dormitory for boys
which becomes particularly active at the time of annual harvest
festival. Besides this, the dormitory responds to the call of the headman in rendering such social services as tilling the land of an invalid
or roofing the house of a widow. The house is inherited by the
youngest son. The daughters inherit the mothers' property. The
Dimasa worship a number of area deities besides an all-creator God,
called 'Madai'. Their most important gods known as Shivaria, and
Rama Chandi which correspond to tHe Hindi gods as Shiva and Kali.
Nowadays the worship of Lakshmi and Saraswati has also become
common. The village headman known as Khunang among the Dimasa
is the oldest living man in the village. The other village offices also go
strictly on the principle of seniority of age.
3. The Garo
The Garo are one of the well known tribes of Northeastern
India. They live in small agricultural villages of 10 to 50 or 60 houses
with a population which rarely exceeds 300. Traditionally, the Garo
have lived by swidden cultivation but during the last fifty years, an
increasing number of small valley areas have been brought under wet
cultivation. Where land is used for permanent cultivation, it is used
69

almost exclusively for wet rice, mustard and jute. But shifting cultivators plant a wide assortment of crops such as rice, millet, maize,
cotton, ginger and chilli. The villages consist of a number of substantial bamboo family houses together with associated granaries,
timber sheds and pig stys. The Garo are a matrilineal people and
belong to five exogamous clans. Each village is the seat of at least one
local lineage of one of the matrilineal clans. Though the village is
built with the matrilineal discent groups, it is not organised exclusively around a group of co-resident related men or co-resident women.
Most frequently a man lives in the village of his wife.
Traditionally the head of the family is a woman and she holds
all the property. However the husband can use his wife's possessions.
Property goes from mother to daughter. If there is more than one
daughter in the family, the mother selects the nakna (heiress) who
inherits the property. The younger daughter goes away from the
family to establish a separate family unit. The maternal uncle has a
respectable position since he looks after his sister's family. He has
the same role as that of a father in a patrilineal family. In many
cases, _,ne of his sister's sons marries his own daughter. The village
headman is known as nokma. He is assisted by a council known as
jingmachangge.
4. The Hill Maria
The Hill Maria reside in the north-western part of the Bastar
district of Madhya Pradesh, in the region known as 'Abujhmar'.
Their total population is roughly 12,000. The density of population
is a little more than nine persons to a square mile (2.6 sq km). In
villages that are inhabited only by the Hill-Maria, the population
never exceeds 50. Ideally every Hill Maria family should be an
extended family. Even if a son breaks away at marriage he will cooperate with the natal family in the pursuit of agricultural tasks. The
father and son share a common granary. In each village, there is a
youth dormitory known as ghotul. There are no age-grades and no
formal initiation rites. The dormitory provides a setting for numerous social interactions among adolescent boys of all families
regardless of kinship. Hill Maria clans are unilineal descent groups.
Each has a name and a particular clan god known as pen. Although
village exogamy is not prescribed, in effect it works like that. The
village headman is known as the 'PateI'. He is the spokesman for all
70
India
the village when dealing with outside authority beyond that which
his own personality and powers of persuasion permit him to exert.
There is no formally constituted village council but the elders of the
village customarily gather at day break in the youth dormitory.
5. The Angami Naga
The Angami are one of the most important Naga tribes. A
large section of these tribes lives by shifting cultivation. Besides,
Jhum cultivation, hunting and collection of forest produce gives
them some extra income. In addition to rice, they grow maize,
beans, oilseeds, mustard, cotton and jute. They make good and
strong cloth on tension looms with attractive designs. Basket-making,
blacksmithy and wood carving are also popular in the area.
The Angami village is invariably built either on a hilltop or
on the ridge of a spur running down from a high range. Each village
is fortified with stiff stockades, deep ditches and massive stone
walls. Although the village is the unit for the organisation of political
and religious aspects of Angami life, the clan is no less important.
A man cannot leave his property to any person outside his kindred.
Only males can permanently inherit real property. Generally the
father divides the bulk of his property during his life time. On the
death of the father, the youngest son inherits all the property including the house. Among the Angani, there are a number of beliefs
which govern the relationship with the supernatural. The word henna
is used in the sense of prohibition or the taboo. It may refer not only
to breach of strict social rules but even to that of common usage.
While henna is the prohibition laid on a persons' action, penna is the
prohibition laid on the whole community. They observe a number of
festivals know as genna, each of which has a specific objective. They
have a system of village chiefs who dispense justice and in the past
used to lead head hunting raids on other villages. The youth dormitory is insignificant among the Angami. It is used only on ritual
occasions and as an occasional sleeping house for youth.
6. TheJuang
The Juang are one of the major tribes of Orissa inhabiting the
Keonjhar hills. They live in compact settlements. The houses of individual families are built around the 'Majang' or the dormitory house.
Close kin tend to build their houses adjacent to each other. Shifting
71
cultivation is the main source of livelihood of the J uang. Some of the

Juang are acquainted with lowland paddy cultivation. They supplement their meagre agricultural produce by hunting and the collection
of fruits, roots and firewood in the forest. The youth dormitory is
an active organization. Its members are divided into a number of
age-grades. The dormitory provides a number of services for people
of all age-groups. It has its social, economic, political and magicoreligious uses for the Juang. The Juang believe in a number of gods
and goddesses, some of whom are benevolent. They have distinct
deities at the village level, family spirits, deified heroes and mythical
characters. Besides these, a number of Hindu deities like Mahadeva,
Parvati, Lakshmi, Durga, Rama and Sita are also worshipped. The
village leader is known a nagam, bota or dhur. He is assisted by a
number of assistants. There is also a village council which settles
local disputes and punishes transgression of social rules. The Juang
has also an inter-village organization which serves as a court of appeal
for the verdict of the village panchayat.
7. The Baiga
The Baiga live in the Balaghat, Bilaspur and Mandla districts
of Madhya Pradesh. The tribe is strictly endogamous but admit
women and other tribes on certain conditions. The Baiga is divided
into seven sections or jat which occupy separate areas. Each section
is also endogamous, and is divided into a number of clans or got
which are exogamous. Marriage takes place when a person becomes
an adult. Payment of bride price is essential. They worship a number
of deities which differ from area to area. The principal god is
Buradeo. Thakurdeo is the god of the village and its boundaries.
Dulhadeo averts diseases and accident. Besides this Dhartmata is
also worshipped. A Baiga village is built either in the shape of a
circle, a square or a rectangle. The number of huts in a village does
not exceed 20 or 25. Since the Baigas are constantly on the move,
they do not think of building permanent houses. The Baiga has an
eye for a good site. It is either a hill top or an inaccessible forest
clearing or the bank of a perennial stream. The village has a well
defined boundary near which the burial or cremation ground is
located. The Baiga have strongly opposed efforts to wean them from
swidden cultivation by the government for more than a hundred
years. Part of their subsistence comes from the forest. Fruit, flowers,
72
India
leaves, roots and tubers supplement their food resources. The Baiga
are fond of cattle.
8. TheKamar
The Kamar are a small tribe of a little over 10,000 people.
They inhabit the Dhamtari Tehsil of Raipur district in Madhya
Pradesh. The Kamar settlement is very small and comprises four to
twenty families. The existing subdivisions in the tribe are territorial
and not endogamous. The tribe is divided into seven clans called
got. The Kamar are patrilineal and patrilocal. They are extremely
individualistic in their social life. Kamar society is unstratified. They
do not have a system of a tribal chief or even a territorial chief.
However, a number of tribal settlements come together to form a
Panchayat. The head of the Panchayat is the kurha. But it is a
Sarpanch who dispenses justice. The Kamar practise three different
forms of shifting cultivation, namely, Dahi, Beora, and Guhad.
Besides this, there is another practice known as Pharha which is a
half way house between shifting and settled plough cultivation.
Near their fields, they would cut down half a dozen trees and
branches of larger trees, burn them and prepare a seedbed with the
ashes. When the plants grow to one and a half feet (46 cm), they are
transplanted in the regular fields. Besides shifting cultivation, the
Kamar supplement their resources through hunting for which they
have a good reputation. Fishing, collection of honey, mahua flowers,
chiraunji and edible roots and leaves are also resorted to. Some of
the Kamars are also expert in basket making. Some people supplement their livelihood by wage labour particularly with forest contractors. The Kamar worship several categories of gods and deities.
The cult of gata-dooma Le. Mata and the ancestral spirit are universal. Besides these, goddesses of diseases are also propitiated. They
have now begun to worship such Hindu gods as Mahadeva - Bhagwan and Hanuman.
9. The Maler
The Maler are one of the largest tribes practising shifting cultivation in India. They number more than fifty thousand and inhabit
the Sahebgunj, Pakur and Godda subdivisions of the Santhal Parganas
district in Bihar. They speak a language which is closely related to
the intermediate Dravadian language family. They do not have any
73

clans among them. The lineage or byare is considered an important
unit of social interaction. They still have the youth dormitory known
as Koddada. The unmarried boys and girls of the village meet there
every evening. It is there that they get training in tribal custom, traditional occupations and music and dance. The Maler village is a small
cluster in which the number of families varies between 14 to 27. The
villages are situated on steep hill slopes or hilltops. The settlements
give an appearance of neatness or orderliness. Each settlement has
a series of sacred centres marked by either stones or wooden pillars
or trees or groves. The sacred centres are the abode of different Gossaiyan or deities. The deities are worshipped by the traditional
sacred specialists called Manjhiye. The entire social system of the
Maler is interwoven with their dominant occupation, khallu cultivation. The various deities and spirits have also been assigned specific
roles in making the agricultural yield bountiful. So strong is this
interaction that the Maler have constantly refused to be settled on
the foot hills in permanent plough fields. The Maler have an elaborate system of social control. They village headman known as
manjhiye is assisted by a number of functionaries. Above a number
of villages, there is the divisional headman known as the Sardar.
The Maler are one of the poorest tribes in the country. Living as
they do in inaccessible areas, the pace of development is extremely
slow.
10. The Koya

The Koya are one of the Dravidian speaking tribes of South
Orissa. They are found in the Malkangiri subdivision of Koraput
district. Koya villages lie in the midst of forest clearings. Most villages
can only be approached by narrow footpaths in the forest. The
village sites with their surrounding land and forests are said to
belong to the founders' clan. There are ten to thirty houses in each
village. At the centre of the village is the dancing ground. Most Koya
families are joint and comprise members belonging to three generations. Monogamy is the general rule but polygyny is allowed. The
Koya make a distinction between consanguineal and affinal kin.
Koya society is divided into five phratries. Each phratry is further
subdivided between clans. Leadership both political and social is
concentrated in the hereditary headman of the village. He takes all
the important decisions not only in secular matters but also in religious matters. His office is hereditary. There is no formal village
74
India
panchayat but the headman takes the advice of elders. He also sits
as a member of the clan panchayat even though he may not belong
to that particular clan. Headmen of five villages constitute the Mutha
Panchayat which decides disputes of a serious nature or those involving people of several villages. Their original belief system centres
round the cult of the earth and cult of the village. In all religious
ceremonies, the Bhumata and Gudimata are invariably worshipped.
The deities are propitiated by the village priest or Perma. The Koya
have now added to their pantheon a number of Hindu gods and goddesses. They derive the bulk of their subsistence from shifting cultivation. They supplement their resources by herding cows and
bullocks. The possession of cattle wealth gives status to a man in
Koya society.
75
Chapter Five
GOVERNMENT POLICY
AND CONSEQUENT DEVELOPMENTS
Shifting cultivation acts as a severe constraint to the rise above

the bare minimum level of subsistence for the people who practise
it. Furthermore, the carrying capacity of land is limited. These and
various other problems related to shifting cultivation have drawn the
attention of the central government and also of the state government
from time to time. In course of time a number of steps were taken
by the central and state governments to better the socio-economic
life of the shifting cultivators.
The Indian Forest Act of 1927 laid down that shifting cultivation was subject to control, restriction and abolition by the state
government. N.L. Bor, Forest Botanist in the Forest Research
Institute, Dehradun, at the Indian Science Congress, 1942, attributed
soil erosion in Assam to the practice of shifting cultivation. The
Government introduced legislative measures for protection of forests
most probably without giving serious considerations to different
problems involved in such measures, particularly how it would affect
the forest dwellers. The preservation of the flora and fauna of the
country and the revenue derived from the forest products was their
focal point. The other important aspect of the measure arising out
of the adoption of such an act, that is the proper rehabilitation of
the forest people involved in shifting cultivation, was entirely left out
of any serious consideration. As a result of this the people involved
in it suffered physical and cultural set backs. For such tribes whose
social and economic organization is based on food gathering it was
detrimental. Once a certain area was declared a reserve by the special
power the people dwelling there were ordered to quit the land immediately. Thus, the parts of the forest being declared reserve
virtually pushed the shifting cultivator to the plains. Since the plain
lands were already under the possession of others the refugees had to
settle on lands rejected as unsuitable for agricultural purposes.
76
India
The policy adopted by independent India however, appears to
have a rational and practical approach. The National Forest Policy
of 1952 took a more humane approach to the problem of shifting
cultivation.
The damage caused to forest by shifting cultivation in
certain areas must be guarded against. To wean the aborigines
who eke out a precarious living from area cultivation, moving
from area to area away from their old and wasteful practices,
requires persuasion not coercion, a missionary not an authoritarian approach.
In 1953, M.D. Chaturvedi, the then Inspector General of Forests to
the Government of India concluded that, 'The notion widely held
that shifting cultivation is responsible in the main for large-scale
soil erosion needs to be effectively dispelled.'
M.S. Sivaraman, the then Adviser, Programme Administration
of the Planning Commission of Government of India observed that:
It is a mistake to assume that shifting in itself is unscientific land use. Actually it is a practical approach to certain
inherent difficulties in preparing proper seed beds in steep
slopes where any disturbance of the surface by hoeing and
ploughing will result in washing away the fertile topsoil.
The tribal people therefore take care not to plough or disturb
the soil before sowing. The destruction of weeds and improvement of tilth necessary for a proper seed bed are
achieved with the help of fire. In most of the interior areas
where communication is not developed and sufficient land
suitable for terracing is not available, Jhuming alone can be
done for the present and as such every effort should be made
to improve the fertility of the jhumed land. (Roy Burman
and Sharma, 1970,: 152).
The government of the State and Union Territories of the

country are aware of the dangers of shifting cultivation and they
have taken various measures for the control of shifting cultivation.
The system and rules of control on shifting cultivation by the forest
authorities vary from state to state. One of the measures taken in this
direction is to provide colonies for settled cultivation and subsidies
for the purchase of cattle, tools, implements and seeds. Financial
help is also given for housing, medical and education facilities.
77

In order to avoid the harmful effects of shifting cultivation
and to get better yields from permanent cultivation on the hill-slopes
by applying modern technology, contour bunding and terraces have
been devised. Most of the state governments have recognized the importance of the means to be adopted for dealing with the problems
of shifting cultivation. A number of approaches have been taken in
this regard. These range from relatively obvious remedies such as
terraced cultivation to relatively innovative schemes such as rubber
and coffee plantations, cultivation of cashew nuts, cardamom, black
pepper and fruit. However, it has been observed that except for Garo
and Mikir hills district it has not yielded fruitful results elsewhere.
Stated below are the important steps taken in jhum control
and improvement in the socio-economic life of the shifting cultivators: (i) jhumia colonization; (ii) regrouping of tribal villages; (iii)
introduction of terrace cultivation on the hill slopes; and (iv) providing subsidies and introduction of other measures for the betterment
in the life condition of the shifting cultivators such as horticulture
and taungiya.
Colonization
The colonization scheme was adopted by a number of states.

Considerable effort in this direction has been made in Tripura,
Orissa, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh.
The Government of Tripura introduced colonization to bring
improvement in socio-economic life of the Jhumia. In this scheme
the government provided land for settlement and a grant of Rs.500*
to each shifting cultivator household and houses or house building
grants are given for settlement in a colony established by the administration.
In Tripura it has been observed that the colonization has not
succeeded to any notable extent in eradicating the practice of
shifting cultivation. There are a number of reasons given for this
problem. These could be enumerated as follows:
Approximately 9.80 Indian Rupees (Rs) = one United States dollars.

78
India
i)
The land provided in these colonies is mostly dry land

without facilities for irrigation. This actually does not
secure good crops.
ii)
In many colonies, the forest department did not release

the land even after the tribals came to live there.
iii)
The reclamation subsidy and the grant for purchase of

agricultural equipment were not always made available in
time.
iv)
After moving over to the colonies the tribals lacked

the means to support themselves till the next crop
was raised. In the very first year they grew some crops
but in subsequent years the yields became poorer leading
to dejection among the settlers, as a result of which they
lost interest in settled life and reverted to the traditional
one.
v)
The physical structure of the houses in the colonies are

often not suitable for the social and cultural needs of the
tribals.
vi)
Where the tribals in a colony are brought together from

different areas, they find that their manners and customs
are incompatible and therefore it is difficult for them to
live together.
Furthermore, it was also found that the tribal households

bifurcated to take advantage of the scheme and at the same time
maintain the old way of life. These households took possession of
the houses allotted to them but did not abandon the houses in the
old habitats. The household was geographically bifurcated, its economy was one. Thus the house in the colony proved to be only an
additional shelter for them and not a substitute for their home on
the hill. (Dar, 1970: 187).
In Orissa during the past two decades a number of colonies
have been established in the tribal areas to divert the shifting cultivators to settled agriculture by providing cultivable land, necessary inputs and residential accommodation. A study conducted by Tribal
and Harijan Research-cum-Training Institute in 1960 revealed that in
certain colonies the tribals are engaged as agricultural and hired
labourers although the purpose of the colonization scheme was the
79

administrative inability to make available irrigational facilities and
other inputs in time. Agricultural extension programmes were also
not organized to orient the tribal farmer toward the agricultural
practice with which he was not acquainted.
In 1954 the Government of Bihar launched a scheme for the
geographical rehabilitation of the Maler, in persuasion of which the
Maler were encouraged to come down to the valleys where they
could take to plough and settled agriculture. This scheme was
launched to check the widespread destruction of forest under shifting cultivation and bring the shifting cultivators closer to modern
farming. This was the major objective with which the government of
Bihar launched the resettlement scheme of Pararkola in 1954 which
was followed by Kunda Pahar, Dumarchir and Murgabani colonies in
1959.
The above scheme had to face the strong resistance of the
Maler shifting cultivators who in no manner agreed to settle down to
the plains and hence due to this strong opposition the resettlement
scheme was abandoned by the Government of Bihar. Some of the
major reasons for the opposition on the part of the shifting cultivators were as follows: Firstly, they are already well settled in the
forest economy and feared that they would not have the alternative
means of subsistence on the plains which they can easily have on the
hills. Secondly, the slash and bum cultivation is the pivot of their
economy and their rites, rituals and moral order revolve round it.
They do not want to disturb the order thus set. They are of the
belief that their spirits and 'gossaiyans' are settled in and around the
village on the hills, which ought to be worshipped in response to the
tradition of the hill culture. Fourthly, the Maler have developed a
pattern of the social life of Maler including sexual behaviour which
they think possible in their forest habitat. Fifthly, due to their
historical animosity and hostility towards the Santhal the Maler
refrain from settling down to the valleys. (Vaidyarthi, 1975: 324).
In order to avoid hardship to the Soliga shifting cultivators
the then Mysore Government launched a scheme to settle them in a
tribal colony near the temple village (Biligiri Rangana temple) in
1963 but the scheme did not meet with success as the tribals wanted
to retain their settlements in the interior forest environment.
A study of the impact of colonization on the tribes of Andhra
80
India
Pradesh reveals that it has not been successful in wearing away the
tribes from 'Podu' cultivation because of the following reasons:
First of all there was a persistent communication gap between
the local agencies of the government and the tribal colonists. The
colonists could not understand the main aim of the government.
They expected that the foodgrains, clothing and considerable sums
of money provided to them on account of forest reclamation would
continue for a long time. The governments' planning of the housing
and settlement did not appear to be in conformity with the tribal
requirements. The traditional type of long houses, which were the
source of co-operation among them were done away with. It was also
difficult for one tribal group to get closer to another alien group
settled with them in the colonization scheme.
Regrouping the village
The Soil Conservation Department of the Government of

Meghalaya prepares land for permanent cultivation. The land prepared is handed over to the Nokma (village headman) of the concerned Akhing to distribute among his villagers at the rate of two
hectares per family, Seeds, manure and fertilizers required for cultivation in the initial years of free cost are provided by the department. Besides these the Garo cultivations are also provided irrigation
facilities for permanent cultivation. To enable them to shift from
jhum areas to far off places for permanent cultivation, they are
provided a house construction grant at the rate of Rs.2,000 per
family. The package programme is taken up by combining smaller
hamlets into a bigger unit. All such bigger units thus built are linked
by motorable road. The villages in catchment areas or those on
ground too steep for agricultural purpose are taken up for afforestation and cash crops. Furthermore, drinking water facilities are being
provided for each settled village. In the period 1974-76, 1346 jhum
cultivator families benefitted under the soil conservation scheme in
Meghalaya (Borah and Goswami, 1977: 46).
As a measure to control shifting cultivation the Government of
Tripura also took a similar step. Under this scheme the Jhumia were
given land and a house construction grant. Data available indicates
that between the year 1953-54 to 1967-68 about 20,595 families
were settled on 77,076 acres (30,830 ha) (Dar, 1970: 187).
81
Terrace cultivation
It has been observed that some tribes have traditionally
nurtured skills for constructing terraces. Faultless terraces have been

built using minimal tools. Hill springs have been used for irrigation.
Traditional paddy grown without modern inputs in these areas has
provided a greater yield comparable to those on the plains under
similar conditions. Hence t some states t particularly Meghalaya have
proposed terracing as an alternative to jhuming. Terraces are constructed by the soil conservation department.
In Meghalaya t terrace construction for settled cultivation was
encouraged since the establishment of the soil conservation department in 1957-58. Initially a subsidy at the rate of 80 per cent towards the cost of terracing and reclamation was given to the cultivators in cash. Later on the cash subsidy was totally abandoned as it
did not work satisfactorily. But it has been found that the terrace
land under subsidy schemes was not utilized continuously.
The density of population in the rural areas of Meghalaya is
39 persons per sq km while the average carrying capacity of land
under shifting cultivation in the hill region is 4-6 persons per sq km.
The Government of Meghalaya through the Soil Conservation Department took effective steps for protecting the land and soil and for
providing permanent cultivable land to enable the farmers to cultivate and draw benefit from a permanent place. With this perspective t
the Meghalaya Government decided to establish some settlements t
providing good and clean drinking water t laying down useful and
planned roads and other modern amenities that lead to shaping of
sound and progressive communities.
Terrace cultivation has been introduced in Meghalaya by the
Department of Soil Conservation under the jhum control scheme.
During the period 1974-76 altogether 1914 hectares of land were
terraced at a cost of Rs. 51.58 lakhs* (Borah and Goswami t 1977:
42). There is also a provision to cover many areas under this scheme.
In a study it was revealed that the total cost of resettlement of a
family over the three years would be about 11 tOOO. Terraced paddy
a lakh is one hundred thousand.
82
India
was expected to.yield a minimum of 1,500 kilograms per hectare as
against the maximum jhum yield of 600 to 700 kilograms. (Gupta
and Sambrani, 1978: 5). Besides terracing, a number of other measures of land improvement are also taken under the jhum control
scheme such as reclamation, afforestation, irrigation, drinking water
facilities and link roads.
The main objectives of introducing terrace cultivation in the
hill areas are to save the soil from erosion and to provide the shifting
cultivators with permanent cultivable land. It is expected that
production of crops, particularly paddy under terrace cultivation, if
done in improved method would be much higher than that under
shifting cultivation.
In many regions subsidies are given by the Government to
persuade the tribals to take to terrace cultivation or wet cultivation.
It is however, found that even the grant of subsidies could not
make much headway in introducing terrace or wet cultivation. In the
study conducted in Nagaland the following reasons were given by the
people for the lack of response to the scheme (Roy Burman and
Sharma, 1970: 153):
i) The nature of the terrain is not suitable for wet or terrace

cultivation;
ii) Plots of cultivation are small and scattered and there is
the fear that wild animals will consume them;
iii) Difficulty in making roads linking scattered and far off
plots for wet cultivation;
iv) Difficulty in constructing irrigation channels from deep
rivers; and
v)
Lack of sufficient funds for irrigation.
Furthermore, the villagers also held the view that in the first
three years after construction of terrace, the yield is not sufficient
enough to meet even their basic necessities. Hence, only those people
who are prepared to live a life of austerity for few years for the sake
of future prosperity can take to terrace cultivation.
However, evaluation studies undertaken by various organizations and researchers have shown that these efforts have not been
83

very successful everywhere. The major reasons found are: Firstly,
the seedlings are not looked after very well. Secondly, these crops
take three to five years to bear fruit and bring in cash. The farmers
do not have the capacity of support themselves in the interim period,
and finally, in most areas the people have remained sceptical about
the scheme. It seems that it was introduced without adequate psychological preparation.
In Manipur the tribals have got the right of jhuming even in

protected forest areas. The government of Manipur has also provided
incentives to the shifting cultivators for adopting terrace cultivation
and bringing further improvement in it. Marketing facilities and road
and communication are not properly available in this area. The
Government of Manipur has taken stock of the situation and taken
effective measures to improve the road communication.
Provision of
subsidies and other measures
The state and union territories carved out of Assam such as

Manipur, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Tripura and also Arunachal Pradesh
and Mizoram are expediting the measures to control shifting cultivation and take other soil conservation measures. The area of shifting
cultivation is being gradually reduced. The jhum control scheme is
like a package programme and includes land development, provision
of inputs like seeds and fertilizer, cost of cultivation for the initial
years, provision of irrigation facilities, help towards construction of
dwelling houses, drinking water facilities and link roads. The scheme
of jhum control is being operated under the aegis of States and
Union Territories.
The Government of Meghalaya in Collaboration with I.C.A.R.
Research complex for North-Eastern Region, shillong has taken up
a programme to collect information on the following items:
1.
Loss of top soil and fertility due to shifting cultivation;
2.
Various crops and soil loss;
3.
Suitability of different types of terraces; and
4.
Effect of shifting cultivation on water regimes.

84
India
It is hoped that with the help of the findings and recommendations given by the Research Complex, the Soil Conservation
Department of Meghalaya would take up effective measures for the
solution of the Chronic and complex problem of shifting cultivation.
Steps have also been taken to control shifting cultivation by
changing land use pattern.
In Assam the following steps have been undertaken:
i)
Cash crops. A number of nurseries of cash crops have

been started such as those of cashewnuts, black pepper,
coffee and cardamom. The quality of coffee produced in
Mikin hills and North Cachar hill district is reported to
be a superior quality. Arrangements have also been made
to distribute such cash crops to the local farmers.
ii)
A number of afforestation centres have been opened.
iii)
Emphasis has also been laid on the use of hydrams.
Horticulture:
In the hill areas of Assam and Manipur attempts have been
made to introduce horticulture extensively on the .field normally
given to shifting cultivation. Under the scheme, pineapple, orange
and banana are being grown in many places. Apple cultivation
proved to be successful in some areas of Arunachal particularly in
Kameng district according to a survey by Agro-Economic Research
Centre for Northeast India, Jorhat (Gohain, 1977). Problems of
transport and marketing have however, appeared as the main hurdle
in the growth of horticulture.
Taungiya:
Another approach to the question of limiting the harmful
effects of shifting cultivation is Taungiya. This is a combination of
sylviculture and impermanent agriculture. Under the system, the
cultivators are permitted to clean and burn a part of the forest area
and then plant rows of commercially valuable trees. Also, the farmer
is permitted to cultivate his own crops between the rows of the new
plantations. Within the span of three or four years, the new plantations get well established, when the cultivator is permitted to move
to another part in the forest and repeat the process there. Thus the
85

commercially useful varieties of plants are also planted while the
cultivator is not made to shed shifting cultivation practice at once.
In fact the National Forest Policy Resolution of 1952 emphasized
the need of introducing taungiya system to overcome the problem
of shifting cultivation.
Some of the state governments and the governments of the
union territories have taken many other measures to eliminate the
evils of shifting cultivation. Recently under the inspiration of Arunachal Administration the Bangni of Kameng and Papu valleys have
started switching over to wet cultivation. A good impact of the
demonstration of using plough technique by the State government is
reflected in their mode of agriculture.
In recent years in Nagaland the extension agencies have taken

steps to encourage scientific jhuming by advising the tribals to make
furrows across the slope rather than along it, and also to adopt
leguminous and other crops with quick soil regenerating and soil
binding capacities. Moreover, shifting cultivation beyond certain
degrees of slope has been prohibited in many states.
In Tripura, until recently the forests were not properly demarcated and there was very little restriction on shifting cultivation. The
tribal jhumia were allowed to practise shifting cultivation in protected and reserved forest and also in the forest proposed to be
reserved. Grazing was also allowed for bona fide use without any fee
except in reserved forests and those proposed to be reserved. There
was no traditional right of inhabitancy of the forest but the tribals
could have forest produce free of royalty. However, in course of time
the problem has drawn the attention of the government of Tripura
and subsequently steps have been taken to deal with the economic
problems related to shifting cultivation. Economic problems of the
Jhumia are mainly created due to the 'Dadan' system. Of late, the
government has adopted certain measures to check the exhorbitant
rates of interest charged on advances supplied to the Jhumias by the
Mahajans and has been directly giving loans to the Jhumias at the low
rate of only 4 per cent interest per annum. The loan is given when
the jhum work is on and is recovered soon after the harvest is over.
This measure, however, has not been very successful.
In order to alienate the transition from shifting cultivation to
agriculture, it is necessary to examine the techno-economic changes
86
India
and their concomitant sodo-cultural changes and problems at three
levels-changes in the hill village, changes in the valley village settled
for generation and changes introduced or induced in the government
sponsored agricultural colonies.
The government of Orissa since the merger of exstates has
tried in all manners to stop shifting cultivation. It brought a large
area under reserved forests and settled the shifting cultivator Pauri
Bhuiya and other neighbouring tribes, Bentkar, Cherenga (known
also as Erenga) Kulha and the J uang in Keonjhar in Jungle clearings,
in the valleys and plateaus.
The government of Orissa has also taken up the programme of
rotational land use on a watershed basis through the soil conservation
department. The programme has the following main aspects:
i)
Providing land to the tribal who is willing to give up

cultivation on steep slopes.
ii)
Plantation of economic species useful for the tribal community.
iii)
Introduction of conservation farming to allow tribal

people to obtain higher production from crop land.
iv)
Utilization of steep slopes for production of timber.
Under this scheme a suitable watershed in the shifting cultivation area is selected and a rotational land use programme is executed on the existing catchment. A schematic land classification of
watershed management united together with a land use programme
as recommended for watershed areas for rationalization of shifting
cultivation has been prepared.
The above programme was initially started in selected catchments of Koraput district on a pilot scale and then it extended to the
area of Phulbani, Kalahandi and Keonjhar districts. However, it is
felt that these programmes are inadequate in view of the vast population at the area affected by shifting cultivation.
In Madhya Pradesh shifting cultivation was prohibited by law
as far back as 1867. Bewar is not permitted anywhere in the state
except Baigachack and in some areas of Chhattisgarh. The tribal
welfare department of Madhya Pradesh is reported to have rehabilitated a number of Korwa shifting cultivator families in Sarguja.
87

They are inclined to take up settled agriculture as they have been
provided houses and have ceased to be a wandering tribe (Mathur,
1963: 106). Experience has shown that they can continue settled
agriculture only if sufficient land is given to support the families as
has been done by the government in some cases.
The Forest Control Policy of the Government of Madhya
Pradesh has brought with it some remedies and some problems for
the Baiga of Central Madhya Pradesh. With the introduction of a
money and exchange system, their self sufficiency in food has
virtually come to an end and they have become more vulnerable to
exploitation by money lenders. The introduction of a contract
system has reduced the tribal Baiga to the position of hired labourers. However, the positive aspects of the Forest Control policy
should never be overlooked. Introduction of transport and roads in
their areas has brought them into direct contact with the outside
world. Cultivation of commercial crops and a direct contact with the
market is turning them into farmers-cum-traders. They are also
gradually adopting plough farming. Contact with the outside world
has brought an apparent change in their sodo-cultural life which is
reflected in their dress, diet, utensils, decoration and festivals.
In Karnataka, till 1902, the tribals were free to practise shifting cultivation. From that year onwards shifting cultivation called
kumri came under some control. As claimed by the Forest Department of Karnataka notable success has been achieved in turning the
Kuruba shifting cultivators into settled cultivators over the past
15 years and they have also been made to adopt large scale plantations. With this perspective they have been allotted old kumri lands,
devoid of valuable species on the understanding that they are to
plant Teak in the areas operated upon. The scheme has been successful to a notable extent and has brought good amounts of money to
the Kuruba.
Stricter enforcement of forest regulations has adversely affected the shifting cultivation by the Soliga living in the forest
regions. However, no effective and alternative scheme has been
adopted for their settlements in their own natural environment,
stoppage of, or discontinuing 'Po du' cultivation. Although there are
certain restrictions, the Soliga are found to practise 'Podu' cultivation with or without the formal approval of the competent authorities.
88
India
A review of the measures undertaken by various state governments in the direction of control on shifting cultivation shows that
the measures have certain inherent weaknesses which tend to slow
down their implementation. For instance, in case of Orissa, there
is a clear contradiction in the steps taken by the two departments of
the state government. Whereas the Forest Department tries to enforce a ban on shifting cultivation to protect the forests and forest
wealth, the Tribal and Rural Welfare Department would like to
improve the shifting cultivation practices maintaining its aim of
serving the interest of scheduled tribes. Furthermore, the step taken
by various state governments have so far been able to divert only a
small proportion of the cultivators engaged in shifting cultivation
and hence a greater part of this population still continues to depend
upon it. The Dhebar commission concluded "the total replacement
of this system, if it comes at all will be a long term process" (Report,
1961: 147).
The present position

There is a continuing controversy over swidden cultivation.
According to one view, it is the only practical approach to certain
inherent difficulties in preparing a proper seedbed on steep slopes
where any disturbance of the surface by hoeing or ploughing will
lead to washing away of the fertile top soil. Hence shifting cultivators
do not plough or disturb the soil before sowing (Bhowmick, 1977:8).
This view could be tenable only if the fallowing period is adequate
and consonant to the topography of the area. But it does not appear
to be possible due to growing population pressure, depleting carrying
capacity of land and scarcity of forested land suitable for jhuming.
The other view regards shifting cultivation as particularly
destructive mode of agriculture as it dries up the hill springs, leads to
soil erosion and deforestation and thus deprives the people of the
benefits of the forest produce. The fertile topsoil which is washed
away down to the valley causes sedimentation of the river beds and
brings floods in the plain. Thus shifting cultivation affects the life
of even the people living in the adjoining valleys.
There are a number of reasons for lowering the yield. Due to
shortening of jhum cycle plants do not get sufficient time to grow
89

and at the time of firing for the next clearance the quantity of ash
produced is not enough to produce a good yield. Furthermore, due
to the thin cover of vegetation and the steeply sloping land the soil
becomes porous and thus loses the capacity to retain rain-water
resulting in lower yielding crops.
It may be mentioned here that the jhum cycle in different
areas has been shortened alarmingly due to shortage of land. This

is quite obvious in the Garo Hills of Meghalaya where the jhum cycle
has come down from 30-40 years to 10 years or even less (Goswami,
1968: 5-6). Consistent decrease in the carrying capacity of land is
also noticeable. The carrying capacity of land under shifting cultivation in the hilly region of N.E. India on an average is estimated to be
four to six persons while the density of population in the rural area
of Meghalaya is 39 persons per sq km (Borah and Goswami, 1977:
42). In Assam this density is 25 persons per sq km (Saha, 1970:220).
This clearly shows that shifting cultivation can hardly provide subsistence to the people.
The land brought under terracing under the subsidy scheme
has not been regularly utilized. Due to rapid weed growth and loss of
fertility, terrace cultivation in such land was abandoned. Garo cultivators are not conversant with the system of terrace cultivation. It
is reported that the abandoned terrace land in Garo hills were later
converted into swidden systems (Borah and Goswami, 1977; 46). It
has also been observed that the jhum lands being converted to
terrace or wet plot are largely unirrigated. The farmers have to
depend on rainfall for the terrace or wet cultivation on such land.
The shifting cultivators are unaware of the use of modem
tools and chemicals. It has been observed that even those practising
terrace cultivation do not have pesticides or chemicals to protect
their crops. Besides this there is partial damage of crops by stray
cattle and wild birds and animals.
Shifting cultivation is associated with many magico-religious
rites and some anthropologists have expressed fear of social disintegration and psychological breakdown among the tribes if any
abrupt change is introduced in their agricultural technique without
simultaneous change in their magico-religious beliefs. It has been
observed through some field studies that in Assam hills magicoreligious b~liefs of the neighbouring Hindus have left their obvious
90
Indz'a
impact on the hill cultivators. The Garo have started adopting plough
cultivation along with the regilious beliefs and rites of the neighbouring Hindus (Das, 1960). The Hajong of the Garo Hills, Lalung
of the Mikir Hills and the J aintia of J iantia Hills are much influenced
by Hinduism as they are adopting plough cultivation.
Due to increasing pressure of their growing population on land
the Purum are moving towards permanent plough cultivation in the
plains. By cultivating the surplus land of the Meitheis over a period
of time the Purum have generated a good surplus of produce and by
selling that they have been able to purchase pieces of land for plough
cultivation.
Though the jhuming is rejected in many quarters, it contributes considerably to the total agriculture of Tripura. Jhum provides
about ten per cent of the total production of rice in the state
(Ganguly, 1968,: 52). Vegetables grown in the jhums (mainly gourd
and brinjal) come to the market and thus augument the total supply
in the plains.
Of late, some of the shifting cultivator jhumias have started
earning an income by working as wage labourers in development
work undertaken by the government like road construction and
employment in government service. Some jhum villages have good
communication facilities and are resorting to settled cultivation,
horitculture, animal husbandry and poultry. Jhuming in such villages
is losing its importance as a major source of income. However, in
other villages it is still the most important source of income (Sain,
1978: 11). As a consequence to the -developmental work and urban
growth, the Lushai Hills on the northern side of the district has
come more under urban influence. Even in the subdivision of Lungleh, which is the southern part of the district, near the town or near
good communication lines villagers are poor in agriculture in general, and their occupation is diversified. The more we proceed
towards the Arakan Hills or further south the more we find villages
rich in agriculture and people completely dependent on shifting
cultivation, as no other work is available.
In the Keorjhar Hills, where the high population density has
forced the people to be satisfied with a small amount of land, villages
are very small. With the increase of population, people have been
adopting permanent wet cultivation and naturally those who have
91

adopted this system, have temporarily overcome the pressure. On
the contrary, those who have not adopted wet cultivation or have
no immediate scope of modernization, still continue to practice
shifting cultivation. There is diversity of economy among villages
in the Keonjhar Hills.
The cropping patterns in the hills have not changed significantly over time and the introduction of new technology of agricultural
production has not made much of a dent. The hills enjoy a comparative advantage in the production of plantation crops, off season
vegetables and flowers and fruits. (Shah, 1979: 19). But due to
various technical, economic institutional and social constraints the
potential has not yet been realized.
Some of the reasons for the persistence of shifting cultivation
are as follows:
i) The plots of land available for wet cultivation in many
cases are small and scattered.
ii) There is a fear of the crop being destroyed by wild animals in scattered plots of land.
iii) Extension programmes are weak. Though most of the
agricultural operations in the hills are done by women there are no
women extension workers to educate the women agricultural workers injhum.
iv) Due to lack of ownership of land the Jhumia are not able
to get productive credit.
v) Marketing and storage are the biggest bottlenecks in hill
fanning as farmers do not get adequate returns on their investments.
vi) There is still the dominance of social and religious values
and beliefs, such as ideas of hurting the mother earth's breast and
this has strengthened the existence of shifting cultivation.
Due to inadequate means of transport and communications
most of the tribals are cut off from the mainstream of regional
economy. The shifting cultivators hardly have any inclination to
produce a surplus in settled or wet cultivation as there is no marketing facility in the hill areas. Due to a complete absence of irrigation
facilities or due to inadequate irrigation facilities they can neither use
fertilizers nor switch over to wet or settled cultivation. Communal
92
India
ownership of land is maintained due to the limited number of working hands because of the low density of population. Due to nonfixity of tenurial rights the long term improvement of land has
not been encouraged. The provision for co-operative credit is not
adequate. If the shifting cultivators do not borrow they have little
to invest and if they borrow from money lenders it deprives them of
a large part of their produce which they have to return in kind.
The deciding factors in the tribal society are sometimes
supernatural rather than human. Per acre return is very small as only
low valued crops are cultivated.
In the field study in Meghalaya it was found that the shifting
cultivators paid more attention to jhum by devoting a greater part of
manpower available and skill and only taking a half-hearted approach
to terrace cultivation. A few farmers undertook terrace cultivation
just to keep possession of land allotted to them. The potentiality
created in the terraced field was found to have remained under utilized. Because of such factors, contrary to the expectation, the yield
rate in terrace cultivation was much lower. (Saikia and Kalita, 1979:
92). This tends to confirm that shifting cultivation has deeper roots
in the socio-economic life of the concerned tribes, hence a consistent
effort is needed to educate them about the gains of the alternative
modes. This process must be supplemented by demonstration.
In the study of the selected area of Tripura, Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh by the Agro Economic Research Centre for Northeastern India, it has been observed that shifting cultivation offers very little scope for economic upliftment on
account of its subsistence nature. Extension of area is also not
possible as this form of agriculture is mainly dependent upon human
labour. There is little scope for specialization as diverse crops are
shown in a single plot of land. Even when there is some surplus
income in some families, the scope for investment for higher production in shifting cultivation is limited. Because of the land being communally owned the individual farmer does not take interest in the
land development. Shifting cultivation has been continuing because
there is no alternative in most of the hill villages (Saikia and Kalita,
1979: 112).
However, the technique developed by expert agriculturists
such as Apa-Tanis and Angami Naga is ideally suited to local con93
Swdden cultvaton n ASUl

ditions and can serve as a model for the dvelopment of agriculture
among less advanced tribes of the neighbourhood. The introduction
of terrace cultivation among the shifting cultivator Sema Nagas
with the help of Angami instructors has greatly relieved the pressure
on the land in over-populated Sema country. Similarly the agricultural method of the Apa-Tanis has to some extent been initated by
the neighbouring Dafla and could, if adapted to local conditions,
result in a considerable increase of food production among other
tribes of the Subansiri area.
The major reasons for the existence of shifting cultivation
among the Maler is the geographical setting of the villages. However,
for a pretty long time the process of change from khallu land to Bari
land, from shifting cultivation to settled and plough cultivation has
been known to the Maler. In all the possibilities they have responded
positively to such changes. On their own initiative the percentage of
Bagri land has increased. This has been the observation of Vidyarthi
in his field work (Vidyarthi, 1975: 323).
The Soliga have preference for shifting cultivation. Even those
who have been given lands for settled cultivation have been seen to
go in for the shifting cultivation keeping their land fallow. But those
who came in contact with peasants of the plains village have taken to
settled agriculture as in the case of Purani and Guruvinagadde settlements (Morab, 1977: 17).
The kolams who shifted to Manikgarh forest in Rajura Talug
of Andhra Pradesh were found to be reluctant to take to plough
cultivation and preferred to stick to podu. Even where Kolams have
completed the transition to permanent cultivation their enterprise
has hardly found the expected encouragement either from the
administration or the neighbouring population.
The socio-economic conditions of tribal groups in different
areas differ considerably and hence no blanket scheme can be successful in weaning the shifting cultivators away from it. Some of the
programmes undertaken to introduce settled farming have not given
the desired results. This is mainly because of the fact that land
capability classification of hilly areas is not done as yet. High yield
varieties 0f crops and improved implements suitable for different
anitudes of the hilly areas are yet to be developed.
94
India
No single remedy to deal with the problems for the entire
tribal region is conceivable. Depending upon the agro-climatic conditions, a mix of activities, such as terracing, orchard plantations,
forestry and forest based industries will have to be introduced.
Furthermore, some extent of jhum cultivation may have to continue
not only because of emotional and socio-cultural factors but because
it seems to represent the best economic opportunity in certain relatively remote and sparsely populated pockets. Nagaland, Arunachal
Pradesh and Mizoram could be cases in point.
95
Chapter Six
SUMMARY
AND CONCLUSIONS
The review reveals that swidden cultivation in the areas where

it is practised is largely a matter of natural resource management.
The ecology is such that no other system of cultivation can be resorted to. In the Amarpur Block of Tripura it is seen that some of
the Reang tribals have both kinds of land, the hill slopes as well as
the wet valley lands. It seems that they acquired the level wet lands
later. They practice swidden cultivation on the slopes but have leased
the wet lands to the immigrants from Bangladesh. They do not
perceive swidden as a more primitive agricultural technique than
settled cultivation. They have themselves not taken to plough cultivation as they have been used to swidden which keeps them busy all
the year round. Thus swidden represents the community's adjustment to the ecosystem in which they have been placed. In the course
of time the socio-cultural system meshes up with the agro-eco system
and a stage is reached when the former revolves round the latter to
such an extent that cultural myths which militate against any alternative system are created. These now serve as barriers against the adoption of settled cultivation.
Since swidden is a subsystem of the bigger agro-eco system,
the changes in the latter must impinge on the former. Anthropological studies in the past have highlighted the traditional ethnographic
dimension and the cultural barriers which have set the people against
it. They have paid little attention to the changes in the traditional
way of life as result of external factors. This process has been accelerated in recent years. The rapid economic development after
independence, the growing demand for land as a factor of production, the increasing demand and the prices of timber have imposed
constraints on the availability of land for traditional swidden cultivators. The problem has been further aggravated by rapid population
growth much beyond the carrying capacity of land in such areas. In
96
India
addition to these factors there was growing exposure to ideas and
new technology from outside. This was possible through opening up
of the tribal areas through development of new means of communication as well as the spread of education. Growth of political consciousness has also taken place on account of mobilization by political parties on the eve of every general election. Demands for new
facilities and ways for attaining a higher standard of living are being
articulated. The government is also committed to such a course.
Efforts are being made through enormous financial inputs to raise
their income beyond the subsistence level. The state policy towards
swidden cultivation may be viewed in this perspective.
It has been pointed out that the cultural imperatives in swidden communities are so strong that they are averse to any change
from shifting to settled cultivation. As a matter of fact there are
socio-cultural constraints in any process of change in all communities. This does not mean that change is not taking place in those
communities or that attempts to that end should not be made. Even
if we accept cultural determinism, change does take place under the
pressure of diverse factors over a period of time. And even before
this happens some innovation-prone individuals even in traditional
cultures begin to experiment with new ideas and artifacts. This
produces demonstration effect on others. Human individuals are
rational thinking entities and not mere automatons controlled by
culture.
This is seen in many areas in which social scientists discounted

any possibility of change due to strong social taboos against settled
cultivation. The Baiga in many areas, the Garo and several tribes of
Assam have been taking to settled cultivation. Vidyarthi (1963) also
points out that the Maler of Rajmahal Hills have also been moving
towards settled cultivation in such areas where this is possible.
During the Second Plan period the relocation scheme for some shifting cultivators did not succeed; not so much on account of the cultural factors but on account of faulty administrative arrangements,
putting people in a hostile social set up and lack of adequate preparation for the change. The administrators were happy that their
failures were hidden under the cover of the tribal's opposition to
change per se.
While weaning communities from shifting cultivation would be
a slow process, it is realised that at no point of time would it be
97

possible to relocate the entire population engaged in this on level
ground. The pressure of population on the plains is so intense that it
is difficult to find it for settling even such tribals who are willing to
do so. The other strategy should therefore be to promote scientific
swidden cultivation. Thus minimal damage would be done to the
subsoil, erosion would be checked and a better tilling-fallow ratio
can be maintained. Along with this, efforts should be made to build
terraces wherever possible. This is a difficult and expensive process
but tribals in many areas have proved equal to this task. With enhanced financial support from the government this process might be
accelerated.
An effort can be made to encourage the cultivation of perennial and other cash crops. This will not only raise their income level
but will make them sedentary wherever they are. The carrying
capacity of the land would increase substantially and the swidden
cultivators would be brought closer to the regional and national
economy. This step will also further the process of national integration.
In order to supplement the income of swidden cultivators,

animal husbandry programmes should be worked out effectively.
Since grazing is easily available, better breeds of cattle, goats and pigs
should be introduced in the area. From the sale of these animal
products the people would make some money and even if they are
not able to sell, at least their own food resources will be augmented
and they would be able to ward off starvation which faces them in
certain parts of the year.
On account of ignorance of the actual conditions and also of
the powerless position of the shifting cultivators, the government and
people at large have tended to regard shifting cultivation as an environmental and socio-cultural problem. In most areas the function of
the governments has been regulatory. Time has come to take a
holistic view of the problem. Shifting cultivation is a response to
demands of an eco-system, it is an adjustment with a given environment, Any effort to deal with it effectively should be multi-pronged
and based on a detailed survey of each area. Research should be
multi-disciplinary in character. It should include both human and
natural resource aspects to attain an optimum quality of life and
environmental quality through the formulation of an optimum set of
decisions.
98
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1960
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1978
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1968
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1969
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1974
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Kabiraj. S.
1962
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1958
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1976
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1953
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1979
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1972-73
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1969-70
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1976
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1966
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1970
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1977
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1975
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1958
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1980
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1968
Social dimensions of forest development policy of Madhya Pradesh.

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1979
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1966-67
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1977
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1977
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1977
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106
India
Sisodia,J.S. and
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1970
Agricultural development in Tribal

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1966
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1953
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1974
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107
Part Two
INDONESIA
Bedjo Soewardi
Chapter One
THE COUNTRY
Indonesia extends from latitude 6 0 north to latitude 11 0

south and from longitude 95 0 east to longitude 141 0 east. The
greatest distances from west to east and from north to south are
5,100 and 1,888 kilometres, respectively. This archipelagic country
consists of more than 13,000 islands. It has a very strategic location
connecting the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and stretching between
the two continents of Asia and Australia (see Figure 1). There are
five big islands namely Sumatra, Java, Kalimantan (the former
Borneo), Sulawesi (the former Celebes), and Irian Jaya (the former
West New Guinea) which represent respectively 24.7, 6.9,29.1,9.9,
22.0 per cent of total land area (see Figure 2).
The capital of Indonesia is Jakarta with 6.4 million people
in 1980. Administratively Indonesia consists of 27 provinces, 246
districts, 3,349 sub-districts, and 54 municipalities (see figure 3).
Indonesia is the world's fifth most populous nation. The 1971
census put the population at 119.2 million. It was 147.4 million
people in 1980 of which 91.3 million lived in Java. The island of
Java represents only 7 per cent of the total land area but accomodates 62 per cent of the population. A reasonable estimate of the
population in the year 2000 is 234.2 million of which 136.7 million
will live in Java. It is apparent that the distribution of population is
quite uneven with Java, Madura and Bali already overpopulated.
Total land area is approximately 200 million hectares. About
64 per cent of the area or 122 million hectares, are forest lands,
subdivided as follows: 47 million hectares for protection forest,
40 million hectares for production forest, 10 million hectares for
tourism and 25 million hectares as reserve forest to be converted for
other uses. Although the percentage of the forest land from total
land is still high, the conditions vary from island to island as shown
in Table 1.
111
Figure 1. Geographical Situation of Indonesia
Pacific Ocean
Scale
120000000
Figure 2. The Area of Indonesia Compared with that of

the United States of America
'
...... .
,
. . ~.<:;.:. : .
.~
r. "
>,
IN
,..
.."
.,'... '
',11-
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20000000
Figure 3. Administrative Units (Provinces) of Indonesia
o
I
13:1200390
i
i
SOUTH CHINA SEA
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."::
wes.......,,~~-
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ava ~"v-'e;J~:P.~-- '-.;.:.---p .

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Indonesia
Table 1. Percentage of forest land from total land by region
Region
Land area
Forest land
Percentage of
forest land
from total land
-%-
- millions 1. Java
13.22
2.89
21.8
2. Sumatra
49.31
28.42
57.6
3. Kalimantan
53.75
41.47
77.1
4. Sulawesi
17.55
9.91
56.4
5. Bali and Nusa Tenggara
7.06
2.04
27.6
6. Maluku
7.45
6.00
80.5
7. Irian Jaya
42.20
31.50
74.6
Total
190.54
122.23
64.15
Source: Statistik Kehutanan Indonesia 1975.
There are over 300 different ethnic groups in Indonesia. The

major ethnic groups are Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese, Minangkabau,
Batak, Acehnese, Buginese, Banjarese and Ambonese. Each ethnic
group has its own cultural identity and more than 250 languages are
spoken in the archipelago (Geertz, 1967). Nearly all the important
world religions are represented namely: Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and Hinduism, as well as a wide range of indigenous ones.
The total gross domestic product of Indonesia in 1974 was
Rp. 7269.0 billion* which increased to Rp. 9392.2 in 1978 (expressed at 1973 constant price). On a percentage basis the contribution from the agricultural sector has declined slightly from 38.7 to
34.1 per cent while other sectors, specially manufacturing industry,
trade, financing and other services have increased steadily from year
to year.
In 1978 agriculture contributed 31.1 per cent of the Gross
Domestic Product at current market prices and provided 61.6 per
cent of all employment. Agriculture is undoubtedly the backbone
of the Indonesian economy and a potent issue in politics. Rice for
example has been claimed not only as an economic commodity but
Approximately 970 Indonesian rupiahs (Rp)
115
=one United States dollar.

also a political commodity, Shortage of nce may provoke social
unrest and political instability.
The ever-increasing imports of food and other agricultural
products simply means that the rate of increase in agricultural
production has been smaller than the rate of increase of consumption
which is primarily due to a high rate of population growth. To cope
with this great and challenging problem simultaneous efforts have
been made: (1) to increase agricultural production, (2) to develop
agricultural-based industry, (3) to reduce the rate of population
growth through birth control programmes, and (4) to move people
from densely populated islands to scarcely populated ones, a process
known as transmigration.
Challenges
in agriculture
1.
Food production. The population pressure makes food production a major concern. According to Satari et aI. (1977) by
the year 2000 Indonesia has to produce 33 million tonnes of
rice annually to feed 250 million people. This means that
Indonesia should increase rice producton by 5 per cent per
annum. Previous experience showed that intensification could
contribute only 2 per cent. Consequently the remaining 3 per
cent should be met from extensification which requires
opening up new land for production at the rate of 400,000
hectares a year. Of this figure 300,000 hectares are dry land
while 100,000 hectares are wet land. Although the land is
available, there is a labour shortage in outer Java for which
transmigration is considered an excellent answer.
2.
Marginal resources. There is no question of the importance of

land for an agricultural country like Indonesia. There is a large
potential for agriculture outside Java and Bali where agricultural development is reaching stagnation. However, extension
of agriculture in outer Java and Bali means the utilization of
marginal soils (Class IV, V and VI) as shown in Table 2. About
60 per cent of the 35 million hectares of dry land potentially
appropriate for food crops consists of Red Yellow Podzolic
soils with the following characteristics:
116

Acid, pH between 4.5 - 5.0
Poor in plant nutrients
Low in cation exchange capacity (CEC)
Low in water holding capacity and water permeability
Erodable.
3.
Resource degradation. There are about 42 million hectares of

waste land, or about 22 per cent of the total land area of Indonesia, with an annual increase of 1-2 per cent a year. Swidden
cultivation has been claimed as the main cause of the destructive process. Recently, improper logging operations have been
known to have similar impact. Even semipermanent and permanent sedentary farming are detrimental if soil conservation
measures are negleted.
Problems in
farm operation
1. Size of holding. One of the essential characteristics of farming

in Indonesia, as is true in most developing countries in the tropics,
is that units are small in terms of land-holding as well as capital
investment.
The average size of farms in Indonesia is about one hectare

(ha) while in Java it is only 0.62 ha. Even the new settlement programme (transmigration) allocates only 2 ha of land per family
comprising 0.25 ha for the house and home garden, 0.75 ha for rainfed farming and 1.0 ha as irrigated land. The danger of fragmentation, especially in Java, is increasing and has resulted in even smaller
farm units and an increasing number of landless labour in the rural
areas.
Dictated by such small land-holding units the famers tend to
plant food crops at subsistence level. Therefore their ability to
generate cash and accumulate capital is limited. Very often they are
trapped by advance payments which lowers the price of their products during harvest time and increases the price of the inputs.
Without help from outside they are unable to buy improved seed
varieties, fertilizers, and pesticides. They try to avoid new technology
118
Indonesia
as it poses a big risk of failure and collapse. This is especially true for
upland farming-which has higher risks.
2. Accessibility. Most of the upland agriculture is located in less
accessible areas compared with lowland agriculture. The greater distance from towns and insufficient transportation result in a lower
farm gate price for agricultural products and higher price of agricultural inputs. Isolation also forces farmers to operate at subsistence
levels.
3. Marketing. The market for the palawz"ja * is less certain. In Indonesia promotion of palawija production ended up in failure because
there was no established market that could absorb the products.
4. Storage. Farmers can not wait for better prices because of risky
storage. Loss due to insects and rodents is substantial. Worse still,
since this problem does not belong only to farmers but to traders as
well, Indonesia, for example, imports corn for animal feed because of
lack of good storage facilities. This phenomenon demonstrates the
importance of the development of post-harvest technology for enhancing the production of palawz"ja which is the main product of
upland agriculture.
5. Seeds. Seeds of improved varieties, with the exception of rice,
are not easily available in the market or the price is so high that the
upland farmers cannot afford them.
* Palawija = non rice food commodities such as corn, cassava, peanut, soybean, and
mungbean.
119
Chapter Two
SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
In general, swidden cultivation has taken place in areas where

ample land is available. This is the most potent single factor that
promotes the adoption of this way of life. The more forest lands
available for agriculture the stronger the drive toward swidden cultivation because forest lands provide fertile soils, especially rich in
organic matter. However, the persistence of the cultural technique is
determined by the low potential fertility of the parent materials. The
lower the potential fertility the more persistent is swidden cultivation. The logical reason is that in areas with lower potential fertility
the critical land/man ratio which dictates the switch to more
sedentary farming systems will not be achieved or will take a very
long time. This analysis explains the spatial order of persistence,
shortest to longest, of swidden cultivation in the five biggest islands:
Java, Sulawesi, Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Irian J aya. There is negative correlation between the order of persistence and land capability
class (see Figure 4 for land capability classes). Java is the island
blessed with the most fertile land; it also has the highest population
density. Swidden cultivation started to disappear much earlier in
Java than in other islands. Most literature reported that since 1931
swidden cultivation has not been significant in Java. The opposite
extreme is Irian J aya, where the population density is lowest and
where most of the tribes are relatively backward compared to the
other ethnic groups in the other islands. Swidden cultivation is still
the mode of life for most of the population. A finer spatial scrutiny
will be more convincing as such phenomena occur in North Sumatra,
Riau, West Sumatra, Bengkulu, West Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, North Sulawesi and
Southeast Sulawesi (see Gintings 1970, 1971 a, 1971 b, 1973; Gintings and Wiradinata 1973; Satjapradja 1972).
The relationship between soil fertility and the persistence of
swidden cultivation can be verified through other analysis. If we
120
Figure 4.
Land Capability Map: Indonesia

(Source: Soil Research Institute)
.....
.....
N
LEGEND
1~~opDlrty
Im
IV
V
VI
lUll
i!!!!l!li!
i~~".
vu L1!:':
vm n:.w}~
307J102lJ
2lHieo12O
gg,gg{Q)
21-S"6510
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10212310
202-7Ill 650
LS2
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100.00
Swidden cultz'vation in AsUz

match the distribution of imperata grasslands with major soil groups
(see Figure 5 and Figure 6), we may assume that in Indonesia
imperata grasslands are mostly found in areas dominated by podzolic
soils and to a lesser extent by the latosoI. Podzolic soils are chemically poorer and physically worse than latosoI. Since imperata is a good
impact indicator of swidden cultivation then our previous deduction
is further supported.
Isolation is another determinant. Lack of transportation and
other infrastructures prevent the groups from Irian J aya from obtaining new knowledge, skill, and agricultural inputs especially fertilizers.
In other words since no new agricultural technology is available
they keep practising shifting cultivation. Inaccessibility to markets
forces them to operate subsistence farming. In such isolated areas
low-input farming, such as shifting cultivation, is the technology of
choice. Road systems are poorest in Irian Jaya. In most areas which
are practically in absolute isolation, the majority of the tribes are still
practising swidden cultivation. At the other extreme in Java, almost
every area is accessible and the practice of swidden cultivation is no
longer significant. There are pockets of such activitity, such as in
Southern West Java, where population density is relatively lower and
the people are less accessible. The conditions in the other three
major islands are between these two extremes.
There are four distinct systems used by swiddeners: upland
forest, imperata grassland, tidal swamp forest, and savanna. The
most important is swidden cultivation in the upland forest since it
involves the largest area and the most valuable forest products
especially timber. At present in several areas the swiddeners do not
always use primary forest; rather they cut secondary forest which
needs less effort or even less advanced succession of resource system
such as brush and imperata grassland. The second most important is
tidal swamp forest since it deals with fragile ecosystems, valuable
timber and may affect fisheries. Although the least important, the
savanna is getting more attention since the soil is fertile and the
needs of extensification and intensification of agricultural lands
necessitate better land use practice.
Until the beginning of the twentieth century almost all ethnic
groups in Indonesia engaged in swidden cultivation. Later, it was
assumed that only tribal peoples practised swidden cultivation.
Recently, more developed ethnic groups, including part of the
122
Figure 5. Geographical Distribution of IMPERATA Dominated Lands

(not including Irian Jaya)
.....:......
IV
IN
{)
3fOKm
Figure 6. Geographical Distribution of Latosol and Red Yellow Podzolic
. .':P
..- I
\
,
~
Latosol
11 Red Yellow Podzolic
118 Red Yellow Podzollc/Lltosol/Regosol
"
:I'
0
500
km
,
Indonesia
Javanese who moved to outer islands, have been found to practise or
adopt the shifting technique as the method of production.
A typical variation of swidden cultivation is shown in Table 3.
In general the more developed ethnic groups 0 avanese, Sundanese,
Buginese, Minangkabau, and Malay) prefer wet ricefields (swampland) because it is more productive and not too dependent on
rainfall. If they must use upland for lack of wet ricefields or irrigation, they tend to apply more intensive technology or they plant
perennial crops such as rubber, coffee, coconut, clove, or fruit trees.
More species are planted by more developed ethnic groups in contrast to the less developed tribal peoples who plant only rubber or
fruit trees. In other words the more developed groups are more
market-oriented in selecting their crops. They are also more profitoriented by selecting higher-valued but less bulky commodities such
as clove, coffee, or coconut for making copra. Tribal peoples keep
growing rubber or rattan (Gintings, 1971 b). One reason for this is
that the tribal peoples live in less accessible areas and do not have
the skill to cultivate cash crops requiring higher technology (Note
the location of Bangkinang, Dumai, and Mandau in Figure 7).
It is very difficult, if not impossible, to know the number of
swiddeners and the areas used for swidden cultivation. Most of the
tribal peoples live in almost completely isolated and inaccessible
areas, deep in the interior. Although some swiddeners are farmers
with permanent settlements, data are very limited.
Although it is difficult to evaluate the reliability of the number of swiddeners it is probably useful to present them. Soedarma
(1968) estimated that the total number of swiddeners was 200,000
to 300,000 families in 1935 - 1940. Spencer (1966) estimated that
there were 380,000 families of swidden cultivators with a total
land area of 34 million hectares, Soeranggadjiwa (1980) has an
estimate of one million families with an annual increase of 2.5 per
cent. These figures are usually used officially. Rasyid and Wirakusumah (1978) put a much higher number, 1.5 million swiddeners
in Indonesia or about 15 per cent of the total farmers.
As has been previously stated, it is difficult to present the geographical distribution of ethnic groups engaged in swidden agriculture. An approximation is made with the spatial distribution pre125
Table 3. Characteristics of three different types of swidden cultivation in Riau, Sumatra*

Districts
Items
Bangkinang
Minangkabau & Malay
Sakai
Javanese, Buginese, Banjarese, Malay
2. Stage of civilization
More developed
Less developed
More developed
4. Resource systems used

N
0\
Dumai
l. Ethnic group
3. Elevation above sea level

......
Mandau
40m
Upland forest
20m
Upland and swamp forest
5. Area opened per family (ha)
2m
Swamp forest
1Yz
6. Cropping period (year)
7. Productivity (ton/ha)
0.5
1 for upland and

2Yz for swampland
8. Motivation
The fall of the price of rubber

Not enough land for wet rice-field
Way of life
Not enough land for wet

ricefield
9. Accessibility
Good
Poor
Good
Substantial
Minimal
Substantial for upland and

and minimal for swampland
10. Negative impacts
Summarized from Gintings 1971 b).
Figure 7.
'
.........
... ~-t_.,._+
-.
...... -t-_ . . . . ""
Riau Province
. 0 f ethnic groups
h'cal distribution
Figure 8. Geograp
---nJ'k5~~-----
II
'0
.~, .J:.~
~~"':"o
:&. :. <>
:t:0Illja Z
!
....
~... !c::J~ ~Iucca" .....

".
Q'~ ";:-'"
:
Bugirese Qvfj-'':
~
:..:::(
..;
D....
z:::::::. '~~
....., '~p
.'~
~'''':'''';'''-,.:'Q~/
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.'~
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Indonest'a
sented in Figure 9. The approximation is deducted using the following informatiom
1.
All the results of the surveys done by the Forest Research

Institute (Lembaga Penelitian Hutan) in the early 1970s
(see Gintings and also Satjapradja).
2.
The spatial distribution of t'mperata grassland.
3.
The geographical distribution of ethnic groups. This third

source of information is used because most tribal populations are swiddeners. The information on the distribution
of more developed ethnic groups engaged in swidden
cultivation such as the Buginese and Banjarese who farm
tidal swampland, the Javanese, Batak and Minangkabau
who use upland areas, is also used.
All major religions are represented in the religions of swidden

cultivators: Islam, Christianity (Catholic and Protestant), Hinduism
and Buddhism. There are also indigenous belief systems. However,
the religious and belief systems vary among various ethnic groups or
tribes and within ethnic groups or tribes.
Original beliefs are still strongly held by less developed swiddeners such as the Kubu, Mamaq, Sakai and part of the Dayak. This
is the reason why efforts to convert to the above religions have been
undertaken by missionaries as well as through government resettlement programmes. The evaluation of the resettlement programmes
reported that religious conversion is much more successful compared
to educational and economic improvements.
There is one traditional belief which needs to be mentioned,
Kaharingan, which is the traditional belief of the Dayaks of southern
Kalimantan: the Luangan, Maanyan, Ngaju, and Ot Danum (Weinstock, 1981). Only very recently, in March, 1980, Kaharingan was
officially accepted as Hindu/Dharma/Kaharingan.
129
Figure 9. Approximate Geographical Distribution of

Swidden Cultivation
....
Chapter Three
SUBSISTENCE
AND CASH ECONOMY
Only some small groups of the tribal population still wander

through the jungles to collect forest and brush products, to hunt and
fish. At present most of them are swidden cultivators. For the more
developed ethnic groups only a very small percentage practice shifting techniques and most are sedentary farmers. It should be noted,
however, that although the percentage is small their absolute number.
might be suprisingly high.
With differences in the stage of development, their environment, and their geographical location we can expect that their subsistence and cash economies are varied.
In the earliest stage of development when they are food gatherers and hunters they depended on what the forest could provide.
They collected fruits and wild tubular roots for carbohydrates and
wild animals and fish for protein. To give concrete examples, the
following descriptions are taken after Loeb (1972).
The wild Kubu have no rice, and are unwilling to eat it.
They will not eat the flesh to cats, tigers, or elephants. They
eat wild pigs, all sorts of apes, and a turtle uneatable to the
Malays. They further eat fruits, roots, and worms, lizards,
and snakes. The food eaten by the Mamaq is mostly the
product of hunting, fishing or the jungle. The tribes of Sakai
are of nomadic culture, like all Veddoid people, and do not
like agriculture.
For those who have already entered the agricultural stage, cultivation of crops and the raising of livestock are evolutionary developments, voluntarily learned from or forced on them by the ruling
ethnic groups. Their main source of carbohydrate varies. For the
highlanders and uplanders the staple foods are either rice (in Sumatra
131

and Kalimantan) or sweet potatoes (in Irian Jaya). For the lowlanders especially those who live in the swamp forest or on the river their
chief nourishment is floating rice or sago. The latter is especially important for the people in Irian Jaya. Banana, and tubular roots such
as cultivated yam and taro are only supplements.
Satjapradja (1972) reported that the Dayak in Central Kalimantan produce only enough to meet the food requirement of their
family. In the more remote areas the food is not enough and they
have to earn a living from tapping tubber, collecting rattan, searching
for gold and diamonds, or cutting timber.
A similar situation was observed by Gintings (1970) in the
Kerajaan District, in North Sumatra. In this remote place rice production is only 0.5 tonnes of unhusked rice per family. Their additional income is from collecting styrax and other minor forest
products and making lumber all of which meet their needs for up to
eight months. The rest of the year they eat cassava and bamboo
shoots. An alternative type of agriculture done by the Mimika
people, the inhabitants of Mimika District in the lowlands of Southwestern IrianJaya, was described by Sutaarya (1963). In more or less
permanent villages the old people work in their subsistence gardens
and take care of children. Young people leave the villages for areas
where sago palms grow either wild or cultured. They temporarily
stay in emergency huts to harvest and to prepare sago starch. After
collecting a sufficient amount of sago starch they return to their
villages. At the same time the old people are harvesting banana,
tobacco and vegetables from their gardens. The whole population
then move to the coast to catch fish. They stay there until they run
out of sago starch, and migrate back in groups to their interior
villages, to start the next similar cycle.
A lot of varieties of cash crops (banana, sugar cane, tobacco,
pineapple, fruit trees) have been planted by the natives in many
swidden areas in Indonesia Qoest, 1882; Jongejans, 1918; Bums,
1849; Hagen, 1903; Holmes, 1924; Bor, 1932; Koentjaraningrat,
1963). Hagen (1903) observed the importance of coconut and sugar
palm in Aceh. In 1918, Jongejans made a positive statement that the
Lampung people were not swidden agriculturists by preference, but
the land was likely to be opened where it could be transformed into
a pepper garden. He also said that even rattan was not merely a
spontaneous forest product, rather it was planted. As early as in
132
Indonesia
189.4 Jacobs reported that in more old days in Aceh, the farm
lands were enriched with pepper and then ceased because of the
unfavourable trade situation.
In several areas the development of perennial crops does not
automatically eliminate swidden cultivation because these crops, very
often, can only meet part of their living requirements. Again unfavorable price relationship is possibly the main cause.
Livestock
as source of cash
Pigs are regarded as game animals by most swiddeners and are

an important source of protein. Loeb (1972) stated that although
the Sakai have borrowed freely from Malay custom they do not wish
to give up eating pork as a favorite article of diet. Domestication of
this species made pigs the most important livestock for almost all
tribal populations in Indonesia. This is especially true for the Papuans, the indigenous people of Irian Jaya. As an illustration, so
significant is the role of domesticated pigs for the Kapauku (Pospisil,
1963) that its successful breeding and sale constitute the most
important source of individual wealth and prestige. The pig functions
as an indispensable part of the bride price and as a means toward
achieving political power and position of legal authority. Together
with the cultivation of sweet potatoes and the circulation of the
cowrie shell money, it is the basis of the native economy. Around
the mass slaughter of these animals the Kapauku have evolved large
social ceremonies such as juwo, the pig feast, tapa, fund raising, and
dedomai, the pig market.
Tan (1963) wrote that Maju women treat piglets gently and
sometimes give the animal their own milk which shows that pigs are
more than just an economic commodity.
Chickens are generally next to pigs in the order of importance
for the primitive tribes. In 1955 chickens were introduced to the
Kapauku and seven years later they became well integrated into the
native culture.
133
There is no evidence that large animals like buffaloes and

cattle, have been raised by the most primitive swiddeners in Indonesia. In 1975 an effort to introduce sixteen cows to Kenyah Dayak
(Co1fer and Soedjito, 1980) by the Population Resettlement Project
in East Kalimantan was doomed to failure because there was no
tradition of keeping cattle. Most of the cattle died and the rest
represented a nuisance and an economic detriment since they regularly devastated the gardens of the inhabitants.
For the more developed swiddeners especially those with
permanent settlement, buffaloes and cattle have been fully domesticated and have played important roles in the operation of their
farms. There are two reasons why they raise these large animals.
First, raising the animals is compatible with food crop production
either as draught animals or for their manure. Brenner (1894) described primitive Batak agriculture which used a very primitive
plough pulled by buffaloes or bullocks. Second, the environment
provides extensive natural pasture in the form of imperata grassland
in the humid regions (Sumatra and Kalimantan) and savanna in the
drier regions (East Nusa Tenggara). In both types of regions large
animal raising constitutes a bigger share of cash income, as a means
of accumulation of wealth, and determines the social status of the
owner.
The manufacture of handicrafts has enabled the swiddeners
to obtain additional goods to meet their needs. Several tribal peoples
are already good workers in rattan, bamboo, pottery and even in
iron. Some are well known for wood carving and cloth weaving.
There are also gold and silver smiths in the more developed ethnic
groups. The products are not only used locally but have been traded
with neighbouring tribes, with outside traders and even with foreigners.
Each tribe is specific in talent and skill. The Nomboran in Irian
Jaya, for example, are good in handicraft especially in bamboo and
rattan weaving as well as wooden crafts Adim, 1973). The Asmatter
are famous for carvings (Tenison, 1975). Nias people are exceedingly
rich in wooden carvings of human forms and clay burning for pottery
(Loeb, 1972), and the Iban Dayak are well known for weaving exotic
traditional clothes (Tenison, 1975).
There is also a large variation in trading. The most primitive is
through "silent barter" which for the Kubu lasted until 40 years ago
134
Indonesia
(Leob, 1972). In this exchange the Kubu left products from the bush
on the ground and retired, returning to gather up what the Malays
had given in payment. Such trade was never entirely fair to the
Kubu. The Malays were seen, but never the Kubu. The next development in the exchange of goods is through common barter where the
buyers meet the sellers. However, the more significant progress is
when they used a certain product as a medium of exchange, such as
tobacco for the Asmatters (Tenison, 1975), or shell money for the
Kapauku (Pospisil, 1963).
In general the money economy started because of the inevitable progress in trade with outsiders or when the ruling group
forced them to pay tax with money. For example the Kubu learned
the use of money only after the discovery of petroleum in Palembang
in 1898 (Leob, 1972) while the Timorini in Irian Jaya started to use
money after the coming of Zending (Koentjaraningrat, 1963).
From the economic point of view the Kapauku in the highlands of Irian Jaya is a sort of exception. Pospisil (1963) wrote the
following:
These capitalistic features of the Kapauku economy,
such as the existence of true money, savings, and speculation,
a market regulated by the law of supply and demand, an
emphasis on wealth that surpasses in its magnitude that encountered in our own societY,the dominant position of sales
in the exchange of commodities, the uses of paid labor and of
lease contracts, are combined with a strong indigenous
version of individualism. This mariifests itself especially in
the Kapauku system of ownership. Every material item that
the natives possess is owned individually, a common ownership being simply inconceivable.
The notion of individualism and a relative financial independence are inculcated into the Papuans at a very early
age. When a boy is about ten years old his father gives him
a garden plot and encourages him to work on it for his own
benefit. The boy gradually develops its production and begins
his own financial career. He often plays the role of creditor
or debtor to his father, older brother, or cousin.
135
Chapter Four
INTERETHNIC INTERACTION
Interaction among ethnic groups almost always results in

acculturation but with more diffusion from the dominant groups.
Even in the condition of lack of direct contact, the process of acculturation had started already. Loeb (1972) stated that when the
Kubu traded by "silent barter" with the Malay the Kubu picked up
the language, the social organization, and the religion of the Malay.
In general there are three objectives for which interactions
take place: (1) economic; (2) religious; and (3) political. These three
modes of interaction could occur at any stage of development. In
the economic mode for example the interaction could range from
"silent barter" to modem economic relation such as the transaction
between tribal peoples and logging companies.
As early as the fourth century there were already friendly relations between the Kingdom of Mulawarman in East Kalimantan and
the Kingdom of Pallava in India and the Ming Dynasty in China
(Rasyid and Wirakusumah, 1978). Communication with people from
other islands in Indonesia (Sulawesi, Timor, and Sumatra) was
already established. Up to this time the Dayak, the indigenous people
of Kalimantan, lived by gathering and hunting. From those outsiders
the Dayak learnt new agricultural techniques along big river valleys
and coastal zones. Paddy was the first important food crop adopted
by the Dayak and later became their staple food. The intensity of
adoption varies among sub-tribes. The Punan Dayak still rely on sago,
fruits and game animals. The switch from food gathering and hunting
to rice cultivation has tremendously changed their culture in terms
of power distribution, labour utilization, village and housing structure. The orientation is no longer on food richness of forests but
rather on the fertility of the soil.
In Indonesia the exposure of swiddeners to modem life
through the activities of logging operations is the most extensive in
terms of spatial distribution. It is also the most intensive in terms
of interaction. The situation in East Kalimantan is representative and
136
Indonesia
will be presented here. Forest exploitation based on forest concessions in East Kalimantan started in 1969. There are 130 lumber
companies which comprise 210 camps and cover more than 11 million hectares of production forest scattered in the whole province.
The logging companies employ about 22,000 persons including 1,861
foreigners. In general the labourers, especially skilled workers come
from outside the villages and even outside the region. There are many
logging companies which employ foreign workers through a "package
system" which brings foreign workers even though domestic workers
are available (Abu, 1980). In the Berau area, East Kalimantan only
12 per cent of the total working opportunities were taken up by the
local population in 1977/1978 (Saleh and Trihastoyo, 1978). Tenison (1975) wrote that the investment in Irian J aya is profitable to
both the foreign companies and Indonesia Government but adds
little to the development of the local people; skilled workers in
the companies are mostly foreigners - American, Filipino, Korean,
Japanese and Australian.
In East Kalimantan (Saleh and Trihastoyo, 1978) local food
production supplies only 5 per cent of the camp food expenditure.
It is further supported by Abu (1980) that in East Kalimantan,
practically all foods (rice, vegetables, fruit, fish, meat, and eggs)
required by logging companies are supplied from outside the region
or even imported. It is indeed not easy to increase the market share
of the natives. In Irian J aya the greater part of the fruit and vegetables consumed in the larger towns is supplied by non-Irianese who
also control the transport and marketing services. An attempt was
made to develop the trade in vegetables, in particular cabbages,
grown by tribesmen in the highlands and flown to the urban coastal
zones. This operation was uneconomic and abandoned (Tension,
1975).
People from Kenyah tribe have often made long trips to

Sarawak since before 1900 because there are more employment
opportunities in Sarawak than in East Kalimantan, and the fact that
it is closer for the sale of their forest products and the purchase of
their needs. In addition to the economic advantages they also get
the psychological satisfaction out of their expedition to Sarawak
since the trip provides them with interesting experiences and
amongst other non-economic reasons they like to visit their relatives
(Peluso, 1980). Among the forest products kayu gaharu (aloe wood)
has become an important source of income Oessup, 1981).
137
Chapter Five
GOVERNMENT POLICY
ON SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
Efforts to develop tribal populations have been made from

time to time since earlier history. The Sultan of Siak has commanded
the Sakai and Akit to plant rice, and once in a while punishes a man
who has no field. It often happens that they sow rice, but do not
reap it, since they are only commanded to sow, not to reap (Loeb,
1972). Loeb also wrote that the Kubu continued as wanderers in the
brush until compelled by the Dutch to settle down and take up
agriculture. Even now the Kubu is averse to regular work and to
bathing. According to Tenison (1975) in the 1930s the Dutch forced
some of them to live in villages near the Malays and attempted to
make them take up agriculture but many left to return to a nomadic
way of life. Recently, several groups of Kubu have again been persuaded to settle and although they moved away from a nomadic life
to a more permanent agricultural system they seldom stay in one
place for more than a year.
The Nimboran Project in Irian Jaya (see Adim, 1963) is particularly interesting because it provides valuable experience and knowledge in planning and implementation. Most of the Nimboran are
swidden cultivators. However, they are diligent and energetic and
these traits place them ahead of neighbouring tribes. In 1946 a plan
was set up to develop the Nimboran area as a pilot project of agricultural community development in Irian Jaya. The objective of the
project was to increase agricultural production in order to be able to
meet local demand and also to support the development of Kota
Baru which was planned to grow rapidly as a big city. This project
was funded by the South Pacific Commission within the same
framework as the other projects in Oceania, all of which were proposed during the meeting of South Pacific Research Council in
Noumea, New Caledonia. The project which started in 1956 was not
only designed to make economic improvement of the rural people
but also their social welfare.
138
Indonesia
A nucleus farm was established using imperata grassland
through the help of the Dutch Administration. The area of the
grassland was 16 hectares, owned by three villages and was usually
used for communal hunting. The project was equipped with one
tractor, other agricultural implements, and skilled personnel from the
Nimboran. Local inhabitants could work as wage labourers.
Production was market-oriented and therefore emphasized
cash crops such as peanut, corn, soybean, sticky rice, upland rice,
cocoa, and coffee. To facilitate marketing, a co-operative and a trade
centre were established. Still another big problem arose because of
difficulties in getting labour. Young men preferred to work in a big
city, Jayapura for example. In 1953/1954 the government promoted
the development of plantation crops for the people. Modern machinery was available through hiring from the co-operative. Again
this policy was not effective due to bureaucratic restraints.
Recent government efforts to convert the way of life of swiddeners is a matter of acceptance of the inevitable. With the rapid
population increase (2.3 per cent per annum) there i~ an increasing
demand for food. New agricultural lands must be put into production and people from densely populated areas should be moved to
relatively empty areas. These mean the invasion of the regions where
swidden cultivation is practised, is inevitable. A more influential
factor is the operation of logging companies. The potential tremendous impacts from the construction of highway such as TransSumatra, Trans-Sulawesi, and Trans-Kalimantan highway are beyond
doubt. Mining exploration and oil and natural gas exploitation, by
and large, will eventually affect the life of the swiddeners.
The situation in the Mandau District, Riau Province illustrates
very well the position of the backward Sakai. Most of the population
of the district are the employees of the oil companies and logging
companies. The farmers constitute 10 per cent of the population and
are almost all Sakai Swiddeners (Gintings, 1971).
The government of Indonesia has paid significant attention
and more effective effort to tribal people and swidden cultivation
since the adoption of the first Five Year Development Plant (Repelita) in 1969. Three projects, each separately managed by three
different departments, are carried out to deal with swidden cultivation including the question of tribal population. The three projects
139

are: (1) Population Resettlement, under the Directorate General of
Forestry, Department of Agriculture; (2) Village Resettlement, under
the Directorate General of Village Development, Department of
Interior; and (3) Development of Isolated Communities, under the
Directorate General of the Development of Isolated Communities,
Department of Social Affairs.
There are common objectives among the projects namely: (1)
conservation and sustainable use of natural resources especially
forest, land and water; and (2) improvement of the living standard
and welfare of the swiddeners. It seems that each agency views the
problem from its own functional interests. The Department of Agriculture is more concerned with the protection of forest, the Department of Home Affairs with the improvement of administrative
machinery and the Department of Social Affairs with the equity
policy. For clarification, the following description is presented:
1. Population Resettlement (Resetelmen Penduduk)
This project deals with the development of permanent settlement for swiddeners. The objectives of this project are: (1) Establishment of sedentary farming; (2) Increasing productivity of farming
and standard of living of the settlers; and (3) Minimizing the destruction of forest and soil.
Management of this project is under the Department of Agriculture at national level and Resettlement Project at provincial Level.
Many government services are involved in the implementation such
as Forest Service, Directorate of Village Development, Estate Crop
Service, Public Works, Directorate of Land Use, Office of Census and
Statistics, Regional Office of Social Affairs, Livestock Service and
Food Crop Service.
Selection of the site for settlement is based on the future
development possibilities. For example the site of the area should be
able to accommodate future expansion and the location should be
easily accessible.
The government builds the roads, houses, and such public
facilities such as school buildings, recreation and ritual facilities and
health centers. Each family receives five hectares of land with three
hectares al~ocated for woodlot and the other two hectares for compound and farmland.
140
Indonesia
By Presidential Decrees this project is financed by extra royalty on top of the normal royalties on timber produced by concessionaries (Iuran Hasil Hutan Tambahan = IHHT). The unit cost per
family varies from Rp. 670,000.- to Rp. 950,000.-.
After seven years of operation since 1972, some 8,853 families
have been resettled in 30 locations in 17 provinces: Aceh, North
Sumatra, Riau, West Sumatra, Jambi, South Sumatra, Bengkulu,
South Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, West
Kalimantan, North Sulawesi, Central Sulawesi, Southeast Sulawesi,
South Sulawesi, Maluku, and Irian J aya.
East Kalimantan ranks the highest with 5.441 families or
61.46 per cent of the total families resettled because of its potential
as log exporter and its big income from royalties.
Evaluation of this project revealed that participation in religious activities is the most successful. Education is almost a complete failure. What is more disappointing is that the settlers still
practice their previous farming system which is shifting cultivation.
There has been no significant progress in the introduction of estate
crops. This failure is probably due to the fact that social activities take priority over running their farms. Besides this, supporting
systems (procurement of inputs, marketing, and other economic
institutions) have not been developed.
Although it was reported that no member of the resettled
communities has left, there is news to the contrary indicating that
the number of people leaving the new settlements is substantial.
2. Village Resettlement (Resetelmen Desa)
Under this programme isolated communities especially in the
prone areas or at the borders are moved to better settlement areas
either new or already existing. The objective of this programme is to
create equal opportunity for the new settlers to achieve the same
standard of living as other communities.
This programme is specially managed by the Directorate
General of Village Development, Department of Interior. Cooperation with other sectoral offices is done only in the selection of
a settlement site especially if it is a new one.
141

The government builds the road to make the location accessible. Each family receives two hectares of land and agricultural
inputs such as seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides. A house is given free
to each family. The government also builds public facilities such as
a school building, health center, and ritual building. The budget for
this project is supplied by the central government with a unit cost
per family of Rp. 700.000.
This type resettlement project has been executed since 1974
and so far has resettled 6,871 families in 61 locations. One of the
critical problems which has to be solved is the potential disputes
between the new settlers and the old settlers because of: (1) Differences in economic conditions and traditions; and (2) Land ownership and the right to use the land.
3. Development of Isolated Communities (Pembinaan Masyarakat Terasing)
This is a special project to settle isolated and scattered tribal
communities to new and better permanent settlements. The objective
is to provide better facilities in the development of their cultures,
traditions, and their way of life.
The regional office of the Department of Social Affairs is fully
responsible for the management of this programme. Facilities given
by the government are houses, agricultural land, agricultural means,
tools and infrastructures. The central government provides money
at a unit cost per family ranging from Rp. 500,000 to Rp. 700,000.-.
Efforts to develop isolated tribes have been undertaken since
the 1950s, although initially limited to research and planning only.
The target groups were isolated tribes: Mentawaian, Dayak, Sakai,
Kubu, and Suku Laut. Since the beginning of the first Five Year
Development Plan more effective plans have been set up and implemented. The target groups have not been limited to tribal peoples
only but have included all isolated communities (Pramanto, 1980).
The achievements of this project which has been carried out in
17 provinces are as follows (Anonymous, 1979):
1.
Social conditions of the resettlers are more stable and

they are ready to step up into the next phase of the
development.
142
Indonesz"a
2.
The preference to live in permanent areas and to engage

in permanent jobs is increasing.
3.
Attitudes towards the adoption of new values are changing.
4.
Adoption of new technology and equipment is promising.
5.
Social communication between the resettlers and the

indigenous peoples is better.
However, there are still problems to be solved, among which are:

1.
Exploitation of the newly established communities by

others.
2.
The isolated peoples are considered inferior.
3.
Hostility of the host community towards the new settlers.
As a consequence there are tendencies for the resettlers to leave the

new community.
In addition to the above projects which are directly and specifically designed to cope with the problems of swidden cultivation
there are several other projects which can be coupled to the above
problems in one way or another because they are compatible and
synergistic. These projects are:
1.
Transmz"gratz"on Projects. For the third Five Year Development Plant (1979 - 1'984) some 2.5 million people
have been set to be resettled from Java and Bali to the
outer islands. Since this project uses the same resource
systems (upland forest, z"mperata grassland, and swampland) sooner or later it will interface with the projects on
swidden cultivation. Co-ordination and integration are
necessary if we want to maximize overall benefits (e.g.
diffusion of technology, development of infrastructures)
and to minimize potential negative impacts (e.g. future
friction).
Each family receives 2 hectares of land consisting of
1 ha for wet rice field, 0.75 ha for dryland crops, and
0.25 ha for housing and home garden.
143

2.
Reforestation and Regreening Projects

Soedarwono (1978) suggested the integration of
Reforestation and Regreening Projects with Resettlement
Projects through:
a) the use of resettlers as wage labourers; and
b) planting banana trees as a source of income and
as fire breaks.
The budget for this project increases from year to
year and for the fiscal year 1980/1981 it was Rp. 40,000
million through assistance field operation and some
Rp. 4,000 million to support the planning and renovation
activities.
This project on the rehabilitation of critical lands is
very much related to projects on swiddening and is therefore supplementary.
3.
Development Through Nucleus Estate and Smallholder

Project (NES)
At the end of the fourth Five Year Development
Plan (1988) the annual export value from the plantation
sector has been set at US$5,000 million. It was only
US$I,739 million in 1978 (Koestono, 1980). It seems
that a good opportunity is open for the Resettlement
Project to use it. The pattern of nucleus estate is of
special consideration since through this approach many
problems of small holdings can be resolved. The nucleus,
a well-run company, will cultivate the crops and maintain
them up to the time of harvest. The company is also
responsible for the marketing of the products. The required credit is provided by banks and government
investment.
Each family will receive 3.5 hectares of land, with
the following allocation: 2 ha for estate crop, 0.25 ha for
settlement, and 1.25 ha for food crops and multiple
cropping.
144
Chapter Six
ENVIRONMENTAL
CHANGES IN SWIDDEN AREAS
The existence and the wide spread of alang-alang (imperata

cylindrica (L), Beauv) dominated lands have been claimed as the
result of human activities, mainly swidden cultivation. Figure 4
shows the areas occupied by alang-alang and bushes as the first stage
of succession toward secondary forest. The areas of alang-alang
dominated lands in Indonesia are estimated at about 16 million
hectares with an annual increase of 150,000 hectares (Soerjani,
1970). The existence of alang-alang dominated lands is further
maintained by recurrent burning to provide young shoots for game
animals and for extensive grazing of low stocking ratel, (Evans, 1922;
Joustra, 1926; Gintings and Wiradinata, 1972; Seavoy, 1973). This
burning process resulted in fire climax condition which represents
most of the alang-alang grasslands. Another factor that retains the
alang-alang dominated lands is the inability of the soil to support
succession due to the low energy. The result is an edaphic climax
condition. The low energy status is caused by severe depletion of
organic matter from the previous cultivation combined with poor
parent materials (Djokosudardjo, 1978). Alang-alang grasslands in
Padang Petangis, East Kalimantan is a prime example of edaphic
climax which has persisted for more than 50 years.
Other impact indicators of environmental changes due to the
practice of swidden cultivation are soil erosion, flood and drought.
Recently these phenomena have become quite common with increasing frequency in the outer islands.
Never before was a flood reported to have occurred in Mahakam watershed in East Kalimantan. Dredging of the Barito river in
South Kalimantan is becoming a routine action to alleviate the
chronic siltation.
A typical situation was illustrated by Soewardi et al. (1981):
145

Serious consequences of such improper use of land and forest
resources in the Lampung Province in general and in the Way Seputih
watershed in particular have been exposed by several high ranking
government officials. The State Minister for Development Control
and Environment evaluated that forest destruction in Lampung has
reached a critical level affecting water regime, water supply and wildlife conservation areas. The governor of Lampung stated that forest
in the catchment of several big rivers in Lampung is already devastated. Its negative impacts were quite significant. The flood which
occurred in February 1979 was the biggest in 60 years resulting in
the destruction of the bank of Way Seputih's primary canal which
in turn endangered the irrigation of 11,000 hectares of rice field. In
addition three economically vital bridges including a railway bridge
were broken. The flood killed eight persons and ruined 982 constructions which cost about Rp. 7,640 million.
Erosion in the upland creates serious siltation along Way
Seputih's primary canal and needs dredging from time to time. Until
1938, ships could go as far as Manggala, but it is not possible now.
The negative impact of swidden cultivation has long been
realized by lowland farmers in West Kalimantan (Gintings and
Wiriadinata, 1972). Swiddening in the mountain results in the accumulation of acid sandy silt which reduces the fertility of lowland
rice fields. In the 1930s the Chinese farmers in the villages of Lohabang and Pasai (Sambas District) reacted strongly to swiddeners in
the mountain above their lowland rice fields.
In Central Kalimantan, Satjapradja (1972) reported that
swidden cultivation, and even worse, logging operations, have caused
siltation in the rivers which flood over the farmland. Rice production
is reduced accordingly. Rapid siltation in Lake Limboto and floods
in North Sulawesi were reported by Gintings (1973). In 1952 the
area of Lake Limboto was 5,000 hectares but by 1972 it had decreased to 3,500 hectares. In 1934 the lake was 24 m deep; but by
1972 it was only 8 m. The flooding in that area was considered so
serious that the local government issued an instruction in 1971 to
move the farmers from the steep mountains down to the lowlands.
In terms of ecological changes we cannot say that tribal
peoples are more destructive. They have taboos which make them
compatible with their environment. The Sakai people for example
146
Indonesia
believe in "Hantu Ladang" (Farm Ghost) which prevents them from
staying in one place for more than a year. Since the land is not severely cultivated natural succession is faster. They also believe that
they should plant six varieties of rice which from the ecological point
of view is more resilient to evironmental stress.
Tenison (1975) stated that for the Mentawaians, in an island
west of Sumatra, hunting is attended to with many taboos and much
time is spent apologizing to the spirits of the animals to be hunted
for the necessity of killing them and explaining that it is because
they are hungry. They use only bows and arrows and none of them
have rifles for hunting nor dynamite for wasteful fishing.
147
Chapter Seven
SUMMARY
AND CONCLUSIONS
Roughly, the ethnic groups engaged in swidden cultivation in

Indonesia can be divided into two classes, the less developed tribal
peoples and the more developed communities.
Most of the tribal peoples live in isolated and remote areas.
Since they do not have access to agricultural inputs, knowledge and
technology, and financial institutions, they appear to have been
trapped in a subsistence type of living. In contrast, for the more
developed peoples, shifting cultivation is only supplementary to
the more important sources of income such as wet rice cultivation,
perennial crops and non-farm jobs. However, there is ample evidence
that the negative impacts from the agricultural activities of the more
developed people are not any less than those of the swiddeners.
The exposure of the tribal population to more modern cultures is unavoidable. On the other hand closer interaction with more
modern societies may pose cultural pollution and even planned
acculturation brings excesses. It is not a matter of "progress" versus
"conservation"; rather it is a matter of increasing the resiliency of
backward peoples in the ever increasing sophisticated environment
over time.
During the 1970s, swidden cultivation became a national
issue and most probably will so remain in the 1980s and even in the
future. There are two reasons for this. The planned and enhanced
economic development since 1969 is inseparable from the use of
natural resources, especially land and forest resources. They form the
most important assets for an agrarian country like Indonesia. In this
sense swidden cultivation has been considered as destructive or inefficient at the minimum, in its use of natural resources.
Moreover Indonesia through Garis-garis Besar Haluan Negara
(state guideline), has determined that if, and only if, equity policy is
148
Indonesia
consequently adopted will the objective of national development
then be achieved. Leaving the tribal peoples and other low income
groups to lag behind is against the state policy. In addition, from the
national security point of view, the tribal peoples are considered
prone to subversion since administrative control can be exerted only
with great difficulty.
From the present study the author became aware of the existing confusion in defining tribal communities and swidden cultivators. Not all tribal populations are swiddeners and not all swiddeners are cultural minorities. The confusion is reflected in the
government policies to cope with the problems of swidden cultivation by resettlement. The word resettlement refers to the conversion
from nomadic life to a sedentary one. Many of the swiddeners are
permanent settlers who are also destructive. The resettlement projects give the impression that they are a kind of partial and one-sided
effort and therefore do not touch the whole problem. The problems
of the retrogressive farmers are more urgent.
In such a vast archipelagic country it is expected that swidden
cultivation varies widely. The environment and the resource systems
used might be quite different even in one small district. Differences
within one tribe might be as significant as the differences among
tribes. Generalization is not only oversimplified it is unrealistic as
well. The existence of one plan for all is the result of such oversimplification of a complex system. With such generalization we lose the
chance to manipulate the most sensible driving variables. For example, we do not use the talent and skill peculiar to each tribe. Mej
Brat people Irian Jaya are very enthtlsiastic and trained -traders.
Asmatter in Irian J aya and Than Dayak in Kalimantan are blessed
with very artistic talent in handicraft. Almost as important as knowing their strengths is knowing their weaknesses. Modest treatment
might be quite irritating to the Sakai who are shy people, and difficult to get in touch with.
149
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155
Part Three
MALAYSIA
Zuraina Majid
Chapter One
A SURVEY OF
EXISTING LITERATURE
This chapter surveys the existing literature on swidden cultivation in Malaysia. It is based on a sample of about 40 works on the
subject which were available in the Universiti Sains Malaysia library
in Penang. The sample of readings come within two broad groups swidden cultivation pertaining to Peninsular Malaysia' and those
pertaining to the East Malaysian state of Sarawak. The notable
absence of material on swidden cultivation in Sabah, is due to the
unavailability of material outside Penang and the almost complete
lack of citations in existing literature of work done on this subject
in that state.
Traditions
in swidden research
In Malaysia, research on swiddening appears to have revolved
around two main traditions - the natural sciences and the social
sciences. Interest in the subject was shown as early as the 1930s with
articles written by colonial forest officers, such as Strong (1931),
Barnard (1933) and Arnot (1937). Observations on the destructive
effects to swiddening were their main concern. Early anthropologists
and colonial writers such as Evans (1922) also took note of swiddening but only as part of their description of the groups they studied.
It was not till several decades later that serious research on the
subject was attempted. These later researches that began in the 1950s
also followed the earlier traditions, but were more empirical.
i)
Social sciences. It was mainly the anthropologists who studied

swiddening, and the majority did not focus on swiddening as a
system. Interest in swiddening was seen only as part of a description
of the economic activities of the group studied. Swiddening was
viewed as part of the whole cultural environment that was seen to
be in equilibrium. Later studies on swidden focused on the descrip159

tion of swidden processes and, a landmark work in this area is
Freeman's [ban Agriculture (1955). Where others made brief mention of swiddening, Freeman worked meticulously on a comprehensive study.
Generally, the anthropologists explored the nature of swiddening and its associated beliefs and practices. Questions asked basically
revolve around what they plant, when they plant, why and how.
Their main concern was in observing the mechanisms that regulated
or maintained the cultural equilibrium, and swidden forms part of
this cultural system.
ii)
Natural scientists. Forest and soil scientists were also involved
in swidden studies. They took an extensive and long-term view of
swidden, as far as it affected the ecological balance of a whole geographical area. The general opinion among them was that swidden is
destructive. However, there appears to be a discernible change in
approach between the works of early scientists (from the 1930s), and
those that came later (from the 1970s). The early scientists were
most concerned that the Orang Asli, for instance, should be allowed
to "lay waste an area of forest out of all proportion to the advantages they may gain therefrom" Strong 1931), and that these people
were unsystematic and did not practise real swiddening. The scientists also observed the total loss of valuable timber, river silting and
erosion. The concern in the 1930s in Peninsular Malaysia seems to
be how to reduce the land used indiscriminately by the Orang Asli
for swidden. Measures were taken through administrative means as
well as persuasion (see Chapter Four for a description of the specific
measures taken). They also tried to reduce the effects of swiddening
through reforestation of land previously used for swidden (Barnard
1933).
A shift in approach was clearly seen in the 1970s as scientists
began empirical research into the observations made earlier. Studies
were conducted into single phenomena as affected by swidden, e.g.
erosion, soil fertility, (e.g. Andriesse 1977). A one-year study by
Hatch (n.d.) has so far indicated that erosion appears to be of little
importance to the traditionally practised swidden (with long bush/
fallow). Another dimension of change among the natural scientists
was a modification in attitude. Where before they condemned
swiddening as destructive to the environment, they now saw it more
holistically and humanistically. Considerations of people and culture,
160
Malaysia
man and nature entered into their discussions on swiddening (e.g.,

Chin 1977). This shift in orientation probably came out of a need to
modify swiddening in the face of development.
Empirical work on the previously observed detrimental effects
of swiddening, together with socio-economic concern over the
population brought about a better understanding of the system and
a more positive attitude. The natural scientists are aware that there
are a number of swidden systems involved, some more destructive
than others, and that there is a need to understand the different
patterns of cultivation before condemning all types of swiddening.
There is also a realization that swiddening is viable under conditions
of low population, poor soils, simple technology, and abundant land
(Chin 1977). Their concern over increased productivity to reduce
hunger and malnutrition has brought about several suggestions on
how swiddening could be made more efficient (Chin 1977, Hatch
n.d., Hatch and Lim 1978).
Thus, research on swiddening in Malaysia, has always involved
the natural sciences and social sciences. The two traditions have researched into the scientific and human considerations necessary to
understand the swidden system of cultivation. An understanding of
swiddening is imperative as the swiddenists are also the recipients
of development. Attempts to bring the swiddenists into the sphere
of "development" will have to consider research in both traditions.
Emphases on
swidden research
Several areas of emphases may be identified. These may be
broadly categorised into Group, Area, and Discipline.
a)
Group. The emphasis here has been on swidden research into
Iban practices. The Ibans form of largest indigenous group in Sarawak where most of the indigenous groups practise swidden. In
contrast, swidden among the Orang Asli of Peninsular Malaysia has
been relatively little studied. The Orang Asli form a minority group
and they do not exploit large areas of land as is the practice among
swiddenists in Sarawak.
Almo,st all the indigenous groups in Sarawak have practised
and many still practise swidden, so any study on indigenous groups
161

in Sarawak will provide some information on swiddening. Among
the studies which form the sample for this report, information was
provided on swidden practised by many indigenous groups including
the !bans, Bidayud, Kadayan and Dusun, while the main groups
studied in Peninsular Malaysia include the Semealai, Semai, and the
Temiar.
b)
Area. There is a disparity in swidden research between
Peninsular Malaysia and Sarawak. Swiddening has been better researched in Sarawak and, therefore, more information is available for
this region. Swiddening, among the Orang Asli, on the other hand,
has not been studied to a similar extent. The basis for this disparity
may be attributed to the following factors:
i)
The swiddenists in Peninsular Malaysia form a significantly smaller group (60,000 in number according to Carey
1979), as compared to those in Sarawak (50,000 households according to Hatch n.d.).
ii)
There was an early recognition of Sarawak's cultural

diversity and richness, and as a result of this we now have
a large number of social science and natural science
studies on the indigenous groups. Included among these
is an important volume on swiddening (Freeman 1955).
iii)
Development policies affect the swiddenists of Sarawak

as they form the indigenous group, while the Orang Asli
have a marginal status in Peninsular Malaysia. The indigenous groups of Sarawak (a large proportion of whom
are swiddenists), play a critical political role. Therefore,
when one discusses development, it inevitably includes
some official consideration of swiddenists. Hence, interest is high and spills into research. In contrast, the
Orang Asli in Peninsular Malaysia, have not joined the
mainstream of political life. Therefore, politically, they
do not appear as a pressure group of any kind. Also, unlike the swiddenists in Sarawak, the effects of Orang Asli/
swiddening are significantly less because the areas used
for swidden are small, they are small in population, and
they are mostly partial swiddenists.
c)
Discipline. The natural sciences have shown considerable
interest in the study of swiddening in both Peninsular Malaysia and
162
MalaysUz
Sarawak. The continued interest among the natural scientists is
derived mainly from their role as administrators in the Forests and
Soils Departments. Hence, they are more policy-oriented than the
social scientists in general.
The natural scientists have long condemned swiddening as a
destructive process. Hatch (n.d., and 1978) mentions some detrimental effects of swiddening in Sarawak - siltation of harbours,
damage to lowland cropping areas, increased incidence of flash
floods, pollution of waterways, damage to fish spawning grounds,
and a M$ 300 million* revenue loss per year.
A shift in emphasis is discernible among the natural scientists!
administrators. Despite their belief that swiddening can be desctructive to the environment, the earlier stand calling for a stop to swiddening is now modified to one of new pragmatism. The question
they seem to pose to themselves is: 'How best can we save the forests
from the effects of swiddening and the swiddenists from malnutrition and hunger, land and population pressure, as well as the consequences of swiddening?' These scientists now seem to play a prescriptive role, contributing towards improving productivity while
reducing the negative effects of swiddening on the land.
Generally, the emphasis has been on studies by government
scientists, and less on research from universities. This is probably
due to a continuing tradition of interest from forest and soil scientists (especiallY true of Sarawak), and their involvement in government development projects.
Critical
gaps in research
Swiddening has long been recognized as a complex and difficult problem requiring urgent attention. It has also been a controversial subject, as it has been condemned by some studies (e.g., Strong
1931), while others believe that it can be a logical adaptive agricultural system (e.g., Chin 1977), and yet others see it as having good
and bad effects (Freeman 1955). It has been difficult to abolish
swiddening through administrative means because of moral considerations - it was not practised for gain but for food (Strong, 1931).
Approximately 2.30 Malaysian dollars = one United States dollar.
163

Ethnographic studies, government reports, and recently,
empirical research on previously observed ill-effects of swiddening
are among the types of studies to be found. This brief survey on the
subject brings to light some of the areas requiring urgent research.
These include:
a)
Statistical data on swidden areas and swiddenists in the

whole country;
b)
Reserach into Orang Asli swidden practices by both

research traditions;
c)
Dynamic interaction between swiddening and development - how swidden practices change as development
impinges on them; and
d)
Increasing pressure on land and its consequences on

swiddening and swiddenists.
164
Chapter Two
A GEOGRAPHICAL
DESCRIPTION OF MALAYSIA
Malaysia consists of eleven states in the Malay Peninsula and

the States of Sabah and Sarawak in north-western Borneo, (Map 2.1).
The Peninsula covers an area of 127,560 sq kilometres and Sabah
and Sarawak cover 73,664 sq kilometres, and 124,449 sq kilometres,
respectively. The area extends from latitude 1 N to 7 W and longitude 99 E to 119 E. Except for the highland areas, Malaysia has an
equatorial climate.
As of 1978, the total population of Malaysia was approximately 12,230,000 distributed as follows: Peninsular Malaysia,
10,270,000; Sabah, 830,000; and Sarawak, 1,130,000. It has been
projected that with an annual growth rate of approximately 2.7 per
cent, the population will double by the year 2000 and the population/land ratio would reach approximately 78 per sq km.
Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah and Sarawak in northern
Borneo are about 650 km apart across the South China Sea. Because
these two regions show differences in topography, land use and
culture, the introduction to these regions will be discussed separately.
Peninsular Malaysia
The peninsula extends 740 kms. in length from Perlis in the
north to the Straits of J ohore in the south. Its maximum width is
approximately 322 km and has a coastline of some 1,931 km.
Peninsular Malaysia has a series of mountain ranges, the dominant
range being the Main Range which extends north-south separating
the east coast from the west.
More than half of the peninsula is covered with tropical forests
and swamps. Between the coasts and the mountainous interior is the
agricultural zone, where large rubber and oil palm estates as well as
165
MALAYSIA
MAP 2.1
ID,.
1 S
101'
50
THAILAND~
\.AIor sC'tar
KEDAH,
..
,.
,'/
~~\:,," (~
:,
"\0010 T" o.o
oS'
SELANGDR'
A~.
'" Shah
o u
I
- J"" \
PERIJ< \
~....
'00
!
STRAITS
IS.
'00
OF
BALA8AC
'0
I MILES
.'
Kota Bharu
,'KE;~N ~ENGGANU
.I~-
'\,,. '\
'11
r'
/'
k;';U~7RU~
<to
1W
....
PAHANG
\ I Kuantan
Km Klnab
S A B A H
"
EAST MALAYSIA
PENINSULAR MALAYSIA
/ ........
~(., " \ I~N

~.,
" " - .se...........
J'mLAKAi
Co
-
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JOHOR
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SUMATERA
(I N DON E S I AI
KALIMANTAN
11 NOD N E S I Al
'0'5"
,u
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Malaysia
small-holdings can be found. In pockets of the interior, patches of

land are used for -swiddening, mostly by the Orang Asli (aborigines).
The lowland areas throughout the peninsula, especially in the northern and north-eastern States of the peninsula, are the paddy growing
areas. Tin mining is common in the west coast states of Perak and
Selangor.
The population in Peninsular Malaysia consists of 3 main
races - Malays, Chinese and Indians. The Malays form about 53 per
cent of the population, the Chinese 35 per cent and the Indians
just under 11 per cent. The other races, Eurasians and Europeans,
represent about 1 per cent of the total population. The Orang Asli,
practically the only people practising swiddening, total 60,000 or
approximately 0.00058 per cent of the total population of Peninsular Malaysia.
The Malays are predominantly agricultural. However, under
the government's present development policies more and more
Malays are now involved in trade and business. The Chinese and
Indians are more concentrated on the west coast of the peninsula
particularly in towns. The Orang Asli have traditionally been found
mostly in the heart of the jungles and their fringes. Efforts have been
taken to make them part of the mainstream population able to take
their role as equal citizens.
Sarawak
This state covers approximately 124,449 sq km and lies just
north of the Equator between latitudes 0 50 and 5N and longitudes 109 36' and 11540'E. The 724 km coastline is marked by the
South China Sea. It is the largest of the 13 states of the Federation
of Malaysia. For the purposes of administration, Sarawak is divided
into seven divisions and each is further divided into districts. The
1970 Census recorded a total populaton of 975,918 and the official
estimate for 1980 is 1,294,753 with the population increasing at
a rate of about 2.6 per cent per year. The population density is about
eight persons per sq km. In Sarawak, over 80 per cent of the population are rural.
The Dayaks, who are the indigenous people of Sarawak form
68.85 per cent of the total population, while the Chinese, who are
the largest non-indigenous group constitute 30.1 per cent. The Ibans
167
MAP 2.2
SARAWAK
Seal. 1 1.SOO.000 or an Inch

0
~
~
~
,
120
!
N
Int.rnatlonal Boundary
Coastal Plain and
Swamp B,lt
000
Inland Dn.lop.d R~lon

(Brok.n HIli Country)
Int.nor Und.rd.v.lop.cl R.glon

f Hilly and Mount iillnous Country)
Soil of th. Acid-Volcanic

Plat.aux
KALlMANTAN
(I N DON E S I Al
Malaysia
are numerically the most dominant Dayak group (31.03 per cent of
the total population) followed by the Malays (18.72 per cent),
Bidayuh (8.53 per cent) and the Melanau (5.43 per cent). There are
many other minority indigenous groups who together form 5.12 per
cent of the total Sarawak population and these would include the
Kenyahs, Kayans, Kelabits and the Punans.
The State comprises three broad relief zones, namely, a narrow
alluvial coastal plain which is succeeded inland by a broad belt of
undulating country, and finally the sharply rising mountainous
interior. (Map 2.2). The belt of undulating country becomes increasingly more rugged and steep towards the headwaters and is interrupted by a few mountain groups. In the central and interior, the
border between Sarawak and Kalimantan is formed by a broken
range of mountains which runs south-westwards through the centre
of the island of Borneo.
Two main groups of rivers drain the country:
1.
the larger rivers which flow from the mountain ranges of

the Sarawak-Kalimantan border into the South China
sea; and
2.
the short but mature coastal rivers with less well-defined

divides in the mid-Sarawak lowlands, between the mouth
of the Rajang and Miri.
In a forested and hilly country with no integrated road and rail

network, rivers are of great significance as a means of transport. One
consequence of this is that the bulk of population lives within easy
reach of rivers.
From the results of existing soil surveys, the soils appear to be
generally poor. Fertility of soils in Sarawak is closely related to its
geological history. The nature of the parent rocks and intensive
leaching contribute to soil poverty. However, two factors greatly
retard the process towards impoverishment. Firstly, the silt of floodwaters enriches soils so that in the lowlands there is postponement or
prevention of complete exhaustion. Secondly, volcanic activity in the
not too distant geological past brought about local improvements in
soil fertility. Over large areas of the country especially in the interior
with rugged terrain, skeletal soils, and leached acid yellow soils are
widespread.
169

Generally, Sarawak is hilly and rugged, intersected by an
intricate network of river systems with poor soils and a dense heavy
forest cover throughout.
Although the economy is mainly agricultural, only about 8 per
cent of the labour force is in agriculture. Agriculture has not developed to a stage at which it becomes the major export earner. Although much of the agricultural population is involved in rice production, there is insufficient rice to meet the needs of the population. Sarawak imports nearly 40 per cent of its rice. The agricultural
sector contributes less than 25 per cent of the Gross Domestic
Product.
The principal export crops are pepper (30,709 tons valued at
M$103.9 million in 1980), rubber (35,209 tons valued at M$88 million) and coconut oil (4,153 tons valued at M$5.97 million). Sarawak
also exports timber (valued at M$920.6 million in 1980.) Petroleum
is the largest item in Sarawak's trade; local production has increased
to around 90,000 barrels a day and part of crude petroleum refined
in Lutong refinery is for export and local consumption (crude and
partly refined valued a nearly M$2,523 million in 1980). With the
increase in production and new discoveries of natural gas it is likely
that the future export earnings of petroleum will also increase. It
accounted for 62 per cent of the total export earnings in 1980.
Petroleum, followed closely by timber and pepper, has now replaced
rubber, as the State's major export earner.
The State Government is actively implementing a co-ordinated
and planned programme of agricultural diversification while concentrating on formulating an agricultural policy which puts greater
emphasis on research for greater productivity per acre. In addition,
there are efforts made to encourage settled cultivation and modem
methods of farming, through settlement schemes and training programmes for farmers.
Sabah
Sabah, formerly known as North Borneo, is located in the
north of the island of Borneo between latitudes 4 6'N to 7 23'N
and longitudes 115 5'E to 119 16'E. It occupies 73,844 sq km of
territory forming the second largest state of the Federation of
Malaysia. Administratively, it is divided into five divisions (formerly
170
MAP 2.3
SABAH
Seal.
5
!
1 500.000
0 15 20 25 30 km
!
!
!--J........l
I nteornatlonal Boundary
~RlvlPI'
--J
CELEBES
L
5 E A

four residencies) and 23 districts. Physiographically, three distinct
regions can be distinguished: the Western Lowland Region occupying
the narrow coastal strip of the west Crocker Range, the Central Uplands Region consisting of an extensive area of hill masses with large
valley areas and the Eastern Lowland Region, which includes the
Kinabatangan Basin and extensive delta areas. (Map 2.3) About 28.6
per cent of the land area of the State is suitable for agriculture.
The State has a marine-equatorial climate with little variation
of temperature from month to month, but inland locations above
1,200 metres elevation experience a warm temperate climate. While
Sabah receives rain throughout the year, rainfall distribution is
influenced by the Northeast monsoon from November to March and
the Southwest monsoon which occurs from June to August, with
considerable regional variations.
The concentration of mountain ranges close to the west coast
has resulted in a narrow western coastal plain with short swift rivers
flowing into the South China Sea. At its widest, in the Klias Plain,
the Western Lowlands are only approximately 32 km wide. Their
narrowness is further intensified by the presence of the Crocker
Foothills which rise steeply to form the Crocker Range. The most
prominent ranges of the Cordillera are the Trusmadi and Witti
Ranges which are further located inland. Another distinctive feature
of the Western Cordillera is the presence of intermontane plains
which occur at elevations between 230 and 580 metres.
The general drainage pattern of Sabah is erratic. The main
mountain ranges appear to be independent of the watersheds. In
Sabah, it is common to find a main watershed, between two separate
river systems, lower than the intervening ground where tributaries
of the main rivers arise.
The proximity of the Crocker Range to the west coast of the
State has resulted in short swift rivers flowing to the South China
Sea. Except for the rivers Padas and Putatan, none of the rivers are
useful as a means of communication on this coast. The rivers in the
south-eastern part of the country are short and further hampered
by the presence of rapids.
The 1978 census shows that Sabah had a population of
1,004,000 and an annual growth rate of 5.5 per cent from the 1970
172
Malaysia
total of 653,000. However, it has been estimated that much of the
increase was due to the migration of 170,000 people to Sabah
between 1970 and 1978.
The Kadazans or Dusuns are the largest indigenous group.
Comprising about 50 per cent of Sabah's indigenous population, they
inhabit chiefly the west coast and the plains of Tambunan and
Ranou in the interior. The Muruts are found mostly in the upper
reaches of the Padas River. The Bajaus are largely found on the east
coast and adjacent islands, and they form about 7 per cent of the
indigenous population.
Development
strategies towards swiddenists
There are no overall development policies at the Federal level
specific to swiddenists. In a sense, however, the country's development plans affect swiddenists to a lesser or greater degree depending
on the region involved, the racial group, as well as federal projects.
Malaysia is entering the 4th Five Year Economic plan period (19811985), aimed at further accomplishing the twin political objectives of
(1) eradicating poverty; and (2) restructuring society. The plan is
aimed at reducing the economic imbalance between the Chinese and
Malays in the peninsula, and the natives and non-natives in the East
Malaysian states.
The differential impact of development policies on swiddening
is derived from the different definition of Bumiputeras, or natives of
the soil for Peninsular Malaysia, and Sabah and Sarawak. In the
peninsula, since Bumiputeras are defined as Malays, they are the
main target of government policies. The Orang AsH, the main swiddenists in the peninsula are considered fringe people. In Sabah and
Sarawak, the definition of Bumiputera is extended to include native
groups. This immediately makes them the main focus of development efforts. Since these natives are also the main swidden practising
groups, a large part of development efforts and strategies concern
swiddening in particular.
One other factor accounts for the differential impact on swiddening among different states. In the Federal Constitution, land is
a matter reserved for State rather than Federal rights. Although
Federal departments such as the Ministry of Agriculture have final
173

approval, implementation of policies depends on the State's administrative and policy-making bodies.
Development programmes have been designed to improve
present socio-economic conditions by encouraging swiddenists to go
into permanent agriculture. This is done through the establishment
of various government agencies entrusted to land development
through resettlement and in situ programmes. It is also the task of
these agencies to provide the necessary supporting services in the
over-riding aim of introducing these traditional communities into the
modem economy.
174
Chapter Three
THE PRACTICE
OF SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
In Malaysia, swiddening is widespread only in certain parts.

While it is practised in Peninsular Malaysia, it is generally true to say
that swidden cultivation is predominantly found in east Malaysia.
This chapter, describes the swidden areas in Malaysia and the ethnic
groups involved in this type of farming. It also outlines the typology
of swidden and finally provides brief cultural profiles of the swidden
communities.
Swidden areas
Swidden areas can be identified from land use reports and

maps of Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak, prepared by the
Department of Agriculture. The Land Use Classification in Malaysia
is based on the format recommended by the Commission of World
Land Use Survey for international application (International Geographical Union 1952). Swidden areas are defined as those areas on
slopes in excess of 25 that are cleared, _planted and finally left to
fallow when the soil loses its fertility.
Swidden is practised in other areas, too, but because these
areas are on slopes of less than 25 they have not been reported. The
cut-off point of a 25 slope is based on destructability of the environment. Generally, swidden cultivation becomes a serious threat
to the environment when it is practised on the steeper slopes, Le.
land in excess of 25. Thus, a Land Use Classification map or report
will only discuss swidden areas on slopes of more than 25.
Swiddenists in Malaysia are found in hilly areas where the land
is often infertile, and where swiddening is the only feasible method
of cultivation, given the considerations of the physical environment.
In Peninsular Malaysia, areas under swidden cultivation are found
175

mostly along both slopes of the Main Range. In Sarawak, areas of
swidden are scattered on hill slopes especially close to the upper
reaches of the major river systems, while in Sabah, isolated pockets
of swidden can be found along the slopes of the Crocker Range
which runs roughly parallel to the north-east/south-east coastline.
Complexities inherent in the swidden system make it difficult
to accurately determine the annual number of hectares (ha) used for
swidden. Because of its being practised in hilly and mountainous
areas it is not easy to measure. The system of rotation of fields
also makes it difficult to determine the exact area under swidden.
Another difficulty arises from the reports providing non-comparable
data, using different techniques, standards, and definitions. Thus,
reports refer to different years; percentages given in these reports
use different base years, and the reports vary in detail.
According to available statistics in 1976-77, 60,463 ha or
0.5 per cent of the land area of Sarawak, were cut and burnt for
swidden, but many foresters, according to Hatch, felt that this is an
extremely conservative figure (Hatch n.d.). Hatch suggests that the
true extent of swidden in terms of land use would be best estimated
from aerial photographs and planimetric measurements. Based on
these methods, it has been estimated that 2,894,537 ha (or 23.5 per
cent of the State of Sarawak) are either actively within the swidden
cycle or have been slashed and burnt at least once. In Peninsular
Malaysia, the Land Use Classification Report (which considers only
the swidden areas on slopes beyond 25) provides a figure of 0.1 per
cent of the state under swidden in 1966. The area under swidden
decreased in 1974 to 0.06 per cent of Peninsular Malaysia. Based on
the actual number of hectares of swidden against total hectares
under agriculture in the various states of Peninsular Malaysia
(Table 1.), the total under swidden in 1974 in Peninsular Malaysia
is 1.215 per cent of land under agriculture for that year. There has
thus been a reduction of 1.72 per cent of land under swidden for the
1966-74 period.
In Sabah, the 1970 Land Use Report (the most current reference) estimates a total of 43,130 ha under swidden. This comprises 13.95 per cent of the total hectares under agriculture (see
Table 2.). The main agricultural use of land is for rubber which
176
Malaysia
Table 1. Swidden land in the states of Peninsular Malaysia
(1966,1974)
State
Actual
acreage
1966
Percentage'"
Johore
175
0.012
Kedah
244
0.028
0.687
3,569
Kelantan
Malacca
Actual
acreage
120
424
2,861
91
- no swidden -
Negeri
Sembilan
634
0.111
572
1974
Percentage'"
Decrease
or increase
!. (in acres)
0.0063
0.04
55
180
0.45
0.Q3
708
+ 91
-
0.088
62
Pahang
8,650
1.45
2,848
0.25
-5,802
Perak
6,124
0.597
4,145
0.326
-1,979
47
0.026
47
74
Perlis
Penang
Selangor
82
0.011
Trengganu
13
0.0047
19,538
Total
2.93
8
104
0.0009
0.024
11,173
1.4652
-8,365
Swidden as a percentage of land under agriculture.
Source: Land Use Reports for Malaysia, 1974.

Note:
Approximately 0.4 hectares = 1 acre.
Table 2. Proportions of major land use in Sabah. 1970

Categories
Forest
Scrub Forest
Swamps
Agriculture
Grasslands
Urban
Acreage
Percentage
13,153,631
72.04
1,873,747
1,756,568
774,709
10.26
386,753
9.62
4.24
2.12
22,873
0.12
Source: Sabah Land Use Report 1970.
177
91
C'.l
!::
~
;::l
MALAYSIA
MAP 3.1
I"'
tOI'E
ID,.
'05'
r"l
11"
113'
111'
10"
.....
....
~'
....
l::
n,'
117'
0'
STRAITS OF
THAILANO~
__ ,\ltrRU~
Kan,.,\~
\~llAH;_."/ "
~
/
"~:I
00
~
~
"...
~~
100
150
200
leota Bharu
,-..
.I~
PEIUJ< \
"\
~
vala Trcn'J9anu
"I
.J - , ...
..A)
'
\
)
"
,~\ '., ..........
SE~
io", .ho
!KELAllTAN '1ftENGGANU
PfNAf'I; .
...:I
50
".-
setar
-,
PAHANG
.....
__
,I
'\ {KUlnI""
)PENINSULAR MALAYSIA
="... . ."--. _"_
_~'
! .s.~~' -
(..,"
:.f-..,
;S'
'0
NILES
"
"
EAST MALAYSIA.
.'
. ~~KA'
t'.
D ~
J)t.~ahru
JOHOR
'\:
SUMATERA
N DON E 5 I Al
(I
10t'E
_ ..'
;::l
BALAI.C
'J
;~RE
'OO'
KALIMANTAN
(I N DON E 5 I Al
'07'
'11'
'8'
I'"
...~
El'
Malaysia
occupies 37.14 per cent of agricultural land. The next largest (agricultural) land use is swidden (13.95 per cent) closely followed by
coconut (12.8 per cent) and oil palm (9.96 per cent).
In the following section the distribution of swidden areas in
each of these three regions is examined. Because of the uneven
quality of data available in published reports it is not possible to
present profiles of the three regions in strictly comparable form.
Differences in detail, or omission of some information to be seen in
these profiles in attributable to non-availability of needed data.
Peninsular Malaysia
The main sources of data have been Land Use Reports for each
of the eleven states in Peninsular Malaysia. These typically contain
quantitative data, maps and a descriptive analysis, (see summary of
quantitative data in Table 1.). In the reports, swidden areas have
been described as cell-like jungle clearings in various shapes of regenerating vegetation, as well as newly cleared ladang (the Malay
word for swidden). However, only those currently worked have been
mapped and reported. Ladangs usually range from 1.2 to 8 ha.
However, the maximum size of a ladang in Kelantan was 18.5 ha.
The states with the highest percentage of land under swidden
are Pahang, Kelantan, Perak (Map 3.1). These states fall on both
sides of the Main Range, the most dominant highland of the peninsula. As expected, the areas of concentration here are the upland
areas of both sides of the Main Range. In terms of percentage acreage
of swidden, Perak has the highest (35 per cent) followed by Kelantan
(25.6 per cent and Pahang (25.5 per cent) Table 3.).
Although the general trend in Peninsular Malaysia is one of a
decreasing area in swidden (2.93 per cent of agricultural land use in
1966 and 1.22 per cent in 1974), in the states of Kedah, Melaka and
Trengganu (Table 1) there has been, however, an increase in swidden
acreage. There was no swiddening in the state of Malacca in 1966.
In 1974 there were 36 ha of swidden land, occupying 0.03 per cent
of the state's agricultural land. In Trengganu there were 5.2 ha of
swidden land in 1966 and this increased to 41.6 ha in 1974. For the
same period, swidden in Kedah had almost doubled.
The states adjoining Kedah, Malacca and Trengganu experienced a reduction in swidden land. The amount of decrease outweighs the increase of swidden land in the above mentioned states.
179
Swidden cultivation tn Asia
Table 3. Swidden land in Peninsular Malaysia (1974)

State
Actual
Acreage
(1974)
Percentage
o[Swidden
Land
Johore
120
1.1
Kedah
424
3.8
2,861
25.6
91
0.8
Kelantan
Melaka
Negeri Sembilan
572
5.1
Pehang
2,848
25.5
Perak
4,145
37
Perlis
Penang
Selangor
Trengganu
Total
0.07
104
0.93
11,173
100.0
Source: Land Use Reports 1974.
Considering that the movements of the swiddeners across state

political boundaries are unhampered by bureaucracy, one concludes
that on a peninsular wide basis the total picture of swidden is one of
reduced activity - a decrease of 58.7 per cent from 1966-74, a
reduction to less than half of its original level of activity.
Sarawak
In Sarawak, swidden is the dominant mode of cultivation
especially in the hilly and mountainous regions which form over
76.5 per cent of the total land area of Sarawak. Only swidden land
in the upland areas has been estimated thus far. Based on this study
(Lim 1978), the upland area may be divided into 26 physiographic
regions (Map 3.2). Land under swidden in these regions (in acreage)
and the percentage of swidden land is tabulated in Table 4. Map 3.2
locates the regions mentioned in this table. In the First and Second
and Third divisions, mainly in West Sarawak (55.4 per cent), Simanggang (74.2 per cent), Ai-Lemanak (72.9 per cent), Layar (100 per
cent), Skrang (66.9 per cent), Krian (100 per cent), Julau (70.2 per
cent) and Mid-Rajang (61.2 per cent), swidden is clearly the most
180
MAP 12
SARAWAK
SHIFTING CULTIVATION
REGIONS IN UPLAND
AREA
Seal.. I 1.500.000 or an Inch
N
I nl.tnallonal Boundary
t
-00
,,
--
.....
KAlIMANTAN
(I N DON E 5 I Al
Swidden cultivation in ASUl

Table 4. Swidden land in upland Sarawak
Region
West Sarawak
Simanggang
Ai-Lemanak
Swidden land
(acres)
420,000
184,000
376,000
Total area
(acres)
758,000
248,000
72.9
100.0
166,000
242,000
66.9
100.0
70.2
9.8
24.2
51.4
3.7
3.1
437,000
813,000
319,000
714,000
61.2
76,000
586,000
8.2
1.4
Krian
521,000
742,000
Katibas
Ngemah
197,000
164,000
Mid-Rajang
Upper Rajang
7.9
3.5
7.1
160,000
Julau
Skrang
55.4
74.2
%ofswidden in
the whole region
516,000
160,000
111,000
242,000
Layar
%ofswidden in
each region
3.0
2.1
4.55
Baleh
354,000
3,025,000
13.0
11.7
Balui
162,000
3,071,000
5.3
3.05
7,000
715,000
0.97
0.1
Linau-Plieran
6.7
Belaga
31,000
663,000
4.7
0.6
Mukah
408,000
880,000
46.4
7.7
Kakus
173,000
1,084,000
16.0
3.3
Kemena
320,000
1,538,000
6.0
Niah
93,000
141,000
20.8
14.1
497,000
2.7
Bakong-Tinjar
658,000
1.8
70,000
538,000
28.4
13.0
Mid-Baram
246,000
1,404,000
17.5
1.3
4.6
Upper-Baram
172,000
2,025,000
8.5
3.2
Upper-Limbang
68,000
74,000
101,000
848,000
570,000
507,000
8.0
13.0
19.9
1.3
1.4
1.9
5,308,000
23,269,000
Upper-Tinjar
Trusan-Lawas
Semado-Bareo
Total
100.0
Source: Modified from Lim 1978:3

dominant form of agricultural land use. Going by the total distribution of swidden land, the areas of concentration are Julau (9.8 per
cent), Mid-Rajang (8.2 per cent), West Sarawak (7.9 per cent),
Mukah (7.7 per cent), and Ai-Lemanak (7.1 per cent), all these
regions falling within the First, Second and the Third Divison.
182
MAP 3.3
SARAWAK
seal. 1 1. 000 or aft inch
10
,
10
60
la
120
-L __ ~ ~
... _ _ ... _ - - - ' - . _
N
Int.rn.ltlonal Boundary
Road
Rlv.r
SHIFTING CULTIVATION - HIli Pad. Grassland and
Sf'condary Growtt'l
~\>
<:..
'0'
~\>
O~
,,'0
/'
KALlMANTAN
(I N DON E S I AI
~
...
s"
Swdden cultz"vaton n AsUz

These Divisions, on the western half of the state areas of high
swidden concentx:ation, appear to follow river systems; cultivation
being on the hill slopes and valleys of these rivers. (Map 3.3). When
this distribution is superimposed on a relief map, the swidden areas
can be seen to be mainly found in broken hill country, made up of
gently sloping to steep land. They are not found along the coastal
plain and swamp belt and are occasionally found in the steep and
mountainous interior.
A soil map of Sarawak indicates that the areas of swidden
cultivation have soils that are generally shallow. Swidden areas are
found within two soil belts, and skeletal soils and red-yellow podzolic soils belt. Red-yellow podzolic soils, where a larger proportion of
swidden is found, has been described as shallow to deep, yellow to
red loamy sands to clays; on sedimentary acid igneous and metamorphic rocks, gently sloping to steep land. A less popular swidden area
is the skeletal soils and red-yellow podzolic soils belt which has been
described as very shallow to moderately deep loamy sands to clays;
on sedimentary and igneous and metamorphic rocks; steep and
mountainous land.
A large part of Sarawak is very hilly and mountainous, largely
of shallow, skeletal and infertile soils generally incapable of supporting settled agriculture. Land capability studies indicate that nearly
80 per cent of the total state is unsuitable for commercial or settled
agriculture (Hatch 1974:4). Swidden is mostly found on 80 per cent
of this land (excluding 12 per cent of this which is swampland)
unsuitable for agriculture.
Sabah
The distribution of swidden farming in Sabah has been briefly
discussed and mapped in the Sabah Land Use Report 1970. (See
Map 3.4). Since this map and report were produced for 1970, there
is a high probability that swiddening, being a dynamic process, producing rapid changes in landscapes, is now more widespread than
shown on the map. Interviews with field officers familiar with the
various districts confirmed that this is the case. One example cited
is the Sandakan Residency which shows more pockets of swidden
land on the ground than has been mapped.
Swidden cultivation is the single largest land user in the agricultural sector. The 1970 figure for swidden is 106,479 acres
184
SABAH
MAP 3.4
Seal"
1 500,000
P. BALAMBANGASJ
15202S 30 km
,
0"" "'"
I nbr national
~'BANGGI
It!
<v.,.
e., P. MANTANANI
do
R.Std f'ncy
'b
Boundary
Boundary
DIstrict Boundary
I
I
SANDAKAN
RuidMCY Nam.
SANDAKAN
DlStrrct Nam
~
Shifting Cultivation
I'
....
00
Vl
KUALA
,
-'
CELEBES
I
\
KAlIMANTAN
(I N DON E 5 I AI
5 E A

Table 5. Swidden land in Sabah
ReBidency
Swidden lilnd in agricultural sector

percentage
acres
%a/total
swidden
West Coast
67,956
19.29
63.8
Interior
20,070
10.35
18.8
18,453
19.26
17.4
106,479
48.9
100.0
Tawau
Sandakan
Total
Source: The Present Land Use of Sabah 1970.
(42,590 ha) of the state of Sabah (Table 5) forming 48.9 per cent
of the total agricultural land. Swidden is most widespread in the
West Coast Residency (63.8 per cent) and is significantly less dominant in the Interior Residency (18.8 per cent) and Sandakan
(17.4 per cent), while being negligible or almost absent in Tawau.
Swidden is concentrated quite distinctly in the area between
the Crocker Range running parallel to the west coast. Greatest
activity occurs in the remote West Coast Residency, particularly in
Kudat District, Bengkoka Peninsula, and the islands of Banggi,
Balambangan and Mantanani (Map 3.4). The Interior Residency is
another main swidden area. Here, swidden is also concentrated in
the more inaccessible hilly interior particularly in the districts of
Pensiangan, Tenom, Keningau dan Tambunan. In Sandakan Residency greatest activity occurred in the districts of Labuk-Sugut and
Kinabatangan. In Labuk-Sugut District, although most of the swidden activity was concentrated on hill slopes in close proximity to
river channels, the district was more widespread than in Kinabatangan District where most of the activity was confined mainly to
the catchment of the Sangai Kinabatangan and its main tributaries,
the Sungai Milian and Sungai Kuamut.
186
Malaysia
Ethnic groups
practising swidden
The people who practise swidden are of various ethnic groups

and are known by different names. In Peninsular Malaysia, it is the
Orang Asli or "aborigines" who form the most significant group in
swidden cultivation. However, swiddening has not been always
limited to only the Orang Asli. Historically, the Chinese and the
Malays have also been known to use this system of slash and bum.
The Chinese have also been known to add fertiliser to the swidden
fields. No figures are available for these ethnic groups in swidden
either now or in the past. In Sarawak almost all the indigenous
ethnic groups use this farming system, but the most dominant ethnic
group in swiddening is the Iban. In Sabah, the Murut and Dusun/
Kadazan form the bulk of the swiddening population.
Peninsular Malaysia
Among the Orang Asli, the Senoi is the most dominant group
involved in swidden farming. The other major groups of Orang Asli
are the Negritos, largely nomadic people, living as hunters and
gatherers, and the proto-Malay, 1 a group that does practise some
swiddening. In the hilly, deep and dry land in Kedah, Kelantan and
Trengganu where it is not possible to cultivate wet paddy, swiddening is also practised by Malays for the cultivation of hill paddy. The
Malays as well as the Chinese were very much part of the total
swiddening population during the Second World War but their
swiddening population has since shrunk (Wyatt-Smith 1958: 141).
As mentioned above, there are no estimates of the Malayand
Chinese swiddening population. The Orang Asli swiddening population, however, may be deduced from the population of tribal groups
known to be involved in such cultivation. For instance, all the Senoi
groups (except Mah Meri)2 and all the Semelai (proto-Malay) in
Pahang and Negeri Sembilan practise swiddening (Map 3.5).
1 The proto-Malay, together with the Senoi and Negrito are the three major ethnolinguistic groups into which the Orange Asli have been classified.
2 The Mah Meri used to practise swidden and live by fishing. However, land is now
limited in their area (in the State of Selangor) and this has led them to lead a settled life and
they are no longer fishermen.
187
MAP 3.5
ORANG ASLI TRIBAL GROUPS IN PENINSULAR MALAYSIA
I. I. ,. .
,
\_!
,~,
H A I L AND
- - .... J '-~
\
\
.J'-' - }
"
188
'MILES
Malaysia
The proportion of Jakun (proto-Malay) in swidden is, however, unknown, "but typically they are shifting cultivators and
collectors of jungle produce" (Carey 1976: 224). Except for the
J akun, it is possible to estimate the total swiddening population of
the Orang Asli groups since we known the proportions of the other
groups involved in swiddening. The Senoi comprise 71.9 per cent of
the total swiddening population, the Jakun 22.2 per cent and Semelai 5.9 per cent (Table 5). An attempt has been made to estimate the
Orang Asli swiddening population on the assumption that the total
Jakun population practise swiddening. For 1969, the total swiddening population can be estimated to be 76.5 per cent of the total
Orang Asli population.
For 1981 it is estimated that there are about 60,000 Orang
Asli and of this approximately 60 per cent are totally dependent on
swiddening cultivation supplemented by hunting and gathering
(Baharon:personal communication, June 1981). The stronghold of
swiddening is still the Main Range, the mountainous backbone of
Peninsular Malaysia, running north-south along the peninsula.
Table 6. Orang Asli swidden population 1969*

% of total swidden population
Group
Swidden population
All the Senoi groups

(except Mah Merti)
29,126
71.9
Proto-Malay
(Semelai)
2,391
5.9
Proto-Malay
(Jakun)
8,995 1
22.2
Total
40,512
100.0
Orang Asli
52,943
(total population)
(% in swidden)
76.5
Deduced from the population of tribal groups known to practise swidden.

Assuming that all the Jakun population is in swidden.
189

Sarawak
The Iban is the most dominant swiddening group. It is also
the largest indigenous group in Sarawak. Lim (1978) estimated
that the total agricultural population involved in swiddening approximates 265,810 and the Than formed 70.6 per cent of this population. A breakdown of the population by groups is detailed in
Table 7.
Table 7. Ethno-linguistic groups in upland shifting

cultivation areas
Race
Population
%of total
Than
187,400
70.6
Bidayuh
34,260
12.9
Kayan!Kenyah
26,050
6,450
9.8
2.4
Murut!Kelabit
Penan/Punan
2,760
1.0
Malay!Melanau
0.9
Bisayah
2,400
1,647
Others (mixed)
4,843
Total
265,810
0.6
1.8
100.0
Source: Urn (1978).
The distribution and dominance of the Than and the Bidayuh

in swiddening may be related to past migrations. These migrations
may be partly explained by the requirement of swiddening for new
and better lands. The acquisition of new rich lands would lead to
ownership of land, and hence prestige and prosperity. The forces
behind these planned migrations are poor harvests and increasing
population. Movements occur over considerable distances by a leapfrog method with everyone trying to get access to the oldest forests.
"Pioneer" areas of virgin jungle, or very old forests - rare areas now
. - provide higher yields.
190
Malaysia
Sabah
In Sabah the swiddeners are mainly from ethnic groups such as
the DusunsJKadazans, the Muruts, and the Rungus. There are no
publications available on the practice of swiddening among the
ethnic groups in Sabah. 3 Swiddening has been mentioned briefly
in a study on the Dusun.
Typology
of swidden
Based on descriptions of swidden and interviews with those

familiar with the practice in Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia, two broad categories in swidden farming are suggested:
(a)
Migratory swiddenists
These people live in small isolated communities in the
interior on land that is very steep (often in excess of 33)
infertile and not suitable for sustained agriculture use or
improvement. When it is time to search for new land,
they migrate completely, uprooting their whole household to the new area. Usually the land-man ratio is high.
(b)
Settled swiddenists
Unlike the migratory swiddenists, these farmers live in
one place and they only shift their swidden plots. When
a plot of land has been exhausted of its nutrients, they
leave it to fallow and choose other less infertile plots to
work on. The land is usually less steep (often below 25),
it is generally of a marginal nature, which could be improved by various methods.
In Peninsular Malaysia, migratory swiddenists are found mostly in the area of Perak-Kelantan watershed on the Main Range. This
is a region of steep hills and mountains, reaching a height of 1,500
metres. Here we find a large proportion of the Temiar (Senoi), who
are typically mountain-dwellers and also some Semai (Senoi). Further south, in similar hilly and mountainous areas, we also find a
3 An ethnic distribution map is now in preparation (Curator, Sabah Museum, p.c.
April 1981).
191

small proportion of Jakun (proto-Malay). In these remote and steep
jungles, although there is a desire to stay for longer periods in a particular place (Carey 1976:181), the Orang Asli migrate from one part
to another when they have exhausted the fertility of the land. They
cultivate a field for only a year or two before leaving it to fallow
(Carey 1976:182).
The Orang Asli found in a lower more accessible terrain than
the migratory swiddenists live a more settled life. Among these
settled swiddenists are the Temiar, the Semai and Jah Hut from
among the Senoi, as well as Semelai and some J akun from the protoMalay group. The Temiar in this lower region have been known to
settle in a particular locality for as long as 15 years, practising
swiddening (Carey 1976: 180). The Semelai swiddenists of Tasek
Bera area of Pahang also lead a more or less settled existence, having
lived there for more than 15 years (Carey 1976-251). When they
move in search of more fertile fields, they do not move their households. They merely move from their settlements for a number of
weeks following which they will return to their villages.
In Sarawak, the migratory swiddenists may be described as
small communities of swidden farmers living in isolated pockets in
the mountainous interior, where the soils are too shallow to allow
any form of sustained agriculture. Included in this are vast regions
of Trusan-Lawas, Upper Limbang, Upper Baram, Tinjar, Upper
Rajang, Balui and Baleh. This forms 50 per cent of the upland area
but contains only 16 per cent of its population (Lim 1978:5). The
land available for each swiddenist (withQut reference to quality or
agricultural potential) is 3.6 ha in West Sarawak (settled swidden)
while in the Belaga region (migratory swiddening) it is 20.3 ha
(Lim 1978:2). Thus, typical of migratory swiddening, the man-land
ratio is very high. The migratory swiddenists are of various ethnic
groups, the Kayan/Kenyah are found in the Balui Belaga, Tinjar and
Baram, while the Murut/Kelabit in the Sarawak-Sabah border region
of Trusan-Lawas and Upper Limbang, and the Penan/Punan in a few
isolated areas in the upper parts of the Balui and Baram regions
(Lim 1978:2). Some Ibans are also found in many of these regions.
The settled swiddenists of Sarawak are mainly the Iban and
the Bidayuh. The main areas of settled swiddening are the lower
lands, less steep than the mountainous interior (usually less than
192
Malaysa
25 0 ) slope. These are the areas in the Second, Third and Sixth
Divisions. The Bidayuh is found almost exclusively in West Sarawak.
The distinction between migratory and settled swiddenist is
also visible in Sabah. The migratory swiddenists live in small isolated
groups in the interior, along the Cracker Range. They are mostly
Rungus, Muruts, and Dusuns/Kadazans. The settled swiddenists,
mostly Dusuns/Kadazans are found in lower regions, living in villages
of around 15-20 houses.
Cultural profile
of a swidden community
In this section we shall describe the Iban swiddenists of Sarawak. The Iban is the largest swidden group in Malaysia and their
cultivation system has been studied in detail by Freeman (1955).
Although in the above section we have distinguished two types of
swiddening, the practices appear to be very similar. For instance,
in the case of the Temiars (where the farming population is divided
between a large majority who are migratory swiddenists, and the rest
settled swiddenists), the differences between them are of degree
rather than of kind. Those Temiar migratory swiddenists of the
mountainous areas make new clearings almost every year, while
the Temiar settled swiddenists in the more accessible areas remain in
the same locality for a great lengt4 of time.
The Than swidden cycle
The main crop is hill paddy, which, culturally speaking, is their
"super" food or staple. The cultivation of paddy is closely interwoven with their existence, their worldview, beliefs and social
organization. The actual working of the land cannot be separated
from the magical and religious rites, for the world is not his alone,
but shared with other orders of beings. According to their nature,
"some of these must be cajoled, placated or overcome and others of
them involved for aid, if he is to work his land unmolested and
if his crops are to flourish" (Ceddes 1954:73). Thus the following
cultural profile of Iban swidden 4 , observes the close and intricate
network of relationship between man and nature in swidden farming.
4 Fr~eman (1955) made a thorough study of Than agriculture and this description is
based on his work.
193
Swidden cultz"vation in Asia

The Than cycle begins in the dry months of June and July,
when the jungle is cleared. This coincides with the appearance of
bintang banyak (Pleiades)5 and the rites of manggol. These rites of
manggol are to obtain auspicious bird omens, to propitiate spirits
of the earth jungle and to inaugurate the major operation of felling.
Each household selects its own areas for cutting, and these areas may
be widely separated.
Usually the total area per household seldom exceeds 2.5 ha.
The first stage is the clearing of the undergrowth (tebas), and only
after this has been completed, does the felling proper (tebang) begin.
"Ferns, saplings and creepers are cleared but not young trees - every
kind of undergrowth that can be cleared with a bush knife (duku).
This is done by men, women and boys because the duku is easy to
handle. Then, the much more difficult task of tree felling is done by
men as this calls for strength, agility, nerve and dexterity, a challenge
which they enjoy - a demonstration of skill and daring. Belt"ong
and kapak are used for this project. Felling is usually completed in
mid-July or the beginning of August. The there is a lull when felled
jungle is allowed to dry for at least one month and then burned.
The success of the bum depends primarily on the weather, the weeks
that follow the completion of the felling are the weeks of anxiety
and the weather becomes the main topic of conversation. Every
Iban prays for a three week dry season after felling. "In health and
happiness may we dwell in this land; and when we fire our farms may
they fiercely bum; it is for a drought that we plead" (Freeman
1955:44). Burning is an important aspect of swidden as the quality
of bum would affect pest attacks and weed composition. A good
burn means that areas have had a clean hot burning. Also, the ash
from the burned vegetation contains nutrients for a good harvest.
Crop failures are often attributed to a bad bum. Large torches
(sempun) are used to fire a farm, amidst calls upon the 'wind spirits'
to fling themselves upon the farm and the 'fire spirits' to devour
every branch and bough and leave nothing but ashes behind them.
Within two or three days of the bum, the sowing begins with a series
of rites as the first paddy seed is planted. This is followed by dibbling
5 The movements of Pleiades, Orion and Sirius, are taken as generally indicative of the
time when the major operations of fellings and planting should be done. "Entai naOOi
bintang tesat ati leami [ban, anda nemu maia ungal; kami idup ari bintang" (If there are no
stars we Than would be lost, not knowing when to plant; we live by the stars) (Freeman
1955:40).
194
Malaysia
and sowing - men with dibbling sticks make holes for the women
following behind.to cast seeds (menih) into the hole (5-35 grains per
hole). This is followed by the cultivation of catch crops interspersed
on the same land as paddy. Some of these are cucumber and pumpkin. Other plants are also grown in different parts of the farm. The
selection of plant vis as vis area of cultivation shows that each niche
is utilised to the maximum by matching plant with the environment
most suited to its growth.
The period of weeding follows a brief lull after sowing. Weeding is one of the most difficult tasks of a swidden. The prevalence of
weeds depends on the quality of burn and the type of land cultivated. Sometimes weeding begins even before sowing is completed.
The work is laborious and irksome, without the excitement and
conviviality of the rituals associated with felling, burning and sowing.
Work falls on women, for no men will stoop to the task. While
women weed, men will be busy devising measures for the protection
of crops. These include spear-traps for pigs (peti), large box traps for
monkeys (bubong) and spring-hole traps for smaller animals (tinya).
As the paddy reaches maturity, a spirit of festivity begins in
the village. This is marked by minor ritual known as mata padi, a
ritual just prior to reaping. The purpose of this ritual is to ensure
that when reaping begins the spirits of the paddy are not frightened
away. This ritual involves the cutting of the first clumps of paddy.
Then follows makai padi baru rituals, (the first eating of the new
rice) so that there would be sufficient rice for the coming year. Soon
after, the main harvest begins, ushered in by an important ritual,
nganjong ka penyadai, so that the crop be made easy to reap and
prove to be an abundant one. In reaping it is a ritual requirement of
vital importance that the reaper should reap one whole section
continuously and not move from one part of a section to another.
There is a belief that if the paddy is not reaped continuously in a
section, the paddy spirit following the reaper will miss its way and
be lost. The climax of reaping is when they reach the sacred rice the padi sangking and padi pun and prayers are chanted "summoning all the paddy spirits to return and accompany the reapers back to
their rightful abode" (Freeman 1955:69).
Threshing begins with a special ritual called ngalz"n ka padi, a
very important ritual to welcome the paddy to its home and in the
hope that it ~ll increase in quantity. The belief is that the paddy
195

has a spirit and can increase or decrease in quantity after it is reaped.
Threshing begins the day after this ritual. Following this is the winnowing stage.
Storing away the paddy is an important event, and rituals
associated with this phase, must be correctly performed, so that the
paddy will last longer. According to Freeman (1955:70) the Iban
"believe the supernatural qualities of fertility and increase which
are the special attributes of padi are still present after the grain has
been reaped, threshed, winnowed and stored".
Thus we observe that cultivation is closely linked to the beliefs
of the people. And it is the cultivation of paddy that they are totally
absorbed in. "The subsistence economy of the Iban, and indeed their
whole way of life is based upon the cultivation of hill rice . . ."
(Freeman 1955:27). Rice is not just a staple food, it has a spirit, a
soul, and the proper rituals must be followed in order to win the
esteem and favour of the paddy spirits, for a plentiful supply of
grains.
196
Chapter Four
GOVERNMENT POLICY
TOWARDS SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
This chapter provides a historical review of the various measures taken by the government towards improving the quality of life
of swiddeners. It examines the dynamics of changing swidden populations and legislation and measures from the pre-Independence years
till the present time. Each of the regions, Peninsular Malaysia,
Sarawak and Sabah, is discussed separatedly because each has a
different historical past. Sabah and Sarawak were part of British
North Borneo until their independence when they joined Malaya to
form the larger Federation of Malaysia in 1961.
Pre-i ndependence
swiddenists and government policies
For this early period the main sources which are available are
articles written by forest administrators and scientists.
Peninsular Malaysia
During the pre-Independence period the Malays and Chinese
and not just the Orang Asli were also swiddenists. Malay and Chinese
participation in swidden fluctuated at various times historically.
In the pre-war years, one main feature of swidden "implied
a relatively small rural population with no land hunger" (Arnott and
Smith 1937:16). It was the Malays who practised swidden extensively in the remote parts of the country, particularly in Pahang, Kelantan, Trengganu, Kedah, Perlis and parts of Negeri Sembilan
(Arnott and Smith 1937, Wyatt-Smith 1958). There was no land
shortage in these states and there was also "a lack of an apparent
policy" (Wyatt-Smith 1958:141)6. As practised by the Malays
6 Land has been and is still a state matter. Each of the eleven states in the peninsula
handles its own land matters.
197

swiddening was confined to riverine areas. The intensity of this type
of cultivation usually increased with the distance from the river
mouth.
In the state of Trengganu a 1937 article on swidden (Arnott &
Smith) asserted that "it might almost be taken as axiomatic that in
Trengganu all flat or low-land bordering the larger rivers is devoid of
primary jungle. In the upriver areas this has been replaced by secondary growth, the aftermath of very temporary cultivation"
(1937: 14). The forest organization in Trengganu was too new then
for the actual area to be computed. However, it was estimated that
perhaps one-twentieth of the State had been cleared for swidden
(Arnott & Smith 1937). The total rice growing population was
38,106 and not all of them were hill rice farmers. Going by Arnott
& Smith's calculation that approximately 6.5 ha of primary jungle
has to be destroyed so that each rural family ( of four) may obtain
rice, the swidden area per household has to be more than 6.5 ha
each. And yet, the study quoted these swideners as saying that "if
it were not for the jungle produce ... in the primary jungle, it would
be very difficult for them to live, as they would have only rice and
fish they catch" (Arnott & Amith 1973:14).
With the Orang Asli in Trengganu, on the other hand, since
they were fewer in number than the Malays, and mostly nomadic,
any damage to the land would be inappreciably small. No mention
was made of Chinese swiddenists.
Swiddening at the time was recognised as a destructive and
out of date system of cultivation, a tragedy to those who practise
it and a menace to their future prosperity. For these reasons definite
efforts were made during these pre-war years in Trengganu to reduce
the areas slashed and burnt for cultivation (Arnott & Smith 1937:
17). One of these measures to curb swiddening was the prohibition
of the felling of forest growth older than seven years. The Trengganu
forest rules stated that there should be no illegal felling of primary
jungle but this was not implemented. There were no adequate
arrangements for alternative and more permanent methods of cultivation (Arnott & Smith 1937:17). This meant that swidden would be
limited to secondary jungle. With an absence of a large population,
and land hunger, the crunch was not felt, and swidden continued.
Arnott and Smith (1937: 16) suggested that agricultural education would be more effective than prohibition. They suggested the
198
Malaysia
introduction of wet rice with inducements such as free seeds, financial assistance in purchasing buffaloes, fencing as well as social
benefits in the form of schools, and health services which could be
feasible if the community was concentrated in a village and not
sparsely scattered as in swidden cultivation. They also suggested the
cultivation of dry paddy on ploughed land. 7
In the western states of the peninsula, however, it appeared
that the Orang Asli were the dominant swiddenists (Strong 1931).
Because in general, development and the opening up of land progressed at a faster pace on the west coastS the Malays grew wet rice.
Swiddening was practised by the Malays (and small communities of
Thais) in Kedah and Perlis only to supplement their wet rice cultivation. The effects, however, of the haphazard practice of swiddening
by the Orang Asli and its ill-effects on the environment were described (Strong 1931: 244) and led to the prediction that in a decade
a few thousand individuals can lay waste an area of forest out of all
proportion to the advantages they may gain therefrom.
The disastrous effects of swiddening on the environment were
noted for many parts of the peninsula. In the north-west Pahang
and Ulu Kelantan many of the river valleys are covered with poor
secondary forest mixed with bamboo (Strugnell 1932, Browne
1932). Since 1909 nearly all the virgin jungle from the banks of the
river Tembeling in Pahang, have been felled and the catastrophic
floods of 1926 can be largely attributed to this (Wyatt-smith 1958:
142).
In Peninsular Malaysia, during the pre-war years no definite
legislation banned the practice of swidden cultivation. The Forest
Rules of 1935 clause 30 (v) states that "the government does not
recognise any right to practise ladang cultivation" and this was
applicable when the District Officer considered claims in the process
of constituting a proposed forest reserve (Wyatt-Smith 1958:148).
A government Gazette Notification (No. 5187 of 21 August 1929)
however allowed the Orang Asli of certain parts of Perak to utilize
7 This was recently carried out experimentally is Sabah and it was found that yields
were low.
S This was because the west coast was exploited for tin and was suitable for rubber
plantations.
199

only their old clearings not exceeding 8 ha per household, for swidden purposes (see page 201). The problem here lay in identifying the
areas of old clearings on that date. The Temporary Occupation
Licences for State Land which were given to those in need of land
to work on, did not restrict the area or purpose for which land may
be occupied. The Laws of the Federation of Malaya States 1935
made under Section 20 of the Land Code Enactment (see page 202203), imposes no restriction on land use and so this did not curb
swiddening. Under an Enactment for the Protection of the Aboriginal Tribes of Perak, No. 3, 1939 (see page 204-205), it was mentioned that the Ruler in the State Council could make rules regarding
the felling of jungle trees within Aboriginal Reserves. However, as
far as can be determined no rules were made.
After the pre-war years, two events, the Japanese occupation
followed by the emergency when the government faced a communist
insurgency, had decisive effects on swiddening. During the last years
of the Japanese Occupation, about 578 sq km of accessible forest
reserve and State land were felled mainly by the Chinese for food to
prepare for the coming months of bombing and food shortage
(Wyatt-Smith 1951 :206). However, when there was no bombing
of towns the Chinese migrated back to the urban areas. This migratory shift was somewhat checked by government encouragement
to stay in the hills and cultivate food crops to relieve the post-war
food shortage. As incentives, the government issued free Temporary
Occupation Licenses, and even directed the Forest Department to
stop evicting these farmers from forest reserves, unless there was
serious threatened erosion. These farmers were permitted only to
grow food crops. In 1944 and 1945 when rice was scarce, extensive
temporary cultivation was carried out. Dry rice was grown in the
hills. Green vegetables were cultivated near big towns. However, to
many, these were only incidental crops. Their main crops were cash
crops that were forbidden either because they were not food crops
or because they were destructive to the soil, e.g. tapioca, a non-food
crop extremely demanding on the soil, and the cultivation of pineapple on upland soil in J ohore which was forbidden by law. Although their Temporary Occupation Licenses stated these prohibitions, they were ignored, partly because offenders were seldom
prosecuted and penalized. Thus, in 1950, large areas of pineapples
were grown on upland soils of freshly cleared jungle in Johore, and
hundreds of hectares of valuable State land and Forest Reserve in
200
Federated Malay States

Government Gazette 1929, Notification No. 5187
The following privileges are conceded within the reserve, but the exercise thereof shall be subject to the control of the Conservator and to
such orders as he may make, with the approval of the Resident, to regulate the local limits within which, and the mode in which, the produce
referred to may be taken or received within the reserve.
Particulars of privileges
Particulars of holders
The Sakais living within the reserve:
(i)
in the mukim* of Sungkai, at present about 150

households;
(ii)
in the mukim of Bidor, at present about 170 households;
(fu)
in the mukim of Batang Padang, at present about 250

households; and
(iv)
in the mukim of Chenderiang, at present about 150

households;
1.
For the purpose of raising crops for their own use only, the privilege of
practising shifting cultivation on the sites of old clearings already in
existence at the date of this notification over a total area that shall not
exceed twenty acres per household.
2.
For the purpose of providing food for themselves and for their families,
the privilege of hunting and fishing within the reserve, subject to such
restrictions as may be generally enforced on State land or within reserved
forests.
3.
The privilege of taking annually as an average for their own domestic use
and not for sale or barter:
the bark of one kepong tree over 8 ft. in girth at 6 ft. from the
ground for every three households.
(h) 200 Class II poles, 2 tons of Class I fuel and 2,000 running feet of
whole cane for every household.
(i)
* Defined in WiIkinson's Dictionary as 'parish; district round a common mosque.'
Laws of the Federated Malay States

1935, Volume V Chapter 138 Land Code
o
N
Express conditions
to run with land
40. Express conditions imposed under, and conditions and obligations implied by
virtue of the provisions of, this Enactment shall run with the land and shall bind the
proprietor thereof, and shall commence to run from the date of occupation under
approved application in expectation of registration of title or from the date of
alienation whichever is the earlier.
Revision and alteration of express conditions
41. (i) Upon the application of the proprietor of any land, the Resident in his
absolute discretion and upon the payment of such sum as may be seen to him fit,
whether by way of further premium or otherwise, may rescind any express condition set forth in the document of title to such land or may impose therone any fresh
express condition conformable to law, and may reserve a fresh rent in respect of
such land.
(ii) The Collector shall sign a memorandum in the Form in Schedule IIIB in accordance with the directions of the Resident, and shall present the same. On a
memorial thereof b~ing made, the proper registering authority shall make an entry
on the register and issue documents of title rescinding the express condition or setting forth the fresh express condition, as the case may be, and shall delete from the
register and issue documents of title the rent reserved therein, and shall inscribe
thereon, authenticating such inscription with his signature and official seal, the fresh
rent set out in the memorandum. Thereupon the rent reserved shall be the fresh rent
so inscribed.
(iii) Any express condition so rescinded shall cease to be operative and the proprietor shall be relieved from all liability in respect thereof.
(iv) Any land in respect of which any express condition has been rescinded or fresh
express condition imposed under this section, shall in all respects be subjects to the
provisions of this Enactment in the same manner as if the land had been alienated
thereunder at the time of making the memorial under sub-section (ii).
(v) No memorandum under sub-section (ii) shall be registered except with the
consent of all persons having registered interests in the land nor unless such consent
be evidenced by writing under the hands of all such persons, duly attested upon such
memorandum.
IV
Co-proprietorship
44. (i) Except in the case of land held by trustees, when land is held by co-proprietors they shall be entitled to the land in undivided shares equally or in such
other proportion as may be registered, and anyone of them may claim to have a
partition qf the land made if the land be not subject to a charge or lease.
Consent to partition
(ii) No such partition of land subject to a charge or lease shall be made unless the
charge or lessee as the case may be shall, in writing delivered to the proper registering authority, have given his consent to such partition.
Partition
(iii) Subject to the provisions of the Civil Procedure Code, partition of land held
under grant or lease of State land shall in the absence of agreement between the
parties be made by a Court of competent jurisdiction and partition of land held
under entry in the mukim register shall be made by the Collector.
The aboriginal Peoples Ordinance 1954, Federation of Malaya

(abstracts)
An Ordinance to provide for the protection, well-being and
advancement of the Aboriginal Peoples of the Federation of Malaya.
(25th February, 1954).

6. (1) The Ruler in Council in a State or the High Commissioner in Nominated Council in a Settlement may, by notification in
the Gazette, declare any area predominantly or exclusively inhabited
by aborigines, which has not been declared an aboriginal reserve
under Section 7, to be an aboriginal area and may declare such area
to be divided into one or more aboriginal cantons:
(2) (iv) No licences for the collection of forest produce
in accordance with the provisions of any written law relating to
forests for the time being in force in the Federation or any part
thereof shall be issued to persons not being aborigines normally
resident in that aboriginal area or to any commercial undertaking
without consulting the Protector and in granting any such licence it
may be ordered that a specified proportion of aboriginal labour be
employed.
7. (1) The Ruler in Council in a State or the High Commissioner in Nominated Council in a Settlement may, by notification in
the Gazette, declare any area exclusively inhabited by aborigines to
be an aboriginal reserve:
provided that when it appears unlikely that the aborigines will
remain permanently in such place it shall not be declared an aboriginal reserve but shall form part of an aboriginal area.
(2) Within an aboriginal reserve:
(iii) no land shall be declared a reserved forest in accordance with the provisions of any written law relating to forests
for the time being in force in the Federation or any part thereof.
10. (1) An aboriginal community resident in any area declared to be a Malay Reservation, a reserved forest or a game reserve
in accordance with the provisions of any written law for the time
204
Malaysia
being in force in the Federation or any part thereof may, notwithstanding anything to the contrary contained in such written law,
continue to reside therein upon such conditions as the Ruler in
Council in a State or the High Commissioner in Nominated Council
in a Settlement may by rules prescribe.
205

Perak and Northwest Peninsular Malaysia were cleared for tobacco,
a non-food crop. Also, in many districts rubber was planted illegally
and then abandoned with the hope that a later claim could be staked
on the land.
This spasmodic cultivation with little or no effect on food
supplies continued for about six years. The farmers admitted to
deliberately exploiting the land, and abandoning it when infertile,
usually after three years. They often returned, "It is not our land
and there is plenty more under jungle" and Temporary Occupation
Licenses were easily obtained. (Wyatt-Smith 1951:208).
The Emergency which began in 1948 saw the Communists
turning to Chinese farmers for support and this forced the government to resettle the farmers. Resettlement was not without problems. It was easier to resettle partial farmers living close to villages,
than to settle full time farmers from remote areas. They were resettled into close agricultural settlements or "new villages" and this
together with the enforcement of restricted residence greatly reduced
swidden by the Chinese (Wyatt-Smith 1951:141).
Co-operation from the Chinese was due to a promise "that
they will get a title to their land and in consequence, a stake in the
country". The government saw this as a single factor that would
shorten the Emergency and, from the forestry aspect, greatly reduce swiddening, a "Temporary Occupation License evil".
The pre-Independence policy on swiddening appears to have
been short-term and based on immediate needs. This may be seen in
the expansion and reduction in swidden lands during the different
phases of this period. In the pre-war years, swidden was practised
by relatively small rural groups and there was no land hunger. The
long-term detrimental effects of swiddening on the land and the
environment were realised and measures were taken to forestall these
effects. In the west coast, land was developed, wet rice cultivation as
an alternative and more permanent cultivation method encouraged
and rules were made against the felling of jungle trees. Implementation was lax and difficult 9 because the swidden population was not
9 Enforcement was difficult because the swidden areas are scattered, remote and inaccessible, and supervision is almost impossible. Even if caught, these swiddenists are not
able to pay the fines. Fines and imprisonment would do more harm than good as these
swiddenists would be driven into even more remote jungle where they could do more
damage before they were discovered.
206
Malaysia
large, and there was no pressure on land. During the Japanese occupation and soon after, swiddening was, in fact, encouraged because
of a food shortage. During this time, there was a considerable increase in the amount of forest destruction. Temporary Occupation
Licenses were made easily available so that the food shortage problem could be overcome. However, these licenses were often misused
for growing non-food cash crops. The government policy to resettle
Chinese farmers during the Emergency resulted in a significant reduction of swiddening activities. Only during the Emergency was
swidden reduced, not because of its inherent ill-effects and the
environment, but because of political reasons which required the
resettlement of farmers in closed "secure" areas.
Sarawak
Swidden cultivation began in Sarawak with the migration of
Iban groups (rice eaters) into Sarawak some four centuries ago
(Spurway 1937:124). Before this migration the larger part of
Sarawak was inhabited by tribes of the Kajang stock. These were
mostly hunters and gatherers who did not damage the forest environment. The Ibans now are presently the most dominant swiddening
group and also the largest indigenous group in Sarawak.
During the pre-war years, the ill effects of swidden were articulated by the forest scientists. Spurway (1937:125) felt that "the
stabilisation, particularly of the Iban population, and the control of
swidden cultivation is a matter of great urgency" and he (1937:127)
called for the enactment of legislation restricting swidden cultivation
to secondary jungle. Swiddenists preferred virgin forest. It was
estimated that 40 per cent out of the 63 per cent of inaccessible
jungle was secondary growth, directly due to swidden cultivation.
However, there was no direct legislation to control the swidden
cultivator. An indirect control of swidden is the prohibition of
upriver communities moving too far away from the local administrative centre. A pak or mark was planted in the ground and the farmers
were not allowed to move their house or farm beyond that point,
a measure which curbed the opening of virgin forest for swidden.
The demarcation of forest reserves prior to 1934 did not prove
to be a satisfactory means of restricting swiddening. Reserves were in
the interior and the implementation of such a ruling required the cooperation of the headman, if it was not to be just a nominal control.
207
Swidden cultivatz"on z"n AsUz

It was found that the swiddenists could not understand their complete exclusion from what to them was just jungle. Spurway (1937)
felt that it was better to educate the swiddenists slowly to the idea
of reservations rather than to antagonise them. Freeman (1955:138)
proposed that as a stage prior to legal control there was a need to
educate the Iban on the fact that virgin jungle would no longer be
available. 10 He also realised the problems of implementation of laws,
given the fact that these villages are scattered over remote and inaccessible areas.
A compromise solution to the problem of reservation as a
means of curbing swidden cultivation was found in 1934. The concept of a protected area was approved by the government. There
were only two restrictions, namely farming (which includes settlement) and the extraction of major forest product commercially.
Otherwise, the swiddenist is free to wander into the jungle and take
what he needs for himself and even work minor forest products
commercially. The Forest Department retained the right to close not
more than 0.1 ha of the area for technical purposes. Spurway judged
that this method had proved to be satisfactory. In its first three years
since it was introduced, 1,072 sq km of commercial forest was saved
from swidden cultivation. (Spurway 1937:128).
After the war, and prior to Independence, Forest Reserves
were set up aimed at controlling the spread of swidden cultivation
(Sarawak: Forestry Department Annual Reports 1946, 1949 and
1951 p.1). The government recognized that in restricting a traditional and hereditary form of cultivation, it also had to introduce a
more stable and better form of agriculture. This measure, we shall
discuss in more detail in the next section as it was only after Independence that alternative cultivations and resettlement accelerated.
Sabah
This writer was unable to get access to the Forestry and Land
Laws in the state for information on Legislation affecting swiddenists.
10 For more than 70 years, the lbans have generally succeeded in opening up virgin
jungle despite Government measures to prevent them from doing so.
208
Malaysia
Post independence
swiddenists and government policies
Since just before Indpendence in 1957, the government has

launched several 5-year development plans. The country is now in its
fourth 5-year Plan period (1981-1985). All the 5-year Plans have allocations for programmes which alleviate poverty and swiddenists
are affected to different degrees by these policies. The Fourth
Malaysia Plan mentions that its poverty eradiction effort will be
focused on the hard core poor, namely those "farm households with
uneconomic holdings, agricultural labourers, fishermen, shifting cultivators and mixed farmers" (The Fourth Malaysian Plan 1981-1985
and a Decade of Progress 1971-1988 in brief). The total allocation
for poverty eradication programmes smounts to M$9,319 million
or 23.7 per cent of the total Federal allocation.
Peninsular Malaysia
There are very few Malays and Chinese who now practise
swidden (Baharon p.c. 1981), as swiddenists in Peninsular Malaysia
are mostly the Senois (except for Mah Meri) , and some groups of
proto-Malays. Sixty per cent of the Orang Asli are totally dependent
on swidden cultivation. As such, policies affecting the Orang Asli
must touch on swidden cultivation. This form of cultivation is not
discussed in the budget for any Ministry or Department other than
the Department of Orang Asli under the Ministry of Home Affairs.
This department's policy has been to discourage swiddening for the
same reason that it is deplored in other parts of Malaysia. With
population increase, a decrease in the availability of land, and consequently shortened fallow periods, yields would become lower and
lower, thereby causing malnutrition.
The 1961 policy statement made by the Department of
Orang Asli regarding swidden reads:
As regards cultivation it should be the ultimate objective to
replace the present system of shifting cultivation with some
system of permanent agriculture. It is accepted that the
reason why these groups of aborigines practise shifting cultivation is also because of the nature of the terrain in which
they live. At the same time it is also accepted that in includ-
209

ing these groups to adopt a more permanent form of agriculture this should be done without disrupting too suddenly
their traditional way of life, and that the process may take
a considerable length of time.
The basic requirements for settled agriculture are a sufficiency of food crops and a dependable cash crop, probably
rubber, which is the least demanding of crops. This requires
a degree of permanency of occupation, an advance in agricultural technique and the choice of suitable sites. Definite plans
should therefore be formulated to provide the necessary land
for this in places where the aborigines are willing to settle.
Further, although the traditions should be observed, and
enforced settling avoided at all costs, no encouragement
should be given to the perpetuation of their present nomadic
way of life. In pursuance of the above it will be necessary
either to include trained agricultural personnel in the Department of Aborigines, or to provide training for in-service
officers. It will also be necessary to train aborigines to work
as agricultural extension personnel. The Ministry of Agriculture and Co-operatives should however help with the provision of advice and such essentials as planting materials and
better types of seeds.
The Department carries out these activities under its socioeconomic development divisions. Briefly, this policy is implemented
through work programmes which may be itemized as follows:
a)
Planning and constructing of model settlement schemes

thereby ensuring proper housing facilities for selected
Orang Asli groups;
b)
Implementation of permanent land schemes for rubber

and coconut; and
c)
Implementation of animal husbandry schemes.
To the semi-nomadic Orang Asli practising swidden cultivation, animal breeding and permanent settlement, are completely new
concepts. The Department, to achieve long-term success in changing
the attitudes of swiddenists, uses education as the prime mover
targeted towards the children of present day swiddenists.
210
Malaysia
Table 8. Budget for development projects for department

Orange Asli 1976-80
Amount (M$)
Project
Economic Projects
8,116,000
Social Services
13,035,000
Regrouping Schemes
24,698,035
Total
45,849,035
Source: Budget Report for Malaysia 1980 (p. 375).
In fact, in some instances there is already a move by the Orang

Asli themselves to begin incipient permanent cultivation. This arises
from their own observation that the land area they roam is shrinking
and encroached on by development projects. After they have cleared
their ladang (swidden plots) they grow fruit trees or permanent
crops, and as a result of this they become reluctant to move. Even if
they do move, they will still return to look after, and claim ownership over, the trees.
In practically every village it is involved in, the Department
tries to move the people away from swiddening towards permanent
cultivation. In doing so, the Department maintains a policy of
conservation and economic viability. A part of the resettlement area
that is not fertile enough for growing crops is left forested for ecological reasons. This is commual property and is known as the community forest. For the sake of economic viability, the Department
encourages polyculture, i.e., the growing of various types of crops
and trees. This policy of encouraging multiple cropping is a hedge
against fluctuations in income due to changes in world prices of
commodities such as rubber, palm oil and cocoa.
A regrouping of the Orang Asli can result in as large a community as 300 families per village with each family being given 2 ha
of land. As they are used to larger areas this is far too little. However
the Department's re-education programme is geared towards making
them think in terms of yield rather than area, and also that in permanent cultivation one does not need as much land as in swidden
211

cultivation. A further incentive which persuaded them into accepting
the plan is that this is their only way to obtain a title to the land.
Development efforts are channelled through the ]awatankuasa
Kerja Kampung (Village Working Committee) formed by the elders
in the village. Through this committee the Department maintains
a two-way dialogue, a strategy the Department considers important
in introducing development measures to the Orang Asli.
Sarawak
Several agencies have been entrusted to implement the Fiveyear Plans. Among these quasi-government agencies, directly involved
with swiddening populations are the Sarawak Land Development
Board and the Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation
Authority. The development strategy for swiddenists is mainly
through resettlement, reafforestation subsidy and technical aid. (The
Agriculture Department is also involved in development of the
swidden farmers). However, these agencies all reach out only to the
settled swiddenists and rarely touch upon the lives of the migratory
swiddenists of the deep interior. In this section, the functions and
policies of the Land Devlopment Board and the Land Consolidation
and Rehabilitation Authority are examined as well as their implementation of projects.
The Sarawak Land Development Board is a statutory body of
the State of Sarawak established with a view to eradicating rural
poverty and providing a better living standard and income to the
settlers. This agency was established in 1972 at the mid-term review
of the Second Malaysia Plan. Prior to this, the Sarawak Development
Finance Corporation undertook land development, housing and
industrial development but it was found to be too big and was
dissolved. Three other agencies, among them Sarawak Land Development Board emerged from this. Its functions are:
a)
To open up underdeveloped land for agricultural use with

rubber and oil palm as the main crops;
b)
To settle selected persons on these lands and thus develop

them into economically viable, social and happy communities;
c)
To provide credit facilities, management and supervisory

services; and
212
Malaysia
d)
To facilitate the processing and marketing of the settlers'

produce through the establishment of modern processing
facilities.
In line with its policy on crop diversification, the Sarawak

Land Development Board has rubber, oil palm, clove, cocoa and
pepper schemes. Other crops are being planted on an experimental
basis largely in areas unsuitable for oil palm cultivation. These crops
include teak, durian, bamboo and nutmeg.
Currently this agency develops only on State land that is unencumbered and uninhabited. Previously, the Sarawak Land Development Board had moved into native customary land,l1 but this was
found problematic owing to complications arising from the need to
pay compensation. 12 Since they now function on unencumbered
and unpopulated State land, the Sarawak Land Development Board
has to introduce the basic amenities such as water, roads, electricity,
and facilities, such as schools and clinics, required for the functioning
of an estate population.
Workers on these schemes are from the surrounding areas.
They are swiddenists usually between 18-40 years old, unskilled and
unaccustomed to a disciplined life, and in search of a better income.
Once they have proven themselves as able workers during the planting stage, they are resettled to prepare for the harvesting stage
scheme. Prior to resettlement, they earn all the wages for themselves
but on being resettled, the conditions change. Each family is provided with 3 ha of land for commercial crops and 0.8 ha of orchard,
that they will eventually own after they have paid their share towards the development cost of the scheme. On an average, a worker
earns M$ll a day but a hardworking worker can bring home as much
as M$800 a month. Earnings are based on the amount cultivated,
rather than work hours - in palm oil, it is the actual tonnage harvested.
11 There is a category of land ownership termed "Native Customary Land" held by the
indigenous groups only. The rights to use the land and the holding of such rights in perpetuity belong to the family and heirs of the pioneers who first cleared the primary forest
where the land was situated.
12 This was the case with their project in Mukah, Third Division (See Chapter Five).
213
Swz"dden cultz"vatz"on z"n Asa

In the context of the "New Economic Policy", the Government has adopted a new approach to land development, recognising
the problems presented by the land tenure system. Its central premise is that the development of land provides the most important
means for expansion of agricultural employment and for increasing
rural incomes.
The Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority was established in 1975 with the task of reducing the dependence of rural farmers on swidden cultivation and increasing their
adoption of a more settled agriculture system in the cultivation of
commercial crops. The Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority has two main functions:
1.
To promote and undertake the development consolidation and rehabilitation of land (including the Native
Customary Land) in the State for agricultural purposes
either by itself or in association with the owners or
others; and
2.
To provide land improvement schemes and to provide

advisers and training facilities in the various aspects of
farming and in the management of agricultural land.
In order to encourage permanent cultivation, the Sarawak

Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority adopts the following strategy:
a)
To first select a suitable area for development and with

the concurrance of the owner(s) declare it to be a "development area";
b)
Then, to carry out a survey of the land to record and

value all rights therein; and
c)
Upon declaring the land as a "development area", the

owners pass their rights of the land to the Authority,
which will then assume an exclusive and immediate right
to devlop the area.
The Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority then initiates steps to consolidate the many different holdings into
a unified estate for the cultivation of cash crops. In this process there
will be some relocation of people, and redistribution of land use.
214
Malaysia
Both invariably involve problems with and between the landowners.

This agency does not deal in land reform. If A has 20 ha and B has
5 ha this proportion remains even after development.
Development of land without depriving the owners of their
legal rights is the core concept employed by the Sarawak Land
Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority.
In respect of customary land the concept is to embark on a
joint-venture with these main features:
a)
Rights over land after demarcation and evaluation are

legally recognized. The value of land including that of
crops is converted into the capital contribution of the
owner. However, during the development period the
rights are suspended and for this duration the Authority
has the exclusive right to develop and manage the area
in accordance with good husbandry practice.
b)
A land title will be given to the individual owner according to the size earlier demarcated and evaluated as soon as
the Authority thinks it fit to leave him to manage his
own holding under the supervision of the Sarawak Land
Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority.
When the development of any State land is completed and the

costs are recovered, the scheme may be handed to farmers with
appropriate terms and conditions. In the case of Native Customary
Land, grants in perpetuity will be issued to the owners of such land.
The owners will also receive the balance in proportion to their rights
and interests recorded at the beginning of the scheme.
The crops grown in these schemes include palm oil, rubber,
cocoa and pepper. Cashews and coffee are grown on an experimental
basis.
Several studies have been conducted on areas intended for
Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority involvement. One study looked into how the villagers would respond to a
change in their way of life from a swidden economy to a modern
cash crop economy through a socio-economic and attitudinal survey
(Kedit 1978). Another reported on the responses of the Ibans of
Lubuk Antu to being resettled to make way for a Hydro-Electric
215

Power project (Sarawak Museum 1979). The problems faced by the
Government in resettlement and in moving the rural population into
a cash crop economy is discussed in the next chapter.
Sal)ah
As with Sarawak, the public sector organizations involved in
economic development are the State Ministries and Departments
(e.g., the Agricultural Department), Statutory Authorities (e.g.,
Land Development Boards) and Federal Government departments
and agencies (which contribute financial assistance and expertise to
Sarawak and Sabah statutory bodies). Government measures to
redress poverty include income redistribution in the form of subsidies, settlement schemes to encourage mobility from low to higher
productivity areas and socio-economic projects to introduce traditional farmers to the modern economy. The aim of the government
in these development efforts is to increase the per capita income of
the people from the present M$30-M$100 per person a month to
at least M$380-M$400 per month.
The major organizations given these duties are the Koperasz'
Pembangunan Desa or Rural Development Corporation, Sabah Land
Development Board and Sabah Forest Development Authority. Less
directly involved are other supporting agencies such as the Department of Information which has introduced civics courses for rural
leaders. These are actually courses on agricultural development
conducted by the various development agencies. The participants
are shown model farms and taught agricultural skills and knowledge.
Another government department that provides development support
is the Forest Department; often consulted for advice on crop suitability.
In almost all cases, the recIpIents of development assistance
from these agencies mentioned are swiddenists to different degrees.
The recipients also include the settled lowland swiddenists.
These quasi-government agencies are placed under the Ministries of Agriculture, Fisheries and Land Development. To carry out
their functions these agencies liase closely with the Resident in each
Residency and the District Officer in each District. At the village
level various committees Uawatankuasa) are formed. Village leaders
regarded as influentials, are taken to model project areas. Dialogues
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Malaysia
are held for them with members of parliament and state assemblymen to get their support for the projects. At the State level the State
Action Committee was formed in 1963 in order to obtain feedback
on implementation and to check duplication among agencies and
programmes. This committee which consists of the Chief Minister as
Chairman, District Officers and Heads of State Departments and
government agencies meets once every three months. The Federal
Secretariat monitors and co-ordinates Federal and State projects and
oversees rural development based on the New Economic Policy. As
a branch of the Prime Minister's Department, this organization has
influence, for example, to overcome problems in implementation
such as insufficient funds and to evaluate that projects benefit those
for whom they are intended.
The procedures undertaken by the Rural Development Corporation can be characterized as follows. The Rural Development
Corporation enters a particular locality after the site has been identified or selected by a politician. One pre-requisite is that this site must
be accessible by road or river. It then makes a preliminary crop
survey to determine crop suitability and employment possibilities.
The 1980 progress report of the agency states that:
2,980 people have participated in 76 Rural Development

Corporation projects;
3,046 labourers were also employed; and
18,282.5 acres of project land were worked.
The organization lists its objectives as follows:

a)
Improving the economic and social well-being of the rural

population in Sabah, particularly the poor;
b)
Inculcating the spirit of self-reliance among the rural

communities;
c)
Helping to increase agricultural production and accelerate development of agro-based industries;
d)
Encouraging modern, progressive and commercial farming

in in situ areas;
e)
Promoting and developing a pool of skilled bumiputra

entrepreneurs in the supply of ancillary services to the
217

agriculture sector including processing, marketing and distribution; and
f)
Preserving and increasing the overall net worth of the

Corporation over a period of time.
To realise these objectives the main strategy used is in situ

development and resettlement projects, the Rural Development
Corporation, to a lesser extent, has started more than 100 in situ
development projects up till now. In these projects the infrastructure
for modern agriculture such as farm mechanisation, credit facilities,
processing and marketing (import and export) are established. Social
programmes such as housing, health, education and nutrition are
started. When the projects are completed the Rural Development
Corporation encourages local entrepreneurs to take over eventually.
The Sabah Forestry Development Authority was established
in November 1976, as a result of a finding made by the Sabah Forest
Inventory Project (1969-73). It was discovered that 15 per cent of
the State comprised useless secondary forests and grasslands, caused
by swidden activities. These wastelands of weed grasses and shrubs
were in scattered batches mainly in the West Coast Residency and
the Interior Residency. Sabah Forestry Development Authority was
begun with the following aims:
a)
to convert wastelands to productive use;
b)
to supplement timber production of the natural forests

with timber coming from man-made forests;
c)
to encourage the active participation of the rural people

in reforestation work and provide mass employment; and
d)
to uplift the standard of living of the people through

forest settlement schemes, and the introduction of
forestry-oriented agricultural development schemes.
Sabah Forestry Development Authority therefore has a threepronged strategy, namely, the reforestation of wastelands, the establishment of commercial plantations and joint ventures with
landowners to develop their land through forest settlement schemes.
The wasteland area for reforestation ranges from 20 ha to
2,000 ha, mainly in the Kota Belud/Kudat/Kota Marudu and the
Tambunan/Keningau regions.
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Malaysia
Wasteland is usually in the land category of customary rights
land, i.e., land without title. Reforestation of these lands undertaken
earlier became problematic when the inhabitants felt their land was
being taken over, so the Sabah Forestry Development Authority did
not participate actively and directly. Instead, they provided trees,
supervised planting and paid wages to the workers. Members of the
Village Security Committees (Jawatankuasa Keselamatan Kampong)
were made contractors for planting. Villagers were given planting
jobs through these contractors. On completion of planting, continuous employment is given to the villagers to help maintain the planted
areas under the Sabah Forestry Development Authority's supervision
at a worker area ratio of one worker for every 12 ha of planted areas.
In some cases, the villagers are encouraged to form co-operatives to
undertake planting contract agreements with the Sabah Forestry
Development Authority.
On land not ordinarily suitable for agriculture, commercial
plantations on a large scale have been planned for. Two areas have
been selected, namely, 40,000 ha at the Bengkoka Peninsula and
a smaller one of 2,400 ha for rotan at Karamatoi, Keningau. The
Bengkoka project is a pilot project aimed at resettling swiddenists
who have migrated to the nearby town of Kudat, where they face
social problems, back into their original area by providing jobs and
incentives. Bengkoka is a very infertile area.
The Bengkoka project is now in its first phase, where 8,000 ha
have been opened up by the 600 workers employed (generally over
18 years old). The project aims to resettle about 2,000 families into
settlement schemes whereby each settler will be provided with 0.1 ha
house lot, a settler house, a titled 6 ha lot fully developed with fastgrowing trees, continued employment with Sabah Forestry Development Authority and a 60 per cent share of the harvest proceeds from
the 6 ha lot after deducting development costs and interest accrued.
On suitable areas near the settlement schemes, agro-forestry projects
are introduced for the settlers to participate in raising animal stock
and the growing of staple crops.
A smaller settlement project is also being implemented at
Karamatoi, in Keningau, and this involves the development of 6,000
acres through the plantation of fast-growing trees and rotan.
Presently, although emphasis is given to the development of
219

settlers' lots in the forest settlement schemes, the idea of encouraging
land owners to plant trees on private lands not suitable for agriculture is being looked into.
In our review of the various measures taken by the government from pre-war time until today, one difference emerges. Prior
to Independence, policies affecting swiddenists arose from either
political or environmental concerns. After Independence policies
were formulated specifically for the swiddening population. Policies
were directed specifically to providing them with an alternative and
better quality livelihood. However, it is largely settled swiddenists
who are the main beneficiaries of Government aid. Migratory swiddenists living in small isolated groups in very inaccessible areas have
not been reached. The strategies used for development are basically
resettlement and in situ development with an emphasis towards
production of commercial crops. The following chapter presents
some of the problems faced by these development agencies.
220
Chapter Five
THE PRESENT POSITION: SOME

PROBLEMS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SWIDDENISTS
Throughout the country the population of swiddenists is one

of the target groups of developmental efforts. They form part of the
economy of the rural poor which has to be improved and provided
with basic amenities. In Sarawak and Sabah, the swiddening population, forming the bulk of the total population is the main target
group of rural development. This chapter discusses the problems
arising from these developmental efforts designed for swiddenists.
The material for this discussion is based on interviews conducted
with various government and quasi-government bodies involved with
development projects for swiddenists in Peninsular Malaysia, Sarawak
and Sabah, as well as reports and surveys conducted on swiddenists.
Land rights
There are several types of land classified by the Land and

Survey Department. These are
a)
Mixed Zone Land - freehold lands;
b)
Native Area Land - land with title;
c)
Reserve Land - usually Forest Reserve;
d)
Native Customary Land 13 -land with no title (there are

millions of acres of rugged land in this category); and
e)
Interior Area Land - State land.
The problem category is Native Customary Land; land with no

title that is "owned" by swiddeners. Prior to 1957, the first indigenous family to slash and burn the primary forest could claim the
13 Surveying of these lands for title is a massive task and could take 50 years or more
(Nissom, Ministry of Land & Mines, Sarawak, p.c. 1981).
221

land as theirs and their heirs. Because land in swidden cultivation is
family-based rather than community-based, this resulted in fragmentation of plots, accompanied by land disputes. When development encroaches on this land, major problems arise which may be
categorised as follows:
1.
Compensation has to be given to the swiddenists when

they have to be resettled. The rate for compensation is
often hard to determine.
2.
In the case of in situ development, there is often a fear

that the government will eventually take away from them
what they regard as their own land, inherited from their
forefathers. Consequently, active participation and cooperation from the rural people can be slow, and not very
forthcoming in some cases. This problem is faced by
several agencies, e.g. the Sabah Forestry Development
Authority, because it is partly involved in reforestation of
swidden areas under native customary land. The Sarawak
Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority in
Sarawak also faces the problem because it requires the
"owners" of native customary land to pass their rights
to the land to the authority which then has the exclusive
right to develop the area. A survey (Kedit 1978) of the
residents in the Batang Air area, Second Division showed
that only 15 per cent had released their land for the
Sarawak Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority oil palm project, and that too, only about 2 ha each.
3.
Fragmented land ownership makes it almost impossible

to apply modern technology and management methods.
The plots are either small or scattered and it is difficult
to gain a consensus for profit-sharing on a shared-cost
basis.
4.
With no title to their land, they are unable to use it as

collateral for funds required in farming projects.
The immediate and more crucial problem, however, appears to

be compensation for land "taken away" for development projects.
For the hydro-electric project planned in the district of Lubuk Antu,
the government has to remove an Iban cemetery. This became a
sensitive issue since the scheme involved traditional and aggresive
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Malaysia
Than swiddenists from 22 longhouses who demanded M$ 1 million

compensation for their land, houses, crops, livestock and fruit trees.
The government is reconsidering its plan to resettle each family,
with a house and 4.4 ha of land. Needless to say, this area constitutes
a small proportion of what swiddenists are accustomed to. Also,
given Than hereditary land inheritance systems, these 4.4 ha will
be fragmented into very small units giving rise to more acute land
fragmentation problems. For purposes of compensation, as a ready
measure the government considers the amount of rice obtained
(measured in gantangs) in one season as an indicator of the amount
of land "owned". An opinion survey conducted by the Sarawak
Museum (1979) on one of the villages in Lubuk Antu affected by
the hydro-electric power project, indicated that 52.3 per cent of the
respondents (n = 455) agree to resettlement. However, they preferred
to be sited in the same district, living in a longhouse with the same
hilek members. They wanted compensation to be given to individual
families, rather than to an entire longhouse. Among them, 81.1 per
cent indicated they would not like to leave farming for other work,
such as work in a nearby bazaar or factory or a scheme (e.g., Sarawak
Land Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority, Skrang Scheme
Village). They expressed strong desires to maintain longhouse living,
to continue associating with hill-paddy cultivation, the Iban religion
and its practices, hunting, farming and working independently. They
were, however, found to be generally favourable to the idea of
changing from growing hill paddy to wet paddy mainly because of
its better yield and the fact that it is comparatively less strenous.
These swiddenists feared that the flooding of their land and
cemetery for the hydro-electric power project would pose for them
the following problems:
a)
loss of their property (the most important);
b)
loss of sources of income from pepper and rubber;
c)
loss of traditional heirlooms and assets;
d)
starting a new way of life all over again;
e)
flooding sacred land is taboo, and they would risk

punishment through natural disasters (kudi) from the
gods;
f)
fear that government would not meet their demands; and
g)
that there would be no place to plant paddy.
223

Because of these land rights problems the Sarawak Land
Development Board now concentrates its development projects on
State land, which is unencumbered and unpopulated. One consequence of this is the need to seek labour from the surrounding
areas. It has been difficult to employ people from the nearby villages
although on an average they fulfil nearly 70 per cent of the required
labour force on a scheme. Villagers prefer to work on their own land.
Their reluctance to work in schemes is based on the new and regimented way of life and their desire to maintain strong family and
village ties.
Crop selection
Soil fertility is the chief factor determining what new crops
should be introduced. This in turn determines which agency moves in
and what development approach should be used. Land presently
worked on by the swiddeners is usually infertile land. Because it is
also land on hill slopes, any fertiliser applied on the land will soon be
washed away by the rain, exposing base rock. They factors usually
determine that swiddeners are to be resettled in another area with
better soils, so commercial crops can be introduced.
About 70 to 75 per cent of Sarawak and Sabah constitute
infertile land that is not economical to develop (See Chapter
three). In Sabah, for instance, there are only 2.12 million ha of
cultivable land, i.e., 28.6 per cent of the State (Lo, Sabah Agriculture
Department p.c. 1981). These have been opened up for all oil palm,
rubber, cocoa, coconut, wet paddy and fruit, in projects undertaken
by the Sabah Land Development Board, Sabah Padi Board, Sabah
Rubber Fund Board, and the Agriculture Department and private
developers.
Among the criteria considered in crop selection are the suitability of crop to the area and to the people, the availability of support systems, whether the crop is subject to commodity price fluctuations in the world market, and the degree of vulnerability to crop
diseases. The crops selected in a majority of cases are non-food and
single crops. Another problem faced is that the swiddenists do not
have the necessary skills and knowledge of these new crops.
The difficulty of applying these considerations to anyone
crop can be illustrated in the case of oil palm. Oil palm is currently
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Malaysia
not a paying project because of low world market prices. Several

agencies had decided to go into oil palm (as well as rubber and
cocoa) when the world market price was high. This was true particularly of Sarawak. Sarawak Land Development Board has developed
28,800 ha of oil palm, and other agencies such as Sarawak Land
Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority also went into oil palm
(not less than 6,000 ha were assigned to this crop in each project).
In Sarawak, however, the necessary support systems for oil palm
such as transportation and good roads to the processing centres and
ports are significantly lacking. Sarawak lacks gravel for road-building
and this has curtailed the construction of roads. Oil palm kernels
are perishable and require efficient transportation services.
For these reasons and also because of the fluctuation in the
world price of palm oil, the J abatan Orang Asli in the peninsula
has not encouraged the cultivation of oil palm. Here, the Orang Asli
because of transportation problems, have themselves expressed a
desire not to go into perishables. Rubber is preferred because unlike
oil palm, rubber will not "go bad" and can be sold on their infrequent trips to the towns.
The risks involved are greater when projects concentrate on
just one type of crop, i.e., monoculture. In projects which are jointventures with the people, fluctuations in the commodity price affect
their income and investment. This in turn erodes their confidence in
government projects, "failures" which they communicate to other
neighbouring villages.
Crops are sometimes chosen for a particular area without feasibility studies done on the agricultural and sociological aspects. In the
Nabawan project in Sabah, for instance, the Muruts (swiddeners)
were resettled by the Sabah Land Development Board into a neighbouring area. They were given houses, land, and introduced to wet
paddy cultivation. The move required adopting new agricultural
methods and growing a new crop, i.e., wet paddy. They were accustomed to growing some hill paddy to be used only for festival
occasions while their staple was tapioca.The project also lacked the
necessary technical support. The area lacked water necessary for
irrigation. The people were not interested in learning agricultural
skills needed for wet paddy because growing just one crop demanded
all their time, new techniques and a new way of life. They soon
225

abandoned the scheme for the jungle where they continued swiddening, hunting and gathering, which give them a more varied diet.
Some successful projects have concentrated on a variety of
crops including both food and non-food crops. The Sabah Land
Development Board has developed areas for the cultivation of coffee,
maize, sorghum, soyabean, vegetable and fruits. They also have
subsidiaries and associated companies developing rotan, cattle,
farms, tea, coffee and pepper. Since Sabah is endowed with a cooler
climate than Sarawak, it has been possible to cultivate a wider
selection of crops.
Related to the problem of insufficient support systems for
selected crops is the problem of finding skilled labour. This is discussed as part of larger employment problems in the following
section.
Employment problems
Several development agencies face a shortage of labour, not

to mention skilled labour. This is not an unexpected problem especially when new crops are introduced. Other labour-related problems
are that workers are often transient and unaccustomed to the disciplined routine necessary for efficient production.
Swiddenists are mostly familiar with the growing of hill paddy,
tapioca, maize, and some other food crops. When they are employed
in the production of unfamiliar crops such as oil palm, cocoa, and
the growing of trees in schemes, there is not just a need for learning
new agricultural skills but also a need to adapt to a more routine and
regimented life necessary for the successful large-scale production of
these crops. Several agencies have found it difficult to shift workers
from their old interests, old skills and old habits to a new set of
knowledge and habits, required by commercial crops.
When agencies such as the Sabah Forestry Development
Authority and Sarawak Land Development Board move into the
uninhabited land, they share a similar set of problems. The Sarawak
Land Development Board gets on an average, only 70 per cent of
the total required labour force from swiddenists in the surrounding
areas. Those employed are not fully committed to the scheme. Life
in schemes is alien to them. The tending of crops like oil palm and
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Malaysia
rubber requires a strict daily routine, quite unlike the growing of

crops in a swidden. On the positive side, good earnings are a movivating force. In a Sarawak Land Development Board oil palm
scheme, for instance, an average worker earns M$ll a day and a
hard-working worker can earn as much as M$800 a month, depending on tonnage of oil palm harvested. However, better earnings
elsewhere can cause them to leave the scheme. In Sarawak the
workers employed on schemes have been known to leave to do
logging or become casual labourers in Brunei or Sabah for higher
wages. This is true not only of workers in schemes but also of the
male children of swiddeners. A survey in Lemanak (Kedit 1973:81)
shows that 53 per cent of the informants had left the swidden village
to seek temporary work elsewhere (berjelai) mostly for one or two
years. Although illiterate and with no skills, they said that it was not
difficult for them to get ajob (Kedit 1973:81).
In some schemes like those conducted by the Sarawak Land
Development Board, slowness in providing basic social amenities
exacerbates the employment problems. In Sarawak Land Development Board Schemes, government procedures require different
departments to provide different amenities, e.g., the Public Works
Department is responsible for roads within the scheme, and to the
scheme and the Education Department establishes a school. Thus,
there is not unexpectedly some delay in providing the basic infrastructure of a scheme village. It is not untypical to find some such
schemes plagued by the lack of water supply, electricity or roads,
with inadequate medical facilities and only temporary shelters for
schools.
Cultural problems
Cultural problems arise when the response to development

requires swiddenists to change their cultivation of hill paddy. The
adaptation to growing new crops especially the non-food crops,
using permanent cultivation methods as opposed to that of swidden,
forces on them changes in their lifestyle. The production of rice,
culturally speaking, their super food, is closely interwoven with their
existence, their world view, beliefs, religion and social organization.
In short, swidden has been a traditional way of life, handed to them
by their forefathers, the only life they know. To a swiddenist, rice
like any living thing, has a soul - a cultural existence. The actual
227

working of the land cannot be separated from the magical and
religious rites, a world not his alone, but shared with other orders of
beings. According to their nature, "some of these must be cajoled,
placated, or overcome and others of them invoked for aid, if he is
to work his land unmolested and if his crops are to flourish" (Geddes
1954:73). Because of the close and intricate relationships between
man and nature in swidden farming, changes in the system of farming
would inevitably affect the other variables in culture.
One feature of hill paddy cultivation is that of steadily decreasing yield. The yield of hill paddy from virgin jungle can be as
high as 1,000 to 2,000 kg/ha, but the average yield in Sarawak today
is about 700 kg/ha. Yields ranging from 300 to 400 kg/ha are not
uncommon (Hatch n.d.). Given soil poverty, development measures
to combat low paddy yields often require the swiddenists to give
up hill paddy growing. The options for development are either to
resettle them into more accessible areas and/or to introduce them
to commercial crops or they are developed in sz"tu. In these cases,
where their economic and social lives are cared for, the missing
planned element seems to be cultural considerations.
Often ignored is the cultural consideration that paddy cultivation is closely linked to the beliefs of the people. The paddy farmers
are totally absorbed in it and as Freeman (1955-27) wrote "The
subsistence economy of the Iban, and indeed their whole way of life
is based upon the cultivation of hill rice ... " If development efforts
are to be effective they have to take into account the close relationship between paddy and culture.
The adaptation from paddy to commercial crops poses not
only real physical problems but psychological problems as well. As
mentioned earlier, the swiddenists do not have the required skills
necessary for commercial crops. Also, while having to adjust to a
different disciplined life in new schemes, they also have to adjust
to a monetary economy and a wage system that operates on the basis
of performance. Time now has monetary significance. When necessary, however, monetary income from the scheme is sacrificed so
as to allow them time to tend to their paddy fields. It has been the
experience of Sarawak Land Development Board that during the
planting and harvesting seasons the workers will disappear to their
fields. In these schemes, the workers either go back to their village
or they open up fields close to the scheme as allocated by the
228
Malaysia
agency. The Board, therefore, has realised the cultural importance of

paddy. Their workers are allowed to grow their sacred strain of
paddy for rituals. There is also a sense of security for the workers
when each family has its own stock of rice.
Another cultural problem arises from the fact that swiddenists are unprepared for the rapid transition to a monetary economy.
When compensations are paid for development projects on native
land, the swiddenists cannot cope with their new wealth. In 1974 in
Mukah, Third Division, Sarawak, the compensation provided ranged
from hundreds to thousands of dollars (ringgit) and were spent on
luxury items such as cars, sewing machines, generators. Soon, a social
problem was created. These swiddenists had no money, no land and
no skills, they became "drifters" in nearby large towns such as Sibu.
It was to overcome this specific kind of problem, that the impetus
was given by the Sarawak government to establish the Sarawak Land
Consolidation and Rehabilitation Authority to develop native land,
on a joint-venture basis, rather than to buy the land off them.
Still another problem lies in trying to convince swiddenists
that permanent cultivation is a more productive system. The Department of Agriculture's extension programme has tried to change their
thinking from an emphasis in land size to one where yield is a more
important consideration. The success of ancillary development, in
large part, rests on the degree of conviction that can be won from
swiddeners regarding permanent cultivation.
229
Chapter Six
CONCLUSION
This study has brought into perspective the inter-relationships

of the physical environment, demographic structure, socio-economic
and policy aspects of swidden through time and in the various parts
of Malaysia. This concluding chapter discusses these changes, as well
as the problem facing the swiddenists and administrators, the options
open to them and the consequences of each of these options.
Swiddenists in Malaysia may be distinguished into two broad
groups, namely; migratory swiddenists and settled swiddenists. The
migratory swiddenists live in small isolated communities in the
interior on very steep, infertile land, where the land-man ratio is
high. They uproot themselves completely when the land is totally
unusable. However, it is the settled swiddenists with whom we have
been most involved in this study. They form the bulk of the swidden
population, live in more accessible areas and are the recipients of
development.
In Peninsular Malaysia land used for swiddening has generally
shrunk over a period of time. Based on Land Use Classification
Reports, there has been reduced activity on a peninsular wide basis from 0.1 per cent of the Land in Peninsular Malaysia in 1966 to 0.06
per cent in 1974, a reduction of almost half of its original level of
activity. There are, however, no longitudinal figures for Sarawak and
Sabah. Generally, in Sabah and Sarawak, there are intervening factors
in the expansion of swidden activities. Among them are more job
opportunities for the young, rechanelling swiddenists to non-swidden
activities through Government agencies, and Government acquisition
of state land (on which swidden is sometimes practised) for development purposes. However, these actions have perhaps to be weighed
against population increase, reluctant participation by swiddenists,
and further opening up of the deeper interior for swiddening. Because no figures are available, it is not possible to indicate the direction of swidden activities, i.e., whether in actual fact there is an
expansion or shrinking of swidden area and population.
230
Malaysia
As for the ethnic groups involved in swiddening we see changes

in Peninsular Malaysia while there was no reported change in Sarawak and Sabah. In Peninsular Malaysia, the Chinese and Malays were
very much part of the total swidden population during the Second
World War. However, their involvement has since become less (Wyatt
Smith 1958:141), and it is the Orang Asli who are the dominant
group now practising swidden cultivation. Among the Orang Asli
the Senoi is the most dominant swiddening group and in 1969
(Table 3:6), they formed 71.9 per cent of the total Orang Asli
swidden population, while the Jakun took a distant second place
(22.7 per cent) followed by the Semelai (5.9 per cent). In Sarawak,
the Iban have been and still are the largest swiddening group. They
comprise 70.6 per cent of the total swiddening population for the
state, followed by the Bidayuh, Kayan or Kenyah and other ethnic
groups (Table 3:7). Unfortunately, there are no available figures for
the swiddening population in Sabah. It is known however, that the
main ethnic groups involved in this form of cultivation are the
Dusun or Kadazan, the Murut and the Rungus.
Actual figures for the man-land ratio for each of the three
states are not available. However, it is possible to gain a rough
impression of the situation in Peninsular Malaysia. In 1969, it was
estimated that 76.5 per cent of the Orang Asli were swiddenists while
in 1981, the figure estimated was 60 per cent. Between 1966 and
1974, land used for swidden cultivation shrank by half. Thus, despite
different base years, it may be concluded that from the late 1960s to
1970s, in general, while there was a considerable reduction in swidden land, the reduction in swidden population was comparatively
insignificant, hence indicating a trend towards a higher man-land
ratio. As for Sabah and Sarawak, there are no comparable figures,
but there is mention of an increasing man-land ratio in Sarawak in
various articles (e.g. Hatch and Lim 1978:8).
The expansion or reduction in swidden activities in Malaysia
from the pre-war period until today is an interesting phenomenon.
Although most of the criticism against swiddening has come from the
physical sciences in their concern for a better quality of environ
ment, the policies for swiddenists, however, have been based to a
larger extent on economic and political considerations. Prior to
Independence, policies for swiddenists arose either from political
or environmental concerns. After Independence, policies were
231

directed specifically to providing swiddenists with an alternative
for a better way of life.
The swiddenists are thus faced with the dilemma of continuing
their age-old practice and coping with its repercussions or of adopting the alternatives offered by the Government together with all the
consequences. Among the problems the swiddenist faces in continuing with swidden cultivation are low yields (from soils that are often
not possible to fertilize), and shortage of fertile land, resulting in
low income, and in some cases malnutrition. Also, swiddenists do
occupy land for which they have no title (Native Customary Land)
and the Government has begun to acquire more land whenever
necessary for development projects. This then reduces the amount
of swidden land owned and thereby increases the man-land ratio,
and adds further to the productivity and malnutrition problems. For
these problems the Government offers a two-pronged solution, in
in situ development or resettlement. For the swiddenist himself, a
third alternative is to abandon or sell his land and move to the urban
areas.
In choosing resettlement the swiddenist is uprooted from his
land and crops. He is introduced to a new environment and new
selected crops. In choosing this option, the swiddenist faces the
question of compensation, changed cultural ties (to land and crop padi) , and practices involving new skills, new concepts and new
values (such as of time and money). All these involve major adjustment in living and thinking. In return for these adjustments the
swiddenist gains skills, better housing, more income, medical facilities, roads, electricity, water and schools.
There are, however, difficulties on both sides - the Government agencies oftentimes do not achieve their aims (e.g., selection of
unsuitable crops, and crops whose prices have fallen in the commodity market to provide less than the expected income) and the
swiddenists have not adapted to the requisites of large-scale agriculture. The adaptation from paddy to commercial crops also involves
a psychological adjustment. While having to adjust to a disciplined
life in new schemes, the swiddenists also have to adjust to a monetary economy and wage system based on performance. These are
concepts that are not easy for them to fit into quickly.
As for in situ development, there are the limitations of land
capability. Besides being an economically unviable solution for
232
Malaysia
small and remote commumtIes, there is also the problem of "fit"
between land and crop. However, in places where in situ development is feasible, the relevant agencies have introduced permanent
cultivation, either through extension programmes or through joint
venture projects, as well as social amenities - all with the aim of
increasing the quality of life while reducing swiddening and its
effects on the environment. In in situ development, the swiddenist is
faced with acquiring new skills for the permanent crops grown, as
well as coping with balancing a budgeted expenditure for new items
such as chemical fertilizers as well as planning use of energy and
time.
The other alternative open to the swiddenists is to abandon or
sell their plots and move to nearby towns. This is not the usually
preferred option. For instance they would choose this when they
have relatives able to get the preferred jobs in the urban area or when
they have sold their land to the Government for a cash compensation. This option can lead to undesirable effects as seen in the kudat
example in Sabah (page 219), and the Mukah example in Sarawak
(page 229).
This study concludes that in principle the swiddenists themselves want change leading towards agricultural improvements, better
income and more social amenities. These objectives fall within those
of the national economic policy of the Malaysian Government.
However, at the implementation level, several issues have to be
considered and several problems overcome. Critical among these
are selection of crops, and the development approach chosen. With
the selection of crops the central factor in determining what to
grow should not only be soil fertility. Equally important are costbenefit evaluations based on the prices of commercial crops given the
fluctuations of world commodity prices. The price of agricultural
chemical fertilizers are also affected by inflation. There is a need
therefore for a total rather than a piecemeal approach. This means
that development agencies will have to offer an integrated package
of credit facilities, marketing, farming education and mechanization.
Duplication among agencies has to be ironed out so there will be
better co-ordination among them. One overriding unplanned factor
in all these efforts is the state of the world economy. With the
present-day recession and the downward trend in commodity prices
(e.g., palm oil, pepper, rubber, cocoa) swiddenists have little confidence in switching to permanent cultivation as a viable alternative.
233

In this study t planned change for development among swiddenists has been found to require complex and inter-related efforts.
Policy efforts must be complemented with sound implementation.
Both of these must be problem-oriented and based on empirical
data. Both should be preceeded by a sound understanding of all
aspects of swiddening t including its historical perspectives gained
from research into change t adaptation and modernization among a
significant traditional sector of Malaysian and Asian society.
234
Table 9. Summary of Rural Development Corporation projects as at 31 December 1980
Region
No. of
participants
Project
acreage
No. of
labourers
Joint
venture
StatUI of projects
Rural DevelopSettlement
ment Corporation
scheme
CO-<Jperative
Total
Kudat
509
3,854
752
10
12
Ranau
106
1,618
655
14
West Coast
208
1,129
151
Klias
389
1,105
352
11
Keningau
495
4,108.5
834
10
16
Tambunan
197
723
64
66
670
222
1,000
5,000
75
14
12
Vo
Tenom
Sandakan
Semporna
2,970
18,282.5
3,046
1
2
45
10
19
76
i:l
'<
'"
~.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Andriesse, J .P.
1977 "Nutrient level changes during a 20-Year shifting
cultivation cycle in Sarawak {Malaysia}". International Society of Soil Science Conference on "Classification and Management of Tropical Soils", Kuala
Lumpur.
Arnot, D.B. and J .S. Smith
1937 "Shifting cultivation in Brunei and Trengganu".
Malayan Forester $6:13-17.
Barnard, R.C.
1933 The Sakai in Trolak Forest Reserve. Malayan Forester
2:18-20
Browne, F.G.
1932 "Pahang river trips". Malayan Forester 1:233-240
Budget Report for Malaysia
1980
Carey
1976
The Orang Asli: the aboriginal tribes of Peninsular

Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press.
1979
The resettlement of.the Orang Asli from a historical

perspective, Federation Museums Journal 24:159-176
Carey
Chin, S.C.
1977
Shifting cultivation - a need for greater understanding,

Sarawak Museum Journal 46:107-128
Freeman, J .D.
1955 [ban agriculture: a report on the shtfting cultivation of
hill rice by the [ban of Sarawak, Colonial Office,
Colonial Research Studies No. 18, London.
Geddes, W.R.
1954 The Land Dayaks of Sarawak: a report on a social
economic survey of the Land Dayaks of Sarawak pre236
Malaysia
sented to the Colonial Social Science Research Council, London, Colonial Office.
Hatch, T. n.d.
"Shifting cultivation in Sarawak: past present & future" (mimeographed)
Hatch and C.P. Lim
1978 Shzfting cultivation in Sarawak, a report based upon
the Workshop on Shifting Cultivation held in Kuching
on 7-8th December 1978.
Kedit
1978
Sakra Report, Sarawak Museum Occasional Research

Papers Series No. 1 December 1978.
Land use reports for Malaysia

1974
Lim, C.P.
1978
"Areas under shifting cultivation in Upland Sarawak

and their agricultural potential," Appendix I in Shifting Cultz"vation in Sarawak, a report on a Workshop
in Kuching on 7-8 December 1978.
Sabah land use report

1970
Sarawak: Forestry Department annual reports
1946, 1949, 1951
Spurway, B.].C.
1973 "Shifting Cultivation
6:124-128
III
Sarawak", Malayan Forester
Strong, T.A.
1931 "The Sakai and shifting cultivation". Malayan Forester
1:243-246.
Strugnell, E.].
1932 "Diary extracts" Malayan Forester 1 :30-36.
The Present Land Use of Sabah
1970
237

Wyatt-Smith, J.
1951 "Forestry, agricultural settlements and land planning"
Malayan Forester 14:206-212.
Wyatt-Smith, J.
1958 "Shifting cultivation in Malaya", Malayan Forester
21:139.155.
238
Part Four
PHILIPPINES
P.L. Bennagen
Chapter One
RESEARCH IN SWIDDEN
CULTIVATION IN THE PHILIPPINES
In a pioneering and comprehensive work on swidden cultivation in Southeast Asia, Spencer noted the great variety of viewpoints
and interpretations regarding this cropping system. 1 Since then,
swidden cultivation has remained controversial, both from the
standpoint of ecology and economy. Every discipline and profession
that has had to do with swidden cultivation brings into it its own
perspectives, methods of analysis and its recommendations, if not
programme of action. Even within the disciplines and the professions, the views, analysis and modes of action, if any, tend to vary.
Generally, however, anthropologists in the Philippines, as
elsewhere, tend to look at swidden cultivation as an adaptive mode
which, with its simple tools but complex set of beliefs and practices
and social organization, is appropriate in its own time. Moreover, it
is seen not as an exclusive cropping system but one integrated with
other subsistence activities such as food-gathering, hunting, agriculture, and recently, wage-earning. But in spite of their sympathetic
view, anthropologists note the increasing inability of traditional
swiddeners to sustain swiddening as a viable cropping system. Foresters, agriculturists, geographers, policy-makers and administrators
tend to look at it as both ecologically unsound and economically
inefficient. An underlying assumption of these two views is that
swidden cultivation is only an expedient stage before permanent
agriculture.
These contradictory views notwithstanding, swidden cultivation has continued to be a viable way of life for a few relatively
isolated ethno-linguistic groups, as well as an alternative, if expedient, cropping system for an increasing number of Filipinos. In
some cases it may be the only cropping system suitable. It does seem
1 Joseph E. Spencer, Shifting Cultivation in Southeast Asia (University of California
Press: Berkely, 1966), pp. 2-4. In this same work, Spencer argued for the use of shifting
cultivation as a generic term.
241

that it will be around for some time depending on a number of
factors not the least of which would be the rate of socio-economic
development of the country. For this reason there is a need to
examine more carefully the dynamics of swidden cultivation especially at a time when both ecological balance and quality of life have
become central national developmental concerns.
Objectives and methods
To obtain a more comprehensive and analytical view of

swidden cultivation in the Philippines, this study will rely on the
efforts of the various disciplines which have contributed to the
growing body of literature on swiddening. In addition, documents
and official reports directly and indirectly related to swidden cultivation will be examined. The interrelationship between swiddening, on
the one hand, and the environment, population and the political and
economic conditions on the other, will be analyzed. This should
promote an understanding of its dynamics and give a clearer idea of
the similarities and differences of swidden cultivation, its distribution, its practitioners and its types. To provide additional bases for
appropriate development action, government policies and programmes regarding swiddening will be analyzed particularly as these
relate to the persistence of the practice and the developmental goal
of quality of life in harmony with the environment.
Given the limitations imposed by time, resources and the
nature of a brief study, it is not exhaustive. Nevertheless, the available materials already enable a more comprehensive view to be taken
of swidden cultivation than hitherto possible.
Summary of research
As shown in Volume I, the corpus of literature on swidden

cultivation has been growing since the early 1900s. Contributors have
come from the disciplines of anthropology, agricultural economics,
sociology and social psychology, geography, history and linguistics
and the professions like forestry, forestry extension and communication, and social work. For the entire period, contributors have been
mostly Americans. Recently, however, Filipinos, both trained abroad
and in the Philippines, have assumed a more active research role. In
242
Philippines
addition, a few other nationalities have done research on swidden
cultivators or on some selected aspects of swiddening.
Earlier ethnographic researches were done either by American
anthropologists in the service of the colonial government or by missionaries. Since the 1950s, and up to the present, studies have been
conducted by foreigners and Filipinos alike for Ph.D. dissertations,
mostly for universities in the United States. Filipino researchers have
no less pragmatic motivations. Most of their studies have been for
the M.A. and the Ph.D. or for government agencies.
On the whole, the existing literature on swidden cultivation
provides a rich source of information and insights on the practice.
Due to the different perspectives of the authors, no doubt greatly
affected by differences in disciplinal, professional and agency backgrounds, there are disagreements on some points and agreements on
others.
Studies of a more or less ethnographic nature show the intimate interconnection between swiddening and the other aspects of
society and culture. Treated as an independent variable, for example,
swidden cultivation affects social organization, mobility and settlement patterns, religious rituals and representations and aesthetic
expression.
As a dependent variable, among whole cultures as in the case
of upland hill groups, the productivity and ecological viability of
swidden cultivation has been shown to be affected negatively by
a number of factors such as population pressure, government forestry
laws, establishment of commercial plantations, logging and mining
activities as well as other political and economic processes emanating
from outside. External forces appear to be the more important
factors.
Sociological and socio-psychological studies on lowland
swiddenists who have turned to swiddening from other occupations
as a supplementary activity, confirm the common observation that
knowledge and attitudes do not necessarily lead to the appropriate
behavior or practice. For example, knowledge of the value of forest
and forest conservation does not guarantee the adoption of conservation practices particularly in the absence of alternative ways of
earning a living.
243

Studies on the productivity of swiddening present a more
confused picture. Some studies show it to be more productive than
plough agriculture while others show the opposite. Unfortunately,
the factors affecting productivity are inadequately examined. Consequently, it is difficult to generalize about the developmental
potential of swiddening as a cropping system. Studies on agricultural
intensification among lowland swiddenists, however, indicate that
diversification of crops and discriminate adoption of new technology
could sustain productivity. Similarly, studies from the natural
sciences indicate that a more detailed knowledge of environmental
factors could help minimize site destruction and enhance production.
In any case, it is generally observed that swidden cultivation
tends to be inefficient and ecologically damaging under pressure
from outside. Among the most important pressures are immigration,
agri-business, and logging and mining activities. Of course, studies
of relatively isolated ethno-linguistic groups do tell us that swidden
cultivation is not only productive and ecologically stable but is itself
a way of life; the annual cycle is very much a religious cycle.
Clearly, there is still much to learn about swiddening, both

in its environmental and socio-cultural dimensions. Fortunately, it
continues to attract an increasing number of researchers coming
from a growing number of disciplines and professions. Moreover,
types of swiddening other than those practised by minority hill
groups are also being examined. It is suggested, nevertheless, that any
future research agenda on swiddening should at least include the
following:
1.
More precise specification of the relationship between

swiddening and population to include identification of
mediating or intervening variables, at the local and
national levels;
2.
Longitudinal quantitative and qualitative micro- and

macro-studies of the interaction between swiddening and
environmental factors;
3.
More systematic studies of various types of swiddening

that should take into account its impact on the environment and on the quality of life; the relationships of each
type with other types, with other cropping systems and
with other economic activities; and the dynamics of
244
Philippines
transformation from one type to another or from swiddening to other economic activities particularly those
being thrust upon traditional societies as a consequence
of the present global acculturation situation, and especially the penetration of the capitalist mode of production
into precapitalist societies; and
4.
Identification of ways by which swiddening may be enhanced particularly under conditions where it is the only
suitable cropping system, or where it is economically
advantageous.
245
Chapter Two
THE LAND, PEOPLE~
GOVERNMENT AND ECONOMY
Location. Located south-east of the Asiatic mainland, the

Philippine archipelago is found between latitudes 4 0 23' and 21 0 25'
north, and between logitudes 1160 00' and 127 0 00' east. It has a
total land area of 300,000 sq km. The coastline of 17,460 km is
twice as long as that of the United States. There are approximately,
7,107 islands in the whole archipelago, about 1,000 of which are
populated. The combined area of the two biggest islands, Luzon in
the north and Mindanao in the south, constitutes about 70 per cent
of the total land area. It is in these two islands where most of the
swiddening groups are found.
Temperature, humidity and precipitation. Situated within the
humid tropics 2 , the country has an average annual temperature ranging from 22.8C to 31.1C. Mean relative humidity is 81 per cent.
The annual rainfall is 2,346.7 mm, with a minimum average of
212.43 mm during the dry months of March through May and a
maximum average of 246.93 mm during the rainy months of June
through November.
Climatic types. Based on rainfall, there are four climatic
types in the Philippines. Type I has two pronounced seasons - dry
from November to April and wet during the rest of the year as in
the western part of Luzon, Mindoro, Palawan, Panay and Negros.
Type 11 has no dry season with a very pronounced rainy period from
December to February as in the eastern and northern parts of Camarines Norte and Camarines Sur, and the eastern parts of Quezon,
Samar, Leyte and Mindanao. Type III has no pronounced maximum
rainy period but is relatively dry from November to April as in the
western part of the Cagayan Valley, eastern part of the mountain
2 The geographical summary in this part of the chapter is based largely on Domingo
Salita, Geography and Natural Resources of the Philippines, (University of the Philippines
Press: Quezon City, 1974) and Frederick L. Wernstedt and Joseph E. Spencer, The Philtppine Island World, (University of California Press: Berkeley, 1967).
246
Philippines
provinces of the Cordillera of Luzon, southern Quezon, Masbate,
Romblon, northeastern Panay, eastern Negros, central and southern
Cebu, eastern Palawan and northern Mindanao. Type IV has a more
or less uniformly distributed rainfall throughout the year as in
Batanes, northeastern Luzon, the southwestern part of Camarines
Norte, the western part of Camarines Sur and Albay, Bontoc Peninsula, eastern Mindanao, Marinduque, western Leyte, northern Cebu,
Bohol, and most of central, eastern and southern Mindanao.
Typhoons. An average of 19 typhoons hit the country every
year bringing in rains and also causing heavy loss of life and damage
to property and natural resources. The southern islands of Mindanao,
up to latitude 8 0 north, are nearly typhoon-free, thus contributing to
the agricultural value of the area. The northern parts of the archipelago as far north as neighbouring Taiwan are frequently hit by
typhoons.
Mountains, mountain ranges and land classification and soils.
The Philippines is mountainous with ranges running in a north-south
direction. In the northern island of Luzon are the Central Cordillera,
the Sierra Madre in the east and the Zambales mountain range in the
west. Southern Luzon is a volcanic region with the following volcanoes: Taal, Makiling, Banahaw, Isarog, Iriga, Mayon and Bulusan.
Approximately 65 per cent of the total land area of the Philippines
are uplands. Areas where slope is 18 degrees or more are officially
declared as unfit for agricultural purposes and are retained for forest
purposes. As of December 31, 1978, about 169,291.14 sq km
(56.43 per cent) have been classified as public forest lands and the
rest (43.57 per cent) as alienable and disposable. According to the
estimates by the Natural Resources Management centre 3 using
remote sensing methods, about 45.6 per cent (136,900.58 sq km)
of the total land area is covered by actual forests. In terms of percentage of forest covered, Palawan has 74.51 per cent; Mindoro,
48.97 per cent; Mindanao, 42.27 per cent; Luzon, 35.39 per cent;
and Visayas, 24.12 per cent.
As for areas that could be cultivated, one estimate puts it at
about 45 per cent4 of the total land area while another at probably
3 NRMC, Philippine Natural Resources Profile and Statistics, VoL VII, Natural Resources Management Center, Ministry of Natural Resources, Diliman, Quezon City, 1979.
4 Salita,op. cit., p. 46.
247

not more than one-third. 5 Farmlands represent about 28.3 per cent
of the total land area of the country but could be increased by about
four or five per cent through drainage, irrigation and limited clearing
of forest areas. 6
Compounding the problem of limited cultivable land area is
the character of Philippine soils. It is claimed that the country does
not have as highly fertile a soil base as other areas outside the tropics. 7 Moreover, Philippine soils are naturally deficient in nitrogen,
phosphorus and potassium. 8
Population
By May, 1980, the Philippine population was 47.9 million. 9

This represents an increase of almost seven-fold from the population
of 7.6 million in 1903. Annual rates of growth, however, have differed for the various censal years: 1903-1918, 1.90 per cent; 19191939, 2.22 per cent; 1939-1948, 1.91 per cent; 1948-1960, 3.06 per
cent; 1960-1970,3.01 per cent; 1970-1975, 2.78 per cent; and 19751980, 2.64 per cent. The decline in annual growth rates from 1960
to 1980 is attributed to the adoption of population control measures, a response to the international concern for population control.
The average national population densities have changed from
90 persons per sq km in 1960 to 122 per sq km in 1970 to 140 per
sq km in 1975 and to 160 per sq km in 1980. The capital city of
Manila had a popUlation density of 38,619 persons per sq km in
1975 while Quirino Province in northern Luzon had 21.5 persons
per sq km.
Distribution. Roughly 70 per cent of the population live in
the rural areas. The rest are urban dwellers including 20 per cent of
the total population who are in the 60 chartered cities. In 1980,
Luzon, the biggest island, had 54.4 per cent of the population;
5 Telesforo W. Luna, Jr., "Land Resources Development in the Philippines, LikasYaman, 1:8 (1979), p. 13.
6 Ibid, p. 1l.
7 Wernstedt and Spencer,op. cit., p. 78.

8 Ibid, p. 81
9 Unless otherwise indicated, the data and discussion on population in this section are
based on NEDA-NCSO, Philippine Yearbook 1978 and 1981, National Economic Development Authority-National Census and Statistics Office, Manila, 1978 and 1981.
248
Philippines
Visayas of the Central Philippines 23.24 per cent; and Mindanao in
the south 22.36 per cent. About one fourth, or some 12 million
persons, are in Metro Manila and the outlying Southern Tagalog
region.
Diversity of
ethno-linguistic groups
Just like the other new nation-states that emerged out of the
colonial situation, the Philippines is characterized by a great diversity
of peoples speaking different although related languages and exhibiting a variety of culture traits. Based on these two criteria, there are
about a hundred ethno-linguistic groups in the country. According
to the 1975 census, 24.4 per cent of the total population are native
Cebuano speakers, followed closely by the Tagalog (23.8 per cent),
then the Ilocanos (11.1 per cent), Hiligaynon-Ilonggo (10.0 per
cent), Bicol (7.0 per cent), Waray (4.6 per cent), Pampango (3.4 per
cent), and Pangasinan (2.3 per cent). The remaining 13 per cent represent the other minor languages including non-Malayo-Polynesia
languages reported as native tongue.
Filipino (which is based on Tagalog) and English are the two
official languages. In 1970, it was reported that about 55.2 per cent
of the whole population spoke Filipino as against 44.7 per cent
English speakers.
About 15 to 19 per cent of the total population constitute the
national cultural minorities. lO They represent some 80 per cent of all
the ethno-linguistic groups in the country. This includes some 3 to 5
million Muslims and 4.5 million non-Muslims found all over the
Philippines. ll The Muslims are concentrated in Western and Southern Mindanao. The non-Muslim minority groups are also concentrated in the other parts of Mindanao; in Luzon, they are mostly
found in Northern Luzon.
10 The 1973 Philippine Constitution refers to them as cultural communities. Since,
by definition any human community is a cultural community, the original term 'national
cultural minority' which was used by the defunct Commission on National Integration is
used in this report. A group which works among non-Muslim groups has popularized the use
of Tribal Filipinos to distinguish them from non-Muslim groups and lowland groups.
11 Philippine Yearbook, 1981. For data on the Muslims, the Moro Research Group
cites 3 million while the Dean of the Institute of Islamic Studies, U.P. cites 5 million
(Lynch,op. cit., pp. 271, fn. 14). See Thomas J. O'Shaughnessy, "How Many Muslims Has
The Philippines?", Philippine Studies 28:3 (1975), pp. 375-382 for a discussion on this
issue; he points out the difficulties in estimating the Muslim population.
249

The Muslims are concentrated in south-western Mindanao
while the non-Muslims are in the hilly regions all over the country. A
few of them have moved out of their traditional homelands and are
now found in other parts of the country as well as abroad.
On the whole, the various ethno-linguistic groups are unevenly
"developed", if by this is meant their degree of Westernization
and modernization in both material and non-material aspects of
culture. Moreover, this uneven development is also manifested within
each ethno-linguistic group.
POlity12
The declaration of martial law on 21 September 1972 by

Ferdinand E. Marcos subsequently made operative the 1973 Philippine Constitution which changed the form of government from the
presidential to a modified parliamentary system.
On 17 January 1981, President Marcos formally lifted martial
law. About four months after, on 30 June 1981, he proclaimed the
so-called New Republic. In the new structure, the President is the
head of state and chief executive. The Prime Minister is the head
of the cabinet and chairman of the Executive Committee. While
there is a legislative body (the Batasang Pambanasa), the President is
still empowered to issue decrees.
Politically, as of 1982 the country is divided into 73 provinces,
two sub-provinces, 60 cities, 1,522 municipalities and 40,176
barangays (barrios). For purposes of development planning, the
country is divided into 12 administrative regions.
Economy and
development strategy13
According to the Five-Year Development Plan (1978-1982) of

the government, "the Philippine social and economic system is
founded on private enterprise" in that "the private sector will ... be
12 Based on Pacifieo A. Castro, "The Philippines System of Government Under the New
Republic," Fookien Times Yearbook 1981-82.
13 This part of the chapter is based mainly on NEDA, Five-Year Development Plan,
1978-1982, National Economic Development Authority, Manila, 1977.
250
Philippines
the prime mover and a dynamic component of development" while
"the public sector will . . . engage in activities which are capitalintensive, pioneering, high-risk, and vital to the national interest."
Basically agricultural, the country continues to be bedevilled
by problems of productivity, equity and management of natural
resources to meet present and future needs. Development efforts
after the war saw the emphasis on import-substitution which prevailed from 1950 to 1973,14
With the declaration of martial law, more concerted efforts
at formulating and implementing a development strategy were made,
with its strong export-orientation, particularly of non-traditional
manufactures including handicrafts. The official expression of these
attempts are contained in the Five-Year Philippine Development
Plan, 1978-1982.
As officially formulated, the development strategy partakes
of the rhetoric of the Second United Nations Development Decade,
as is clearly indicated in the following quotations:
In the past, development was considered simply as
the movement towards economic progress and growth,
measured in terms of sustained increases in per capita
income and gross national product (GNP).
In the New Society, development does not only
imply economic advance. It also means the improvement
in the well-being of the broad masses of our people. IS
In reference to the environment, the Five-Year Philippine
Development Plan states:
The environment in which the Filipino family can
flourish must be deliberately and carefully planned.
Human settlements must, therefore, be integrated and
harmonized with the ecological system, so that they may
be true habitats for the Filipino. 16
14 ILO, Sharing in Development, A Programme of Employment, Equity and Growth

for the Philippines, Phil 00., National Economic Development Authority, Manila, 1974.
IS NEDA ,op. Clt.,
. p. XXVlll.
...
16 NEDA, ibid., p. xxix.
251

Furthermore, it claims that "at the heart of the Plan is the
concern for social justice.,,17
To achieve these, the Plan embodies a number of approaches:
1.
harnessing the human resources of the country;
2.
developing the rural sector;
3.
trade diversification and expansion;
4.
developing scientific and technological skills;
5.
transforming the energy source structure;
6.
more effective programme for the management of the

environment;
7.
evolving more responsive development institutions; and
8.
mobilization of domestic and foreign resources.
Shortly after the formal lifting of martial law, another plan,

the Five-Year Development Plan for 1983-87 was formulated with
three major goals: "sustained economic growth, equitable distribution of development gains, and total human development.,,18 These
are expected to be achieved through "symbiotic activities in agriculture, industry and services.,,19 As envisioned, the economy will be
"diversified, competitive, export-oriented and high-labour absorbing.,,20
Of direct relevance to swiddening is the strategy of supporting
landless rural workers, upland farmers and small farmers by considering the following: 21
First, open more lands for production by judicious
subclassification of forest lands into production and protection forest, agro-forestry areas, and grazing lands, consistent with existing laws. This will be undertaken without offsetting environmentally desirable land use patterns;
17
18
NEDA, ibid., p. xxx.
Placido L. Mapa, Jr., "The Philippine Development and the Business Community,"
Philippine Development, IX (20: 1982), p. 4.
19 Anonymous, "The New Five-Year Development Plan: A Summary," Philippine

Development, IX(20:1982), p. 26.
20 Ibid., p. 26.
21 Ibid., p. 39.
252
Philippines
Second, extend priority in the grant of leases and

other similar dispositions to those who occupy forest
lands as indicated in forestry and related laws, which they
have occupied, farmed and developed for a reasonable
number of years;
Third, give priority to landless rural workers and
upland farmers in the use of idle or abandoned agricultural, timber, and marshlands;
Fourth, extent fiscal incentives to timber license
holders and corporations created to develop farmers and
landless rural workers; and
Fifth, give priority in the grant of loans to organized
upland farmers and landless rural workers in the implementation of viable KKK [livelihood] projects.
253
Chapter Three
THE PRACTICE
As of December, 1981, an incomplete census by the Bureau of

Forest Development (BFD) had 164,635 families practising swidden
cultivation on about 6,055 sq km of land. 23 Even if the BFD census
is incomplete, it shows that swidden cultivation is practised all over
the archipelago. While not all swiddening groups have been studied,
BFD reports indicate that practioners come from all the various
ethno-linguistic groups. As shown in Volume I, only 52 of these
groups have been systematically studied. And even among these
groups, the discussion on swiddening is very uneven ranging from
impressionistic accounts to a few relatively detailed reports.
Based on the available data of BFD, swidden cultivation
appears to be concentrated in northern Luzon with about 24 per
cent, or 40,183 families, occupying 931.03 sq km and in Mindanao
with about 40 per cent or 63,088 families occupying 2,557.3 sq km.
These areas also correspond with the more mountainous parts of the
country where most of the swiddening groups live. It does not mean,
however, that swidden cultivation is practised exclusively by traditional swiddenists on hilly terrain. For example, the Agta of northeastern Luzon, who have traditionally be"en hunters and gatherers,
have applied the technique of slash-and-burn on both flatlands and
on hillsides.
23 The BFD defines shifting cultivators as "hilly-land farmers with no permanent farmlands; instead of getting settled on a permanent farm, they move from one portion of the
forest lands to another, usually the fertility of the soil is exhausted as a result of soil erosion. In the strict sense, these are the real 'kaingineros'." Quoted in the Forest Protection
and Infrastructure Division, A Status Report on the Forest Occupancy Management Program, Bureau of Forest Development, Quezon City, 1979, p. v.
In the Philippines, swidden cultivators are popularly referred to as kaingineros; the
swidden plot is called kaingin. There are, of course, other names of a more localized
nature but which are obviously cognates, such as uma in Ilocos and some parts of the Central Cordillera of Northern Luzon and humah among the lama Mapun in the Southern
Philippines.
254
Philippines
00
THE PHILIPPINES
L.
CAGAYAN VALLE
Region II
BICOL
Region V
CENTRAL LUZON
Region III
METRO MANILA
and
~UTHERN TAGALOG
Region IV
EASTERN
VISAYAS
Region VIII
.0
c::J
-.
o
WESTERN
MINDANAO
Region IX
255
Swidden cultivation t'n Asia

Summary of forest occupancy census of
the Philippines by region
(As of December, 1981)
Region
No.
Headquarters
Total No. of
Kaingineros
(head of
milies)
Total No.
of
Dependants
Total Area
Occupied
(Has.)
Dagupen City
18,779
64,185
36,039.10
Tuguegarao, Cagayan
17,865
59,872
43,734.93
San Fernando,
Pampanga
4,503
16,033
34,688.02
11,855
38,456
48,089.27
Quezon City
Naga City
9,280
38,991
42,016.63
Iloilo City
5,149
17,819
23,071.97
Cebu City
21,106
79,674
74,468.42
Tacloban City
7,843
34,236
25,626.47
Zamboanga City
1,559
6,193
7,544.74
10
Cagayan de Oro City
31,749
133,682
128,596.98
11
Davao City
27,439
108,474
110,873.15
12
Cotabato City
7,508
27,352
30,762.69
164,635
624,967
605,512.37
Grand Total
Source: BFD
Brief cultural profile

of swidden cultivators.
Since the early 1900s, about 52 ethno-linguistic groups have

been studied. Of these, six belong to the Negrito groups of Luzon,
Visayas (including Palawan) and north-eastern Mindanao. Formerly
hunters and gatherers, they have turned to swidden cultivation as one
of a number of subsistence activities. Generally one of the least
acculturated, the Negritos have also the least material possessions and
the least access to state-supported institutions and social services
256
Philippines
such as schooling, medical services and the courts of justice. With
the intensifying contact between them and the dominant groups of
the larger society, these services are felt occasionally necessary.
Relative to the other groups, they are more mobile although they
move about within well-defined territorial boundaries and in reference to a home base. They are invariably egalitarian and they
share among themselves their minimal tools of production. Land is
generally regarded as communally owned. As pointed out in the
studies, these groups have been pushed into where they are now by a
combination of various factors such as logging, mining, ranching,
plantations and the overall national population growth.
All of the other groups studied, just like other Philippine
groups, speak languages and dialects belonging to the MalayoPolynesian family of languages. Kinship structure is, without exception, bilateral. Marriage is generally monogamous except among the
Muslims where, theoretically, polygyny (in this case up to four
wives) is allowed.
Religious beliefs vary from anImIsm to Christianity, and to
Islam. In practice, however, because of acculturation, various degrees
of religious syncretism is found among these groups. Among the
practitioners of traditional swiddening such as those in the hilly
regions, religious beliefs and practices are intimately linked with
swiddening, especially in relation to the various phases of the annual
cycle such as in site selection, clearing, firing, planting and harvesting. This is not the case with lowlanders who have been forced to
practice swiddening.
Politically, the Christianized groups such as the Tagalog,
Ilocano and Cebuano are the most integrated into the national
polity. The Muslims and the Igorots of the Central Cordillera of
northern Luzon are less so as they have been, historically, geographically and socio-psychologically, distant from the Manilabased central government. Least integrated into the national polity
are the various Negrito groups and the recently studied Tau't Batu
of Palawan. Internally, however, all the least Christianized and nonChristian groups have their still viable traditional structures of
decision-making at the community level. As traditional forms of
decision-making, these have enabled them to practise an elementary
form of self-determination in spite of the great pressures being
257

brought to bear on them by the politico-economic forces of the
present multiple acculturation situation. Even traditional decisionmaking, however, is already being undermined as relatively isolated
populations are integrated into the national political and economic
structures.
These communities have had little access to formal education,
although in the case of the Tagalog (and presumably among the
Ilocano and the Cebuano) who have turned to swiddening as an
additional means of earning a living, if not cash income, the educational aspiration of parents for their children is high.
Among the traditional swiddenists, notions on landed property
vary. To the Hanun6o, land is considered free goods and only the
crops can be owned. Mindanao groups like the Manobo, Bagobo,
Subanun, Tiruray and Bukidnon and the Tingguian of northern
Luzon claim temporary ownership of the land with rights to the
crops even after transferring to another place. Complete ownership
of swidden plots seems to be found only among the swiddenists of
the central Cordillera of northern Luzon. It should be pointed out,
however, that notions on landed property by traditional swiddenists
are changing under the impact of the institution of private property
being thrust upon them by the dominant society supported by the
state with its property laws and courts.
Meanwhile, landless peasants, displaced workers and the underemployed who have turned to swiddening as an expedient economic
activity and/or as an additional source of income continue to partake
of the major institutions and ideology of their own sector of society
into which they were originally integrated. For example, the "unauthorized forest occupants,,24 of BFD who belong to the major
ethno-linguistic groups but who, subsequently have been marginalized into a partial type of swidden cultivation, look forward to
owning their plots according to the laws of the state, Beyond that,
they look forward to being reintegrated into the dominant culture
with swiddening transformed into some other permanent cropping
systems and as part of other income-generating activities. Among
24 The BFD defines "unauthorized forest occupants" as "people who are occupying
and/or cultivating forest lands without permit or authority from the Bureau of Forest
Development. It includes settlers and indigenous forest residents (cultural minorities) who
have not been granted any formal authority to occupy or utilize the forest lands. Generally,
these people are also called "kaingineros","
258
Philippines
these swiddenists, swiddening is not ritually-sanctioned and hence
lacks the symbolic content it has for traditional swiddenists.
In sum, the literature provides us with an image of swiddenists
as either evolving from a hunting-gathering stage, or already successfully adapted, or temporarily forced to be a swiddenist for lack
of land, gainful employment or some other advantageous economic
alternative.
Typology
of swidden cultivation
Conklin, based on his understanding of swidden cultivation in

the Philippines and especially his study of the Hanunoo, proposed
the following typology of swidden cultivation:
Partial systems of at least two major subtypes:
1.
Supplementary swidden farming (where a permanentfield cultivator, through necessity [poverty, insufficient
lowland or terraced grain fields] or as a tenant, devotes
part of his agricultural efforts to the cultivation of a
swidden which may be at some distance from his residence.)
2.
Incz'pient swidden farming (where the cultivator, often

with little prior knowledge of swidden techniques and
usually from a crowded permanent-field region, moves
into an upland area, as a homestead squatter, or resettler,
and devotes all his agricultural efforts to the swidden in
or near which he makes his home).
Integral systems of at least two subtypes:

1.
Pioneer swidden farming (where significant portions of

climax vegetation are customarily cleared each year).
2.
Established swidden farming (where tree crops are plentiful and relatively little or no climax vegetation is cleared
annually, including an unknown number of subtypes such
as the Hanunoo system ... 25
25 Harold C. Conklin, Hanunoo Agriculture. A Report on an Integral SYlJtem ofShifting

CUltivation in the PhilippinelJ. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations,
1957, p. 3.
259

According to Conklin, integral systems "stem from a more
traditional, year-round, community-wide, largely self-contained, and
ritually-sanctioned way of life", while partial systems "reflect predominantly only the economic interests of its participants (as in
some kinds of cash crops, resettlement and squatter agriculture)".26
In addition, he suggests a number of subtypes according to
the following agronomic and cultural variables: (1) principal crops
raised; (2) crop associations and successions; (3) crop-fallow time
ratios; (4) dispersal of swiddens; (5) use of livestock; (6) use of
specified tools and techniques; (7) treatment of soil; (8) vegetational
cover of land cleared; (9) climatic conditions; and (10) edaphic
conditions.
These ten variables certainly are very useful both for research
purposes as well as for planning specific programmes for technological intervention. The typology suggests that swiddening should be
investigated not simply as a technical problem but also as a sociocultural one in the sense that its variables could be manipUlated according to existing economic relations within each group and between swiddenists and the larger society. For example, the typology
suggests questions such as the following: Why do some swiddenists
manage to be stable and others do not? Why do previously nonswiddenists, individuals and groups, take to it? What kinds of technology are correlated with each group? What impact do they have on
the environment? With these points in mind and considering the
tentative character of any typology, Conklin's typology offers a
fruitful starting point. It has, in fact, become widely used in the
literature on swidden agriculture.
Using this typology and that by Ozbilen27 , a National Task
Force of the Philippines composed of representatives from the
Bureau of Forest Development, Ministry of Natural Resources,
National Economic Development Authority, Population Center
Foundation, Population Commission, University of the Philippines
26 Ibid., p. 3.
27 E. Ozbilen, Demonstration and Training in Forest, Forest Range and Watershed

Management. The Philippines. Shifting Cultivation. FO:SF/pHI 16, Technical Report,
FAO, 1971.
260
Table 1. Type of kaingineros and general pattern of practices in selected areas, Philippines
Types of
kaingineros
A.
IV
Settled kainginero
Type of vegetation
cleared
Practice of
Extent ofdestruction to
planting trees
on cleared areas
Timber
Soil
Permanent dwelling in a permanent community
1. Part-Time
Was a tenant on land;

kaingin supplements his
food production; reclears
land; stays longer
Mostly open, brush &

open lands; very little
forested areas
Generally
Little
2. Full-Time
No land; depends primarily

on kaingin activities; clears
larger areas, stays longer
Brush and grasslands;

and partly forested
areas
Generally
Moderate
Very severe
Seminomadic
Immigrant; depends completelyon kaingin activities; usually

returns to same area after 5-15
years
Was a tenant/no land/very
little land; no prior knowledge of kainin techniques; has better, more
tools; Christian; literate;
has "threshold" contact
Most recently loggedover forests adjacent to

released lands
Usually
High
Severe
Member cultural community; illiterate; non-ehristian;

experienced in kaingin
techniques
logged-<lver
Mostly
areas inside the forest
0-
B.
Characteristics
1. Immigrant
lowlanders
2. Immigrant
Native
Rarely
High
Very severe
Moderate
-.~~
"5-
S
~
Types of
kaingineros
3. Local natives
Characteristics
Indigenous native/resident
of region; always ahead of
loggers; clears mostly virgin
forests; illiterate/non-ehristian; poorest of kaingineros; minimum outside
contact
Type of vegetation
cleared
Mostly virgin forests
Practice of
Extent of destruction to
planting trees
on cleared areas
TImber
Soil
Rarely
Very high
Slight
Source of Data: Ozbilen, E. 1971. Demonstration and Training in Forest, Forest Range and Watershed Management. The Philippines. Shifting Cultivation. FO:SF/PHlI6, Technical Report 9. FAO.
~
Conklin, H.C. 1957. Hanunoo Agriculture. FAO Forestry Development Paper, No. 12.
Philippines
at Los Baiios and the V.P. Population Institute, adopted the typology shown in Table 1. 28
The typology, however, has to be examined and used carefully. It needs a more careful reflection on the characteristics of each
type as well as the types of vegetation and environment -associated
with each. On the whole, the typology reflects a technocratic viewpoint which regards all types of swiddening from an "ethno-centric
concept about yield, work ethic and production".29
Still another typology was suggested by a Filipino forestry
extension specialist based on his study of swidden cultivation of a
partial type. Considering variables such as "social inheritance" and
economic motivation, the types are:
1.
Born kaingineros - those whose parents are kaingineros

with a tradition of kaingin-making; swidden cultivation is
the main, if not the only, source oflivelihood;
2.
Forced kaingineros - those who, for lack of other

means, turned to swidden cultivation, drawing from it,
largely or partially, their income; and
3.
Speculator kaingineros - those who have stable source/s

of income but occupy forested areas, or have others
occupy for them in the hope of eventually owning the
land. 30
Evidently, this is a very limited kind of typology focusing as

it does on how one becomes a kainginero.
Based on his study of swiddening in Negros Oriental, Central
Philippines, Maturan31 (1976) suggested that there are two types of
28 National Task Force, Population in Asian Forestry Communities Practising Shifting
Cultivation: The Case of the Philippines. Population Center Foundation, Makati, Philippines, 1979, p. 12 (mlmeographed).
29 Slmone Dreyfus, "About Traditional Swidden Cultivation in the Lowlands of South
America, "Paper read at the Symposium on Anthropology of Shifting Cultivation, Bhubaneswar, India, 1978, p. 18.
30 Anacleto C. Duldulao. Kaingineros' Perceptions and Attitudes Towards Conservation
in Mt. Makiling, Laguna, Philippines, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, U.P. at Los Baiios,
1975, pp. 6-7.
31 Eulalio G. Maturan, "A Sociological Analysis of the Kaingin Problem in Negros
Oriental," Sylvatrop: The Philippine Forest Research Journal, 1(4) (1976), pp. 224-243.
263

swiddenists, namely: (1) the tribal group; and (2) the lowlander
peasants.
In a similar typology, based on his review of the literature,
Velasco (1976)32 concluded that there are also two types which are:
(1) the traditional; and (2) the non-traditional.
Reflecting primarily cultural variables, these two typologies
could be incorporated in both Conklin's and Ozbilen's. But considering the objective of trying to arrive at a deeper understanding of the
dynamics of the various types of swiddening for a firmer basis of
truly developmental efforts, a refinement of existing typologies is
needed. This would entail, at the very least, three 'major components
or criteria: (1) technology; (2) environmental impact; and (3) cultural values of equity and social justice within the framework of
Philippine society and culture.
The demonstrated variability and complexity of swiddening
demands, however, that as many variables under each category as
possible be studied. An understanding of the technological variables
(e.g., tools, crops and cropping techniques and fallow and cultivation
practices) will provide guidelines for enhancing production and
ecological stability. Attaining the same goals will be aided by our
knowledge of environmental variables such as climatic, hydrologic,
edaphic and vegetation. An understanding of the impact on equity
and social justice will tell us whether the developmental potential
of swiddening could take into account the increased participation of
swiddenists in the overall national development as beneficiaries and
not as victims.
32 Abraham B. Velasco, "Tungo sa Makabuluhang Pang-unawa sa Kaingineros," Sylvatrap: The Philippine Forest Research Journal, 1 (3) (1976), pp. 184-185. Velasco uses the
Tagalog words likas and dilikas which literally mean natural and non-natural respectively.
His explanations, however, suggest he means traditional and non-traditional.
264
Chapter Four
GOVERNMENT AND
SWIDDEN CULTIVATION: POLICIES AND PROGRAMMES
The 1980 Annual Report of the Bureau of Forest Development briefly noted that there has been a "qualitative policy change
[regarding swidden cultivation], from looking at it as a problem of
law enforcement to looking at it as a socio-economic question.,,33
The Report continues:
Instead of punishing the slash-and-burn farmers as
was the policy in the past, BFD is now resettling them
and helping improve their own capacities to grow more
food without further encroaching on forest land. The
farmers are encouraged to plant trees and, whenever
possible, employed in reforestation projects of the
Bureau. 34
In a euphoric outburst, the same report refers to the result of
the Communal Tree Farm Program (with the Tagalog acronym
SIKAP meaning effort), as a virtual reformation of the kaingineros. 3S
As it has taken almost a century of dealing with swiddening
before such a euphoric and sympathetic attitude to it could finally
take place, it will be instructive to see how previous governments
had dealt with it. Already there exist a rather large body of laws
affecting swiddening that an exhaustive treatment would need
another paper. What is attempted here is to highlight patterns of
policy changes affecting swiddening.
Our review of policies takes us back to 1874, towards the end
of the Spanish regime, when swiddening inside forest lands was
banned by government. 36 Later, the 1889 Royal Decree of Spain,
33 The BFD Annual Report for 1980, p.
34
19.
Ibid., p. 19
3S Ibid., p.4.
36 Anonymous, "Brief History: The Philippine Forest Service." Forest Development for
Human Survival: First Philippine Forestry Congress, Oct. 2-6, 1978, p. 31.
265

known as the "Definitive Forest Laws and Regulations" imposed
fines on swiddenists. 37 This legalistic and punitive approach was
pursued during the American regime with the promulgation of the
1901 "Kaingin Law" (Act No. 274) with provisions of even stiffer
fines including imprisonment.
According to Gleeck, the Bureau of Forestry set up by the
Americans concerned itself with development and conservation. Its
policy on swiddening, therefore, employed "carrot and stick techniques".38 Gleeck pointed out to some arrests made and to suspension of sentences provided the violators agreed to reforest the land.
The policy of containing swidden cultivation was reflected in subsequent series of Acts and Administrative Orders. In his review of
laws affecting swiddening, either directly or indirectly, Velasco
argued that while the objectives are good, the odds are against the
swiddenists. He noted that various laws and administrative orders
involving logging, pasture, mining, land classification, communal
forest, protected wild flowers and plants, discriminate against swiddening and swiddenists who are generally poor and unable to have
access to government agencies. 39
Much later, the so-called "Kaingin Law" (Republic Act No.
3701) enacted in 1963, provides among other things, that swiddening

without permit is punishable under the following terms: (a) if done
in proclaimed timberland or communal forest, the fine is six times
the regular government charges upon destroyed products plus six to
twelve months imprisonment; (b) if within a forest reserve, eight
times the government charges plus six to eighteen months imprisonment; and (c) if within any other public forests, four times the
charges plus three to six months imprisonment. Indeed, a lawyer
pointed out that laws affecting swiddenists are more punitive than
preventive. 40
37 Geoffrey A.J. Scott, "The Evolution of the Socio-Economic Approach to Forest

Occupancy (Kaingin) Management in the Philippines." Philippine Geographical Journal,
vol. XXIII, No. 2 (April-May-June, 1979), p. 59.
38 Lewis E. Gleeck, Jr., American Institutions in the Philippines (1889-1941). (Quezon
City: R.P. Garcia Publishing Co., 1976. pp. 221.
39 Abraham B. Velasco, The Kaingin Management Law: Its Influence Upon the Economic Behavior of Upland Farmers in the Philippines, 1980, TS.
40 Arturo Alafriz, "Legal and Political Aspects of Kaingin." Forestry Leaves, vol. 13,
no.3 (1964), pp. 5354.
266
Philippines
All these laws have been formulated in the context of conservation and economic uses of forests and forest products. This is
further reflected in the First National Conference on Forest Conservation and Reforestation held in 1954, which was a reaction to the
"growing apprehension over the abuse and neglect of the Philippine
forest resources.,,41 Convened on the order of no less than the
President of the Philippines, Ramon Magsaysay, upon recommendation of the Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources, it was
participated in by delegates from the wood industries, civic organizations and government agencies.
The Conference promulgated a set of resolutions including
items related directly to swiddening. As in previous laws, the recommendations were couched in punitive terms. 42
Ten years after this conference, the National Conference on
the Kaingin Problem was held. That the focus had to be swiddening
was explained by an assessment of the 1954 Conference which noted
that the implementation of the resolutions was initially enthusiastic
but was not sustained. 43 The 1964 Conference noted that from 1954
to 1964, the number of detected cases of swiddening increased from
477 to 1,845; the area of forest destroyed went up from 744 ha to
12,013 ha; the number of swiddenists investigated, from 372 to 635;
and the number of convictions, from 126 to 136.45
But the 1964 Conference is historically significant for admitting that: (1) forest destruction is caused not only by swiddening
but also by irresponsible logging; (2) swiddening is not an isolated
problem but one related to the other aspects of poverty and the
various socio-economic problems of the country; (3) government's
approach had been purely punitive and remedial; and (4) what was
needed was a sustained and co-ordinated socio-economic approach.
A high-ranking government lawyer even pointed out that the solution to the problem of swiddening was not so much for lawyers
as for social scientists. 46
42 Committee on Resolution and Recommendation. National Conference on the Kaingin
Problem, 1964.
43 Ibid., pp. 31 and 35.
44
45
op. cit., p. 3
op. cit., p. 4.
46 Alafriz,op. cit., pp. 53-54.
267

Having recognized the economic losses attributed to swiddening as well as its socio-economic causes, the 1964 Conference recommended, among others, the following measures: (1) resettlement of
swiddenists from permanent forest lands to agriculture lands; and
(2) diverting swiddenists to private business and increasing jobs in
non-agricultural industries. It was also suggested that incentives
should be given to local and national government agencies and civic
organizations to engage in reforestation as well as educational campaigns on forest conservation.
In spite of all this, however, the Bureau of Forest Development (then Bureau of Forestry) reported an increase in what it
called "detected" cases of swiddening. In the fiscal year 1965-1966,
the number of detected cases was 1,854 involving 1,783 ha of
forest. The figures in 1970 were 4,272 detected cases involving
8,760 haY Even if considered underestimated by Serna,48 the point
is clear that there was an increase in the number of detected cases
as well as forest areas cleared from 1965-66 to 1970.
The seeming intractability of the problem led to the issuance
of Forest Administrative Order No. 62, 1971, known as the "Kaingin
Management and Land Settlement Regulations." The administrative
thrust of this order was on governmental management of swidden
cultivation with emphasis on socio-economic assistance. This came
to be known as the Program for Forest Occupancy Management
(PFOM). But due to the lack of funds and properly trained personnel, the programme was not carried out. 49
In 1971, the Presidential Committee on Wood Industries was
organized, with representatives from government agencies and the
wood industries, to re-examine and re-orient previous concepts and
policies on forest conservation and utilization. 50 The report of the
47 Cirilo B. Serna, "Kaingin: Facts, Figures, and Why?". The Philippine Lumberman,
April 1972, p. 12. The author, a Supervising Forest Economist at the time of publication of
his article, cautioned readers regarding the use of the data since at that time no nationwide
survey of swiddening had been made. He noted, however, that there had indeed been an
increase of detected cases.
48 ibid., p. 12.
49 Edwin V. Payuan, "Forest Occupancy (Kaingin) Management Now in Full Swing."

Forest Development for Human Survival: First Philippine Forestry Congress, op. cit., p. 95.
50 Presidential Committee on Wood Industries Development, Philippine Forestry and
Wood Industries Development. (Quezon City: Agricultural Information Division, Dept., of
Agriculture and Natural Resources, 1971), p. 1
268
Philippines
Committee included a section, "Kaingin Management and Tribal
Reservations," the recommendations of which are, in essence if not
in detail, embodied in PFOM.
It was not until 1975 that the first pilot project under the
auspices of the PFOM was implemented in a northern Luzon town.
In 1975, Presidential Decree No. 705, known as the "Revised Forestry Code" was issued with provisions for strengthening the PFOM.
Specifically, the Revised Forestry Code provides that forest occupancy [also referred to as kaingin and in this study, as swiddening:
PLB] be managed as an agro-forestry development programme
(Sec. 51). The new policy, therefore, aims to delimit areas for
swiddening, regulate its practice through issuance of permits and
eventually to improve the quality of life of swiddenists by extending
to them technical and socio-economic services. 51
To achieve these goals, the programme uses the resettlement

and/or the settlement approach. 52 The resettlement approach is
applied to swiddenists willing to be relocated to other designated
areas and to those whose continued cultivation of an area would
result in environmental degradation to the detriment of the community and public interest. Each qualified swiddenist shall be
granted not more than 3 ha of farmlot and 400 sq m of houselot.
The settlement approach is applied to those whose continued cultivation of an area would not damage the environment. Each qualified
swiddenist shall be granted right to the actual area being cultivated
but not exceeding 7 ha. The Revised Forestry Code specifies that any
occupany of forest land resulting in sedimentation, erosion, reduction in water yield and impairment of other resources detrimental
to the community and public interest shall not be allowed (Sec. 51).
It further provides that use of areas with 50 degree slope and above
shall be allowed as long as it is planted with desirable trees and that
other conservation measures are taken (Sec. 51).
These two approaches are not exactly new. As shown by
Scott53 , there were earlier unsuccessful efforts to resettle swid51 Payuan,op. cit., p. 96.
52 Discussion on these two approaches is based on Payuan, ibid, p. 96 and the Forest
Protection and Infrastructure Division, A Status Report on the Forest Occupany Management Program, 1979, p. 3.
53 Scott, 1979,op. cit., pp. 62-64.
269

denists. Reasons include the prohibitive cost of resettlement, sentimental attachment to land among some swiddenists, administrative
inefficiency, and, more important, the lack of clearly advantageous
economic alternatives. As for the settlement approach, prior to the
implementation of the PFOM, Scott54 cited efforts from the private
sector which were relatively successful.
In October, 1979 (which is the latest detailed report available),
there were 30 on-going projects of the programme in ten of the 12
administrative regions of the country.55 Two of these were started
in 1975 and nine in 1979. Some 9,102 families occupying and/or
cultivating about 316.46 sq km of land are covered. Of the 30 projects, 26 utilize the settlement or managed occupancy approach
while the remaining four utilize a combination of the settlement and
resettlement approaches. 56
All told, the following activities and/or projects have been

carried out by the programme:
1.
Establishing agro-forestry nurseries involving a total area

of 0.41 sq km. Fifty per cent of the area was given to the
participating swidden cultivators while the other half was
used by BFD in its reforestation projects;
2.
Setting-up of agro-forestry demonstration farms involving

bench-terracing and inter-cropping;
3.
Construction of about 57 km of access roads;
4.
Organization of associations of swidden cultivators;
5.
Holding of two training seminars on farming skills; and
6.
Setting up day-care centers for malnourished and undernourished children, in co-operation with the Ministry of
Social Services Development.
54 Ibid., p. 63.
55 Discussion on these projects is based on The Forest Protection and Infrastructure
Division, 1979,op. cit.
56 According to the BFD Annual Report for 1980 (p. 19), some 58 projects are operational all over the country, with about 7,000 participant families. A Ministry of Natural
Resources (MNR) Report for 1982 lists about 76 projects involving 20,128 families and a
total area of 32,140 ha.
270
Philippines
The programme has a trammg and research component. In
1977 and 1978, three workshop-seminars on occupancy management
were held with 96 participants and 18 observers. Research is being
undertaken to field-test agro-forestry techniques suitable to the
control of swiddening, such as inter-cropping, livestock raising, fruittree growing, silviculture and tree farming. Factors affecting the
success or failure of swiddening are also being studied.
A programme of this magnitude and at this early stage is
certain to meet with difficulties, the major ones of which are noted
by the report as follows:
a)
inadequacy of funds including delays in release;
b)
lack of tools and equipment;
c)
inadequacy of project planning;
d)
inconsistency and/or ambiguities of national policies

regarding unauthorized occupancy of certain forest
lands;
e)
lack of inter-agency co-operation; and
f)
peace and order situation in project areas.
In addition to the PFOM, there are other programmes of the

BFD which are directly, although not primarily, affecting swiddenists. One of these is the Communal Tree Farm Program referred
to in the earlier part of this chapter. Implemented in 1979, it aims to
generate employment and income as well as promote reforestation
efforts through greater involvement of local rural leaders. 57 The communal tree farm shall be in bare and open denuded areas within the
public forest. It shall include idle, marginal and sub-marginal private
lands as well as inadequately stocked, logged-over and poorly,
stocked areas of timber concessions. 58 A communal tree farm
should at least be ten contiguous hectares of forest land subdivided
among participant-families to whom shall accrue all the benefits. 59
As an agro-forestry project, it grants the participant a lease of
at least 1 ha for 25 years subject to renewal for another 25. 60 Ac57 Ministry of Natural Resources (MNR) Administrative Order No. 11, 1979, p. 1.
58 ibid., p. 1.
59 MNR Report, 1982.
60 The BFD AMual Report for 1980, p. 80.
271

cording to the BFD Annual Report for 1980, more than 7,000
families all over the country cultivated about 4,000 ha.
Another programme with the same objective of reforestation
and socio-economic improvement is the Family Approach in Reforestation which started in 1978. For a fee paid by BFD, participants cultivate tree crops in the project site, subdivided into 3-5 ha
for each participant, for a period of two years. Meanwhile, the
participants may interplant agricultural crops between forest tree
seedlings for their own use and added income. As of 1982, project
sites totalled 2,437 ha. It is claimed that the programme is based on
the assumption that the strong family ties among Filipinos would
enhance its success. 61
Mention should be made of other BFD-MNR programmes that
are of some relevance to swiddening, namely: Private Tree Farms,
Forest Industries Food Production Programs and the Program for
Forest Ecosystem Management.
The Private Tree Farms Program, which includes industrial
tree plantations and agro-forestry farms, provides the financiallyable private sector an opportunity to reforest for ecological and economic benefits. 62
The Forest Industries Food Production Program provides still
another apportunity for the private sector such as timber concessionaires and pasture leasees to participate in the drive for national
self-sufficiency in food. 63 The implementing order includes a provision for the cultivation, whenever the soil condition and topography
allow, of abandoned swiddens for food production. 64
The Program for Forest Ecosystem Management (PROFEM)
was launched in 1976 as a reforestation project involving the general
public and the private sector. By 1982 it had reforested .about
388,000 ha and is claimed that partly because of the programme, the
61 This discussion is based on the MNR Report, 1982 and the BFD Annual Report for
1980,op. cit., p. 9.
62 The BFD Annual Report for 1980, ibid., p. 10.

63 Presidential Decree No. 472, May 24, 1974.
64 Administrative Order No. 1, sec. 9, Aug. 9,1974.
272
PhiHppines
rate of reforestation
forest destruction. 65
In
the Philippines finally exceeded that of
Practically all programmes that in one way or another affect

swiddening have been due to the efforts of the national government.
But, in 1976, for the first time, a provincial programme was launched
initially as a response to flash floods and landslides attributed to
swiddening. This is the Antique Upland Development Program of
the province of Antique in Central Philippine. It was initiated by the
Provincial Development Council with subsequent funding, research,
technical and management support from outside agencies, including
those from the United States of America. Just like the national
programmes, it is aimed at economic upliftment and ecological
balance. Some of the economic projects include improvement of
farming techniques, growing of coffee and mango, and cattle-raising.
These projects have increased the average annual family income in
the project area. Farming techniques like contour planting, strip,
cropping, and bench-terracing were introduced, and as a result, it
is claimed that massive flash floods and landslides no longer occur,
indicating, among others, that swiddening has stopped. In addition
to economic and ecological goals, the programme has a socio-cultural
dimension - that of fostering a sense of social responsibility and
developing the people's capability to direct their future. Results in
this area have not yet been encouraging. 66
A similar effort is the Hillside Development Project set up in
1980 by the provincial government of Agusan del Norte in Mindanao. As an agro-forestry development project, it aims to increase and
sustain agricultural production within a balanced environment.
Being new, the Project, in 1980, was only able to conduct educational campaigns on its proposed activities. 67
Of special interest because it is taking place at the town level,
which is even below the provincial level, is the Campo Caroleen
Farmer's Association in Negros accidental, central Philippines.
Organized in 1979 by a logging manager who is also a town official,
65 MNR Report, 1982.
66 Based on Integrated Research Centre, The Antique Upland Development Program:
A Case Study. (Manila: De La Salle University, 1981) and Brochure on the Antique upland
Development Program.
67 Rodrigo B. Balmocena, "Hillside Development Initiated in Agusan." Canopy International, vol. 6, no. 1 (1980), pp. 8-9.
273

the organization performs agro-forestation and extension work.
Reforestation is done by the swiddenists themselves. 68
Drawing lessons from these various experiences, the national
government launched in July 1982 the Integrated Social Forestry
Program, also known as Program for Forest Ecosystem Management 11. This reflects, no doubt, the concern of the national government for the impact of swiddening on forest and forest resources
within the framework of conservation and economic objectives. As
conceptualized by government, it aims to harmonize the interests
of forest resource management and those of forest-based socioeconomic groups, with forest occupants as the primary target. It
integrated all existing programmes for swiddenists and other forest
occupants dependent on forest lands for their livelihood. 69
Also a relatively new programme that seeks to confront
swiddening as an ecological and socio-cultural phenomenon is the
BFD Upland Development Programme. Initiated and conceptualized
under the auspices of the Ford Foundation, it is being implemented
by the BFD Upland Development Working Group which was created
in October, 1980. Its general objective is to develop and implement
participatory approaches to upland management through research,
training and experimentation on social forestry, towards this end, it
tapes resource persons in the social sciences, management and
forestry. 70
Policies and programmes affecting

national cultural minorities as cultural wholes
An analysis of government policies and programmes on swiddening is not complete unless those affecting the national cultural
minorities are also analyzed. The overriding reason for this is that
most of these groups have been, as whole cultures, swiddenists of
the integral type. Central to the analysis of swiddening and the
national cultural minorities is the issue of land.
68 Exequiel E. Dones, "Solving the Kaingin Problem the Kainginero's Way." Canopy
International, vol. S, no. 8 (1979), p. 6.
69 This discussion is based on Letter of Instruction 1260, dated July 28, 1982 and MNR
Report, 1982.
70 Brochure on the BFD Upland Development Programme, no date.
274
Philippines
Essential to the understanding of the present situation are
events in the colonial past. It is said that the first 200 years of the
Spanish regime in the Philippines saw the advance from swidden
cultivation to settled agriculture and the second 200 years, from
subsistence to commercial farming. 71 Phelan72 argued, nevertheless,
that the Hispanization of the Philippines did not produce any radical
ecological change in the archipelago. Still, he added that an enduring
legacy from the regime is the institution of individual ownership of
land as wealth itself. Moreover, mission work, search for gold and the
concomitant military compaigns and/or settlement programmes led
to the division of the Philippine population into minority groups and
majority groups. The minority groups were those who resisted
Hispanization and were mostly uplanders; the majority groups were
those who were Christianized and were mostly lowlanders. 73
Upon the defeat of the Spaniards by the Philippine revolutionary forces and the coming in of the Americans, this distinction
became sharpened as the American regime lumped all pagan groups
and the Muslims into the category Non-Christians, a term referring
not to religious beliefs but to level of civilization. 74
The distinction had serious consequences in relation to policies
and programmes. Land laws and other related acts discriminated
against the non-Christian groups, in content and/or in practice. One
result of these laws was the alternation of their settlement patterns
and subsistence activities. Worse, those dispossessed of their ancestral
71 Paraphrased from a quotation attributed to Horacio de la Costa in Marshall S. McLennan, The Central Luzon Plain. (Quezon City: Alemars-Phoenix Publishing House, Inc.,
1980), p. 239. See this work as well as Vicente B. Valdepenas, Jr. and Gemelino M. Bautista,
The Emergence of the Philippine Economy (Manila: Papyrus, 1977) for some of the details
of the impact of Hispanization on the Philippine ecology and economy.
72 John L. Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1959), pp. 105-120.
73 See William Henry Scott, Oacks in the Parchment Curtain (Quezon City: New Day
Publishers, 1982), pp. 28-41 for his eassay on "The Creation of a Cultural Minority," for
an excellent example of this process. Also, ECTF, "The Making of a Minority," Tribal
Forum, vol. 11, no. 7 (1981), pp. 6-9.
74 Violeta B. Lopez, "Towards Integration: A Review of Policies Affecting the Minority
Groups with Special Reference to the Mangyans (1901-1975)", Asian Studies, vol. XII,
No. 2-3 (1974), pp. 86-99.
275

lands and pushed into marginal areas could neither practise ecologically-sound swiddening nor adapt other viable economic activities. 75
The declaration of formal independence from the American
coIonizers in 1946 did not put an end to these policies. The centuries-old geographic separation, cultural distinctions and economic
inequalities were once more recognized by the government with the
establishment of the Commission on National Integration in 1957.76
The Commission was charged with bringing about "in a more rapid
and complete manner the economic, social, moral and political advancement of the non-Christian Filipino or national cultural minorities into the body politic. ,m This was implemented through scholarship programmes, agro-industrial projects, legal assistance particularly
on land problems, and establishment of reservations or settlements.
Ten years after its establishment, the CNI was deemed successful in
effecting "some social and economic advancement ... but a failure
with respect to integration. ,,78
But a Senate Committee on National Minorities conducted a
nation-wide field survey in 1962 and found out that land is the most
serious problem among the minority groups who had become easy
victims of landgrabbing by Christians. 79 It was pointed out that
thousands of them were ejected from their ancestral lands because
existing laws were harsh and inequitable. Lumauig cited Section 3 of
Commonwealth Act No. 45 allowing grants of pasture lease or permit
to rich and influential persons. 80 A lawyer-anthropologist who had
intensive field observations in Mindanao described how government
75 For some sources documenting these consequences, see ECTF, op. cit.; Lopez,
op. cit.; and Owen James Lynch, Jr., "Native Titles, Private Right and Tribal Land Law: An
Introductory Essay," Philippine Law Journal 57 (1982), pp. 268-306. See also Romulo B.
Lumauig, comp., Laws Affecting the National Cultural Minorities (Quezon City: Commission on National Integration, 1964), particularly pp. 14, 19, 20 pointing out to abuses
against national cultural minorities and to loopholes in some of the existing laws. Another
source, focusing on the Mangyan of Mindoro, is Violeta B. Lopez, The Mangyans of
Mindoro: An Ethnohistory (Quezon City: V.P. Library Press, 1976).
76 See Leothiny S. Clavel, They Are Also Filipinos (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1969)
for a brief sketch tracing the historical background of this commission.
77 Republic Act 1888.
78 Clavel,op. cit., 1969, p. 64.
79 Senate Committee on Cultural Minorities, Report on the Problems of Philippine
Cultural Minorities (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1963).
80 Lumauig, 1964, op. cit., p. 20.
276
Philippines
itself had deprived the Manuvu of Central Mindanao of their ancestrallands. 81
Clearly, the Commission proved unequal to its task. In 1967,
President Marcos created the Office of the Presidential Assistant on
National Minorities (PANAMIN) to look after the welfare of the
national minority peoples of the Philippines. 82 After the declaration
of martial law in 1972, Presidential Decree No. 719, dated May 30,
1975 "gave PANAMIN sole authority to administer the affairs of
the nation's non-Muslim national minorities" absorbing the "powers,
duties, functions and responsibilities of the defunct Commission on
National Integration . . . ,,83 The programmes of PANAMIN have
focused on medical and health services; community development;
agro-economic development; education, research and socio-cultural
services; national security and information operations; legal services;
and Special Development Projects. 84
PANAMIN is not without critics. For one, a well-documented
study showed that in Mindanao, PANAMIN had aided, wittingly or
unwittingly, in the displacement of national cultural minorities in
favor of big agri-business. 85 Others were put into reservations with
no guarantee against dispossession.86
And yet, Presidential Decree No. 410, issued in March 11,
1974, recognizes native rights over ancestral lands. As Section 3 of
the decree puts it, "ancestral lands are lands of the public domain
that have been in open, continuous, exclusive and notorious occupation and cultivation by members of the National Cultural Minorities
by themselves or through their ancestors under a bona fide claim of
acquisition of ownership according to their customs and traditions
for a period of at least thirty (30) years ... " In addition, the same
section states that, "all unappropriated agricultural lands forming
81 E. Arsenio Manuel. "The Conflict of National and Custom Law in Mindanao."
PhiUppine Social Sciences and Humanities Review, voL XLIII, no. 14 (1979), pp. 93-105.
82 PANAMIN Report, 1980.
83 ibid., 1980. The Commission on National Integration was abolished on April 22,
1975 by Presidential Decree no. 1083.
84 ibid., 1980, and PANAMIN, A Proud Heritage, A PromiBing Future. Metro Manila:
Presidential Assistant on National Minorities, 1981 (1) I
85 ICL Research Team, A Report on Tribal Minorities in Mindanao, (Manila: Regal

Printing Co., 1979).
86 Ibid, p. 29.
277

part of the public domain ... occupied and cultivated by members
of the Natioal Cultural Minorities for at least ten (10) years ... are
. . . declared part of the ancestral lands of these National Cultural
Minorities . . . .".
Even the 1973 Philippine Constitution provides that: "The
State shall consider the customs, traditions, beliefs, and interests of
national cultural communities in the formulation and implementation of State policies." (Art. XV, Sec. 11)
In summary, we can say that there have been a good number
of laws, policies and programmes aimed at protecting the environment, attaining efficient and profitable use of forest and forest
products and at the same time, safeguarding the interests of minority
ethnolinguistic groups who are mostly swiddenists. In spite of the
developmental objectives of these policies and programmes, swiddening continues, and the number of swiddenists as well as area of
forests affected have increased.
278
Chapter Five
WHY THE PRACTICE
PERSISTS: ANALYSIS AND SUMMARY
It has been close to three-and-a-half centuries since swiddening

was described by a Spanish chronicler. That impressionistic account
showed swiddening to be productive. But more than 200 years
later, it was banned. It has been over a century since that first ban.
Almost 20 years ago, a change of policy took place arising from the
recognition that swiddening is a socio-economic problem in need not
of punitive solutions but of socio-economic ones.
Indeed, this socio-economic approach to swiddening has
become part of conventional wisdom, appearing over and over again
in recent literature, in spite of the occasional surfacing of the old
prejudices against the practice. It has also characterized the more
recent programmes set up for swiddenists. Yet swiddening is still
very much with us. In December 1981, partial census results showed
some 164,636 families occupying about 6,055.12 sq km. The nattional cultural minorities are the great majority among swiddenists.
There is therefore a need to re-examine once more why in
spite of all the efforts swiddening has remained problematic. To this
question, the literature suggests conventional answers: lack of knowledge on the environmental and socio-cultural factors affecting
swiddening; lack of political will as reflected in inadequate funding
and technical support as well as the failure to implement the laws;
customs, values and beliefs of the swiddenists; and lately, failure to
involve swiddenists themselves in community projects.
As conventional answers, they suggest conventional solutions:
more research; more funding and technical support; better and
stricter implementation of the laws; educational mass campaigns;
and people's participation.
Couched in homeostatic functionalist terms, these solutions
reflect a view of swiddening as nothing more than as adaptive cropping system by individuals or groups. Those of the integral type are
279

seen to have adapted to it as a whole way of life with the richness of
any other as ritually sanctioned. Those of the partial type are' perceived as having taken to swiddening as merely an expedient economic activity. Even if only tentative, swiddening is seen to be some
form of historical reversal by its temporary and partial negation of
the idea of progress previously shared with the other members of the
larger society. The partial swiddenist is expected to re-integrate
himself to this larger society.
Indeed, the present approach to the issue has become much
more complex since 1964. One recent summary aptly puts it:
"Forest destruction by shifting cultivators is a multidimensional
problem which therefore requires a total approach (socio-cultural,
economic, ecological, among others) to development".87
With enough political will among administrators, answers like
these are translatable to viable programmes and projects. But precisely because they are generally couched in homeostatic functionalist
terms, these answers could only suggest short-term solutions such as
those already being implemented. For the relatively easy practicability of homeostatic functionalist analysis is its own limitation. But as
a mode of inquiry, its logic prevents the investigation of other
relationships. Translated into practice, it does not gear the short-term
solutions to long-term ones because in the main, it focuses on the
internal dynamics of swiddening to the exclusion of external social
forces that, in some cases, have arrested its evolutionary potential
and, in others, have shaped arrested its evolutionary potential and,
in others, have shaped its historical development. Where causal statements are made within the framework of the analysis, the process
and agency of causation are glossed over, if at all considered.
A socio-economic approach that treats swiddening outside of
the larger structures and processes of social determination easily
lends itself to technocratic solutions that invariably emanate from a
bureaucracy while remaining insensitive to people's historic needs
and aspirations, let alone their decisive roles as development actors.
But since swiddening has become an ecological and economic

issue, framed within the national developmental goals and the
87 Segura-de los Angeles, "Agro-Forestation As A Resource Conservation Strategy for
National Development: Prospects and Caveats," Paper presented at the National Conference
on the Conservation of Natural Resources, Manila, 9-12 December 1981).
280
Philippines
global intercultural situation, it is only proper to view it in its interconnection with external forces. Fortunately, empirical studies
already exist that provide an initial understanding of why swiddening, in spite of efforts directed at it, continues to be practised by a
wide range of peoples and in a wide range of environmental settings.
At present, the development strategy of the Philippines has
seen fit to insert swiddening into a development framework with
ecological, economic and cultural components. This concern for
swiddening is particularly expressed in the strategy for supporting
landless rural workers, and in general, in the "symbiotic activities in
agriculture, industry and services" in an economy that is "diversified,
competitive, export-oriented and high-labour absorbing.,,88
As plans, they reflect past experiences, on-going policies and
programmes as well as future plans. Past experiences show that while
economic growth has taken place it "was accompanied by high rates
of unemployment and underemployment, a regionaIly concentrated
production structure, and wide disparities in income distribution.,,89
Based on a policy of import-substitution, the economy was biased
for capital-intensive technology and against labour absorption. It
was not until the 1970s that some shift to non-traditional manufactured exports was made.
The subsequent shift to export-orientation accompanied by an
open-door policy for transnationals with liberal incentives did not
improve the earlier overall patterns. Empirical studies show the
worsening of poverty and that the rate of agricultural and industrial
growth could not absorb a growing labour force. 90 On landless rural
workers, an agricultural economist said that their number "will
continue to increase in the years to come while work opportunities
on available land owned by other farmers are not likely to increase,
thus indicating grim implications about their individual work opportunities, productivity and income.,,91 Furthermore, real income
88 supra, p. 17.
89 Romeo M. Bautista and John H. Power, Industrial Promotion Polides in the Philippines (Manila: Philippine Institute for Development Studies, 1979), p. 5.
90 Gelia T. Castillo, Beyond Manila: Philippine Rural Problems in Perspective (Ottawa:
International Development Research Center, 1979).
91 Aida R. Librero, ''Workshop Rationale and Guidelines," Proceedings: Workshop
on Landless Rural Workers (Los Banos, Laguna: Philippine Center for Agricultural Resources Research, 1980), p. 2. See the papers in this volume for corroborating empirical
data.
281

of rural and urban Filipinos in all the regions and practically all
occupations dropped between the early 1960s and 1975.92
Correlated with this are development efforts that have intensified since 1972 and which have favoured the continuing domination of the whole economy by transnationals led by the United
States and Japan. One consequence has been the influx of agribusiness, particularly in Mindanao.93 Towards the end of the 1970s,
some 30 per cent of arable land was already planted to agricultural
crops for export.94 It was also noted that according to aerial photography, reckless timber cutting has reduced Mindanao's forest
potential by one million hectares in the 1960s.95 Mindanao, as noted
earlier, has the biggest number of swiddenists.
This forest destruction and encroachment into swiddenists'
ancestral lands, however, began much earlier, soon after the Second
World War. As pointed out in the case of Central Mindanao, "grant
of forest and logging concessions to capitalists made possible the
various thrusts at the heart of Mindanao... leading to the subsequent
entry of cutters and adventurers into the interior."96 This further led
to the displacement of swiddenists from their ancestral lands. Among
the Manuvu, they were able to produce food surpluses until adversely
affected by lowland migrants, forest concessionaires, ranches and
government laws. 97
Even earlier than these was the case of the Bukidnon of northern central Mindanao. In the early 1900s the American Government
built trails into the interior, forced the natives into model villages,
gave them ploughs and other farm implements and new crops.98 A
92 World Bank, "Poverty, Basic Needs, and Employment: A Review and Assessment."
Confidential flIst draft, Washington, D.C. (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1980), cited in
Walden Bello, David Kinley and Elaine Elinson, Development Debacle: The World Bank in
the Philippines' (San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1982), p. 58.
93 Eduardo C. Tadem, Mindanao Report: A Preliminary Study on the Economic Origims
ofSocial Unrest (Davao City: Afrim Resource Center, 1980).
94 Bello et al., op. cit., p. 66.
95 T.M. Burley, The Philippines; An Economic and Social Geography (London: G.
Bell & Sons, 1973), p. 323. The National Economic Development Authority puts the forest
cover of Mindanao at 4,956,012 hectares in 1977.
96 Manuel, 1979, op. cit., p. 100.
97 Manuel, 1973, op. cit.
98 Cole, 1956,op. cit.
282
Pht"lippt"nes
cattle ranch was established and later a pineapple plantation, the Del
Monte Company, which survives today as one of the major transnational corporations in Mindanao.99
This process of encroachment and displacement is being reenacted in Mindanao on a greater scale and with greater ferocity by
transnationals and their local partners and including government
agencies. 100 It is also taking place in various degrees of intensity
among the Negritos, the Mangyans of Mindoro and the Central
Cordillera. lOl But even the intensification of swiddening as in the
case of the Cuyunon of Palawan and the Tagalog and its abandonment in favour of fixed commercial vegetable gardening are responses
to the market demands of a capitalist economy in its present stage
of local and international development.
The examination of swiddening within the framework in
which it is now located as a development issue leads us to a better
position to re-assess its persistence and perhaps its final disappearance.
On the one hand, the empirical cases of economically and ecologically viable forms argue for improving swiddening in areas where
it is suitable or where it is the only alternative. In these areas, the
chance of persistence could be enhanced not as an economic and
ecological dead end but as a cropping system with rich developmental potential comparable to, or even better, than others.
On the other hand, where its developmental potential has
already been arrested by dominant external forces, economically
advantageous alternatives ought to be developed if a further breakdown of both ecology and economy is to be avoided. At the village
level, failure on the part of government to provide better alternatives
would be perceived, sooner or later, not just as an indicator of
government neglect but of the breakdown of the social order. When
such perceptions become part of collective consciousness, it could
lead to the formulation of approaches that would hasten the replacement not only of swiddening but also its old social context. These
99 Cole, 1956, ibid. and Tadem, op. cit.
100 Tadem, 1980, ibid.; ICL Research Team, op. cit; and Manuel, op. cit., 1979.
101 Evidences for this are scattered in the literature reviewed in Phase I. For more information on the Cordillera groups and the Mangyan, see Susan Montepio, ed.,Aghamtao,
voL 11, 1979.
283

would mean changes in the economic and political structures at
various levels. Still, solutions of this nature, seeking no less than the
disappearance of arrested evolutionary and historical forms of swiddening 102 cannot but be long-term. It cannot succeed without the
swiddenists as actors aware of their structural position, their cultural
heritage and their developmental potential in a national society that
is able to direct its own development free from distortions imposed
by dominant external forces aided by internal agents.
Short of this would mean that swiddening, particularly the
degraded evolutionary and historical forms would persist for some
more time, in spite of the well-meaning and well-planned government
programmes.
Summary
and concluding remarks
Swidden cultivation is one of a number of cropping systems

and modes of adaptation in the Philippines, particularly, but not exclusively, in the hilly parts of the country.
It is practised in all parts of the archipelago by whole cultures
and by persons coming from practically all ethno-linguistic groups.
Some 40 per cent of reported swiddening families are found in
Mindanao where most of the national cultural minorities live.
Generally, national cultural minorities in the relatively isolated

parts of the archipelago practise an integral type of swidden cultivation but they are now under heavy pressure to change their practices
- and eventually, their culture. In addition to internal population
growth, the most important pressures have come from the outside
in the form of migrants, agri-business, ranching, mining and logging
concessionaires and government agencies and laws.
Generally, swiddenists of the partial type and especially the
"forced type" have turned to swidden cultivation as a main, if not
the only, means of gaining a livelihood, often hastening environmental degradation. (Even some hill groups have contributed to this
102 Evolutionary forms refer to those practised by whole cultures as in the established
integral system of the Hanunoo; historical forms refer to those practised by individuals or
small groups, but not whole cultures, who were former fixed-field farmers or even unemployed urban workers, and would resemble partial systems.
284
Phz'Zippines
as soon as they are unable to practise sound traditional cultivation
techniques.)
The response of government shifted from legalistic and punitive laws to a socio-economic approach.
Consequently, some socio-economic measures were introduced
during the mid-1970s using settlement and/or resettlement approaches. The latest measure draws upon previous programmes and
experiences and is called Integrated Social Forestry, launched only
in July, 1982.
Still, there is a reported increase of families practising swidden
cultivation occupying larger forest area.
It is argued that the proferred solutions, formulated on the
basis of homeostatic functionalist analysis of swiddening, have been
technocratic and short-term.
It is further argued that to understand why swiddening still
continues to this day, its internal dynamics should be analyzed in
their interconnections with external social forces.
Such an analysis would relate short-term solutions to longterm ones in which swiddenists themselves would assume decisive
roles consistent with their present structural position and supportive
of their development potential while being sensitive to their cultural
heritage.
Lastly, it is argued that failure to systematically relate shortterm and long-term solutions would lead to the continuance of
swiddening, particularly of the degraded evolutionary and historical
forms, government measures notwithstanding.
285
Part Five
THAILAND
Narong Srisawas
Chapter One
METHODOLOGY AND REVIEW
Swidden agriculture is practised among the rural population

and the tribal people in all parts of the country, particularly in the
northern and central regions where the nine major tribal groups live
in mountainous areas. It has caused such substantial damage that the
existing productive forest of the country now covers only 25.35 per
cent of the total land area (Task Force: Thailand, 1980:1). In some
places, such as in the Sakaerat Environmental Research Station area,
Pak Thong Chai district, Nakorn Ratchasima province, northeastern
region, the swidden cultivators have exploited forest land area of
about 46.73 per cent out of the total forest land area of 81.05 square
kilometers (NRC/KU/TISTR, 1980:43). This exploitation of the
forest land area stimulated a researcher to estimate that the deforestation rate is now about 9.99 per cent per year (Task Force: Thailand, 1980: 1). If this deforestation rate continues and no effective
forest conservation programmes are implemented, this writer estimates that the total forest area would be exploited within the next
decade. Swidden cultivation is likely to be closely related to the
exploitation of the forest ecosystem of the country. Consequently,
the rural ecological system would be disturbed and the quality of life
of the rural population would eventually deteriorate.
This study is an effort to investigate swidden cultivation
practices in Thailand during the last 60 years.
Methodology
The literature on swidden agriculture in the country was

reviewed (see Volume I). Field trips to some tribal swiddening
communities in the mountains of Chiang Mai province, northern
region, were also taken by the writer to familiarize himself with
swiddening communities.
Brief summary of the previous work done

Anthropological studies in Thailand may be traced back to
289
Swidden cultivation zn Asia

the 1920s when the Siam Society gathered and published articles on
the northern non-Thai ethnic groups. Some intensive studies on tribal
peoples in the northern region were conducted by a Thai and an
Austrian anthropologist in 1930 and 1947 respectively. In 1950, a
work of a non-anthropologist on 'Thirty Tribes of Chiangrai' was
published. In 1962 and early 1963 two more works on tribal peoples
of the northern region were published by the Siam Society and
SEATO respectively. Since 1965, when the Tribal Research Centre
was inaugurated under the Department of Public Welfare Ministry
of Interior, there has been a significant increase in anthropological
studies and surveys on tribal peoples of the north by both Thai
and foreign social scientists. Therefore, anthropological studies on
swidden agriculture in Thailand have been gradually increasing
since the 1920s. In Volume I, the studies were divided into three
periods for convenience in comparing swidden agriculture research
among the five countries studied. The periods were: Period I, from
the 1920s to 1959; Period 11, from 1960-1969; and Period Ill, from
1970-present. There are 107 anthropological materials covered in
these three periods; most of the materials are found in Period Ill.
Historically, swidden agriculture by the tribal peoples who
grew opium in the hills of Chiang Mai province was observed as
early as 1967 by a Christian missionary who worked with the hill
tribes. Therefore, swidden fields were found in the country more
than a century ago, and the Royal Forest Department which was
founded in 1896 launched the teak taungya* or agrisilvi cultivation
system in certain provinces of the northern region in 1906 as an
alternative. This was an "attempt to increase teak production in
combination with shifting cultivation. Foresters are responsible for
selecting areas to be planted with teak each year. After villagers
have cleared and burned the fields they are allowed to grow their
field crops between roots of teak stumps or seedlings, which the
villagers also plant..." (Bamjbatana, 1978:57).
The types of crops cultivated by the swiddenists in the hills
are very similar to those grown by the lowland swiddenists. In the
northern region, the tribal swiddenists grow upland rice and maize
as their main subsistence crops. Opium poppy is grown as a cash
* This is a way of planting teak trees and growing crops simultaneously in the same
plot of land.
290
Thaz"land
crop in certain areas and especially where the Hmong, Yao, Lahu,
Akha, and Lisu are found. In the central region, the swiddenists
turned the reserved and unreserved forests into permanent fields of
sugar-cane, cassava, and maize. In the north-eastern region, the
swiddenists turned thousands of hectares of dry-evergreen and drydipterocarp forest into permanent fields of kenaf, maize, cassava!
and upland rice. In the southern region, they also changed thousands
of hectares of dense tropical evergreen forests into permanent rubber
plantation areas. Therefore, swiddenists in all parts of the country
whose number may be about 4 to 5 million, have turned a substantial
amount of the reserved and unreserved forested areas into temporary
and permanent cultivation areas resulting in the exploitation of
about 75 per cent of the total forested areas of the country. The
review of the literature suggests that a majority of the materials
explicity state the ethnic groups about which they were reporting.
The interest in sub-groups almost doubled in Period III compared with Period n, and there is a decrease in studies on the ethnic
groups not explicitly stated during the last two decades. When the
ethnic g~oup studies are examined, it is found that the Karen is the
most popular group studied followed by Meo, Yao, Akha, Lahu,
and Lisu respectively. Ethnography is the main theme studied by the
researchers during the last sixty years. Swidden cultivation has
become a more popular theme since Period Il. Americans rank first
in the proportion of the researchers, followed by Thai, Australians,
New Zealanders and Japanese, respectively. The majority of the researchers were anthropologists.
Review of the
literature on swidden cultivation
There were not many studies dealing directly with swiddening

in Thailand during the past three periods studied. One of the major
materials is a book entitled "Farmers in the Forest", edited by
Peter Kunstadter, E.C. Chapman and Sanga Sabhasri, which was
published in 1978. This book grew out of a conference on social,
economic and ecological aspects of upland agriculture in northern
Thailand, held at Chiang Mai University in 1970. The main purpose
of this book was to bring together some detailed accounts showing
the range of variation in types of swidden agriculture as well as to
consider the implications of swiddening for the future of Thailand.
291
Swz"dden cultz"vatz"on z"n AsUz

Based on 18 years of experience with Swidden cultivation the
editors described the ways of life of the swiddenists, and the relationships between cultivation and fallow periods, to the extent that
Kunstadter and Chapman classified forest farming into four types:
(1) short cultivation-short fallow; (2) short cultivation-long fallow;
(3) long cultivation-very long fallow; and (4) permanent field tree
crops.
The impact of swiddening on the forest ecosystem in the
northern region varies according to the type. Whereas the short cultivation-long fallow of the Karen and Lua may balance the ecosystem, the long cultivation-very long fallow of the Meo, Yao, Lahu,
Lisu, and Akha, may cause an imbalance to the ecosystem to the
extent that a substantial amount of forested area is exploited annually. Because of the high population pressure in the rural lowland areas
and the shortage of farmland in the northern valley, and influx of the
lowlanders into the hill areas seems to be greater and greater as time
passes by. Hence, swidden agriculture in the northern region as
experienced by these editors remains a major socio-economic problem. This problem is not confined to the northern part only but
also to the other regions of the country. Some economic aspects of
swidden agriculture are also explained in this book, particularly,
the opium and mz"ang (fermented tea) production which are income
sources of the tribal and the northern Thai swiddenists. Alternatives
to swidden agriculture which would lead to the development of
upland areas in the northern region are presented in the final chapter
of the book. On the whole, the book has given some perspective on,
and insights into, swidden agriculture and especially its typology
in northern Thailand.
Since the book is made up of research papers conducted by
soil scientists, agriculturalists, foresters, lawyers, and administrators,
it seems to be weak in the sociocultural aspects of the swiddenists.
Some aspects worth looking into are how to measure how much
the various types of social relations and the belief system of the
swiddenists have been affected by technological innovations brought
into the hills by governmental and international organizations during
the last two decades; what and how social organizations and values
of the swiddenists have been changed during the last two decades;
and what proportion of the tribal swiddenists have changed from
swiddening to stabilized farming.
292
Thailand
Mohd. Razha Rashid discussed the land conservation practices

and describes in some detail the annual Karan agricultural cycle in
"Farmers in the Hills" edited by Anthony R. Walker, (1975). In
contrast to the Meo and Lahu, the Karen regard their land as a scarce
resource requiring constant effort to preserve its fertility. Hence, the
Karen will seldom use a swidden field for more than a single year.
Swidden land is controlled by the community as a whole and it is
the old village head who is the real leader in the Karen community.
The Karen's swidden technology is simple. He uses a heavy longbladed iron knife, an iron blade mounted on a long bamboo pole
for digging the holes, an L-shaped iron knife for weeding and an
iron-bladed sickle for harvesting. The agricultural cycle begins in
January or February and ends after harvestng rice in late October.
Although the Karen's system of swidden cultivation can preserve the
ecosystem, rapid population growth in the lowland and the upland
areas may threaten their traditional social and economic system and
that of the other hill tribes. Though Mohd. Razha Rashid shows a
clear picture of the Karen's agricultural technique and annual cycle,
he does not indicate how the traditional social and economic system
of the Karen and other tribal groups would be threatened by population pressure.
The Task Force: Thailand, under the FAO/UNFPA Project
RAS/77 /P09, conducted a socio-economic survey on 'Population in
Forest Communities Practising Shifting Cultivation', mimeographed
in 1980. The survey shows a complicated picture of sodo-economic
conditions among the Hmong (Meo), Yao, Lahu, Lisu, Akha, and
Karen, in Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Lampang, Mae Hong Son, and Tak
provinces, northern region. The task force surveyed 247 households
in the five provinces. Based on land use by ethnic groups of the
Tribal Research Centre tribal data in 1979, the task force divides
the tribal swiddenists into two main groups: the abandoning and the
rotating swiddenists. The abandoning swiddenists are Meo, Akha,
Lahu, Yao, and Lisu, while the Karen represent the rotating swiddenists. The survey results include economic, demographic, and
sodo-cultural as the three major aspects of the tribal swiddenists.
The tribes grow rice, maize, opium, chilli and sesame, with
rice the most important subsistence crop and opium the main cash
crop for the Meo, Lahu and Lisu. Data on crop production show
variation and inconsistency among the tribal shifting cultivators. For
293

example, the Yao have the largest average planted area per household
of rice but the Karen have the highest rice production; Meo occupy
the largest average planted area per household of maize but Lisu's
maize production is the highest; Lahu own the largest average
planted area per household of sesame and chilli but Lisu can produce
the highest yield per rai* of sesame and Meo can produce the highest
yield per rai of chilli, respectively. Regarding the average income per
capita, the Task Force finds that Yao can earn the highest income
per capita while that of Lahu is the lowest.
Some of the demographic information found in the sampled
households are: the Meo's average age is the highest while that of the
Lahu is the lowest; the Karen obtain the highest rate of attendance in
primary school while the Meo have the lowest one; the Meo youth
dependency ratio is the highest while that of the Akha is the lowest
and the Yao aged dependency ratio is the highest while that of the
Akha is the lowest. Some socio-cultural aspects are: the religious
leader of the Lahu is more influential than the village headman; likewise, the shaman of the Meo has as much power as that of the Yao;
intermarriage among the hill peoples is rare except among the Lua
(Lawa) and Karen who may marry the lowland Thai people; the
brideprice of the Lisu and the Yao is high while that of the Akha is
low, and premarital sexual relations are practised among many hill
groups, e.g., the Yao. Regarding food habits, the Task Force finds
that all hill peoples eat rice and animal meat is eaten occasionally.
Unlike other tribal groups, the Akha are in favour of eating dog
meat.
This report gives a lot of data on the comparative SOCIOeconomic conditions of the tribal groups studied. But the task
force does not explain sociologically and culturally why there are
some differences among the tribal swiddenists surveyed. For example, why some tribal swiddenists who occupy more land produce
less yield per household; why intermarriage among the hill peoples
is rare; and so on.
F.G.B. Keen presents a chapter on "Shifting Cultivation in
North Thailand" in which he identifies some certain basic characteristics of swidden agriculture, and discusses the two swiddening
extremes, i.e., the Karen conservative systems and the Meo wasteful
>I<
One rai is approximately 1,600 sq m.
294
Thailand
systems. He indicates that there are six ethnically and linguistically
distinct groups engaged in swidden agriculture. They are: Karen,
Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha, in which Karen is the largest group
while the Akha is the smallest. Keen also shows how the Karen's
swiddening system differs from that of the Meo. Regarding principal
crops grown, he finds that the Karen grow rice and maize for subsistence while the Meo, Yao, Lisu, Lahu, and Akha, collectively are
the example of the most forest-destructive swiddenists who grow
opium poppy as their cash crop. However, Keen also finds that
recent population growth in Thailand has caused a serious cultivatedland shortage to the extent that the lowland Thai people are now the
most numerous category of swiddenists in the northern region.
Finally, Keen presents a case study of the Karen and the Meo swidden cultivation on the south-east slopes of Mt. Intanon.
Keen has given a clear picture of the deeply contrasting
swiddening systems of the Karen and the Meo. But a criticism may
be mentioned that he does not show socially and culturally why
more than half of the Karen have already converted entirely to
annual cropping whereas none of the Meo has yet abandoned swiddening.
295
Chapter Two
THAILAND:
A DEVELOPING COUNTRY
Thailand is a developing country in Southeast Asia. Geographically, the country is divided into northern, north-eastern,
central, and southern regions. The total land area is 513,998.45 sq
km and 25.35 per cent is under the productive forest. 1 Demographically, the midyear estimated total population of the country
was about 48,500,000 in 1982 (Population Research Institute,
1982: 1). This population is distributed in the four regions as follows:
about 24 per cent live in the northern region; about 35 per cent in
the north-eastern region; about 30 per cent in the central; and about
11 per cent in the southern region. Table I shows the population
figures, land area and the population density.
The largest population lives in the north-east region which also
has the largest land area and the smallest is in the southern region
with the smallest land area. The central region has the highest population density while the northern region, has the lowest.
Table 1. Population, land area, and population density,
by region, 1982
Population
('000)
Land area
(sq km)
Pop. density
persq km
Central
North-east
15,000
17,000
103,579.28
170,225.16
145
100
North
11,000
170,005.01
65
South
5,500
70,189.00
78
48,500
513,998.45
94
Region
Total
1 The government's policy does not allow the proportion of land area under forest to
become less than 50 per cent of the total land area (Caldwell, 1967:43), but due to swidden
agricultural and illegal logging activities which have existed in the country for a very long
time, the productive forest area is now much less than this.
296
Thailand
Socioculturally t Thailand is a peasant society with a tightly
social structure. Potter (1976) has presented eleven structural elements of Thai society as follows: the extended-stem family cycle and
compound; the bilateral kindred; neighbourliness and formal neighbourhoods; co-operative labour-exchange groups; the junior-senior
relationship; class and status divisions; entourages; political factions;
administrative hamlets; the village community; and the Wad. These
structural elements generate rural communities in which variation
may be seen in the four regions. For example t the extended-stem
family cycle and compound may be in higher proportion in the
northern region in which matrilocal form is dominant while that of
the central region t the patrilocal form may be dominant; co-operative labour-exchange groups may be common among kin who use
reciprocal labour-exchange throughout the cycle of rice growing in
the northern region t while in the central region it may be more
common only in harvesting rice. Cultural diversity between the four
regions may be seen clearly in terms of regionallanguages t the native
style of dress and eating habits. The northerners speak northern
languages while the southerners and the north-easterners also have
their own languages in everyday conversation when they are among
relatives or friends. The native style of dress also differs among
people living in the four regions. The northerners and the northeasterners usually take sticky rice as their staple food while those
living in the central and the southern regions take white rice.
The government has officially announced the recent strategy
for rural development in the Fifth National Economic and Social
Development Plant 1981-1986. Definite rural areas are marked to
be the target areas for rural development activities carried on by the
government agencies at different levels. The target rural areas will be
planned for the accelerated rural development programme to solve
the poverty problem among the rural poor. There are 37 provinces t
242 districts and 44 subdistricts in the north-eastern t northern t and
southern regions selected to be the target areas for rural development
programme of the rural poort as shown in Table 2.
Table 2 shows that there are three regions t i.e. t north-east,
north, and south, designated to be the poverty areas which need
accelerated rural development programmes in the Fifth National
Economic and Social Development Plan. Numbers of provinces,
districts t and subdistricts are disproportionately distributed. As
297

Table 2. Target areas for rural development programme,
by region, 1982
Region
North-east
North
South
Province
District
Subdistrict
&
16
16
5
43
43
14
145
60
29
27
71
26
11
61
25
14
37
100
242
100
44
100
11
seen in the table, the north-eastern region has the most poverty areas,
while the southern region has the least.
298
Chapter Three
THE PRACTICE
Swidden cultivation is commonly practised by the rural poor

in lowland areas as well as by the tribal peoples living in mountainous
areas of the northern and the central regions respectively. There are
about 4 to 5 million of the rural poor, out of the total 11 million,
who practise partial or supplementary swidden agriculture in all parts
of the country.
The areas where swidden agriculture is usually found range
from the forested areas of foothills from 200 metres above sea level
to 2,000 metres of more. These areas are parts of the hills and
mountains in the four regions of the country, and most of these
areas are under the national reserved forest. Due to the relatively fast
population growth among the rural population swidden agriculture
has expanded into most of the national reserved forest areas. This
demographic phenomenon is reinforced by the shortage of cultivated
land in the lowland areas such that the rural poor people move up
into the hills and mountains where they engaged in swidden agriculture. Consequently, millions of hectares of the national forest areas
have been changed into the grassland areas of cogon or ya kha
(z'mperata cylz'ndrz'ca) and ya phong (saccharum spontaneum).
The ethnic groups who practise swidden cultivation are now
both Thai and non-Thai ethnic groups. The Thais usually are those
rural poor population aforementioned and are the largest swiddenist
group in the country since they practise swiddening in the foothills
and the hill areas of the four regions. The non-Thai ethnic groups
are usually the tribal peoples living in the mountainous areas of the
northern and the central regions. The literature reveals that there are
six distinct tribal groups engaged actively in swidden agriculture in
the northern region. They are: the Karen, Meo, Yao, Lahu, Akha,
and Lisu, whose population totalled 224,406 in 1967 (Keen, n.d.:
51). The way of life of these swiddenists is different in various
aspects. For example, the Karen who form the largest group of all
299

tribal peoples usually settle their villages at about 1,000 metres above
sea level, while the Meo, Yao, Lahu, Akha, and Lisu live at the higher
elevations; the Karen grow rice as their subsistence crop while the
Meo, Yao, Lahu, Akha, and Lisu grow opium poppy as their main
cash crop; the Karen swiddening system is considered to be conservative and nondestructive to the forest and watershed areas while that
of the Meo system is wasteful and destructive to the forest and
watershed areas. Some swidden areas in the northern region are
shown in Table 3.
Table 3. Some swidden areas by ethnic and sub-ethnic
groups in the northern region, 1982
Ethnic group
Village
Yao
KhunHaeng
Lua, Karen
District
Province
Ngao
Lampang
Mae Sariang
Mae Hong Son
Blue Meo
Phapuchom
Pa Khia
Chiang Dao
Chiang Mai
Black Lahu
Huai Tadt
Chiang Dao
Chiang Mai
Pwo Karen
Dong Luang
Mae Sariang
Mae Hong Son
Red Lahu
Ban Luang
Wiang Pa Pao
Chiang Rai
Lisu
Mae Pun Naweh
Wiang Pa P20
Chiang Rai
Elevation
(metres)
500
800
900
950
975
1,200
1,200
Table 3 shows that the ethnic and sub-ethnic groups of the

tribal peoples practise swidden agriculture at Khun Haeng, Phapuchom Pa Khia, Huai Tadt, Dong Luang, Ban Luang, and Mae Pun
Naweh villages in Ngao, Mae Sariang, Chiang Dao, and Wiang Pa Pao
districts of Lampang, Mae Hong Son, Chiang Mai, and Chiang Rai
provinces. The lowest elevation at which these hill peoples practise
swiddening is 500 metres above sea leve at Khun Haeng village, while
the highest elevation is 1,200 metres at Ban Luang and Mae Pun
Naweh villages.
Typology of swidden cultivation
Some scholars who have investigated agricultural techniques in
the northern region have followed Conklin's typology and identified
three distinct groups of swiddenists, i.e., "pioneer", "established",
and "incipient" groups. The "pioneer" groups are Meo, Yao, Lahu,
300
Thailand
Lisu, and Akha. These peoples live at the highest altitudes around
1,200 metres and above, and cultivate opium poppy as their main
cash crop in addition to their subsistence dry rice crop. The "established" groups include Lua, Khamu, Htin, and Karen. These peoples
live at lower elevations and grow rice as their subsistence crop for
a longer period than do the poppy growers. The "incipient" swiddening groups are former northern Thai wet rice peasants of the lowland
who were forced to undertake supplementary swiddening because of
population pressure and limited paddy land, or even to substituting
swidden agriculture for their traditional wet rice economy.
Another typology of swidden cultivation is presented by
Kunstadter and Chapman in 1978. On the basis of the relationships
between cultivation and fallow periods, they classified peasants in
the hills of the northern region into three types of swiddenists and
one type of permanent upland cultivators as follows:
1. Short cultivation-short fallow: This type of cultivation
is usually practised by northern Thai who live in areas of high population pressure such as foothill area of mixed deciduous and drydipterocarp forests. The peasants live at between 300-600 metres
and grow upland glutinous and non-glutions rice as their main crop
supplemented by various crops of vegetables, cotton, maize, beans
and chillies.
2.
Short cultivation-long fallow: The Karen and Lua who
live from 700 to above 1,000 metres practise this type of swidden
cultivation. These people grow non-glutinous rice primarily for home
consumption. Other crops like maize, chillies, beans and vegetables
are also planted in the same fields.
3.
Long cultivation-very long fallow: This type of swiddening is practised by Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha who live at
elevations of about 1,200 to 1,500 metres or more. The Meo cultivation system is the most notorious in Thailand because of its apparent
destructiveness to forest and watershed resources. Moreover, they
grow opium poppy as their cash crop. Rice or maize is their subsistence crop.
4. Permanent tree crops: The northern Thai lowlanders who
moved to cultivate tea orchards at the middle range elevations (about
700-750 metres) practise swidden cultivation. They grow rice as their
301

subsistence crop and raise cattle for transporting fermented tea to
the local market.
The Tribal Research Centre, Department of Public Welfare,
Ministry of Interior, classifies the highland agricultural techniques in
the northern region into three categories: permanent, rotation, and
abandoned agriculture. Permanent agriculture is usually practised by
rural lowlanders and some Karen wet rice cultivators. Rotation agriculture is practised mainly by the Karen who grow dry rice for one
time and then leave the land fallow for about 7 to 10 years until the
growth of the second forest. The abandoned agricultural system is
practised by the opium growers who usually are Meo, Yao, Lahu,
Lisu, and Akha. These people cultivate land for about 3 to 5 times
over a period of one or two years and then abandon it to find new
land suitable for opium poppy cultivation.
302
Chapter Four
GOVERNMENT POLICY
TOWARDS SWIDDEN CULTIVATION
Government regulation of swiddening activities has been going

on in the country since the promulgation of the forest law during the
reign of King Rama V (Banijbatana, 1970:173). The Royal Forest
Department (RFD) founded in 1896, launched a programme called
the teak-taungya or agri-silvi plantation in certain areas in Phrae,
Lampang, Nan, Chiang Mai, Phitsanulok, and Sukhothai province in
1906 (Banijbatnana, 1970:176-177). In response to increased population and the probable threat to national security, particularly in the
northern region the government established the Committee for the
Welfare of people in remote areas in 1956 with the primary aim to
solve immediate problems, e.g., the supply of food and clothing.
Later on, the government established the National Tribal Welfare
Committee in 1959, headed by the Minister of Interior, to be responsible for the affairs of the hill tribes. This Committee assigned
the Division of Hill Tribes Welfare, the Department of Public Welfare to be the secretariat and co-ordinating centre. As stated by
Ruenyote, the government's main objectives in promoting the
development and welfare of the hill peoples are as follows:
1.
to prevent the destruction of forest and sources of

natural streams by encouraging stabilised agriculture
to replace the destructive shifting cultivation practised by the hill tribes;
2.
to end poppy growing, by promoting other means of

livelihood;
3.
to develop the economic and social conditions of

hill tribes so that they may contribute to national
development, by promoting community development among the hill tribes grouped in settlements;
4.
to induce the hill tribes to accept the important role

of helping to maintain the security of national
303

frontiers, by instilling in them a sense of belonging
and national loyalty (Ruenyote, 1969: 13).
In the attempt to achieve these objectives, the Department of
Public Welfare launched four development projects: (1) the selfhelp settlement for the welfare of hill tribes; (2) the development
and welfare operation centres; (3) and tribal research centre; and
(4) the hill tribe relations project. These projects are now in operation and are likely to be successful projects of the Department of
Public Welfare in terms of the tribal development welfare as a whole.
Currently, there are 15 governmental agencies concerned with
tribal development programmes. These include the Department of
Royal Forestry, the Department of Land Development, the Department of Agricultural Extension, the Department of Health, the
Department of Non-formal Education, and the Department of Community Development. These departments function to solve the four
major problems: (1) social and occupational problems of the tribal
peoples; (2) poppy cultivation; (3) forest destruction; and (4) national security. However, each government organization may focus
their work on selected aspects of the four problems. For instance,
the Department of Health may work only on health improvement of
the tribal peoples, while the Department of Public Welfare may work
on the problem of poppy cultivation, forest destruction and national
security. Hence, the government agencies have been carrying on
development programmes with the tribal peoples since 1953 starting
with the Border Patrol Police activities. This was followed by the
establishment of the Hill Tribes Division within the Department of
Public Welfare which later set up four "Upland Self-help Resettlement Areas" or nikhom in Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Nan, and Tak
provinces. These nikhom tried to encourage the hill peoples to
abandon their present villages and resettled in the nikhom areas
where they could receive education, health and agricultural services
and no longer have to cultivate opium poppy or practise swidden
agriculture.
In order to accelerate agricultural development among the hill
peoples, the zonal approach to agricultural development in northern
Thailand was proposed as a national plan for highland development
by the agricultural advisers attached to the Tribal Research Centre.
It is a ten-year development project in which the tribal peoples who
are engaged in the project are expected to change their way of life
304
Thailand
from swiddenists to permanent hill farmers. The first project area
was set up at Mae Slaep in Mae Chan district, Chiang Rai province,
in 1972. This area is occupied by seven Akha villages with a total
population of 800 (Walker and Jaafar, 1975:211). If all goes as
planned, there would be four more project areas at Huai Ma Ta Man
in Chiang Dao district, Chiang Mai province, at Doi Musoe, Muang
Tak district, Tak province, at Mae Chang in Mae Sariang district,
Mae Hong Son province, and at Huai Pang Pao in Phrao district,
Chiang Mai province. These areas are occupied by Meo, Lahu, Lisu,
and Karen villages. So far, this zonal approach to agricultural development is going on the different areas and it is suggested that an
evaluation of the first project area at Mae Slaep in Mae Chan district
be made.
305
Chapter Five
THE PRESENT POSITION
As permanent farming is a way of life among the lowlanders,

so is swidden cultivation among the tribal peoples. Therefore, it is
rather difficult to change their way of life by any means including
extension methods and non-formal education, to enable them to
adopt new technology and eventually become permanent farmers in
the forest like those in the lowland areas. Dreams from various
development programmes have not yet come true because many
problems have come up during the programme operation. One is the
problem of the government officials who work with the hill peoples
in remote villages, as a result of communist terrorist activities in the
border areas between Burma, Laos, and Thailand. Moreover, control
of poppy cultivation which is the source of opium and narcotic trading is really the primary task of the government organizations concerned. As the Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha, are used to the
lucrative opium poppy cultivation swidden agricultural will remain,
unless there are better alternatives to poppy growing. Furthermore,
population pressure in certain areas within the country and limitation of land resources have forced the poor rural lowlanders to
practise swiddening along the hill slopes and foothills in every region
resulting in the exploitation of the farest ecosystem. With the high
population growth rate among the tribal and the lowland people,
swidden fields are likely to expand and hence, more forested areas
will be cleared for farming.
Although the lowlanders think that the highlanders or tribal
peoples are not Thai citizens, relationships between these two groups
still exist. The relationships may be observed from economic exchanges between them in terms of goods and wage labour. Tribal
dress styles are adopted and sold at the markets in municipal areas
of northern provinces. Some tribal groups, e.g., Karen, may become
labourers in the lumber and mining companies. In townships of
Chiang Mai province there are some tribal groups selling different
tribal products.
306
Thailnad
Alternatives for the development of swidden areas have been
proposed by some researchers like Kunstadter (1978) and Grandstaff
(1980). One proposal is to encourage temporary or permanent migration out of the hills and to discourage migration into the hills.
Another is to balance births and deaths among the hill populations.
But to this writer, the proposed alternatives may be very difficult to
operate because the social system is so different from the lowland
rural social system in many aspects. For example, the majority of the
tribal peoples believe in animism, while the lowlanders believe in
Buddhism; cultivated tribal lands are communally owned, while
those of the lowlanders are individually owned. So far, the development of the rural lowlanders is still far from successfull because
aspects of the traditional social structure such as extended-stem family cycle and compound, neighbourhoods and entourage, become barriers to change. It would be even more difficult to develop the tribal
swiddenists who are considered to be outsiders of the larger society.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Banijbatana, Dusit
1970 "Forest policy in Northern Thailand" in International
Seminar on Shtfting Cultivation and Economic Development in Northern Thailand (by Land Development
Department), The Cooperative Marketing Press, Bangkok, pp. 167-178.
1978
"Forest Policy in Northern Thailand" reprinted in

Farmers in the Forest (ed. P. Kunstadter, E.C. Champman and S. Sabhasri), the University Press of Hawaii,
Honolulu, pp. 54-60.
Caldwell, J .C.
1967 "The demographic structure" in Thailand Social and
Economic Studies in Development, (ed. T.H. Silcock),
Australian National University Press, Canbera, pp.2 764.
Grandstaff, Terry
1980 "The development of swidden agriculture (shifting
cultivation)". A/D/C Teaching and Research Forum,
No. 23.
307

Keen, F.G.B.
n.d.
"Shifting cultivation in North Thailand". Chiang Mai:
Tribal Research Centre, No. 0267.
Kunstadter, Peter
1978 "Alternatives for the development of Upland Areas"
in Farmers in the Forest (ed. P. Kunstadter, E.C.
Chapman and S. Sabhasri), the University Press of
Hawaii, Honolulu, pp. 289-308.
, and E.C. Chapman
1978 "Problems of shifting cultivation and economic development in Northern Thailand" in Farmers in the
Forest (ed. P. Kunstadter, E.C. Chapman and S.
Sabhasri), the University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu,
pp. 3-32.
1978
, E.C. Chapman and S. Sabhasri (ed.)

Farmers in the Forest, The University Press of Hawaii,
Honolulu.
Moh, Razha Rashid

1975 "Karen swiddening techniques" in Farmers in the
Hills: Ethnographic Notes on the Upland People of
North Thailand. (ed. Anthony R. Walker), Phoenix
Press SDN. BHD., Georgetown, Pulau Pinang.
NRC/KU/TISTR
1980 "The Sakaerat Environmental Research Station, its
role as a knowledge base for the determination of
forest land conservation policies for establishing
maximum sustained yields of forest resources".
Population and Social Research Institute
1982 Population and Development Newsletter:
ISSN 0125-5754.
Potter, Jack M.
1976 Thai peasant social structure. The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago.
308
Thailand
Ruenyote, Suwan
1969 "Development and welfare for the hill tribes in Thailand:. In Tribesmen and Peasants in North Thaz"land,
proceedings of the frst symposium of the Tribal
Research Centre, Chiang Mai, 1967. pp. 12-14.
Task Force: Thailand
1980 Population in forest communities practising shifting
cultivation (Thailand), FAO/UNFPA/Project RAS/77 /
P09.
Walker, Anthony R. and SyedJamalJaafar
1975 "The Zonal approach to agricultural development in
North Thailand:. In Farmers in the Hills. (ed. Anthony R. Walker) Phoenix Press SDN. BHD., Georgetown, Pulau Pinang. pp. 205-211.
309
Unesco. Regional Unit for Social and Human Sciences in Asia

and the Pacific.
Swidden cultivation in Asia: v. 3. Empirical studies in sell!Cted
swidden communities: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines,
Thailand. Bangkok, Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia
and the Pacific, 1985.
374 p. (Social and Human Sciences in Asia and the Pacific,
RUSHSAP Series on Occasional Monographs and Papers 12)
1. SWIDDEN CULTIVATION - RESEARCH - ASIA.
2. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT - ASIA. I. Title.
H. Series.
333.75
634.9
Unesco 1985
Published by the
Printed in Thailand
The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this

publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the
part of Unesco concerning the legal status of any country, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of the frontiers of any country or
territory. Opinions printed here do not necessarily represent the official
views of Unesco.
BKSS/84/0PE/676-1000
PREFACE
This is the third and the final volume of a five-country

comparative study on swidden cultivation in Asia, initiated in 1979
following the international symposium on the subject organized at
the time of Tenth World Congress of the International Union of
Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES), which met in
India in 1978. The Symposium was convened, after the Congress, at
the Utkal University in Bhubaneshwar, Orissa. At the request of
IUAES, Unesco provided, under its Man and the Biosphere (MAB)
Programme, funds for the participation in the Symposium of four
scholars from Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand.
MAB received the report on the Symposium and agreed to
the proposal made by our Unit to conduct a comprehensive study
on the swidden cultivation. Utilizing funds made available by United
Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the project was launched
with the meeting of researchers convened in Bangkok in April 1979
to develop a comparative research design.
The Project was implemented in three phases. In the first
phase, the researchers reviewed the existing literature on swidden
relative to their country and identified major trends of research and
thought, as also gaps in knowledge. The second phase focused on
the compilation of country profiles on swidden based on secondary
sources of data regarding geographical spread, demographic distribution and ethnic composition of swiddeners. These profiles provided
typologies of swidden, gave history of the practice, and described
governmental policy and measures to wean the people away from
swidden. The outcome of the two exercises - of phase I and 11 was reported in the first two volumes of the series brought out by
this Unit.
The present volume - the third in the series - contains the
outcome of the third phase, devoted to empirical in-depth studies
of selected swiddening communities in the five countries: the Wancho
and Digaru Mishmi in India, the Buginese and Keniah in Indonesia,
the Than in Malaysia, the Dumagat in the Philippines, and the Monya
in Thailand. These communities were personally visited by the
authors for field work, that involved non-participant observation,
and both free associational and semi-structured interviews with
members of the swiddening communities, provincial leaders, and

government officials. The approach followed by them is a mix of
anthropological and sociological techniques. The accounts given by
them are not strictly ethnographic; they have tried to see swiddening
from an emic perspective but have also kept in view the wider context in which the swiddeners are located. They are treated as 'parts'
of a wider whole; as 'isolables' rather than as 'isolates'.
Following the presentation of the five monographic studies, an
overview summarizing the major findings of the country studies is
provided by Ms Koto Kanno, Associate Expert of RUSHSAP who
has closely followed the progress of the Project since June 1982.
The Research Design evolved by the researchers in the beginning of the Project is appended to the volume. It must be said that
while the design guided work in all the three phases, exigencies of the
situation have occasioned departures from it - a fact that must be
acknowledged in any comparative research involving different
countries, and researchers with differing orientations.
Completion of the Project, and publication of its findings in
three volumes - as planned - is a matter of satisfaction. It is
heartening that the first two volumes have received world-wide
publicity, and are very much in demand. It is our hope that the third
volume will also receive the attention it deserves.
We wish to acknowledge the support and encouragement that
we received from the MAB secretariat, particularly Dr F. di Castri
and Dr Malcolm Hadley; they fully entrusted the task to this Unit
and always showed readiness to promote social science contribution
to MAB.
17 December 1984
Unesco, Bangkok
YOGESH ATAL
Regional Adviser for Social
and Human Sciences in
Asia and the Pacific
11
CONTENTS
Page
Chapter One
Chapter Two
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Chapter Five
Chapter Six
APPENDIX
INDIA - Swidden Cultivation among the

Wancho of Arunachal Pradesh by SachchidanandD. .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
INDONESIA - Swidden Cultivation in

East Kalimantan (Kenyah and Buginese) by
Satyawatz" Hadi, Soetrisno Hadi and
Rachmat HidD.yat
74
MALAYSIA - Swidden Cultivation in

Sarawak (Iban) by Zuraina Majid
150
PHILIPPINES
Swidden Cultivation
among the Dumagat by Ponciano L.
Bennagen
213
THAILAND - Swidden Cultivation in the

North (White Meo) by Narong Srisawas and
Manat Suwan
269
The FIVE CASES: An Overview by Koto

Kanno ... ... . .. ... ... .. .. . . .. ... .
350
RESEARCH DESIGN:
A Comparative
Study on Swidden Cultivation in Asia
363
CONTRIBUTORS
373
Chapter One
INDIA
Sachchidananda
The Research Site
Although, swidden cultivation is practised in many isolated

pockets both in Middle and South India, I chose to work in the East
Indian province of Arunachal Pradesh as it is the traditional home of
swiddeners; the bulk of its people eke out their existence through
this method of cultivation. This is also an area in which change is
taking place at a lightning speed. Government policies .have produced results sometimes beyond the expectations of the administration. The sensitiveness of the administration to people's
sentiments in this area is- much higher than in other parts of the
country. In this land, awakened to new expectations, I chose one
of the most primitive tribes, the Wancho, who are located high up
on the hills at the tri-junction of Burma, Arunachal Pradesh and
Nagaland.
The Locale
On the North-East border of India lies the sprawling territory
of Arunachal Pradesh. On the west, it skirts Bhutan and on the north
lies the Tibet region of the Republic of China. On the east, it has
common frontier with Burma. It is the home of a large number of
tribes. The total population in 1981 was 628,050. Tirap district
which lies on the extreme south of Arunachal Pradesh is the home of
the Wancho tribe. This district has highest density of population in
Arunachal Pradesh. It holds 14 persons to a square kilometre. The
population is entirely rural.
The Wancho live in the Longding sub-division in the extreme
south-western part of the district. The entire area is rugged and
en
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Historical/Archaeological Sites
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Based upon Survey of India Map with the Permission ofthe Surveyor General of India.
Government of India Copyright, 1979.

mountainous.
It is dominated by the Patkoi mountain which
separates the district from Burma. The mountain descends into
the plains in the West through a series 0' hills. The vegetation on
the whole is tropical evergreen rain forest type and semi-evergreen
depending upon the altitude and soil condition. There are very
few grasslands and these are located in the comparatively less humid
areas. The most important river in this area is Tissa. There are some
shallow lakes in this area formed by the old beds of the meandering
rivers. These lakes have now become natural fisheries. Besides the
rivers, the springs are the main sources of water supply in the village
settlements.
The flora of the district are rich in variety. The vegetation of
the area consists largely of tropical and subtropical ever-green forests
interspersed with the grasslands and temperate forests in the high
hills. Due to the age-old practice of swiddening only secondary
forests are found. A forest canopy is usually formed by spreading
branches of the tall trees. On the lower level, we find less tall trees.
In the slightly open areas clumps of fan-leafed palm and fishtailed
palm are occasionally seen. Large clumps of giant bamboos are also
there. .The trees are entwined by large woody climbers and creepers
often connecting adjoining trees and forming festoons of branches,
hanging loosely from the top. Among these climbers is the climbing
palm and cane. These canes are largely used by the local people.
Besides cane, wild pepper is also found along with aroids and orchids.
The orchids are extremely beautiful. On lower heights, a number of
shrubs are found, some of them with the flowers and some without.
In the moist dark spots, particularly where humus is present, there is
dense growth of mushrooms. There is also a large variety of ferns
which lend additional charm to the greenery. Along the openings of
the forests besides the streams, there is large gregarious growth of
banana. These wild bananas offer good material for breeding and
improving the cultivated banana. In the occasional placid pools,
lotus is also seen. In the grassland, we find a number of yellow and
pink mauve flowers which look extremely pretty in the vast green
spans. The flora in these parts are of considerable interest since they
represent a meeting point for the Eastern Asia and Burma-Malayan
floristic elements.
The fauna of the area, like the flora, are equally rich and
varied. There are some rare specimen of wild animals and birds.
4
India
The area is frequented by some paleoarctic species and migratory
species of birds that breed in north of the Himalayas. The birds of
Indian sub-region are also well represented. Water fowls and ducks
are commonly found in the river water and the pools. Parakeets,
broad-bills, the mountain thrush, the golden backed wood-pecker
and hill myna are commonly met with. On the hill slopes, the
bulbul, spotted dove, quails, horn bills, partridges and the pigeons
are met with.
Among the carnivorous mammals we find the tiger and
leopard. Big cats are also found in the forest. Elephants are common in areas covered by bamboos and sal trees. The Samkhar and
deer prefer to live near human settlements. The Indian bison, wild
buffaloes, mithun (bos frontaris) and wild boar live in the grassy
and bushy jungles. The Chinese Pangolin is also found in this area.
Various types of rats and squirrel are found near villages. In the
rivers and ponds, a large variety of fish is found. It forms an important item in the diet of the tribals.
The elevation of the land varies from 200 metres in the northwest to 4,000 metres over the mountains. There are peaks which
rise to 4,500 metres. The climatic conditions vary from place to
place due to the mountainous nature of the terrain. The climate is
cool and highly humid at lower elevation and in the valleys. The
cold season starts from November. From March to May, there are
frequent thunder-storms and pre-monsoon showers. On the whole,
the climate in the hill areas is moderate and pleasant and the constant breeze makes it salubrious. The annual rainfall ranges between
250-400 cms. increasing from north-west to south-east. The rain,
however, decreases above the height of 1,500 metres. The bulk of
the rain is received from June through October. January is the
coldest month. The minimum temperature in the plains is 12 c.
On the hills, however, temperature in winter goes below 0 c at
an elevation of 3,000 metres and above.
Profile of the Study Villages
The study has been conducted among the Wancho in the

Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh. For the purpose of the study,
five villages - Pongchaw, Niausa, Rusa, Mintong and Zedua - have
been selected the inhabitants of which are practising swidden
cultivation as the main and only method of agriculture. Though in
5

recent years wet rice cultivation has also been introduced in some of
the villages close to the plains border of Assam yet the entire Wancho
area is practising the swidden method of cultivation. For this study,
people have been interviewed through interview schedules about
their perception of swidden cultivation and the problems connected
with it.
1. Pongchaw
0
Pongchaw village is situated at 71.2 east latitude and 46.9

south longitude and 4,680 ft. (1,560 mtrs.) above sea level. The
east and north side of this village is surrounded by the Tissa river.
To the west is Bonia village and to the south lies the territory of
Nagaland.
This village is situated just near the Pongchaw Circle headquarters. The Circle Officer is the administrative head of the area.
Pongchaw is under Pongchaw-Wakka Community Development
(C.D.) Block established in the year 1978-1979. The Pongchaw
Circle consists of nine villages. Pongchaw covers a large geographical
area of about 6 sq. km. The total population of this village is
1,533 distributed among 184 families. The average family size is
8.33. Pongchaw is the terminus of the road Khonsa. It is a
motorable all weather road and the Pongchaw Anchal Samiti bus
plies over there on alternate days. There is one inter village school
situated at Pongchaw headquarters. Students from Pongchaw and
nearby villages go to this school for their education. Government has
provided hostel and other facilities including board and clothing to
the students coming from Pongchaw and other villages. Moreover,
Pongchaw also has an Adult Education Centre which is located in
the Pongchaw I.V. School. Adult literacy classes are held every
evening. To provide the medical facilities to the villagers Government has established a hospital with a Medical Officer and a Compounder in Pongchaw c.o. headquarters. People of Pongchaw
Circle depend primarily upon this hospital.
2. Mintong
Mintong is located in the Longding Circle. It is about 18 km.
from Longding. The village is situated at an altitude of about
4,400 ft. above sea level. To the east of this village is Wakka Circle,
to the west of it lies Pamao. To the north there is Niausa village and to
the south there is Longphong village. The immediate administrative,
6
India
judicial and other responsibilities rest with the Extra Assistant
Commissioner (EAC) who is stationed at Longding. The total population of Mintong village is 1,019 distributed among 145 families
(average family size 7.02). Mintong is situated just near the KhonsaPongchaw main road. A jeepable road connects it to the main road.
Movement of the people depends only upon the Anchal Samz"tz" bus
plying between Pongchaw and Khonsa. The village has one Lower
Primary School. Government has introduced some development
projects in the Wancho area for economic development. In Mintong
village the Forest Department has demonstrated the plantation of tea,
coffee, big cardamom, bamboo etc. so that the tribal people can be
diverted from swidden cultivation. This will help develop their
economy.
3. Niausa
Niausa is located in the Longding Circle and situated at a
distance of 12 km. south west of Longding. This village is situated at
an altitude of about 4,200 ft. above sea level. To the east of this
village there is Wakka Circle, to the west there is Pommo, to the
north there is Nianu village and to the south there is Mintong village.
The immediate administrative, judicial and other responsibilities rest
with the Extra Assistant Commissioner based in Longding. The total
population of Niausa village is 1,088 distributed among 150 families
(average family size 7.25). Niausa village is situated near the
Pongchaw-Khonsa road and at a height of about 150 ft. from the
road level. There is no road connecting the village with the main
road. The Anchal Samt"tz" bus plies over Pongchaw-Khonsa road on
alternate days. The Niausa Inter Village School is situated just near
the main road. Students from Niausa and nearby villages go for
their education to this school. There is a hostel where students get
fooding and clothing. Moreover, the Vivekanand Kendriya Vidyalaya is also situated near Niausa village just opposite to the Niausa
School. These two institutions provide educational facilities to the
village children.
4. Zedua
Zedua is also located in the Longding Circle at a distance of
about 2 km. west of EAC headquarters. This village is situated at
an altitude of about 4,177.33 ft. above sea level. To the east of the
7

village there is Longding, to the west there lies the territory of
Nagaland, to the north is Tissing river and to the south is Chating
village. The total population of Zeuda village is 520 distributed
among 69 families (average family size 7.53). There is Lower
Primary School in Zedua village with total enrolment of about 37
pupils. Free education and other facilities have been provided by
the government. Very recently the government introduced midday
meals for the students. Moreover, the higher secondary school,
situated at a distance of about 2 km. from this village at Longding,
provides higher education to other children of the village. There is
a jeepable road connecting this village with Longding. There is
regular bus service to other places from Longding. The Arunachal
State Transport bus plies regularly between Khonsa and Longding.
This is the only means of communication.
5. Rusa
Rusa covers a large geographical area of about 5 sq. km. This
village is situated at a distance of about 38 km. from Longding. This
village comes under Kanubari Circle and the administrative and
judicial responsibilit-ies are with the Circle Officer Kanubari. Rusa
village is situated on the foothills and it is very close to the Assam
border. The total population of Rusa village is 771, distributed
among 130 families (average family size 5.93). There is one school
in Rusa village with three teachers. For higher studies students have
to go outside the village. The communication system of Rusa
village is bad. There is a jeepable road connecting this village with
Longding. There is also another jeepable road connecting this
village with the plains of Assam via Bimalapur. People of this
village have close contact with the plains of Assam. People go
there to sell their agricultural produce and to buy their day-to-day
needs like salt, cloth, coloured beads, gun powder etc. from the
markets of Bimalapur, Sapekhati and Borhat.
Ethnographic Background
The Wancho are akin to Konyak Naga and have similar myth
of origin and migration. Earlier the tribe was known under the
blanket name of eastern Naga. The present name Wancho became
popular only after the administration of the area was taken over by
8
India
the Indian government after Independence in 1947. The Wancho
have been occupying the territory for many centuries. The Wancho
villages on the foothills had contact with the plains people of Assam.
These relations were generally friendly. During the Ahom and the
British period, there were frequent inter-village raids and feuds
among the Wancho. After Independence, however, the situation has
changed and the people have been brought into closer contact with
the administration.
According to the 1971 census the numerical strength of the
Wancho is 28,642. The sex ratio is 965 females per thousand males.
The Wancho live in 41 villages scattered over an area of about
2,302 sq. kms. covering the foothills as well as the habitations
located at about 5,000 ft. The density of population is about 12
persons per sq. km.
Social Stratification
Wancho society is rigidly str'\tified into four main classes. The
highest of these is the Wangham class which includes the chiefs, who
enjoy all the privileges and receive highest social esteem. They are
pivots around whom all life and activities in the village revolve.
The lowest class is composed of the Wangpan who are the commoners. Between these two classes there are two other classes,
namely, the Wanghsa and Wanghsus, whose members have sprung
from inter-class marriages. The Wanghsa are the descendents of
Wangham fathers and Wangpan mothers (hypergamous unions),
whereas the Wanghsus are said to have descended from marriages between Wangpan men and Wangham women (hypogamous unions). In
the social hierarchy, the Wanghsa occupy the second position and the
Wanghsus the third. The social position of the classes is fixed. The
offsprings of parents belonging to the chief's family would continue
to be Wangham. The social distinction does not become obvious in
the ordinary course of life. It comes to light during social functions
when the entire community participates. On such occasions,
Wangpan who are at the bottom of the hierarchy are not allowed to
take meals sitting in the same row as the Wangham. The Wangpan
can never aspire to marry a girl who is above him in status but a
Wangham can easily take a Wangpan girl for his wife. The top three
classes practically control the society and the Wangpan execute the
decisions of these classes.

Family and Marriage
The smallest unit of the Wancho society is the nuclear family
consisting of father, mother and their children. They also follow
the joint family system. The grown up boys of the village sleep
apart in bachelor's dormitories called morungs. There is no separate
dormitory for unmarried girls. But they also do not spend the
night in their own houses. They sleep in the house of some widow
who is distantly related to them. When a family becomes too large
and it is difficult to accommodate all the members in a house, the
married younger sons establish separate houses for their families.
The eldest son stays in the ancestral house and continues to look
after his old parents. Married girls leave their parents' house when
they are pregnant. Wancho custom does not permit delivery of the
first child at the wife's parents' house. In the joint family, all the
members take their meals from a common hearth. The management
of the kitchen and the cooking of food are the responsibilities of
the eldest female member of the family, who is either the wife of
the head of the family or the eldest son's wife. All the immates
work together for the common interest of the family.
All movable and immovable properties, such as cultivable
lands, bamboo groves and kitchen gardens, livestock, granary,
utensils, ornaments and guns are held in common by the family. The
father is the sole owner of the property which is inherited by the
eldest son after his death. Women have no claim over the family
property except for the articles given to a daughter in her marriage.
Besides the family property, individuals have some personal possessions which are given as gravegoods on their death. No property
held by the family is allowed to be sold or distributed without the
permission of the head of the family. The Wancho follow the rule of
primogeniture in the male line. The family property is not distributed when it breaks up, with other sons establishing their own
households. The eldest son who inherits the property may, however,
donate homestead plots to his brothers, but they do not have any
legal claim on the family property. The family norms demand that
all other members of the parental family render help to the newly
established family unit. Daughters have no claim whatsoever on the
property. A daughter is entitled only to ornaments, clothing, one
basket, one scraper, one iron stick, one dao and a raincoat which
are given at the time of her marriage. She cannot even lay any claim
to the property of her husband.
10
India
Both monogamy and polygyny are socially and legally recognised by the society. Monogamy is the general rule of marriage,
but polygyny is in vogue among the chiefs. A commoner may take
a second wife only when the first one is barren or suffers from some
incurable disease or is regarded as a liability in the family for some
reason or other. Plurality of wives enhances one's social statl,ls.
Polyandry is unknown. A cross cousin is regarded as a potential
spouse.
Clan exogamy is the fundamental rule of marriage among the
Wancho. If anybody violates this rule, he will not only be excommunicated but may even be exterminated.
Wancho society is very much class conscious and marriage is
not permitted in normal circumstances between boys and girls of
different social strata. The sons and daughters of a chief generally
marry in another chief's family. The tribe itself is endogamous and
marriages are mostly confined to the same village, except in the
case of chiefs, who by custom marry at least one wife from another
village.
Free mixing of the girls and boys gives them an opportunity to
choose their partners in life. The consent of parents is obtained
later. But, generally marriages are arranged by the parents. In all
sexual relations, incest is the most dreaded and its horror is deeprooted in the minds of the young Wanchos. Stray cases of incest
are reported, but they are very rare. The rule prohibiting an incestuous marriage applies also to marriage within the clan. Intertribal marriages are discouraged.
Cross-cousin marriage is socially recognised and preferred.
Marriage by exchange of sisters between two families is also preferred. Sororate and levirate are allowed, but a man cannot marry
the sister of his wife during the latter's lifetime. Divorce is permitted
on payment of fines.
In the case of a negotiated marriage in the Wancho society, the
girl is betrothed at a ceremony called hawanle or toimonmonk.
From that time the girl pays visits to the house of the boy who is
socially recognised as her husband and the two can cohabit. However, the girl continues to live with her own parents till she conceives.
At this time, she is tattooed on one of her thighs. A feast is arranged
11

on this occasion and all the relatives, friends and villagers are invited.
This is called hutu. Thereafter the girl is taken to the house of her
husband by her relatives and friends. On her arrival in her husband's
house, she is again tattooed, this time on the breast. This tattooing
is called Khahutu, and the occasion is also celebrated with a feast for
the relatives and friends. From now on the bride stays with her
husband. The couple pays a brief visit to the bride's parents after a
week. In cases of levirate, sororate, and of love-marriages or in any
other form of marriage no such ceremonies and rituals are
performed.
Religion and Rituals
The religious beliefs and practices of the Wancho are
inextricably inter-woven with the magical beliefs and practices in
their everyday life. On one occasion or the other they take resort to
such practices. The Wancho also propitiate a number of spirits by
offering sacrifices on different occasions.
The Wanchos make sacrifices and offerings to propItIate
Eau-rang, the god of earth in order to appease him and to save
themselves from his curse and anger. There are a number of rituals
observed in connection with sickness, disease and calamity conducted by the diviner or the priest. Some religious festivals called
Sangaam, Pagam and Gakgam are performed annually. On these
occasions villagers collect their weapons, guns, spears, 00'0 etc. at
one place. A big red cock is killed by the priest and its blood is
sprinkled on all the weapons. The cock thus sacrificed is taken to
the paddy field by a priest called Gipa, who recites certain incantations while shaking the sacrificed cock. This ritual is to secure a
bumper crop and good fortune to the villagers in hunting and other
expeditions. After this, the villagers go for hunting to the nearby
forest and if the hunt is successful, they celebrate it with a good
feast. The installation of a new Chief involves a ceremony with
elaborate rituals.
The various festivals, observed by people throughout the year
impart a sense of joy and fraternity amongst the people.
The Wancho have a number of agricultural, social and religious
festivals. The names and the number of the festivals vary from
12
Inda
village to village and also among the different groups of the Wancho.
For example, sixteen different festivals are celebrated in a year at
Wakka, whereas in Pumao area, only six festivals are observed. In
Pongchau, seven festivals are observed.
One of the most important festivals observed all over the
Wancho area is OJyele. This festival is celebrated with great
enthusiasm for six to twelve days during March-April just after sowing of jhum (swidden) paddy. Pigs, buffaloes and mthuns are
sacrificed and feasts are arranged in each and every morung. Songs
and dances by boys and girls in ceremonial costumes make the occasion joyous and colourful. Farm houses are constructed for new
harvest. OJyele takes a very festive look at Pumao where dances are
held around a long ceremonial pole called jangban planted for this
occaSIOn.
The Wancho also observe many other festivals connected with
sowing and harvesting rites. Sakla and Chachaz" festivals are held to
celebrate the sowing of millet and paddy seeds in the field. Successful harvesting of millets is the occasion of another festival called
Chachaban. Lanudongle, Chachz"ywan and Poatak-le are also harvest
festivals. On the occasion of Chachz"yawan festival, seeds of millet
mixed with a sacrificed hen's blood are sprinkled before the millet
is brought home from the field, and at the time of Poatak-le a few
grains of millet are thrown over the earth by the mistress of the
house, apparently for a better crop next time.
Death Rituals
The Wancho believe that death due to old age, or prolonged
illness, is natural death willed by God. But ~premature death or
death due to accident or sudden illness is believed to be the evil
action of the earth god called Bau-rang.
The Wancho do not dispose of a dead body before twenty-four
hours or so and they keep it inside the house for mourning. The
dead body of a chief is placed in a wooden coffin, but that of a commoner is wrapped by a mat or a cloth. The relatives, family friends
and villagers, both men and women, go together to the funeral
ground where the dead body is placed on a platform about five to
six feet above the ground. A small shed is made over the platform
13

and near it an effigy of wood or bamboo is placed with the personal
possessions of the deceased hanging from a pole. Sometimes, the
relatives of the deceased keep watch en the dead body for several
days. At the time of the disposal of the dead body, an animal is
sacrificed for a feast and the family members offer a share of their
meal each day in the name of the deceased. Purgatory rites are
performed after about a month when the dead body is completely
decomposed. The skull, which is detached from the dead body by an
old man and washed carefully, is wrapped in a red cloth. It is then
placed under stones on an auspicious day. This occasion is celebrated
with joy and gaiety throughout the village. Before the ceremony
starts, a number of people set out to catch fish. They cook the fish
with rice and offer it to the soul of the dead. They also tie a bundle
of fish and rice to the skull as offerings to the soul.
The chief's corpse is retained for seven days, the skull is
detached on the eighth day. After the skull is removed, it is exposed
while the people go on singing and dancing around it. On this occasion, the villagers contribute their mite for a feast. When the feasting
and rejoicings are over, the skull is placed in a stone urn. In cases of
unnatural death, these rituals are not followed and the corpse is kept
exposed in the jungle.
The day when the skull is detached is marked with a ceremony
called rapoley or ja foatle. Thereafter, every year during paotakle
festival, skulls of all the deceased members of the family are taken
out and offerings of rice beer and cooked food are made to them.
Priests and Diviners
Among the Wancho, there are certain gradations of priests and
their assignments differ according to rank and position. The gampa
or gipa or rami is regarded as the principal priest. Next to him is the
aupa or opa, a village diviner. Then follows the ngopa, a household
diviner and after him comes the rampa who performs the obsequies.
The last is the aje, a medicine man, who is also capable of falling into
a trance. The priests treat the sick with their magical power as well
as medicines. A priest is considered to be a person with superior
spiritual powers. Among the Wancho, a large number of such
religious functionaries are found in the Wakka area.
14
India
The profession of a priest or diviner is not hereditary; anyone,
whether man or woman, having acquired sufficient knowledge of the
procedure and paraphernalia of the craft may aspire to the position.
The tradition is handed down orally to successive generations.
Though there is no restriction to a woman becoming diviner, provided she has mastered the knowledge, in usual practice, the
priesthood is a profession for men, and not women.
Divination
A characteristic feature of the tribal religion is the observance
of the divination before embarking on any important task, such as
building of houses, sowing in the field, setting out on a long journey,
organising a social festival, performing a religious rite, naming of a
new-born child etc. The divination for ascertaining success of an
expedition is examined by the priest after sacrificing a cock or a
chicken or by breaking eggs. Among the Wancho, the divination is
observed by breaking eggs; the position of the broken shells of the
eggs indicates good or bad fortune.
Houses, Dress and Decorations
The dwelling houses of the people, except the Government
buildings, are all bamboo and wooden structures. The houses are
strengthened and secured with cane strings. The level for the floor is
obtained by driving stilts, wooden or bamboo, into the hillside. An
open bamboo platform, generally rectangular in shape extends
outwards from the main house on one side in the front. This serves
the purpose of a courtyard, which is also used for drying the foodstuff. The walls of the front room, which serves as a common room,
are decorated with hunted trophies and heads of mithuns and other
animals sacrificied on different occasions. The main house is a long
hall with small partition walls dividing the rooms. The houses are
spacious. The roof is high and slanting, and the interior of the house
without windows appears dark.
Generally, houses are built by the local people on co-operative
and reciprocal basis. The building materials are collected from the
nearby forests by those who want to construct a house, and the
labour is supplied freely by the villagers. The owner of the house
feeds those who help.
15

An important structure which plays a vital role in the communallife of the tribal people of this district is the morung or village
dormitory. There may be a number of morungs in a village according
to its size and need. The morung is a centre of training for the young
people as well as a council and guard house. A morung is also a
sleeping place for the male bachelors. The Noctes and Wanchos have
separate sleeping places for boys and girls. The Wancho chiefs have
their own special morung called wanghampa or panu which is, in
fact, a council house. It was used in the old days as a repository of
human heads collected during head-hunting expeditions resulting
from tribal feuds. Wancho morungs are also storehouses of antique
wood-carvings and of animal heads. Usually, there are separate
morungs in a Wancho village for separate village units calledjong.
The Wancho are averse to the use of full dress. They are
scantily clad, but they are fond of body decoration. They love
ornamentation and manage to produce a very picturesque effect.
The materials chiefly used are shell, ivory, boar's tusk, beads of agate
and other pebbles, goat's hair dyed scarlet and in other colours,
brass, and glass.
The dress of a Wancho male consists of a loin cloth and a
coloured shoulder band. A wrapper is used during the cold season.
Women's dress comprises a waist cloth and a shawl. The exposure of
the body above the waist by both men and women is common.
Wancho men and women are very fond of head-dresses and ornaments. Hair-pins of cane and bone are also used with the head-dress.
The Wancho women as well as the chiefs use necklaces of coloured
beads. Both men and women wear armlets. Armlets of ivory are
used by men and those of lead by women. Earrings, earplugs and
belts made of cane, some of which are studded with wool and beads,
are used by both men and women.
Tattooing has a very special significance for the Wancho.
Besides being personal decoration, it has both social and ritual
import. Apart from the rank and social status of a person, different
designs of tattooing on different parts of the body signify attainment
of different stages in life, particularly in case of women.
A man from the chief's family has very elaborate designs all
over the body while others, lower in rank, have simple ones. A headhunter has special designs on the face and body as marks of bravery.
16
India
Food and Cooking
The basic diet of the people consists of cereals, millets,
vegetables and meat. But job's tears, millet and maize are more
commonly taken, and they are supplemented by sweet potatoes,
amm or kachu. A very large variety of wild leafy vegetables, roots,
tubers and fruits as well as pumpkin, brinjal (egg-plant), ginger,
onion, mustard leaves, chilli, the flowers of plantain, mushroom
and bamboo shoots are also included in the diet. The people are
fond of fish, but there are restrictions on meat. The domestic
animals, pigs and chicken are regarded as special items of meal and
are eaten on sacrificial occasions. Meat and fish are often dried up
and stocked for future consumption, especially during scarcity. The
foodstock is kept on the rack built above the hearth in almost every
house.
Most food is boiled, though meat is sometimes roasted. Rice
and millet are boiled with vegetables to which chillies and salt are
added for flavour. They do not, however, use oil or fat. Food
grains are pounded into powder and then mixed with hot water for
making a paste. The paste is poured into bamboo tubes for baking
and later taken with salt, chillies, vegetables, meat or fish. Condiments of bamboo-shoots are also edible.
Local beer is brewed from rice, tapioca and millets. Liquors
are prepared by special process of fermentation and distillation. The
people also take tea without sugar or milk. They are accustomed to
chewing areca nuts with betel.
Dance and Music

The Wancho are fond of music; their songs are rich in melody
and rhythm. The life of the people, their love and emotions, find
expression in their songs. The compositions are many and varied for
different occasions. There are group songs sung on the occasion of
pounding rice, harvesting crops, performing the group dance and so
on. These apart, the young people sing love-songs in the form of
dialogues. It is a pleasure to listen to the tribal nursery rhymes
which the children recite while playing. Similarly, their cradle songs
sung at a low pitch which melody predominating over rhythm are
pleasing.
17

Festivals, as stated before, are the special occasions for dances.
The dance is generally performed in a group. The dancers wearing
colourful costumes keep balance and rhythm in harmony with songs
and music maintaining the tempo of the dance. Drums and gongs
are commonly used as musical instruments. On some occasions boys
and girls dance together. Indeed, the hard life in the hills is in a way
greatly redeemed by the rapturous, colourful and invigorating communal dances expressing the feelings and emotions of the people.
The war dance of the Wancho performed on the occasion of
a victory or a successful head-hunting expedition of the old days is
now held to commemorate the old tradition and to keep up the high
spirit of the tribe.
The Wancho perform dances on many other occasions, such as
a chief's death or construction of a new house. Both boys and girls
participate in the dance performed during the Ojiyele festival. Songs
and beating of log drums accompany some of the dances. Some
dances are organised in the morung.
The Chief
The chief is the supreme authority in the village. Each village,
whether it is the paramount village or its offshoot, has a chief. The
origin of chiefship is shrouded in mystery. It is, however, obvious
that constant raids and feuds necessitated an office in which
authority was centralised for the maintenance of law and order. The
office of the chief is hereditary. It is inherited by the eldest son of a
chief born of a Wanghsia wife. In the event of the absence of male
child by such a wife, the Wangham of an allied village is offered the
office of the chief. In the Wancho society great sanctity is attached
to this office and the installation of new chief is a big event for the
whole village. The chief is the fountain of all honour. He is the
dispenser of justice. He is the chief administrator and cannot be
deposed. He enjoys a number of prerogatives such as free labour
for cultivation of his lands and construction of houses. He enjoys
the largest and the best plot in the ]hum field. Similarly, he has
a lion's share in hunting and fishing. He receives gifts from villagers
who also contribute to his granary as a token of respect and in
recognition of the power that he wields. The chief has certain
obligations to the people. He has to look after their welfare and
help them in the time of distress. He is responsible for the safety and
18
India
well-being of all his villagers. He guides and controls the political
life of the village, arbitrates in disputes and decides civil and criminal
cases. He is also in-charge of organizing developmental activities. In
the olden days he used to lead hunting campaigns. He can inflict
punishment on a person found guilty of any offence. In this matter,
he consults the village council of elders. He is a symbol of the unity
of the village. He is obliged to take advice from the village council.
Although the wind of change is visible, the office of the chief still
carries great respect and authority. No development effort in the
Wancho area can succeed without his active co-operation.
Swidden Operations
The Wancho are swidden cultivators as are many tribals in the
hill areas of eastern and central India. It is estimated that in India
929,480 hectares of land is utilised for swidden cultivation on which
2.6 million people subsist. In Arunachal Pradesh the state to which
the Wancho belong, out of a total cultivated area of 133,435
hectares, 101,329 hectares are under swiddening; only 24,207
hectares are under wet rice cultivation.
By and large, swidden cultivation is practised in the hilly
terrain where the slope of the land, high rainfall, moderate
temperature and and good soil favour quick growth of plants. Considering the physiography, rainfall, temperature and soil as well as
the density of the population it will be clear that this land use system is specially restricted within hill slopes below 1000 metre
altitude. Even today in the remote hills of North Eastern India
there is no better alternative land use system to swidden cultivation.
The chief characteristics of swidden cultivation as practised
by the Wancho are the following:
1.
Rotation of fields
2.
Use of fire for clearing the land
3.
Keeping the land fallow for a number of years for

regeneration of forest.
4.
Use of human labour as chief input
5.
Non-employment of draught animals

19

6.
Use of very crude and simple instruments such as dibbling

stick, scrapper etc.
7.
Hunting and food gathering are important subsidiary

occupations of the swiddeners.
During the winter months (December to February) the trees of

the selected forest sites are cut down and are left there to be dried.
Occasionally, a few large trees may be left intact, but usually the
branches are lopped off and large pieces are removed from the site
for fuel. The slash is allowed to dry during the rainless winter
months and then burnt during March and April. Dry leaves and small
twigs are burnt in situ whereas large logs are piled and fired two or
three times to ensure complete burning. After one or two showers in
April and May weeding is done and then mixed crops are sown by
dibbling in the steep slopes with hardly any other preparation of
fields. The size of a Jhum plot varies between 1.5 to 2.5 hectares for
an average family of two adults and three or four children. Several
types of crops are grown including maize (corn) and millets. Pulses,
beans, mustard, yams, sweat potatoes, chillies, ginger, turmeric and
many kinds of vegetables are also raised on the same plot.
All families in the village have their land within a Jhum circle
where they cultivate their individual plots. In addition, a particular
plot of land is cleared by the people of the village and is cultivated
on a co-operative basis. The produce of that particular plot of land
goes to the chief's house.
Though the Wancho people do not have any measurement of
their land, they demarcate their plots by placing some stones in
between two plots. They also plant an onion like plant, locally
called Pupa-chinglung under the stones. The plant produces only
one root every year. This plant stands as the last witness in between
the plots of land and nobody dare uproot this plant.
Selection of the Jhum plots and rituals attached to it
The Wancho people select the Jhum field for a particular year in
a customary fashion finding out a good omen. They break an egg on
their left hand while sitting on a particular plot of land. The position
of the broken shells of the egg indicates whether that selection is
good or bad. If the position of shells signifies good omen, that plot
of land is selected for cultivation. After selection of the plot they
20
India
perform some rituals before clearing the jungle. The Wancho people
locally called it - Haram Puja. For this pUja (worship) they go to
their own plot with some poultry droppings. This dropping is mixed
with the soil taken from the field and boiled in a bamboo tube. The
boiled mixture of soil and poultry excreta is then scattered on the
field. It is believed that this ritual helps in warding off insects from
the field which would otherwise have destroyed the paddy crop.
The swidden cultivators face many problems. They put in
more labour compared to the wet-rice cultivators. The main problem
of swidden cultivation is that of clearing the jungle. Till today, the
shifting cultivators clear their Jhum field in a traditional manner. In
the hilly areas they first cut down the jungle and leave it to dry for
a month or two. But different parts of the jungle do not dry up at the
same time; the jungles which are exposed to the sunlight (Wancho
people locally called it Haham) dry sooner than the jungles which
lie on the reverse side of the hill (locally called Hadab). The cultivators find it difficult to bum the jungle evenly for this reason. Sometimes untimely rain destroys a good harvest.
The undulating character of land also poses problem, as seeds
can not be scattered uniformly. The farmers cannot maintain the
uniformity in the process of sowing the seeds and sometimes they
put seeds repeatedly at the same place. As a result some places
remain without any seed while at others there may be surplus of
seeds.
Land Use and Ownership Pattern
The Jhum Land Regulation Act of 1947-1948 gives the tribal
population absolute rights over Jhum land. The Jhum land includes
"all lands which any member or members of a village or community
have a customary right to cultivate by means of shifting cultivation
or to utilise by clearing jungles or grazing livestocks provided that
such a village or community is in permanent location". Three types
of land ownership are found:
1.
Land owned by the village/clan
2.
Land owned by the chief
3.
Land owned by the individual.
Each village owns the lands surrounding it which its ancestors

had originally cleared, or purchased, or inherited. Usually, the land
21

belongs to the clan inhabiting the village rather than to a particular
household, for immovable property is not immediately divided even
on the death of the common ancestor. However, a family maintains
a loose control over that patch of land which it first clears for ]hum
and reserves claim to revert to its cultivation in the next ]hum
cycle. Since a man comes back to a particular plot after a gap of
10 years or so he owns at least 10 plots to cultivate by rotation.
Persons of an alien clan moving into the village take prior permission
of the owner to build a new house and to cultivate at a new site. The
individual has a right of use only and is not absolute owner of the
plot. The unclaimed forest is the joint property of the olan and an
individual may extend his agricultural field by clearing in patches
without payment to anybody. However, each family has its own
bamboo groves by the side of one's dwelling which are privately
owned and kept for making new granaries or field huts when
required.
The Wancho recognise four types of land viz~ village land,
agricultural land, jungle land, and reserved forest land. The village
land locally called hamting is meant for putting up houses and for
making kitchen gardens. Sometimes fruit bearing trees are also
grown there. Agricultural land is called]ang and is used for growing
paddy, millet, maize and other crops. In the Jungle land called]ang
house building materials like bamboo and palm leaf trees are grown.
The reserve forest land is known as nokling. Generally, the village
land and the agricultural land are used by them.
All Wancho villages have well demarcated boundaries. All
lands within the boundary belong to the village community as a
whole. Within this overall ownership individual holdings are also
there. These may relate to both village land and the cultivable land.
Sometimes individual holdings may also be found in the jungle land.
The chief of the village is not the owner of the land although
he has the final right of disposal which he does in the interests of
the community. The individual holding can be transferred, alienated,
sold or mortgaged or given as a gift or leased by the owner only to a
person belonging to the same village. No land can be transferred to
any outsider or even to a Wancho not belonging to the village. If
any land is required to be transferred to person other than members
of the village, such a decision can be taken by the community as a
whole and not by any individual whatever may be his social position.
22
India
Each village has several plots of ]hum land which are cultivated in
turns. The ]hum cycle is around 9 to 10 years depending upon the
number of fields. Each field is cultivated for two successive seasons.
In the first season, millet is grown and in the second paddy. Individual plots are given to each household in each ]hum field. The
chief's plot is usually the biggest and the best. Those who do not
have plots of land in the ]hum field, cultivate on lease basis.
For clearing the chief's field (Haram), sowing, harvesting and
in other activities at least one member of each family is required to
join. For sowing of seeds girls belonging to the Wangsa group also
join the girls of the Wangham (royal) group. They jointly go for
burning the rubbish. During all these operations the participants are
served with rice beer at the haram by the women of the royal group.
The arduous tasks of cutting and burning the swidden are
undertaken by men while clearing and preparing of the field are
primarily the task of women. Each agricultural operation is preceded
or followed by some rituals. The millet being the most important
crop has a large number of rituals attached to it. Seeds of millet and
paddy are sown broadcast while for the other crops seeds are put in
holes made with the digging sticks. Sowing is done by experts called
haipa. It is always done by men; women are excluded from this
operation. In the newly prepared fields millets, arum, pulses, chillies,
ginger etc. are cultivated and in the previous year's fields ahu paddy
and other crops are grown. Arum tuber planting by making holes
with the digging sticks is called toa kaili. It is planted with millet in
the same field. Seeds of pulses are also planted like arum. Sesame
seeds are sown along with millets in the new fields.
Jhum Cycle
Every village has got 9 to 10 ]hum fields and the cycle varies
according to the number of fields. After being cultivated for two
seasons the land is left fallow so that it may recuperate its fertility.
The new ]hum field is selected after a divination ceremony. A
ritual specialist called Ngopa consults the omen by putting a piece of
bamboo of particular variety into the fire. This bamboo piece is
taken out later and studied with great care. Sometimes another
expert Aupa reads the omen on an egg. Each field in the ]hum cycle
has a specific name which is drawn from the nature of the soil or its
location. The names of the ]hum fields of Pongchaw village are given
23

below together with their possible meaning; it may be noted that
with the increasing use of land, the quality of its soil and the
quantity of harvest is affected. The same patch of land is described
differently at different stages of ]hum cycle.
Kham mon: It is a distorted form of the word Kho-Huan,
which means falling of hair. This name is given to the field which
has rich harvest, there is so much to carry on head that the hair
begin falling. Kho-Huan is thus a metaphoric description of the
field: the field which causes baldness.
Chui nam: The field with poor soil and resultant poor harvest
is given this name. Those who cultivate such a field are often short of
food and have to depend on a kind of wild vegetable called Chuinam.
So the name Chuinam is given to the field.
Loak Kho:
Means pushing down of a elephant (Loakelephant, Kho-to push down). It is said that once an elephant entered
the field and as one side of the land was high andsteep it could not
get out. The people tried to push the elephant down into the deep
gorge but could not. So the land with steep slope bears this designation.
J u-sap: Land highly infested by rats which damage the crop.

The actual name is]u Sap which means "eaten by rats".
Gung Hung: Distorted form of Nung Hung which means
empty basket. Nung or No means basket and Hung means empty.
That means the harvest is so poor that the people sometimes return
with empty baskets.
Abaw: High land where previously birds used to chirp loudly.
The twittering and chirping of birds is called abaw.
Gumba: Gumba means no food to eat. The land is not
fertile and so harvest is poor. People do not get sufficient crop.
So they think their one year's labour is wasted.
The ]hum cycle of Pongchaw village as recorded in 1959 is
given below:
24
India
1st year
I GU~ba I
\
Cultivated in 1958 - - - - - - - - - - - . .
Ghumaa, 2nd year
11th year
Ju Sap, 3rd year
10th year Abaw
It
9th year Khamman
8th year Gung Hung
Loak Kho, 4th year
7thY=B~~Lo"'bo~Mm,5thY=
6th year
The Agricultural Calendar

The Wancho remain busy in their agricultural work for almost
the whole year except for two months, May and June. During these
two months they generally undertake other pursuits like selling their
surplus grains or arts and crafts in the plains. Alternatively, they do
daily wage labour wherever available. Their annual routine of
agricultural activities and the main crops they grow are given below
in Table 1 and 2.
The Wancho do not use any insecticides or pesticides since
crop disease and pests are very rare. The main reason of this is
burning of the Jhum fields before sowing. However, once in a
while the plants are attacked by pests; in such a case the Wancho
collect them in bamboo tubes and bum them.
Wet rice cultivation is not popular among the Wancho as
suitable land and assured irrigation facilities are not available. People
in many villages, however, know techniques of wet rice cultivation.
In some villages the people are reluctant to take to it for the river
banks are supposed to be haunted by evil spirit called kashi-jogan
(a female mendicant from Kashi). At the places believed to be
25

haunted, people make offerings to the spirit and refrain from
drinking water at that spot.
Table 1. Calendar of Agricultural Activities
Major Activitier
Months
January
Preparation of field and sowing of millet and maize seeds.

arum and tapioca.
Planting of
February
Preparation of field for ahu-paddy. Sewing of millet and maize seeds and
planting arum and tapioca continue.
March
Sowing of ahu-paddy seeds stars. Planting of tapioca continue.
April
Sowing of ahu-paddy seeds continue.
May
No agricultural activity for men. Women take up weeding of paddy and

millet.
June
Same as in May.
July
Harvesting of millet, maize and arum starts.
August
Harvesting work continues.
September
Harvesting of paddy and tapioca starts.
October
Harvesting of paddy and tapioca continues. Preparation of field for millet,

arum tapioca and maize starts.
November
Harvesting of tapioca continues.
December
Preparation of field for paddy starts.
Table 2. Cropwise Agricultural Operations

Name of Oops
Preparation of
field
Seed Sowing
Harvesting
1. Paddy
December to February.
March to April
September to October.
2. Millet
October
January
Mid January to mid

February.
Middle of July to
end of August.
-do -
to
mid
3. Arum
-do -
-do -
4. Tapioca
-do -
February and March.
September
vember.
S. Maize (CQm)
-do -
Mid January to mid

February.
July/August
26
to No-
India
View ofa "Jhum" field - Wancho area.
Clearing the jungle for "Jhum" cultivation.

Courtesy: Directorate of Information
and Public Relations,
Arunachal Pradesh.
27
View of "Jhum" field.
Wancho men working in the "Jhum" field.
28
India
In most villages, the grain is pulled out of the plants by hand.
In some villages the ears of the paddy are cut with a small knife or
dao. Nowadays sickles are also being used in some villages.
Threshing is not required if the grain is pulled out by hand. In other
cases threshing is done by trampling on the plants near the farm
house on a piece of ground cleared for the purpose. It is done by
men only. After threshing the grains are brought home in conical
bamboo baskets and stored in the granaries. Some of the grains are
preserved for next year's sowing. Seeds are rarely imported from
outside. To save the seeds from insects they are thoroughly dried in
the sun before preservation. Seeds are preserved in old bamboo
tubes or in earthen pots.
People's Perception and Attitude Towards Swiddening

Although swiddening practices have attracted the attention of
social scientists in the areas it occurs, we do not get any idea of the
people's perception of swiddening practices and the extent of their
attachment to it. An attempt has been made in the following pages
through holistic intensive field study to find out people's reactions to
the entire process as such. The exercise covered the swiddeners
themselves, the village leaders, the Anchal Samz"tz" members from the
area and some of the Development Officers working among the
people in the five villages selected for the study.
The five villages were all within the same ecological area
characterised by swidden cultivation as the predominant mode of
livelihood. The villages were chosen purposively to examine existing
variations in swidden practices and also to study those sections of
the population who have changed over to settled wet rice cultivation.
In three villages namely, Pongchow, Mintong and Niausa people were
wholly devoted to swidden cultivation, while in Zedua and Rusa
some families have gone over to settled cultivation.
The holistic study was intended to find out the population and
its resource base, comparative productivity of various kinds of land
use, the extent of subsistence and cash crop farming and other means
of livelihood, household resource management and the quality of life
of the swidden cultivation in the villages. Since no efforts have been
made by the Government to settle the Wancho in permanent
29

cultivation, such a programme has been studied in respect of another
tribe, the Digaru-Mishmi in the neighbouring district of Lohit. In the
Wancho area, the Forest Department is carrying out some
programmes for the control of swidden cultivation. Details of the
programme and its impact on the tribals will be discussed in another
section.
In this section, we seek to explore the perceptions of swidden
cultivators regarding their commitment to swiddening practices,
shifting of household, the fallow interval, the evils of swidden
cultivation, the main problems connected with it, their priorities for
attaining a better quality of life and whether swidden cultivation
should be allowed to continue. They were also urged to give suggestions for improving the swiddening system.
Some of these questions were posed before the village leaders
and the members of Anchal Samitis. Their reactions are extremely
important as they are the opinion leaders and decision makers in
regard to all activity in their areas. Almost all of them are also
swiddeners but they are more exposed to the development ideas
and are keen to work for the betterment of the lot of the people.
A schedule was also administered to the Development Officers who
were working in the area for quite some time. They are expected to
be well conversant with the local physiography, resources and the
problems of development. Their reactions to some of the questions
posed to them are, therefore, extremely important.
Since swiddening is the main concern of this study, it is
useful to have an idea about the differential perception of its evils
among the ordinary swiddeners, village leaders, Anchal Samiti
members and the development officers.
The percentages of their responses are given in Table 3.
It is seen that the responses in the category "those who agree
that swiddening is bad for environment" goes on increasing as we
proceed from the swiddeners to the Development Officers. It is
significant that very few of the actual swiddeners have the realisation
that it is bad for the environment. Even these admitted of the adverse effect only when they were further probed. The increment in
this category from the swiddeners to the village leaders is not very
large. It is thus clear that the village leaders who take all important
30
India
Table 3. Differential Perception of the Evils of Swiddening
Statements
SW
Bad for environment.
Agree
VL ASM DO
DW
Disagree
VL ASM DO
Do not know
SW VL ASM DO
10
25
60
61
67
71
40
13
31
Causes soil ero20.5

sion
96
80
69
13.5
20
66
31
Gives lower yield

than permanent
cultivation
68
100
69
34
28
31
61
sw -
Swiddeners;
ASM -
Ancha1 Samiti Members;
VL
Village Leaders;
DO
Development Officers.
decisions regarding cultivation and other matters have a poor

realisation that swiddening is bad for the environment. At the level
of the Anchal Samiti members this realisation is very much more
since they are more educated and also more exposed to outside
influences than the village leaders. Even in this category there is a
substantial percentage of people who disagree with this proposition.
lbe response in the Development Officer's category is rather
surprising. Some of the officers refrained from commenting on the
adverse effects of swiddening by answering "do not know". It is
hard to believe that they were ignorant. Perhaps they did not want
to comment or publicly express a view favouring swiddening.
One of the evils of swiddening is that it causes soil erosion.
However, the large mass of swiddeners does not agree with this view
as a matter of fact, two thirds of the swiddeners do not know
whether this is so. Among the village leaders, however, the realisation
of the adverse consequence of swiddening is almost complete. Only
4 per cent do not know whether this is so. It seems that they are
convinced about this aspect but they are not able to do anything
about it on account of the lack of a suitable alternative. The percentage among Anchal Samiti members is surprisingly less in this
category than those of the village leaders. It is also intriguing that
the percentage is even less among the Development Officers. Nearly
one third among them are non-committal since they do not know
whether swiddening causes soil erosion. This response like the
31

earlier one, reveals their unwillingness to come out openly in favour
of or against swiddening.
The responses regarding the third aspect of the question that
the yield in swiddening is much lower than in permanent cultivation,
are very clear. All categories of respondents have a clear realisation
of this fact. The percentage among swiddeners and village leaders
is nearly the same. Among the Anchal Samiti members this knowAmong the Development Officers the
ledges is all pervading.
response is the same as in the earlier queries, since almost one third
of them said that they do not know whether the yield is lower than
in permanent cultivation. This betrays either their gross ignerance or
inability to speak the truth.
The Swiddeners
Majority of the respondents are of higher age group. The
following table shows the age distribution of the respondents:
Table 4. Age Distribution of Swiddeners
Age Interval
Frequency
15 - 20
21 - 30
40
31 - 40
41
41 - 50
34
51 above
34
Total
156
Ever since this area came under the purview of administration, efforts have been made to spread education among people in
this area. The Wancho have no liking for education. They do not
have sufficient motivation for it. Government has been trying to
establish many educational institutions even in the remote places
which are difficult to reach. The literacy rate is very low among
the people. The following table shows the education of the
respondents:
32
India
Table 5. Break up of Swiddeners According to Educational Levels.
Frequency
Standard of Education
None
140
Primary
15
Secondary
156
Total
From the above table it is clear that out of 156 respondents

only one respondent had education up to the secondary level. 15
respondents have education up to primary level. 140 respondents
have got no education.
Swidden cultivation is the only method of agriculture of the
Wancho people. They are practising it ever since they settled in this
region. Agriculture is the primary and main occupation of the
Wancho. They have their own land for cultivation in each ]hum
cycle. There are only a few cases where people took land from
others on lease. Among the respondents 146 had their own land,
while only 10 had taken land on lease.
Generally the Wancho do not have a standard measure of
land and do not know how much land each family cultivates every
year. But it is observed that they cultivate approximately 2 to 8
acres of land. The size of the plot differs from family to family.
A large family generally cultivates a larger field. The following
table shows the land under cultivation (in acres).
Table 6. Distribution of Swiddeners by Landholding
Land (in acres)
Frequency
0-1
2-4
24
5-8
62
9 above
70
Total
1 acre
156
= 0.40,468 hectares;
1 hectare
33
2.47,106 acres

As the table shows, the majority of respondents cultivates
more than nine acres of land. 62 families cultivate 5 to 8 acres, and
only 24 families cultivate 2 to 4 acres of land.
For the whole year the Wancho keep busy in various agricultural operations. In addition to their agricultural work the male
members of the family sometimes go for casual labour. Out of
156 total respondents 19 worked as casual labour. They are
employed either by the Central Public Works Development or in
the Forest Department.
The annual income of the Wancho people is very low. Nearly
75 per cent of the total population of the five villages is below the
poverty line. They have to depend upon what they get out of their
agricultural produce. But their existing agricultural system cannot
provide them for their basic needs. In times of scarcity they depend
only upon amm and tapioca.
101 of the respondents have an income above Rs.500/- (income
including agriculture and labour). 46 families have an income within
the range of Rs.401-500 and only 9 families are in the income
bracket of Rs.301-400.
Swidden cultivators shift their plots every year. After one
year of cultivation the fertility of the land is exhausted. So they
shift to another plot the following year. Generally the people leave
a plot fallow for a period of about 8 to 10 years. But sometimes due
to the scarcity of land people return to a plot even before a lapse of
8 years.
It was found that the fallow interval of the bulk of
respondents (95) is 10-12 years. 49 respondents out of 156 left their
land fallow for a period of 7 to 9 years and only 12 respondents
leave the land fallow for 4 to 6 years.
In some places close to the plains of Assam, people enthusiastically go in for wet-rice cultivation. But in the places of high
altitude with steep hills and uneven land the practice of wet-rice
cultivation is impossible. There are very few plots of cultivable plain
land with available water supply in the Wancho area for people to
switch over to wet-rice cultivation.
34
India
In our sample there are only 27 respondents who practise wetrice cultivation. These are particularly from Rusa and Zedua village,
where they have got some plain land close to the plains border of
Assam and in the river bed of Tissing river respectively.
For the agricultural development of the Wancho people
Government provides some facilities in terms of subsidies. Paddy
seeds, potato, chemical fertiliser, tools etc. are provided by the
government. These inputs have yielded richer harvest, and a better
income.
The Wancho cultivate other crops besides paddy. The main
crops are paddy, millet, maize, arum, tapioca, local oat, maskalai
etc. The following table gives a picture of their important crops.
Table 7. Important Crops Raised by Swiddeners
Oops
Paddy
Millet
Maize
order
Tapioca
Local Oat,
Chali, Ginger,
Maskalai
Arum&
156
151
91
27
127
62
33
123
It is clear from the above that all the respondents give importance to paddy growing. But the production of paddy in this
area is not adequate and people have to depend upon other crops
like tapioca, arum, millet, etc. Millet and tapioca are also used for
making beer.
As already stated, swidden cultivation is the traditional
method of cultivation of the Wancho and they are continuing it
from the time of their forefathers. There was no other means of
their livelihood except swidden cultivation. Generally, the children
of swiddeners begin to help in farming around the age of 10.
It is interesting to note that most of the respondents were
quite unaware of any damages caused by swidden cultivation. Year
after year, the swidden cultivators make use of forest resources by
felling trees and burning them, in order to make the soil suitable for
35

cultivation. But they do not perceive this as destruction of forests.
In the absence of any other viable alternative in their ecological
setting, they regard swiddening as the appropriate mode of production of food.
We also asked the respondents about the problems connected
with swidden cultivation. The main problem in swiddening experienced by the swiddeners relates to the clearing of the jungle.
There are also some other problems like sowing seeds evenly, problem of harvesting etc. In the hills people first cut down the
vegetation and they leave it to dry for a month or two. When
the felled plants dry up they set fire. But the problem is that all the
trees do not dry equally, and at the same time.
Moreover, the undulating land makes difficult even and
uniform scattering of seeds. The farmers cannot maintain the
uniformity in the process of sowing the seeds and sometimes they
throw seeds repeatedly at the same place instead of throwing them
equally all around.
Swiddeners' opmIOn regarding resettlement and in-situ
development were enquired into. All but 6 respondents were found
to be averse to any kind of resettlement. Old people do not like to
go outside in search of other occupations. It may be due to their
natural attachment with their own land. Illiterate tribals cannot
think of development of the village residing in the remote areas far
removed from advanced society. But the younger generation which
is in close touch with developed populations is not averse to sugestions for resettlement.
Village Leaders
Thirty-two village leaders from the five villages under study

were interviewed with the help of a schedule. 15 out of 32 village
leaders were in the age group of 31-40. Five of them belonged to the
21-30 age-group and nine to the 41-50 age group. Thus, the bulk of
the village leaders came from the mature and middle age group. However, only 8 of them had some education, 4 of them were educated
up to the primary level and 4 up to the secondary level. Almost all
of them were educated in their oWn village and all the village leaders
belonged to the villages of their birth. All of them were also land
36
Inda
owners and did not hold any land on lease from anyone else. However, some of them occasionally supplemented their income through
working as daily labourers in road maintenance work or in different
kinds of activities organised by the Forest Department.
Twenty out of the 32 village leaders owned between 1 to 10
acres of land and 11 owned between 11 to 20 acres. Only one person
had about 50 acres. Four of these leaders had an annual income of
less then Rs.500/-. The rest {28) had an income above Rs.500/-. The
actual area under cultivation of 28 village leaders was in the
"holding" group of 1 to 5 acres. Only 4 cultivated holdings over 6
acres. The fallow interval in case of 21 was 10-12 years and for the
rest was 7-9 years. In two villages, some of the leaders had some
land under permanent cultivation. There were 8 such leaders out of
whom 7 cultivated between 1 to 5 acres and only 1 held between 6
to 10 acres. Modernization of agriculture was only possible in case
of permanent cultivation. Out of 8 village leaders who were engaged
in wet-rice cultivation only 2 used power-tiller for some time. One
of the power-tillers had broken down in a field close to the river-bed
in village Zedua. However, the Agriculture Department had provided
some facilities to 15 out of 32 village leaders. All the 15 received
paddy seeds, 12 received potato seeds, 8 received chemical fertilizers,
and 4 were given simple agricultural tools.
Only 6 of the village leaders had been able to increase their
yield and thereby, their income on account of the use of new techniques and other inputs in agriculture. The increased yield was due
to the use of improved seeds and power-tillers. Only one leader
attributed it to better technical knowledge. Another person believed
that it was due to the use of chemical fertilizer.
As in the case of the responses of swiddeners, paddy

continued to be the most important crop followed by millet, maize,
arum and tapioca. Table 8 gives an idea of crops in order of importance.
All the village leaders were engaged in swiddening. 22 of the
village leaders had begun helping their parents in this work between
the age of 11 to 15. Ten others had joined this work at an even more
tender age. These people have not changed their place of residence
even though they continually shift their plots for cropping every
year. There are only 4 leaders who had moved their residence once.
37

Three of them moved on account of lack of accommodation in the
old house, and another had to move because his previous house
caught fire and was gutted.
Most of them do not remember when they got some government aid for their agricultural pursuits. Of the 15 who had received
the government aid, 7 could not record the year, 8 of them were
able to do so as given in Table 9.
Table 8. Crops in Order of Importance
Order
Crops
Paddy
32
Millet
29
Maize
27
30
Arum
Tapioca
Chilly
Ginger
Table 9. Year when Government Aid Received.

No.o[people
Year
who received aid

2
1965
1970
1977
1978
Do not remember
Not received
17
Total
32
The village leaders are all agreed that in swiddening the biggest
problem is the clearance of forest. Some of them are also aware of
the problems of sowing seeds evenly. They also experience difficulty
in putting fertilizers.
In spite of the difficulties in swidden cultivation, only 3 of the
village leaders were in favour of joining a resettlement colony for
38
India
taking up permanent cultivation.
The overwhelming majority
wanted something to be done for development in the places where
they lived.
The village leaders were asked to indicate their preference for
a number of items considered necessary for the development. The
following table lists these preferences:
Table 10. Preference of Items for Development
Better yield
Health & Medical facilities
School
More food
More mechanised farming methods
Better housing
15
13
16
10
12
13
20
It is significant to note that the school has been given first

preference by as many as 16 or 50 per cent of the village leaders.
Improved farming methods has been preferred by 12 village leaders.
In the second preference, improved farming has the largest number
of respondents. Better health and better housing appear to be least
important considerations. Better yield and more food are also
regarded as insignificant.
29 respondents wanted swidden cultivation to continue. When

asked about the reasons, 14 of them said that this is because no
plain land was available for wet-rice cultivation. Six of them believed
that there was no alternative to swiddening; three of them wanted
to stick to it since it was a part of their cultural tradition; four of
them opted for it because of their emotional attachment to the way
of life revolving around swidden cultivation.
The village leaders were asked to give suggestions for the
improvement of the swiddening system. Their suggestions are
noted below together with the number of respondents opting for
each.
39
Swz"dden cultz"vatz"on in Asz"a

Table 11. Suggestions for Improvement of Swiddening
1. Better farming method
20
2. Technical knowledge
3. Supply of H.V.V. seeds
4. Chemical fertilizer
5. Supply of machine tools
6. Do not know
It is thus clear that most of the village leaders are in favour of

better farming methods in swiddening. They are all keen that the
best advantage should be taken of the harsh environment from which
there is no escape.
Anchal Samiti Members
Anchal Samz"tz"s have been constituted in Arunachal Pradesh to

involve the local people in the task of development. They are
elective bodies comprising representatives from a group of villagers.
They are charged with the all round development of villages by
providing for education, communication, agriculture and medical
facilities. Ten Anchal Samitz" members from the areas covered by the
study villages were interviewed with the help of a schedule to know
their attitudes towards swiddening. These are the elite in Wancho
society. Their views prevail in all matters related to the administration and development, since they are the elected representatives of
the people.
8 of the 10 persons interviewed were members and 2 were Vice
Presidents of the Anchal Samz"tz"s; 6 of them were in the age group of
31 to 40 and 3 were past 40. Only one of them was below 30. Thus
the Anchal Samtz" members interviewed were all comparatively
young. However, 6 of them were completely illiterate and 4 had
attended school up to the primary level. Six of them were involved
with the swiddeners for more than 25 years, and 2 of them were
involved with them for about 20 years. Thus nearly all of them had
long experience of living with the swiddeners and being acquainted
with their attitudes and problems.
40
India
An attempt was made to see their perception of the views of
the swiddeners on those same statements. The responses given in the
following table indicate that they have imputed their own views on
the swiddeners. While the bulk of the swiddeners are unaware of the
damages of swidden, the Anchal Samiti members acknowledge that
such practice leads to soil erosion. Some of them realize that the
yields are lower than in permanent cultivation but others do not
know anything about it since they have no experience of permanent
cultivation.
Table 12. Anchal Samiti Member's Perception of Swiddeners

View on Evils of Soil Erosion.
1. Swidden cultivation
sOil erosion.
Yes
No
Do not know
causes
2. Swidden cultivation gives

lower yield than permanent
cultivation.
The Samiti members were asked about the alternative occupation the swiddeners would like to be provided with. In this they
have reflected their own preferences. All of them have given business
as a first preference and 9 out of 10 have given preference for white
collar jobs. This reflects the preference of the educated young men
all over Arunachal Pradesh.
They were also asked whether they would like their children
to continue as swiddeners. 60 per cent of these replied in the negative. Asked about the reasons for this response, they supplied the
following:
Table 13. Reasons for Not Continuing as Swiddeners
1. Once their children go for other job they will not like to do farming.
2. It is troublesome
3. To educate them
4. Population pressure in land stimulated the villagers to adopt some

other means of livelihood.
41

The four respondents who wanted their children to continue
swidden argued that more manpower is needed, and if the children
were to drift, their agriculture would suffer.
It is seen that 3 of them want to change over since swiddening
is troublesome. The pressure of population on land is increasing and
at least one of the members feels the need to adopt some other means
for livelihood. Two of them want their children to be educated and
thus do not want to socialize them in swidden culture.
The members feel that the swiddeners prefer n-stu development to resettlement. The main problems of resettlement.as viewed
by the members in order of their importance are listed below.
Table 14. Problems Perceived in Resettlement
1. Problem of shifting with hearth and home
10
2. Lack of fertile land
3. Natural attachment to their own land
4. Superstitious beliefs
All the members feel that the main problem is to convince

people to shift their homes as they are deeply attached to their own
land. Added to this is the non-availability of level land for wet-rice
cultivation. The leaders did not feel that superstitious beliefs are a
hurdle to resettlement programmes.
The respondents were asked to highlight the main problems of
n-stu development. Their responses are given in the following table:
Table 15. Problems of In-Stu Development
10
1. Problem of communication
2. Mass media
3. Illiteracy
4. Ecological peculiarities
5. Customary laws
The main problem in n-stu development is that of communication, since the villages are located in relatively inaccessible
42
India
hill slopes or hill tops. Illiteracy among the swiddeners is a handicap;
lack of education makes them stick to old tradition. However, only
two of the respondents felt that customary laws prevent in-situ
development.
The Samiti members were asked to rank 6 items in order of
their importance in the context of development. Their responses are
given below:
Table 16. Ranking of Development Items
Rank
x
x
Items
Better yield
School
More food
Better housing
10
10
10
10
Total
10
10
It may be noted that school has been given top priority by

the bulk of the members. Next to it is improved farming technology.
Better yield is the fourth preference, while health and medical facilities are given the third preference. Availability of more food
has been relegated to the fifth and sixth preference along with
better housing. It is thus clear that the people are not very much
concerned about food and housing. The first priority given to the
school is indicative of their desire for a better quality of life which
can only be possible with education.
In order to know their attitude to diversification of crops
the Samiti members were asked to name the crops other then paddy
which they grow in the Jhum fields. They were also asked to mention, which of the crops they wanted besides paddy. To this question almost all listed millet, tapioca, arum, and maize.
43

Development Officers
In Wancho area, as also in other areas, a number of State

Government Officers are engaged in various kinds of developmental
activities. Their task is to implement government policies and
programmes with the co-operation of the local people. Being stationed in that area they are generally conversant with the problems
of the people; and they are also familiar with people's attitude towards various developmental activities. In view of their experience
and interest in the area an attempt was made to assess their views
with the help of a schedule. These officers are at various levels
such as Extra Assistant Commissioner (EAC), Block Development
Officer (BDO), Circle Officers, Agricultural Officers and Village
Level Workers (VLW). A total of 13 such officers were interviewed.
10 of them were in the age group of 20 to 35, only 3 were above 35.
All of them were educated, 8 up to the secondary Jevel and 5 were
holders of university degrees. 8 of them had been involved with the
swidden cultivators for 1 to 10 years and 5 of them had been working for a longer time in that area. The higher officers like EAC,
BDO, and Circle Officer were concerned with the all-round development of the village including administrative, judicial and other
activities. The Agriculture Officer and the VLW were engaged in providing agricultural inputs and looking after agricultural extension work.
The development officers were asked about the views of
swiddeners regarding some of the detrimental effects of the practice
of swidden cultivation. Their reactions are given below:
Table 17. Development Officers' Perception of Swiddeners'
View on Evils of Swiddening
Yes
No
cultivation causes
soil erosion.
13
2. Swidden
cultivation gives
lower yield than pennanent
cultivation.
10
Do not know
1. Swidden
44
India
They were also asked about the preference of the swiddeners
for alternative occupations. Their perception of swiddeners'
preferences is tabulated below:
Table 18. Development Officers' Perception of Swiddeners'
Preference for Alternative Occupations.
Order of Preference
Alternatives
Business
White Collar Job
Casual Labour
13
It is clear that the first preference is for business followed by

white collar job. Casual labour appears to be the last recourse.
The development officers think that the bulk of the
swiddeners would like to continue with their traditional economy.
The main reason for this is the topography of the land they occupy
and also their being very conservative. Those of them that would
like to change to settled cultivation would do so to get an increased
yield and thereby improve their standard of living. They are also
fed up with swiddening because it is very troublesome.
The development officers feel that in-situ development is
largely desired by swidden cultivators. The reasons for this are listed
in the following table:
Table 19. Reasons for Preference for In-Situ Development
1
Natural attachment to his own village
Superstitious beliefs
Problem of shifting with hearth and home
Lack of available fertile land
It is seen that the most important reasons for not opting for
resettlement are natural attachment to the village and also lack of
available fertile land. Superstitious beliefs do not really produce
a hurdle in resettlement as they have been relegated to the second
order in importance.
45

The problems of in-situ development were also enquired from
the development officers. Their responses are given in the table
below:
Table 20. Problems of In-Situ Development
Preferences
2
1
1. Problem of communication
13
x
7
3. Problem of mass media
x
x
4. Rigidity of the social norms
5. Illiteracy of the general masses
x
x
2. Insufficient education
6. Lack of awareness of the villagers
x
x
x
x
It is obvious that to the development officers the problem

of communication is the most important. All inputs, supplies and
services have to be reached the inaccessible villages, some of which
may be small in size. Education is the next most important problem
together with their lack of awareness of their environment.
The development officers were asked about their perception of
the swiddeners' views about improving their life styles. Their reactions are given in the following table:
Table 21. Development Officer's Perceptions of Swiddeners' Views
on their Life Style
1
Better yield
Education
More food
x
x
Better housing
46
India
It is clear that their perception is different from that of
Anchal Samtz" members. The bulk of them view more food and
better yields as the most important items for achieving a better
standard of living. In the second preference importance has been
given to more advanced farming methods, better yield and education.
The change in responses may be due to the fact that 6 out of

the 13 respondents are directly engaged in agricultural development.
It is seen by the development officers also that the swiddeners
want to grow some other crops besides paddy. These crops are
millet, arum and tapioca.
The officers revealed that they do not receive any suggestions

from the swiddeners for improving their own programmes. Nine of
them did not receive any suggestion whatever. The five who received
suggestions said that these were related to better farming, supply
of seeds, and tools for agriculture free of cost.
Swidden Control Programme
Swiddening is a way of life with the tribal people in most parts

of Arunachal Pradesh. The pattern of cultivation in this area is
governed not only by the physiography and soil fertility but also by
the whole social, historical, and environmental setting of the people.
Their effort is to get the maximum return possible from the harsh
ecology in which they have been placed by nature. This old age
practice is in harmony with nature. But the growing pressure of the
population and the reduction in the fallow interval has forced the
people to think about other alternatives. Since people are attached
to their hearth and home and to the village they would not like to go
far away in search of plain land which is suitable for wet-rice cultivation. We have, therefore, to think in terms of in-situ development
rather than that of resettlement. As a part solution to the problem,
the Indian Council of Agricultural Research Station at ShiIlong has
suggested partial terracing with horticulture and forestry development on the upper slope. It is desirable to keep cereal cultivation to
a maximum and encourage horticulture and other perennial crops.
These would cause less damage to the environment. The local
economy may be developed by intensively growing horticulture and
plantation crops.
47

The Forest Department of the Arunachal Pradesh Government
has taken up the swidden cultivation control programme under the
Central Government scheme "Soil, Water and Tree Preservation in
the Himalayas" supplemented by state inputs. The experience
gained as a result of various programmes taken up under this scheme
indicated that it was necessary to formulate an integrated area
development approach which could claim the co-operation of the
local people in a much better way. Since Wancho area has been
almost wholly devoted to swidden cultivation, it was decided to
take up four out of the six projects in the State in this area. The
projects are located at Mintong, Bonia, Nissa and Longkhow in the
Tirap district. The unit for each project could not be on natural area
like a water-shed or a catchment basin. Land had to be obtained for
demonstration work. Since land was under the control of village
chief the village had to be treated as a deVelopment unit.
One of the oldest projects under this scheme starting in
1979-1980 had been taken up in Mintong village. After considerable
persuasion the chief of the village agreed to give about 10 sq. km. of
fallow area. The rainfall in this village is nearly 2600 mm. per year.
As a matter of fact no month passes without any shower. The
temperature ranges from 6 Celsius in January to 30 Celsius in July.
The area brought under the project varies in elevation from 1000
metres to 1600 metres. The slope varies from 20 to 80. The
area is covered with grass and shurbs and scattered with heavily
lopped trees. The jhum cycle is of 11 years. Each family takes
up cultivation in about 1 to 1Y2 hectares in 4 to 5 plots. Certain
patches containing original forests are located on hill tops. These
are covered by the eastern Himalayan sub tropical wet hill forests.
Grasses of different varieties are also found. The people grow crops
of hill paddy, millet, arum and tapioca. The food that they grow
does not suffice for the whole year. Some of the people take up
wage labour by working for road maintenance under the Central
Public Works Department. April to June is a very critical period
because by that time their food resources are generally depleted.
Before the programme was started, a local Committee was
constituted with the village chief (the Gaonbura) and certain other
village leaders as members. The development programmes to be
taken up were discussed in the Committee with the hope that this
will ensure the co-operation of the villagers. To begin with, a
48
India
survey was conducted of the land use. Though there are three
perennial streams it was seen that there is no suitable level of gentle
slope land on the banks of the streams for developing irrigated
paddy fields. Out of the total area of 1000 hectares, 300 hectares
was expected to be brought under cash crop. The rest of the area
was left for fruits and forestry crops.
The main object of the programme was to wean the people
from swidden cultivation practices through better crop cultivation
which would yield higher income and enable them to sustain a higher
standard of living much above the poverty line. Quick growing cash
crops like big cardamom, coffee, medicinal plants, and spices were
considered well suited for the programme.
Big cardamom was selected for Mintong taking into account
the local conditions. It starts fruiting from the third year onward
reaching the maximum in the sixth year and continues for about 15
years. The area planted under the big cardamom is to be distributed
at the rate of 2 hectares for all the households in the village and
each family is expected to get an income of at least Rs.5000 from
the sixth year. In selected areas, turmeric will be grown as an inter
crop till big cardamom starts yielding and this will further augment
their income. The harvesting and marketing of this cash crop will
be undertaken by Forest Department in order to ensure a reasonable
return to the people.
In order to interest the people in the programme from the
beginning an effort was made to provide employment for one adult
member in each household throughout the year whenever they were
not engaged in swidden operations and were available for work.
Labour intensive work like road construction, soil conservation, and
afforestation were organised without using mechanical equipment
like bulldozers and tractors. On account of such work the annual
income of the average household is expected to increase from
Rs.1000 to Rs.3000. Efforts were also made to provide for the
minimum needs of the people viz. food, fIre-wood, housing, education, health, and nutrition.
In Mintong village which is located on hill top, women mainly

collect water and fire-wood from the forest area on the banks of
Tissa river or one of its tributaries. In order to save them from this
drudgery, fuel wood plantations were proposed to be raised in 300
49

hectares in the upper slopes near their village to provide them with
fire-wood from the 6th year onward. In the remaining area of 400
hectares seedlings of fruit trees and useful timber species will also be
planted to provide additional food and fuel supply to the people.
It was also expected that the forestry plantation raised in the area
will provide the necessary shade, thus changing the micro climate of
the area. Before the work actually started the villagers posed the
problem of communication and insisted that a link road of 1 km.
should be made as soon as possible. Along with the road other
means of employment like pasture development, afforestation,
terracing, prevention of soil erosion, planting of fruits and other
useful seedlings were taken up. The terrace method of cultivation
along with contour bunding was propagated in the area.
A private person was allowed to open a shop near the village
to supply grocery and other articles at a reasonable rate. A government primary school was also started for the children of the village.
The "Food-For-Work Programme" was taken up in order to provide
adequate quantity of rice. The scheme became popular because
through it people were able to get rice at Rs.1.62 paise per kilogram
as compared to the market rate of Rs.2/- per kilogram.
In the year 1980-1981, the programmes of the earlier years
were continued with higher targets. Small plantations of black
pepper, tea and fruit trees like pear (nashpatzJ were raised. A first
aid Centre under the supervision of a qualified person was also
opened to provide people with essential medicines. However, "FoodFor-Work Programme" could not be continued due to difficulty in
procurement of rice on account of the "Assam agitation" on the
issue of foreign nationals which has gone on for a number of years.
During this year construction of three small ponds for collection
of rain water and for pisciculture was also taken up. Four persons
from the village who were opium addicts were sent to the rehabilitation Centre to wean them away from opium. The local grocery shop
was converted into a fair price shop to supply rice, sugar, kerosene
and other essential items at controlled rates. In the year 1981-1982
large areas were expected to be planted with big cardamom, forest
and fruit crops. Tokopalm was planted in selected localities to
provide leaves for thatching and other purposes. Under the guidance
of the Fishery Department a pisciculture project was taken up for
which there is a ready market at Longding. The Animal Husbandry
50
India
Department initiated a piggery development programme. Efforts to
bring drinking water through pipes are also being made. Some more
persons are expected to be weaned from opium. Local handicrafts
like pottery, grass bead garland making is also being encouraged and
marketing facilities are being provided for these.
The expenditure made by the Forest Department on various
items together with the physical target proposed to be achieved
during the year 1979-1980, 1980-1981 and 1981-1982 are detailed
below:
Table 22. Budget for Forest Operations
Year
Item
Physical
1979-80 Land use survey

Terracing critically eroded agricultural land.
Pasture development
Afforestation
Raising seedlings
Stabilisation of slips
Bench terracing (higher slopes)
Building (OB Type)
Road construction (part)
Other items (stationery, stores etc.)
1.2 km
3ha
3 ha
25 ha
10,000
2 ha
5ha
4
0.3 km
Total
1980-81 Extension work

Land-use survey
Pasture development (maintenance)
Afforestation
Raising seedlings
Bench terracing
Bench terracing (higher slopes)
Water storage pond
Tea plantation, including terracing
Big cardamom plantation
Black pepper plantation
Nursery for cash crops and other species
Fruit plants
Avenue plantation
Road construction
Building construction (OB Type)
Other items (stationery, stores, vehicle maintenance).
Target
Financial
inRs.
4 sq km
3 sq km
3ha
122 ha
7,000
7.15 ha
4.75 ha
3
0.3 ha
6.25 ha
1.2 ha
1ha
1,500
348
0.9 km
3
Total
800
2,080
1,488
37,317
2,000
3,200
10,000
20,000
3,000
19,182
99,066
800
400
800
158,681
1,750
8,864
9,584
21,520
12,088
18,472
3,792
28,290
2,100
1,728
15,472
15,000
61,659
361,000
Contd ...
51

Table 22. (Contnued)
Year
Item
Physical
Target
Fi1llJncial
inRs.
1981-82 Extension work

Land use survey and preparation of working plan
Terracing eroded agricultural lands
Afforestation works
Supply seedlings to farmers
Stabilisation of slips
Contour bunding
Bench terracing
(a) lower slope
(b) higher slope
Water storage tank works
Big cardamom plantation
Nursery for cash crops and others
Fruit plants
Road works
Buildings (OB Type)
Other items (vehicle maintenance, stores, stationery
etc.)
7 km
6km
10km
50km
20,000
12 ha
18 ha
12 ha
10 ha
5
30 ha
1,000
1 km
3
Total
1,400
4,200
15,000
100,000
5,000
19,200
5,400
14,400
20,000
83,000
120,000
30,000
3,000
30,000
18,000
71,400
540,000
It is seen that the expenditure made in the three years was to
the tune of Rs.99,066, Rs.361,000 and Rs.540,000 respectively. The

total impact by development indicators can now be examined. The
programme has included setting up of a primary school which has
enrolled 38 children. The fair price shop has made essential commodities like rice, salt and sugar available to the people at cheap
rates. A health centre with a trained para-medical staff has also
been provided. A one kilometre road from the main road to the
plantation area has been built. Employment was provided to more
than 200 people in both farm and non-farm work. Efforts were
made to eradicate opium addiction among some persons. In the
"Food-For-Work Programme", rice was supplied to the people. All
these items reflect remarkable efforts on the part of the Forest
Department to attract the tribals to their main programme of introducing horticulture and perennial cropping so that their dependence on swidden cultivation is reduced.
52
India
The Forest Department started work in the area made
available by the village chief. Some terracing work has been undertaken. Similarly, some afforestation work has been done and in the
demonstration plot big cardamom, black pepper, fruit plant and
avenue trees have been put up. It does not, however, seem that
the tribals are very much impressed by this effort. Our investigations showed that none of the tribals have planted these trees in
their own lands. Since cardamom takes three years to fruit, the
tribals may not have realized its great possibilities in giving additional income as yet. Other plantations like that of black pepper,
tea, and fruit trees have not attracted much attention. May be it
is yet too early to expect a marked impact on the tribals. However,
the experiment needs to be watched closely. There is a need for
greater stress on the extension aspect of the programme. It would
be better if the Forest Department concentrates in a few areas over
a longer period of time rather than dissipating its energy in replicating the experiment in many more areas. The tribals' interest in the
programme up till now is confined to its employment potential
rather than in its possibilities to wean them away from swiddening.
Case Study of Resettlement Programme Among the Digaru Mishmi
The Digaru are one of the branches of the Mishmi tribe which
is spread over large parts of the Lohit District in Arunachal Pradesh.
They are among the second wave of emigrants from Burma who
came a little over 500 years ago. Their language bears close affinity
to that of Kachins and Chins of Burma. The Digaru are divided into
a number of clans and sub-clans. They are rather short-statured and
have very pronounced Mongoloid features.
They live in long houses scattered over wide areas. The
distance between two houses may be as much as half a mile. Sometimes a village might consist of solitary long house, thus by itself
forming a unit. The houses are often very long and large. A rich
man's house may be 100 feet long and 15 or more feet broad. A
passage runs from one end of the house to the other with a number
of small compartments opening into the corridor. Living in long
houses has led to the lack of strong social cohesion in the community. The village is not much of a social unit. A village of more
than a dozen houses is rare, and some villages have only one or two
long houses. Thus the real social unit is the long house.
53

The Mishmis are all agriculturists now but they practise the
most primitive type of agriculture. This is more so because they
live in an area which does not have much fertility. Unlike the
Wancho area, there is some idea of individual or family property
among the Digaru Mishmis. A household may own land within
the territorial boundary of the village or the clan. It has been
recorded by early scholars that there is not much distinction between
private land and clan land. This is attributed to the fact that the
households belonging to the same clan and the same village
descended from a common ancestor not very far back. As long as
a man continues to use the land reclaimed by him, it cannot be
taken away from him. Lands closer to a village are often put under
permanent cultivation. However, on higher altitudes, swidden cultivation is resorted to.
Unlike the Wancho, the Digaru Mishmi did not have strong
political organization. They do not have village chiefs or tribal councils. Men of wealth and wisdom use their influence in keeping
peace in the area. It is they who arbitrate in serious cases of dispute.
In cases of disputes between two clans, there was no acknowledged
mechanism for the administration of justice, and the parties have to
resort to self-help.
In swidden cultivation operations, women are more active than
men. In fact, men have no work after felling the trees and preparing
the jhum fields for sowing. From then on menfolk remain idle. It is
the women who carry on the different agricultural operations from
sowing to harvesting. It is they 'who sow the seeds with the help of
the digging stick. They occasionally use the hoe. Men only guard
the crops when they are ready. Since women provide labour, there
is premium on polygyny. Idleness and extensive use of opium has
sapped the strength of men and made them indolent.
In this state of affairs, it was not possible to administer them
effectively and the fruits of development could not be made available
to them. It was, therefore, thought necessary that they should be
brought to the foot-hills and re-located in sizeable villages so that the
administration could take steps for their social, economic and educational development. This was, of course, a long and difficult process
since it was not merely the replacement of the mode of production
but it also involved a change in the life style and value system of the
people. It is gratifying to note that the entire process has worked
54
India
out smoothly and the people did not experience any serious problems of adjustment. This was on account of careful planning and
efficient implementation of resettlement work by well-defined
stages and through the help of indigenous leaders. In this task, the
administrators, politicians, and social workers worked hand in hand.
In 1972, a detailed survey of some of the villages situated just
above the foot-hills about 10 kms. from the district headquarters
was taken up. This led to the formulation of the resettlement project. It was decided to bring together people living in seven traditional villages, viz., Tayengku, Duraliang, Tafrogam, J ogam,
Bothaliang, Khorailiang and Tajuligam. In the year 1973, development workers used to visit these villages and impressed upon their
leaders the desirability of settling in one village on the plains. They
were also told that the new settlement would entirely be made by
them. The Government would provide them all possible help. One
advantage which the people perceived in having a resettlement
colony close to their traditional villages was that they were not
required to break off their links with these villages all at once. The
people of these villages agreed to take advantage of the Government
offer. By slow degrees, the people of different villages began to work
for the Government on daily wages to reclaim about 1,200 acres of
land on both sides of the road. The reclaimed area included the land
meant for housing.
In these entire operations, the Deputy Commissioner of Lohit
district worked in close collaboration with Shri Soben Tayeng, the
then Counsellor and now Member of the Lok Sabha (Parliament) and
Shri Bamtingso Tayeng, Sodo-Cultural Organiser. Both of them
belong to the Tayenku village. The government of Arunachal
Pradesh allotted fund to the Agriculture Department for the resettlement colony. The new colony came to be known as Tafrogam after
the name of one of the traditional villages from which the new
settlers came.
In the local dialect Ta/ra means undulating surface and Cam

means village. As a matter of fact, the old village of Tafrogam. was
situated on a nearby hill slope and correctly conveyed' the local
meaning. The present site of the new settlement is, however, quite
plain and ideally suited for settled cultivation. When the project
began, this area was full of thick jungles and large herds of elephants
55

were seen at that place. Although the building of the new settlement
was the responsibility of the Agriculture Department, the general
administration and local leaders did lend their hand. Among the
staff of the Agriculture Department who were sincerely devoted to
the task, mention may be made of the Village Level Worker and the
Surveyor. The Deputy Commissioner himself took keen interest in
the resettlement programme and saw to it that administrative delays
were reduced to the minimum.
Since all the land was cleared for agriculture by the people
themselves, they felt strong attachment to the new settlement. The
allotment of land was controlled by the Government. Each head of
household was allowed to take a minimum of two acres and a maximum of thirty acres according to the size of the family and the
working capacity of the members of the household. For clearing
the jungle they were paid at the rate of Rs.200/- per acre. The big
timber trees were sold by auction by the Forest Department. When
the work began, the tribals used to come down from the hills to
clear the jungle and go back to their houses. Some staff of theAgriculture Department stayed at the village site for survey and
looking after the demonstration plots. Gradually, the tribals got
acquainted with the methods of settled cultivation. At first, only
dry crops were taken up. In course of time, a streamlet at a distance
of 7 kms. from the village was dammed and pipelines were laid to
make irrigation water available to the new settlement. Soon, almost
all the families from the seven villages came down to the new settlement and built their houses themselves in the traditional pattern.
Each family was paid a sum of Rs.2000/- for the construction of
the house. However, this was not sufficient and most of them had
to spend another thousand rupees for building a house according to
their needs and liking. Residential plots were allotted according to
the plan. Houses were built on both sides of the street which were
later on connected with all weather road with district headquarters
at Teju. The new settlement was inaugurated by the Lieutenant
Governor, in 1975.
By 1979, the water supply scheme was completed. 8" pipes
were laid for the purposes of irrigation. Thus, plots which were not
far from the pipe-line were given water for wet-rice cultivation. As
wet-rice cultivation involves complex procedures, Agriculture Department staff demonstrated all the processes from seed preparation,
56
India
field ploughing and transplantation up to harvesting and threshing.
The Village Level Worker went from door to door to involve people
and train them in the use of the new techniques.
Now some of the households in the village practise wet-rice
cultivation along with dry .crops. Even high yielding varieties are
being used by the tribals. The Agriculture Department supplies
fertilizers at 75 per cent subsidy and seeds at 50 per cent subsidy.
For the purchase of bullocks, 50 per cent subsidy is given. However,
only a few cultivators have purchased bullocks, as the departmental
tractor is lent to the tribals for ploughing. The people of Tafrogam
do not employ labourers from outside or rent out their lands for
wet-rice cultivation. The Agriculture Department supplies all the
requirements of tools and implements. It also provides periodical
training in plant protection and other techniques. For this purpose,
instructors from the Farmers' Training School at Kherem come.
When the cultivators are sent for training anywhere else, they are
paid a sum of Rs.I0/- per day. In addition to the settled cultivation,
most of the new settlers sometimes go to their traditional villages
and collect whatever produce they can from their old plots. They
have not as yet given up their claims on their earlier holdings.
It is interesting and useful to study the impact of the change
on the life of the people. It may be mentioned that the new settlers
came from villages which were not situated on a very high altitude.
All the seven traditional villages were situated at an elevation of
between 2000 to 3000 feet. Due to the growth of population, the
Jhum cycle has been reduced to 5 to 7 years. They were also
experiencing difficulty on account of low yield from the land. On the
hills, they used to grow marua, maize, kochu, sweet potato, tapioca,
chillies, and coarse rice. Among the vegetables, they produced
potatoes, brinjals, bhindi (okra), kaddu (gourd), kohra (gourd). In
addition, they produced some quantities of mustard, turmeric and
ginger. By the use of the new agricultural technology, the tribals
have seen that it is possible to produce much more grain per acre.
The average quantity of grain produced by the Jhum method was
3/4 quintals per acre. Now with settled cultivation people are able
to get 5 to 8 quintals per acre from the dry rice cultivation and 8 to
10 quintals per acre from the wet-rice cultivation. By using the high
yielding varieties of seed, some tribals have also got 15 quintals of
paddy per acre. The enhanced yield has lifted them above the
57

subsistence level. In addition to rice, they are now producing some
cash crops like mustard and ginger. They are also producing large
quantities of fruits such as orange, pineapple, and banana. They have
taken up the cultivation of maize, millet, sweet potato, pulses like
arhar, moong etc, sugarcane, sesamum, onion, garlic, green peas, and
even wheat. The District Agriculture Officer collects all the cash
crops and sends it to Tinsukia by a departmental vehicle for sale.
The department charges at the rate of Rs.ll/- per quintal as freight.
Some of the villagers also go on the vehicle and sell the cash crops at
maximum price. In 1982, the produce of the sale of mustard from
this area was as high as Rs.200,000. The fruits grown in their village
are sold in the neighbouring district town.
The bulk of the people in Tafrogam are not able to take advantage of wet-rice cultivation because of the insufficient supply of
water for irrigation. To remove this difficulty, the Central P.W.D.
is shortly laying 24" pipeline from a nearby Micro-hydel project.
However, even dry paddy cultivation has led to a general improvement in the standard of living. The surplus paddy is either sold in
the market or given as loan to people from the interior hill villages.
The Mishmi are very lavish in spending on celebrations of
different rites and rituals including those of birth, marriage and
death. On each occasion, they give feasts to their kinsfolk for which
mithuns (Bos Frontalis), pigs and fowls are killed. A good quantity
of rice is also used for making rice beer.
Despite the socio-cultural constraints detailed above, settled
cultivation has bestowed upon the people a new quality of life and
their level of aspirations has gone up. Exposure to outside
influences, the impact of education and nearness of district headquarters have opened new opportunities for them. 20 per cent of
the households get a surplus from their agricultural produce. Besides
these, a number of people from the village are in Government employment. There are 12 employees in the grade IV and 3 in grade Ill.
Some of them continue to live in the village while others visit the
village off and on to supplement the income of the family. The new
agricultural technology has made it possible for them to grow high
yielding varieties of such crops as paddy, wheat, maize, potato,
pulses, oilseeds and sugarcane. In the year 1982-1983, ten acres
were used for growing orange and 17 acres for growing pineapple.
58
India
The consumption of chemical fertilizers has also grown over the
years.
One cultivator raised a crop of 35 quintals in 3 acres in wetrice cultivation. In 1981, besides getting 40 quintals of paddy in
the irrigated patch of 3 acres, he gathered a harvest of 12 quintals
of wheat, 9 quintals of mustard, and 15 quintals of paddy through
dry cultivation. In 1982, he got 35 quintals through wet-rice cultivation and 10 quintals of mustard and 10 quintals of potato through
dry cultivation.
The government has concentrated a large number of developmental activities in this village. There are pig, goat, and dairy farms
in the village~ People are encouraged to get loans to start such
farms from the State Bank of India. In each house, beneath platforms used as floor, pigs and poultry are kept in separate enclosures.
These are looked after by women, and are treated as women's wealth.
However, the improved breed of poultry could not survive and the
poultry farm has now been deserted. This is on account of the fact
that no staff was provided to look after the farm and the birds died
on account of wrong feed which caused a disease. The local breed
is immune to that disease. Improved pigs could be seen in each
house. Piglings are available on 50 per cent subsidy basis from the
pig farm in the village. There are arrangements for cross-breeding
the local breed with the improved breed. Formerly, the tribesmen
did not take any milk. Now villagers and government staff living in
the village are supplied milk from a dairy maintained by the government. Since milk is now readily available and the tribals can afford
to buy it, it is used in most of the households. Arrangement has
been made to provide one hydrant for each house.
People in this village have been quite enthusiastic about
education. It seems that even while living in the traditional villages
they had craving for education with the result that the village can
now boast of two college graduates, two higher secondary graduates,
and 4 matriculates. 15 students from the village are in t-he hostel of
the Higher Secondary School at Tezu. The village has a pre-primary
as well as a primary school. The pre-primary school was established
in 1982. Out of a total enrolment of 18, two thirds are boys and the
rest are girls. In the primary school, the total enrolment is 65 out of
whom 52 are tribals. Among the tribals, there are 39 boys and 13
59

girls. It is seen that after Class Ill, the number of tribal pupils begins
to fall. There are 7 girls from this village in the Vivekanand Girls
Middle School which is located at a distance of 3 kms. on the hills.
There are 6 students from this village in the Vivekanand Kendriya
Vidyalaya at Sonpura. There is also one student in the Special
Central School in Delhi.
In the new village, there are people from various clans. Out of
the 85 households, 47 belong to the Tayeng Clan and 7 to BelL
Other clans are Doo, Moro, Tunda, Sai, Siba, Thale, etc. None of
these has more than 5 members each. The total population is 508;
the average family size is 6. The size of the holding differs from 3
acres to 37 acres of dry land. 11 families have more than 10 acres of
dry land. At present, 19 families practise wet-rice cultivation in
addition to dry cultivation. The wet holdings range between 2 to 5
acres. The total land available for rice cultivation is 52 acres. This
is likely to go up when irrigation water from the 24" pipeline is made
available. Only 19 families keep domestic cattle. The total number
of cattle in the village is 46. As mentioned earlier, the main credit
for the coming up of the resettlement colony and its growth on
the right lines goes to two leaders, Mr. Sobeng Tayeng and
Mr. Bramtingso Tayeng. It is to them that the settlers always looked
up for advice and guidance in all matters. Sobeng Tayeng has been
one such leader. He was born in 1941 and passed the Matriculation
examination from Tezu High School in 1963. He passed his B.A.
from Benaras Hindu University in 1967. He was a member of Social
Advisory Board of NEFA and also Vice-president of All Arunachal
Pradesh Student Union. From 1967 to 1969, he was employed in
the Planning Department in NEFA Secretariat for ten months in
1971. In 1972 he was appointed Councillor-in-charge of Forest
Industry and Co-operation. When Arunachal Pradesh became a
state in 1975, he became Minister for Forest, Industry and Agriculture. He continued as Minister for four years. Now, he is a Congress
(I) M.P. He has a large modern looking house in Tafrogam.
The other leader is Bramtingso Tayeng. He was also born in
1941. He was educated in Tezu. In 1957-1958, he was deputed to
the Teacher's Training Institute at Margherita for Hindi Teacher's
Training Course. Thereafter, he was appointed a primary school
teacher in the Lohit district. He also opened five new L.P. Schools.
From 1965-1972, he worked as Local Dialect Translator for the
60
India
Digaru Mishmi dialect. In 1973, he was appointed Social and
Cultural Organiser and is still serving in that capacity. In 1962, he
was awarded a silver medal by the Governor of Assam for
meritorious service. In 1975-1976, he was awarded a second silver
medal. He is keenly interested in agricultural development and is
closely connected with all social institutions and local affairs. He
is very forward looking and is widely travelled. He is able to devote
the bulk of his time for development of his own village.
Looking back at this case of a successful attempt at resettlement of a tribal community, we are in a position to answer some of
the questions that are usually raised on this issue. In this particular
case, the people of the seven traditional villages were not entirely
isolated, they were exposed to outside influences on account of some
of their own members who had gone out for employment or for
education. Thus, they did not offer any resistence to moving down
the hills provided they were given land, housing, and other facilities
by the government. They had also the advantage of receiving
guidance from the two local leaders mentioned above. In addition to
this their minds were constantly prepared for change by visits and
discussions with government officers. The people had known the
advantages of settled cultivation and they chose the new alternative.
This shows that all people have an inner urge to better their quality
of life. In fact, the poor have no compulsion to stay poor. Swiddening only provided them with bare subsistence. On the other
hand, settled cultivation held promises of a surplus which could be
used for improvement of their standard of living and also for meeting
their kinship obligations in a better way.
The people who moved out did not completely sever their
links with their old villages. They still go there for hunting and to
collect whatever produce they can from the jhum fields. All the
people from these villages moved to the new settlement. None was
left behind. Each head of the household was anxious to take maximum advantage from the new opportunity.
Social anthropologists have often asserted that the tribals are
very devoted to the deities and rituals and on account of these they
are bound to the hills. It is true that swiddening is not merely an
agricultural practice but a way of life. The change from swiddening
to settled cultivation involves a change in the nature of ownership of
61
land. In the Digaru Mishmi area, however, tribals had some notion of
private property and land and, therefore, it was not advantageous for
them to get land registered in their own names in the new settlement.
The religious rituals still continue to be performed as of old. None
of their festivals seem to have been connected with the swiddening
calendar.
The change seems to have affected the role of women. It has
been observed above that the entire agricultural operations after the
preparation of the ground for sowing are carried on by women. In
settled cultivation, however, with the use of the p4>ugh or the
tractor, women have a reduced role in agriculture. It is now possible
for them to give more time to the rearing of pigs, poultry and goats.
It has given them some more leisure than before, The work-load of
men has certainly increased. They have not only to look after
agricultural operations, but also to manage the sale of their surplus of
agricultural produce. They have to give some more time for learning
the new techniques of agriculture. They are also busy with managing
their own affairs with the help of the new Panchayat (village council)
for which an election was held in September 1983. In this election,
8 persons have been elected as members of Gram Panchayat, 5 of
them belonging to the Tayeng clan and 3 belonging to the minor
clans in the village. One of these members has also become a Member of the Anchal Panchayat.
Since there was no system of hereditary chiefs in this community, the democratic system of elections has been welcomed by
them. The face of the Leadership is turned towards change. They
are taking advantage of the subsidy made available to them through
the Intensive Rural Development Programme (IRDP). They have
received loans from the State Bank of India for the purchase of seeds
and implements. They seem to be anxious for attaining a higher
standard of living. Some of the villagers have also taken to petty
business like running flour-mills, and contract work. Two ultra
modem houses have come up and the third one is half complete.
The people are satisfied that they have themselves opted for settled
cultivation which held promises of a better future. They are happy
that by their own labour and through the help of the government,
they have achieved their desired goal. They, however, are anxious
for further improvement. They feel that the school needs expansion
and that better drinking water facilities should be available.
62
India
Outlook for the Future and Theoretical Implications
This study was undertaken to view the problem of swidden

cultivation from the twin perspective of culture and environment.
Faced by the problem of development and anxious to better the
quality of life, administrators and planners tend to overlook the
cultural imperatives. Communities, on the other hand, confronted
by hunger tend to destroy the forests in the absence of any other
satisfactory means of making a living. Sometimes too much concern
with the environment may lead to complete neglect of a people's
culture. However, culture itself cannot survive unless people can
cope with problems of environmental degradation.
An attempt has been made in this study not only to look at
both the aspects of the problem but also try to find out how people
themselves view the situation. It may be said that swidden cultivation is not a practice peculiar only to the primitive tribes. Evidence
from Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Republic of Korea seems to contradict
this stereotype. In Sri Lanka it is practised by the Sinhala speaking
people. In the Republic of Korea, in the northern most part, it is
practised by those people who escape to the mountains for political,
economic and religious reasons. In Thailand, swiddeners have been
largely identified with opium cultivators. Similarly, in Arunachal
Pradesh, the practice is widespread on account of the non-availability
of land for settled cultivation. Traditional swidden cultivators like
the Nishi carry on wet-rice cultivation in small patches in narrow
valleys. Given plain land along with agricultural inputs, the Digaru
Mishmi have, in course of 5 years, been converted into the settled
cultivators. Thus, swiddening is not a synonym for backwardness
either agricultural or cultural.
Swidden cultivation cannot be viewed as only an economic
activity since all economic relations are set in a social framework.
Each case of swiddening has to be studied in its specific historical,
physiographic, and socio-political context. Swiddening among the
Wancho is closely integrated with their political and social systems.
The chief holds absolute power over land communally owned; and he
distributes land to heads of households according to their needs as
well as their capacity to cultivate the land. Since no private ownership of land is acknowledged, there is no incentive among the people
63

to develop the land. Endemic wars and raids in the past increased
the power of the chief. If people had to supplement their income, it
was only through working as casual daily labourers either in road
construction work or in forest plantations. Their social system too
was inextricably woven with the politico-economic structure.
We did not find swidden cultivation to be uneconomical. It
could be so had other alternatives been available. In the Wancho
case, people had no choice. Swiddening is the only possible way left
to them to get subsistence. And it is hard to say that their practice
has destroyed the environment. The area in which the Wancho
practise swiddening is very open; therefore, the question of pollution
of the air does not occur. On account of the long period of fallow,
vegetation comes up. The Wancho did not destroy the roots of big
trees, and therefore these regenerate in no time. To check soil
erosion and the formation of gullies by fast flow of the water down
hill, sometimes logs of wood are placed on the slopes and it is seen
that the furrows are horizontal and not vertical. People are aware of
the dangers of soil erosion and they see to it that it is reduced to the
mInImum.
Since swidden cultivation cannot be stopped by constant
condemnation, it is imperative to think of a positive policy towards
it. We have, therefore, to think of scientific swiddening. On the
basis of empirical knowledge gained by the people themselves
through centuries and knowledge gained through researches on high
altitude cultivation, improvements ought to be introduced. In any
situation of man-environment interaction, some exploitation is always
implied. Therefore, some damage to the environment is inevitable
no matter what form of agriculture people practise. Some form of
environmental exploitation is always needed for the survival of people.
Swiddening has been differently perceived by academic
experts, administrators and people. Some agricultural experts feel
that it is very wasteful system of land use as it leads to continuous
depletion of scarce forest resources, affects rainfall, causes washing
down of the sub-soil, leads to floods and generally adversely affects
the environment. However, some other experts hold that this form
of cultivation is the most pragmatic approach to the ecological
compulsions of a given region. It may be the only possible method
of land use in a particular area. This is also the view of the bulk
of the people practising swidden cultivation among the Wancho.
64
India
Government officials, on the other hand, are intrigued by the practice as it creates special difficulties for them in bringing education,
health and other social services to the scattered population. Forest
officials look at it as an unmitigated evil. They regard that the
tribals are destroying forests with a vengeance. Forests are essential
not only for the present generation but for the coming generations
as well. If the forests are gone, not only will the environment be
poorer but the climate would change and there will be a great deal of
suffering. However, the alternative that they suggest for the people
who have hitherto practised swiddening involves a change in work
habits, patterns of ownership, and established processes of political
control and decision making.
Our own view is that the correct approach to the problem of
swidden cultivation lies in accepting it not as a "necessary evil",
but in recognising it as a "way of life", It should not be condemned
as an evil practice but regarded as a technique evolved by the people
in their effort to meet the challenges of the difficult physiography.
For a long time, the practice has been condemned as a case to be
ashamed of and as a kind of vandalism that has to be stopped at all
costs. This attitude breeds inferiority complex and unhealthy atmosphere for launching the so-called development schemes to control or
stop swiddening. Since the whole life of the people revolves round
swiddening throughout the area, there is intermeshing between economy and culture. Any step, therefore, to deal with the situation
should be based on a detailed study of the agricultural methods and
the social implications of jhuming. Any programme of agricultural
reform based on the total stoppage of the time-honoured system is
likely to lead to a breakdown of their norms resulting in a societal
crisis. Swiddening is a form of co-operative, communal farming
while permanent cultivation like wet-rice cultivation turned people
towards private ownership. This in itself would lead to a disturbance
of old traditions.
Mahapatra (1979:9) proposed a four fold classification of
swidden cultivation. The Wancho present an instance of the first
type i.e. those who subsist by exclusive dependence. In this no other
type of cultivation is practised since the land for settled cultivation is
just not available. The technology is very simple and division of
labour is based only on age and sex. For the Wancho, swidden is the
only method of cultivation as it is adapted to their topography,
climate, and manpower resources. Land is owned by the village. It is
65

apportioned by the chief of heads of households according to the
manpower available with them. The capital investment is minimal.
The only labour available is the household manpower. A large
variety of crops are grown including rice, millets, pulses, vegetables,
and fruits. There is no risk of total crop failure. 'As the crops ripen
at different times of the year some food supply is assured round the
year.
It is seen that Wancho children from the age of eleven start
their life as swidden cultivators. They have inherited this system
from their forefathers. They did not know any alternative technique.
Most of the people do not think that this system is bad, nor are they
aware of its evils. Tradition ordains that full-grown trees are not to
be uprooted. Only the big branches are lopped off. Sometimes big
logs are placed at different levels to prevent soil from being washed
down. In addition to this the jhum cycle is still 10 to 11 years
during which time the different plots recuperate their fertility and
the forests are regenerated. The swiddeners also dislike the idea of
being resettled somewhere else. They are in favour of in-situ development. The total population in the area is still small, even though
the density of population among the Wancho is among the highest
in Arunachal Pradesh. Even the village leaders do not regard swiddening as bad for the environment. They are, however, in favour of
better farming methods. Members of the Anchal Samitz" however,
realized that swiddening causes soil erosion. They also realize that in
swiddening the yield is lower than in permanent cultivation. However, with some fertilizer input, the produce per acre of swidden
does not compare very unfavourably with the produce in the wet
cultivated areas. It is interesting to find that the Anchal Samz"ti
members thought that the swiddeners might go in for alternative
sources of income. Two of their worst problems are communication
and illiteracy. The Samiti members are indeed forward looking and
they are not generally attached too much to their customary practices. The development officers, on the other hand, in a large measure, think that swidden cultivation is bad for the environment as
it causes soil erosion and its yields are lower than those in permanent
cultivation.
It would be useful to have a look at the economics of swidden
cultivation. It has been indicated by Saha (1970) that this system of
cultivation can maintain at least 18 to 22 persons per sq. km. The
66
India
density of population in the Wancho area is only 12 at present. So,
for few decades swidden cultivation can continue in the area. However, it leaves little surplus for upliftment of the people in the area.
It has very little scope for specialization as diverse crops are sown in
a single plot of land. Even if some surplus is generated by some
households, the scope for investment in agriculture is limited. Improved agricultural tools and implements and the desire to invest
in agriculture is hemmed by lack of opportunity. Improved agricultural'tools and instruments and seeds suitable for these areas are yet
to be evolved. Since there is no suitable avenue for investment, the
surplus wealth of some affluent farmers is diverted to procure more
wives, more mz"thuns, ornaments, opium, guns and transistors. It has
been noted above that swiddening is associated with traditional communal ownership of land. Whatever right the household has on its
plot of land is suspended as soon as its members stop cultivation. As
such swiddening provides hardly any motivation to the cultivators.
It is based on low technology and under utilization of human resources. Mostly primitive tools are used. In the Wancho area the
ripe grain is picked up by hand. The sickle is largely unknown. It is
pointed out that swidden cultivation by itself fails to provide food to
the farmers who have to supplement their earning by hunting and
food gathering and also by full-time employment as casual labourers.
Any attempt to solve this problem has to be two dimensional.
The first relates to adoption of methods designed to curtail it and
second, to eliminate its harmful effects. Both these aspects may
differ from area to area and therefore, no generalization may be
advanced. There is, however unanimity on the question of encouraging scientific swidden cultivation. For instance, the cut tree-trunks
may be placed across the slopes to reduce the velocity of running
water. This will prevent soil erosion to a large extent. Secondly, the
cultivators may be advised to make furrows across the slope rather
than along it. This will also counter soil erosion and would help the
retention of moisture. Thirdly, the planting of leguminous and other
crops may have immediate effect of regenerating vegetation and
binding the soil. In areas where the slope is not very steep, terraces
can be made. Along with this, horticulture may be encouraged and
cultivators be urged to adopt afforestation scheme. Many cash crops
like cardamom, black pepper, coffee plants etc. have at least a three
year gestation period. Pineapple, orange, and banana plantation may
also be promoted in these areas. However ultimately, the marketing
67
of these products will have to be made by state sponsored organisations. Communication difficulties are a big depressant. These efforts
may be supplemented by livestock and poultry farming. In suitable
areas, bee keeping and silk worm rearing may also be encouraged.
The efforts made by the Forest Department to control swiddening through some of their schemes had not been very successful.
The cardamom, pepper and coffee plantation in some of the villages
are looked upon by the tribals as an avenue of employment as casual
labourers of the Forest Department. The plantations are on the
lands given by the village chief. None of these plantations are,
therefore, regarded as the property of any household and therefore,
no personal interest is involved. This can only be done if there is
some change in the ownership of land. This at the present time seems
unlikely. The other difficulty is about three year gestation period
during which the food requirements of the households are to be met.
Our experience in the Digaru Mishmi area in the neighbouring
district of Lohit has been very encouraging. There, the situation has
been somewhat different. This tribe lived on the lower slopes and
could easily move down to the foot-hills, as soon as the government
resettlement colony came to be established. Here land was available
and private ownership was given to individual families. In course of
time, the tribals made the plain land cultivable. House-sites and building subsidies were also given to them. Infrastructural facilities were
also made available. They had the advantage of enlightened leadership. They were also very close to the district headquarters which
ensured continued presence and supervision of district level development officials. The tribals took advantage of the situation.
Though attached to the practice of swidden cultivation, they gave it
up because the alternative was more tempting.
This research exercise yielded valuable dividends in terms of
theoretical insights which are listed below:
.
1.
Swiddening has become a problem since the concerns of the
wider society are impinging on the life of people living in little communities. Hitherto these little communities have been largely isolated
from the larger populations. With the development of communications and the consequent process of integration of the little communities with the wider society, it is no longer possible for people in the
68
India
simpler SOcIetIes to carry on their actIvItIes in a way as if they
existed in a closed society. In the areas where swiddening is done
there are enormous forest resources. These resources are no longer
considered the preserve of the communities who live nearby. They
are regarded as the wealth of the state and as such the latter sees to it
that they do not want only to be destroyed. If no steps are taken, in
a few generations, all the forests would disappear leading to adverse
climatic consequences. However, in order to protect the forest, it is
not necessary to ban swiddening altogether. Effective steps need be
taken to strike a balance between the claims of the wider society and
the interests of the little communities.
2.
It is argued that in primitive societies, the prime determinants
of behaviour are social rather than economic. However, the primacy
of social factors has not been explicitly argued in relation to the
determination of production and resource allocation in primitive
societies.
Anthropologists concede that economic variables are
important and they do take notice of economic, ecological, and
technological data. However, in a dynamic society, it seems that
economic rationality has been separated from cultural considerations.
This has largely been made possible by the introduction of cash
crops. Food provides only subsistence but cash takes care of much
more and it is a valuable lever to raise the standard of living. If
people take to cash crops it may be a big motivation to give up
swiddening.
3.
There is a need to find a middle range view somewhere between the environmental and cultural determinism. It has been
shown that wherever a satisfactory alternative has been provided,
cultural considerations do not pose an insuperable barrier to change.
This has been seen in the case of the Digaru Mishmi. It has been seen
in the two villages of Zedua and Rusa in the Wancho area where
some plain land is available for wet-rice cultivation. In both these
villages some Wancho people have taken to the new method of rice
production. The bulk of the people in the Wancho area are not
taking to select cultivation since the alternatives are not available and
those that are available in the form of swidden cultivation control
measures are not satisfactory because of the long gestation period
of the cash crops and the absence of private ownership in land.
4.
It must be noted that wherever some agriculture is carried on
there is some exploitation of the environment resulting in degradation
69
Swidden cultvaton n Asa
of the soil. It may be argued that on account of the thin coverage of soil on the hills, erosion may be faster, and the degradation
may be quicker and total. However, suitable steps may be devised to
arrest the process of soil erosion by introducing such crops that
hold the soil in a better way. Some relief may also be provided to
people through reduction of the pressure on land by the introduction
of well designed programmes of animal husbandry.
It is necessary to probe deeper into the conditions that promote
5.
swiddening and allow it to persist in different areas. Since conditions
differ from area to area a different mix of steps may be necessary to
deal with the situation.
6.
We may also have to decide that if we condemn swiddening at
all, do we condemn all its different varieties or only some kinds of it?
This is essential because the harm ultimately done to the ecology in
each variety is different.
At the end of study, we are in a position to make suggestions
for further work in this area. In the limited perspective which we
adopted for this study it was not possible to cover all aspects of the
problem. Later researchers might take them up according to their
interest and resources.
1.
The emc perspective of the quality of environment and the
quality of life should be worked out in greater detail. The quality of
the environment should be examined in terms of the value system of
swiddeners. This will throw some light on the debate whether they
should retain their ways or should we change them to our ways. If
they are to change, should they bring about the change themselves?
We have to know what they want. We should also know as to who
determines the direction in which they would move.
2.
What happens to the cultural norms of the swiddeners when
they take up to permanent cultivation? This is important in view of
the fact that their entire life revolves round the practice of swiddening.
3.
A change in the agricultural practice leads to a change in the
relationship between man and land. The agriculturist is bound to
his land by spiritual and religious ties. In course of time, with permanent cultivation, land might become only an economic asset completely devoid of any religious or spiritual substance.
70
India
4.
It would be necessary to examine, in this context, the internal
dynamics in each society and analyse if internal forces can themselves
promote evolutionary changes.
5.
There should be an inventory of swiddening techniques among
ethnic groups working in different environments. This knowledge
can' provide solutions or spread knowledge to countries where
swiddening is still practised. This would generate ideas on improving
swiddening rather than replacing it with permanent cultivation. This
seems necessary as modem agronomy does not pay attention to
improving swiddening.
6.
In areas where there is a shortage of plain agricultural land,
one should examine if the hill slopes can better be utilised for
swiddening than allowing it to remain forested.
7.
The possibility of large scale joint research project which could
bring together social and natural scientists for the study of swiddening may be explored.
8.
It would be useful to examine the stage at which economic
imperatives override cultural norms and where single rationality is
replaced by alternative rationality.
71
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bose S., Ghatak S. et al.

1982 "Shifting Cultivation in India" in K.S. Singh, ed.,
Economies of the Tribes and their Transformation.
New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
Dutta, P.C.
1981
"Cultural and Historical Background of the Wanchos

of Arunachal Pradesh." In North-Eastern Times,
Gauhati, Nov. - Dec. 1981.
Dutta Choudhary, S. ed.

1980 Trap District Gazetteer.
Arunachal Pradesh.
Shillong: Government of
Mahapatra, L.K.
1979 "Country Statement" (fudia). In Research Design:
A Comperative Study on Swidden Cultivation in
Asza. Bangkok: Unesco.
Pal, B.N.
1980
"Some Economic Aspects of Tribal Agriculture."

In L.P. Vidyarthi and B.N. Sahay, eds., Applied
Anthropology and Development in Indza. New Delhi:
National Publishing House.
Ramakrishnan, P.S. Toky, a.p. et al.

1978 "Slash and Bum Cultivation in North-Eastern India."
Proceedings of the Conference on Fire Regimes and
Eco-System Properties. Honolulu, Hawaii.
Sachchidananda, Pathak, K.N.
1983 "India" in Swidden Cultivation in Asia, Vo!. 11,
Bangkok: Unesco, pp. 1-107.
Saha, N.
1970
"Carrying Capacity of Shifting Cultivation." Indzan

Journal of Agricultural Economies, Bombay, Vo!.
XXV, no. 3.
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India
Saikia, P.D.
1982
"A Note on Shifting Cultivation in North-Eastern

India." In K.S. Singh, ed., Economies of the Tribes
and Their Transformation. New Delhi: Concept
Publishing Company.
Srivastava, L.R.N.
1973 Among the Wanchos of Arunachal Pradesh. Research
Department, Shillong: Arunachal Pradesh Administration.
Thangam, E.S.
1982 Shtfting Cultt"vation Control Programme
Area. Intanagar: Forest Department.
tn
Wanchos
Wadia, F.K.
1980
"Control of Shifting Cultivation in the North-Eastern

Region." In T. Mathew, ed., Tribal Economy of the
North-Eastern Region. Gauhati: Spectrum Publications.
73
Chapter Two
INDONESIA
Satyawati Hadi
Soetrisno Hadi
and Rachmat Hidayat
Introduction
I.
Overview of Swidden Cultivation in Indonesia
Swidden cultivation, as is the .ase in many tropical countries,

has been practised in Indonesia since the beginning of the 19th
century. The oldest traceable information was known as early as
1827.
In general, pnmltlve upland swiddeners, planted root
tubers (sweet potatoes and jam) and lowlanders planted sago palm.
However, the more developed upland swiddeners considered
upland rice to be essential, whereas the lowlanders considered
swamp rice or floating rice more suitable for their staple food. In
Sumatra and Kalimantan, the high-Ianders planted rice whereas in
Irian J aya, they planted sweet potatoes.
Coconut and sugar palm were important species planted by
the swiddeners in Aceh (Hagen, 1903). Pepper and rattans were
preferred in Lampung Qongejans, 1918). In eastern part of Indonesia, especially Maluku, the swiddeners planted spices, as the products
were much wanted by foreign countries and thus had a good price.
Unlike most swiddeners in other tropical countries, the swiddeners in some places in Indonesia had practised animal husbandry.
Almost all tribal population eat pork. Non ruminants such
as chicken were important to the primitive tribes in Kalimantan, Sumatra and Irian J aya. In some cases, domesticated pigs may
become a measure of individual wealth and prestige. The
cultivation of sweet potatoes and the circulation of cowrie shell
money, are also part of the native economy of Irian J aya.
74
Indonesia
The large animals like buffalo and cattle are indeed raised by
more developed swiddeners, primarily either as draught animals or
for their manure. Buffalo and bullock were used by the Batak people for ploughing the soil before cultivation (Brenner, 1894). In
Sumatra, Kalimantan and east Nusa Tenggara, large animals may
become important for cash income or for their social status.
Swidden cultivation is practised when there is ample forest
land relative to the number of peoples. It was more common when
the farm site was relatively poor and therefore permanent traditional
agriculture was not possible. These are probably the reasons why
swidden cultivation at present is not practised in Java.
Inaccessibility of the area is another reason why swidden cultivation is still practised on different parts of Sumatra, Kalimantan,
Sulawesi and Irian Jaya. Much less, if any, new technological inputs
in farming such as the use of improved varieties, fertilizer, pesticides,
and poor knowledge of crop rotation causes the people to keep
practising swidden cultivation due to isolation of the area. The
extreme case is exemplified in such areas as Irian J aya, where the
road system is ~till poor as compared to the one in Java.
In many cases, the swiddeners are subsistence farmers, producing food stuff barely enough for their family. Additional income
may be obtained by collecting forest products. Shortage of food
stuff may be supplemented by cultivating taro, jam, cassava, bamboo
shoot or banana. Some swiddeners cultivate cash crops such as
banana, sugar cane, tobacco, pineapple, fruit trees, coconut, sugar
palm, pepper, or rattan.
Trading was, up to 40 years ago, in the form of silent barter
between the Kubus and the Malays (Loeb, 1972). The Kubu use to
leave their products in the bush or on the ground and come back
later to gather what the Malay returned in exchange. The next
development in trade was the practice of a "common barter", where
the buyer meets the seller to mutually exchange the products. The
third phase occurred when a certain product was used as a medium
of exchange, such as tobacco among the Asmatters (Tenison, 1975),
or shell money among the Kapauku (Pospisil, 1963).
Interaction with different ethnic groups resulted in the introduction of culture by dominant groups, including the language, the
social organization, the religion and sometimes economic mode and
75
individual belief. The Dayak, one of the indigenous tribes of Kalimantan, for instance, used to live by gathering food in the forest and
hunting. Communication with people from other islands in Indonesia (Sulawesi, Timor, Sumatra) allowed the Dayak to learn new agricultural practices along the big river valley and coastal zones. Rice
cultivation was then adopted which became their staple food.
During the last decades, the swiddeners are exposed to modern
life through the activities of logging operations. Skilled labour
coming from other parts of Indonesia as well as from abroad has
introduced new skills and changed their attitudes. The local ethnic
group also makes contact with them through selling their produce
and forest products or through employment.
Social interaction between ethnic groups has resulted in the
adoption of swidden cultivation by the more developed ethnic
groups who moved into the region such as the Javanese who moved
out to other islands. Similarly, Buginese, Banjarese and other tribes
who moved out to East Kalimantan also adopted swidden. The
number of swiddeners is estimated to be about one million (Soeranggadjiwa, 1980) with an annual increase of 2.5 per cent. These practise swidden on a total land area of 34 million hectares (Spencer,
1966).
Despite the contact some groups did not adopt swidden because of some cultural beliefs. For example in Sinjai, South Sulawesi
(Bakkers, 1962), it was against the tradition to leave a piece of land
idle for more than one year. Such tradition could discourage the
swiddening practice. This was also true for Timor (Forbes, 1885)
where at least a small sample of vanishing flora were kept intact in
some places. In the upper Kapuas river in Kalimantan (Bouman,
1922) sacred places were protected by customary law for the preservation of bits of old vegetation. Similar case was observed in Java
where old vegetation was considered important to ensuring flow of
spring water.
In most places swidden cultivation was considered harmful as

it usually resulted in the spread of undesirable imperata grass lands,
in the decrease of forest area, in the damage of valuable timber, and
in degradation of the soil and in adversely affecting water resources.
Although the swiddeners utilize imperata grass land, tidal swamp
forest, and savana, swidden cultivation is practised mostly in the
76
Indonesia
upland forest. Swidden cultivation and recurrent burning of the
secondary forest established after swidden cultivation, resulted in
the existence and spread of lalang (Imperata cylindrica). Further
devastation of such lalang grass -lands leads to the soil erosion, flood,
drought and siltation of rivers and irrigation canals.
The latter may in turn endanger the irrigation of rice fields and
sometimes even failure of harvest and even collapse of bridges.
Effort to change the practice from swiddening into sedentary
farming have been made from time to time since earlier history.
However, no effective result is obtained yet. It is during the last
one and a half decade that the Government of Indonesia paid significant attention to these swiddeners. Three projects or programmes
dealing with swidden cultivation and tribal population had been
adopted since 1969: (i) Population Resettlement; (ii) Village Resettlement; and (iii) Development of Isolated Communities. In addition
to these projects, the Government had also been launching other projects which may be coupled with the above projects in solving the
problem of swidden cultivation. These projects are: (i) the Transmigration Project; (ii) Reforestation and Regreening Project; and (iii)
the Nucleus Estate and Small Holder Estate Crops Project (NES).
The Population Resettlement project aimed at establishment
of sedentary farming by grouping the swiddeners in one kampung
and give each household two hectares of land for farming. If this
effort is a successful one, it is expected that the devastation of forest
and soil erosion could be halted. The agricultural technical officer is
supposed to be in the area, meant to give guidance to improve the
agricultural practices so that the farming productivity could be increased. They are placed for a period of three years. Coupled with
provision for health care facilities, the standard of living of the
settlers could be elevated. At the site, the Government also built
single houses for each household, schools, union halls and praying
facilities as well as roads. Among the seventeen provinces, East
Kalimantan ranked the highest in the number of families resettled,
that is 61.46 per cent of the total. With respect to the adoption of
new farming system, the progress is still quite slow.
The Village Resettlement Programme is a programme of regrouping scattered villages into smaller number and of locating them
in a more strategic location. By doing this, it is expected that new
77

settlers would be integrated with the older ones and a process of
"culturization" will take place. It turned out that differences in
economic condition and tradition, and land ownership created a
problem in the attainment of the programme. As new corners, the
new settlers could not acquire ample land at a good location. Which
was already owned by the old residents. As in the case of Population
Resettlement Programme, the public facilities are also provided by
the Government for this programme.
To reduce the population density in Java as well as to raise the
standard of living of the people, the Government of Indonesia had
launched a Transmigration Project in 1972. During the third Five
Year Development Plan (1979-1984) approximately 2.5 million
people had been transmigrated from Java and Bali to outer islands,
under this project. It is expected that these transmigrants could be
in close contact with local inhabitants, and therefore they would
learn the new technique of cultivation brought by the transmigrants
so as to reduce the swiddening practices. The observation indicates
that this expectation is in vain as they live in a separate location and
do not generally intermix with the new settlers.
There is also the programme to employ swiddeners in the
project on reforestation and regreening of devastated areas, as
wage labourers. A substantial budget had been allocated for the project. As a matter of fact, the organization as well as the social condition of the swiddeners do not make it possible to implement the
idea.
In 1980, the Government established the Nucleus Estate and
Small Holder Crops Project (NES) by converting the forest. The
Nucleus is a well established Government enterprise run by the Directorate of Estates Crops. This Nucleus is available for a limited number of crops such as palm oil, pepper, rubber. Each Nucleus will
maintain the plantation of its kind, which will be operated and
possessed by each household participating in the programme. Each
family under this programme will receive 3.5 hectares of land of
which 2 hectares will be for estates crop, 0.25 hectares for resettlement, and 1.25 hectares for food crop and multiple cropping. All
cost involved in the establishment of the plantation, i.e. from clearing the land until harvesting, is paid for by the Nucleus in the form
of a loan. Processing as well as marketing of the product is tackled
by the Nucleus. If the swiddeners participate in the programme,
78
Figure 1. The Location of East Kalimantan in Indonesia
6
D
PHILlPPINA
V:lJ
o
ePf?'
Cl

they will be moving away from swiddening and this would help save
the forests from decay and devastation.
How swidden cultivation affects the social condition of two
ethnic groups, i.e. Buginese and Kenyah practising swidden cultivation in East Kalimantan, is reported in this study.
11.
Area Description
A.
Area Selected and Its Justification
Many tribes inhabit Kalimantan. Some of them are economically and socially more developed than others (Gintings, 1971). Belonging to the more developed group are the Tidung, Berau, Kutai,
and Pasir tribes. A group of tribes with a common name "Dayak"
are regarded as more primitive.
According to some sources, Dayak is the name given by the
Dutch Government to the native of Kalimantan who are non Moslems (anonymous, 1977). Mallinckredt (anonymous, 1977) distinquished six different tribal groups of Dayak in Central Kalimantan, but Stohr (anonymous, 1977) listed only three. The Dayak of
East Kalimantan belong to twenty different tribes (Gintings, 1971).
They are Benuaq, Bahau, Modang, Kenyah, Tunjung, Punan, Bentian,
Bahau Long, Lat, Penihing, Ohong, Bukat, Basap, Putuk, Abai, Tagel,
Berusu, Gai, Rabu, and Segai. Most of the Dayak who are living in
the interior of East Kalimantan still practise swidden cultivation.
Among the Dayak, Kenyah has been selected as the focus of
this study because Kenyah are the largest in number, occupying areas
along Mahakam river - the biggest and the longest river in East Kalimantan. The Peoples Resettlement Programme has been implemented in some of the villages in which they live. In addition, the
Kenyah are the most advanced among the Dayak.
In addition to the Kenyah tribe, the Buginese have also been
chosen as the focus of investigation because the Buginese also practise swidden cultivation. It would be interesting to study the swiddening done by the Buginese tribe - in terms of crop they plant,
technique, and the fallow period. It may be said that the Buginese
back in their homeland, the island of Sulawesi, are sedentary farmers.
Only those who have migrated to Kalimantan have turned swiddeners.
80
Indonesia
Four villages inhabited by these two tribes have been selected.
They are Pampang Dalam, Pampang Luar, Datah Bilang and Teluk
Pandan (see Fig. 2). Pampang Dalam and Datah Bilang are inhabited
by the Kenyah tribe whereas Pampang Luar and Teluk Pandan are
inhabited by the Buginese tribe.
The justification for selecting these villages are: (i) the homogeneity of the village - only one tribe inhabiting a particular village
-, (ii) its accessibility as compared to other villages, and (iii) the
implementation of development programmes in one of those villages.
B.
Some Features of the Research Site
Pampang Dalam and Pampang Luar villages are located in

Samarinda llir District. Teluk Pandan is in Bontang District, whereas
Datah Bilang is in Long !ram District. The latter two villages are
located in Kutai County.
Pampang Dalam and Pampang Luar Villages

1.
Accessibility of the Villages
Pampang Dalam and Pampang Luar villages are located approximately 1.6 Km apart from each other. Both villages are about 30
Km northeast of downtown Samarinda. To reach these villages, two
types of road have to be passed by, namely the first part: Samarinda
- Muara Badak Highway (27 Km) and the second part: a country
road (2 Km). When the weather is good, it takes only two and half
hours to reach the villages from Samarinda. But when it rains for
several hours, the traffic gets jammed; many vehicles get stuck in the
mud and at times, it takes hours to extricate the vehicle; with the fall
of night, the drivers are rendered helpless and are made to stay overnight.
The country road is hardened only by gravel. Gully erosion on
some parts of the country road is very deep. Public transportation
plies only on the highway. Villagers wishing to go out to the city Samarinda -, have to go on foot up to the highway. When any
vehicle arrives in the village, the people may request for a ride to
bring their produce or themselves to the city.
A creek is running through the villages, connecting the villages
with another village named Benanga - which is approximately 20
Km from Samarinda. During the rainy season, canoes are used for
81

transportation by most of the families. Usually those who own a
canoe, bring their produce to Benanga; from there they forward their
produce to the market in Samarinda, through road transport.
2.
Physical Condition of the Villages
Pampang area is an undulating country with an elevation of

about 40 to 80 meters above sea level. The soil of this area is red
yellow podsolic developed from the upper Miocene sediment formation.
The soil ranges from sandy to loamy. The characteristics of
this type of soil are: acid, saturated cation exchange absorption
capacity, and low permeability which means that the soil is prone
to surface run-off and has low mineral content. The pH of the soil
ranges from 3.7 to 4.2. The Nitrogen content is between 0.17 to
0.20 per cent (low to medium), whereas the C/N ratio is 20. The
Cation Exchange Capacity (K, Na, Ca, Mg) ranges from 9.1 to 12.4
meg/l00 gr (medium).
The climate is of Type A, based on Schmidt & Ferguson
(1951) classification. The yearly precipitation is 1935 mm with its
minimum 97 mm, occurring in August and its maximum 206 mm,
occurring in December.
3.
Socio-Economic Condition
Pampang Dalam village is inhabited by Kenyah tribe. The

tribe is composed of several groups or "Uma", namely Uma Jalan,
Uma Bern, Uma Potow, Uma Bakung and Uma Tukung. The majority of the population belong to Uma Bakung group, followed by Uma
Bern and Uma Kulit.
The first settlers resided in Pampang Dalam in 1971. They
came from several villages along the upper part of Mahakam river.
As more and more people moved down to Pampang Dalam, the
need for common or public facilities was more intensely felt. In
order to qualify for Government assistance or help such as public
facilities, an organization has to be set up and their leader has to be
elected and approved by the Government.
After going through a long process, in March 1983, Pampang
Dalam was recognized as a village and its leader, i.e. Kepala Kampung,
was elected and approved by the Department of Interior.
82
Indonesia
There are h.o kinds of leadership in this society, namely the
"Adat leader or Kepala Adat" and the Kampung leader or "Kepala
Kampung". The Adat leader keeps the custom and tradition working
and in order, while Kepala Kampung maintains liaison with the outside world. The present Kepala Adat was elected in 1982; it is a life
long position.
The main source for living of the villagers of Pampang Dalam
is swidden cultivation by clearing the primary forest. Additional
sources are fishing and hunting.
There are twenty households inhabiting Pampang Luar village.
Ten of them came directly from South Sulawesi and the rest from
other parts of Kalimantan. The first settler comprising one family,
came in 1963 and the others in 1970 or later. Before settling in
Pampang Luar, only 35 per cent were farmers, 15 per cent were
fishermen, 15 per cent came with their parents and the rest were
either merchants, labourers or unemployed. However, today all of
them are swidden cultivators.
Teluk Pandan
1.
Accessibility of the Village
Teluk Pandan belongs to Bontang District. It can be reached

from the Capital of Bontang District - the Bontang Baru town in two hours by means of a small water taxi with 5 HP engine. As
the village is located on Pandai river ~ a small river flowing from the
interior of the province to Makassar strait -, which is influenced by
the sea water, its accessibility is dependent on the tide. The village
could be reached in the morning and in the late afternoon only, that
is when the tide is high.
It takes about 8 to 12 hours travel from Samarinda to Bontang
Barn by road or by water taxi with 180 HP engine. The local transportation from Bontang Barn to Teluk Pandan is available by water
taxi only.
2.
Physical Condition
Teluk Pandan is located on the banks of Pandan river, with an

elevation of 0 - 200 m above sea level. The inhabited area, the
swidden cultivated lands, and the paddy fields are flat. Further from
83

the coastal region the area ranges from rolling to hilly with a slope of
up to 25 per cent.
The soil is of light texture and rich in organic matter and
Nitrogen, Phosphate, and Kalium content compared to the soil in the
areas surrounding Teluk Pandan. In Bontang area, there are four soil
types, i.e., Alluvial, Gleisol, Podsolic and PodsoI. The pH of the soil
surges from 4.2 to 4.8. The land areas toward the shore are swampy
and mangroves are found along the coastal zones surrounding the
mouth of the Pandan river.
The annual precipitation is ~ 2000 mm per year. According to
Schmidt & Ferguson's climate classification (ibid.), the climate of
Teluk Pandan area is of A Type with Q = 10, whereas according to
Koppen (Trewartha, 1954) it is of Af Type. This means that there is
no typical dry season in this tropical area throughout the year.
During the rainy season flood may occur in the 4-5 meters wide river
which may affect all the inhabited areas. In 1982, a flood lasted for
as long as 10 days. The mud brought from the interior by flood
added to the fertility of the land surrounding the village.
3.
Socio-Economic Condition
Teluk Pandan area was opened up in 1969 by approximately

twenty households coming from Sekatup, the neighbouring village
located about 8 Km away. It is now inhabited by about 300 households. They came either from the neighbouring villages or directly
from their homeland, South Sulawesi, as spontaneous transmigrants.
They were attracted to settle down in Teluk Pandan due to relatively
fertile soil and availability of ample land for practising swidden cultivation.
The inhabited area expanded with the arrival of immigrants.
Lands located along both sides of the river area have been occupied
for purposes of cultivation.
The newcomers bought lands from the old settlers and after
securing these lands, they opened up forest areas for swidden cultivation.
In 1972-1973 such expansion was stopped by the Government as the area was declared as Kutai National Park. But people
continued opening up the forest for the first few years. The Kepala
84
Indonesia
Ladang or the head of the village allowed them to do so, ignoring
the restriction imposed by the Government.
Due to the soil fertility, irrigated rice is adopted for the
period of 2 to 3 years and after that, that piece of land is converted
into banana or cocoa plantation, and a new swiddening plot is
opened up for rice cultivation.
The Buginese of Teluk Pandan still pursue their tradition,
although they are getting oblivious of their origins.
Datah Bilang
1.
Accessibility. of the Village
Datah Bilang village is situated along the upper Mahakam river

(Fig. 2). One has to pass through Long !ram village while going to
Datah Bilang village from Samarinda. The Headquarters of Long
Iram District are located in Long !ram village. Compared to Teluk
Pandan, Datah Bilang is more accessible, although it is further from
Samarinda and located in the interior of the province.
Long !ram village is approximately 400 Km away from Samarinda. It takes 30 to 40 hours ride by means of long boat with 180
HP engine. A long boat can accommodate up to 100 passengers. The
traffic line between Long Iram and Samarinda is quite frequent, i.e.,
at least three times a week and it cost Rp. 4,500* per ride.
From Long Iram to Datah Bilang village one reaches by means
of a chartered engine powered (5 HP) small boat. The maximum
capacity of a small boat is six passengers. The boat charges RP.
25,000 per trip. The bigger boat with a capacity similar to the one
used between Samarinda and Long Iram is also available. However,
the line is not as frequent, i.e., only two times a week. The time
needed to reach Datah Bilang from Long !ram by means of a small
boat is approximately 5 to 6 hours.
2.
Physical Condition
The relief of the area is a rolling country interspersed by

ridges. The topography is hilly and rough.
The soil belongs to a yellow podsolic group, developed from
igneous rocks and consolidated acid sediments. Hydrologically, the
area has a low ground water potential.
Roughly 1 US dollar equals l,OOO Indonesian Rupiahs.
85

Figure 2. Location of Study Areas
tr
EAST MALAYSIA
/~
j--'
v,
_.i
\
i
(
WEST
KALlMANTAN
I,
,
... ;------""
,,~
PAMPANG DALAM
8,MUAPA PAMPANG
'-~
CENTRAL KALlMANTAN
-_...
~~I
l;
,,
Ballkpapan
,,
I
I
\
I
\
--------
86
100 Km
25 50
~......==;;;;j'
Indonesia
The annual rainfall is 3,500 mm and is of A Type according to
the Schmidt & Ferguson climate classification (ibid.).
3.
Sodo-Economic Condition
Datah BHang is inha,bited by two groups or Uma, i.e., Kenyah

Uma Bakung and Kenyah UmaJalan. They came from Long Nawang
District, Bulungan County, located in the northern part of East Kalimantan.
The Kenyah Uma Bakung left Long Bun Village of Long
Nawang District in 1955 and settled in Datah BHang in 1969. The
Kenyah Uma J alan left Long Ampung village of Long Nawang District in 1962 and settled in Datah BHang village in 1969.
Almost 90 per cent of the inhabitants have given up their
animistic beliefs and have become christians (of either Protestant
denomination (King Mie sect), or Catholic denomination), or Moslems.
Datah BHang is one of the villages in which the Population
Resettlement Programme has been implemented. For majority of
the people in Datah BHang, swidden cultivation is very much their
way of life.
A note on the strategy

of research employed in the study
Field research for this project was conducted from January

through June 1983, and from October through the end of November
1983.
a)
The researchers stayed in each of the selected villages for

a period of time considered long enough to gather the
needed data related to swiddening problems and to observe the swiddening practice.
b)
Interviews were conducted with the village leaders as well

as with other village members regarding swiddening
problem.
87

c)
Data on the description of the village visited was compiled by filling out a questionnaire.
d)
The number of respondents in each village is in general

10 per cent of the total number of houses in the village,
except in the village where the number of houses is small
like Pampang Luar.
e)
The selection of the respondents was done at random.
f)
The heads of the households were chosen as respondents.
g)
The total number of respondents in each of the four villages is presented in Table 1.
Table 1. Villages, Houses, Sample-Size
Number of
Houaea
Number ofPeraona
(Population)
Number ofHouaea
Selected for
Interviewa
352
93
843
2,450
7
20
24
Datah BHang
70
20
300
430
43
Total
820
3,738
94
Village
Pam pang Dalam

Pampang Luax
Teluk Pandan
h)
Full enumeration of the total population as well as total

number of houses was carried out in Pampang Dalam, and
Pampang Luar, as no secondary data for the two villages
were available.
i)
Interviews with the Government authorities/Development

agencies regarding their perception about swidden cultivation and the impact of the swidden cultivation on the
environment and how to solve the problem, were conducted.
j)
Available information on the impact of swidden cultivation on the environment such as soil erosion, forest fire
and flood, was collected from the secondary sources.
This was substantiated by observation, whenever possible.
88
Indonesia
k)
The information on the impact of the swidden cultivation

on the changes in the plant and animal population were
obtained through interviews with the swiddeners. Thus,
it only relates to their perception of the impact.
Social institution
of the swiddeners
A.
The Kenyah
1.
Kinship
Aspects of Kinship Institution that will be covered among

others are housing structure, Lepo or sub tribe, social stratification,
and marriage and divorce.
Housing Structure
According to some sources, Apo Data was considered as the
home land or centre of development of Kenyah tribe. It is located
at the upper stream of Bahau river, Baram river, and Iwan river which
is a branch of the upper stream of Kayan river, of Bulungan County
(Iban, 1970). In Kenyah language, Apo means a high land and Data
means flat. So, Apo Data means a flat high land or a plateau.
From "Apo Data" they moved down Kayan river to a place
called "Apo Kayan" and several other places, but the concentration
of the Kenyah is in Apo Kayan. They also moved to places other
than Apo Kayan either direct from Apo Data or through Apo Kayan
- after residing in Apo Kayan for generations. Ninety per cent of
the population in Apo Kayan consists of Kenyah tribe.
The first spread of Kenyah from Apo Data or from Apo Kayan
was in Bulungan County, i.e., the Districts of Pujungan, Long Poso,
and Malinau; in Kutai County, i.e., the Districts of Long Bagun,
Tabang, Muara Ancalong and Muara Wahau; in the upper stream of
Baram river in Brunei.
In Apo Data, the Kampung or village consisted of many
"Uma". Uma means a long house. It consisted of many apartments,
one next to the other. An extended family lives in each apartment.
An Uma is occupied by tens and sometimes even hundreds of people.
89

The front part of the Uma is a long hall, functioned as a place
to hold a meeting, gathering and chatting, as a common living room.
This hall is called Use. The apartment is called Amin.
Each Amin possesses a fire place, located at an Use. This
fire place is called Pado. In the morning, before going to the field
to work, people gather and chat around Pado while warming themselves.
Traditional long house or a "Uma" in which many families live together
Every Uma has a chief or a head, called Tu'a Uma or Mamak

Uma. In front of his Use is found a sacred spot or place where
religious ceremonies are usually conducted. This spot is taboo
to women.
Lepo or Sub Tribe

Every Uma has a name and it is specific. Usually an Uma is
named after the name of a place or a spot, or after a specific vegetation growing around the Uma. For example, Uma Tepu indicates
that a sugar cane has been growing around that Uma. Uma Alim,
Uma Tukung, and Uma Long indicate that the Uma has been built on
90
Indonesia
a hill called Alim, Tukung and along the river named Long, respectively.
An Uma is a system. The tradition, art, culture of an Uma is
unique. A member of an Uma is not of one family line only. Anybody can join and become a member of an Uma; he may leave it
whenever the leadership of its chief does not satisfy him: Every
member of an Uma is bound to obey the system.
The tribe's movement out of Apo Data, occurred Uma by
Uma. Each Uma was looking for a new location suitable for itself.
In the new location, the Tu 'a 'became the chief of the territory (Kampung) whereas in Apo Kayan, the chief of the territory was Kepala
Adat (Adat leader) who was the chief of all Uma in that area.
Adat is an Indonesian word meaning habit or custom or tradition. It governs human behaviour. The Adat rules are unwritten,
covering matters such as inheritance, right of land ownership, cooking, eating, courtship, ceremonies of birth, marriage and death, etc.
Adat is the real law of the land, the oldest and the most respected.
The closest similarity in Western society to Adat is tradition and
custom (Boyce, 1983).
In the new location, after the population increased, one Uma
broke up into several new Uma, called "Batang Uma" which means
the branch of an Uma.
The "Batang Uma" originating from the same Uma spreads
around an area. They form an association called "Lepo". So Lepo
means an association of Umas of the same origin. Lepo also could
mean a Kampung (village) in which the inhabitants are of the same
Uma origin. Lepo is named after the name of an Uma in Apo Data.
For example, if the inhabitants were from Uma Tau, they named
themselves Lepo Tau. Each Lepo or Kampung could break up into
several new Kampungs. The new Kampung is named after the Uma
and the new location. For example, Lepo Tau broke up into four
Kampung, namely Lepo Tau Long Uro, Lepo Tau Long Nawang,
Lepo Tau Long Temuyat, and Lepo Tau Long Nawang Barn (Than,
1970).
Some Lepo (sub tribe) of Kenyah tribe preferred to use Uma
instead of Lepo. Those who preferred Lepo are: Lepo ]alan, Lepo
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Tukung, Lepo Bakung, Lepo Timai, Lepo Tau, Lepo Maut, Lepo
Lisan, Lepo Kulit, Lepo Aga, and Lepo Badeng.
Socz'al Stratification
Historically, social stratification started among the Kenyah in
Apo Data itself. There were four classes, namely the noble class
called Paren, the middle class called Panyen Nyipe, the commoner
called Panyen Lan, and the slave class called Ula or Salut.
The chief of Vma and his family, were considered .the noblemen. Belonging also to this class was the King or leader of another
tribe who was married to, and resided with, Kenyah women.
Belonging to the middle class group were those who were very
dedicated to the country - territory or kampung -, i.e., the assistants to Tu 'a Uma and their off-springs, the members of the Kampung council and their off-springs, Pegawa and their off-springs
and those who had been appointed by the big Adat leader through
general assembly.
The commoners or Panyen Lan of this society were those
who were not related to the two previous groups and were transmigrants.
The remainder was the so called slave or VIa or Salut. They
were originally prisoners of war from other tribes defeated by the
Kenyah, or a gift from other tribes so that the Kenyah do not invade
them. The slaves were presented to the Tu'a Vma, to the Adat
leader, or to the Big Adat leader as labourers.
The slaves might be singles or couples. Nowadays married
slaves are allowed to maintain separate households while the singles
stay with their masters. When married slaves intended to elevate
their status to become a commoner, their children have to marry
Kenyah women. In such cases, a special wedding ceremony is held
and attended by the Big Adat leader or by the Adat leader and all
Tu'a Vma (s). In the ceremony, their parents have to render a kind
of musical instrument called Gong, an earthenware called Tempayan
and a kind of short sword called Parang. As an exchange, Adat
leader gives them similar items through the Big Adat leader (Kepala
Adat Besar).
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The commoners have limited rights. They have no right to
reveal their opinion through speeches to the public.
The Panyen Nyipe acts as an assistant to the Adat leader or
to the Big Adat leader. One of their duties and privileges is to deliver
speeches directed by their leaders. They have the right to criticize
the Paren when the latter misbehave to the commoners. Such
criticism is expressed in the Kampung General Assembly.
Marriage and Divorce

Four steps are recognized in a regular marriage, namely the
proposing, the engagement, the Ngadep, and the wedding ceremony.
The proposing is the first step in marriage. In this step, a
delegate (usually an old woman) from the boy's side or the proposer,
comes to the girl's parents. In the old days, they used to bring with
them instruments such as gong, parang, to the girl's house particularly when she belonged to a noble class. If the girl is a commoner, a
metal bowl or Mangkuk Kuningan is brought instead. Nowadays,
it is being replaced with a Sarung - the men's traditional clothingand/or Mandow - a kind of sword typical of the Dayak's. If the
girl's parents accept the proposal, they will take and keep those
items. By accepting the proposer's gift, the girl's parents commit
themselves and are thus obliged to decline any other proposals.
If the boy belongs to a noble class, and the girl is a commoner,
usually the girl's parents pretend to reject the proposal by asking the
delegate to return to the boy's parents for a further reconfirmation
of the proposal.
An engagement soon follows the acceptance of the proposal.
The boy then presents a gift for the girl. The present is called Tip or
Atip in Kenyah language. Those who break the engagement have to
pay twice as much as the gift presented to the other party. Nowadays the betrayer has to render two mandau. One mandau has
to be given to the Adat leader as a token for covering the shame, and
the other one is kept by the betrayed one.
The period of engagement lasts from 3 to 6 months. During

this period, the boy could visit the girl's family; he also helps his
in-laws in their work. The boy may even be allowed to stay with
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them prior to marriage, but no love making is permitted. This practice of staying with the bride's parents before marriage is called
ngadep. The boy is escorted by a delegation consisting of his
parents' trustable persons and friends, to the girl's house. Upon
arriving at the girl's house, the delegation delivers a message from
the boy's parents regarding matters to be discussed with the girl's
parents. After delivering the message, the delegation returns leaving
behind the groom-to-be and his friends. After staying in the girl's
house for several days, the friends also leave, and the groom stays
alone until the wedding day.
During his stay in the girl's house, they discuss the future of
the couple, among other things, their stay after marriage and the
expenses for the celebration. The expenses for the wedding ceremony are shared by both the parties.
Since the introduction of Christianity to Kenyah society, the
church plays an important role in the people's daily life. The wedding ceremonies which were usually performed by the Adat leader
are now conducted by the church. After blessed by the church, the
party is held either at the bride's or at the bridegroom's place. The
peak of the event is the time when the bride and the bridegroom are
seated on a gong.
A bride and bridegroom with traditional costumes
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In addition to this form of marriage, there are other practices
for acquiring a mate in Kenyah society, namely temporary marriage,
forced marriage, Kawin lari and dedication marriage. These are
briefly described below.
Temporary marriage: There is a belief that for securing a

happy and a better life in the future, it is necessary for the couple to
be separated and married to another person, for a designated time,
after which they are remarried to their previous partner. This is
somewhat similar to the modem practice of swapping.
Forced marriage: In the event of an unmarried girl getting
pregnant, she is forcibly married to the person who confesses having
sexual relationship with the girl. In the old days, such a girl was
excommunicated, and put in a hut in a forest far away from the
village, as she was not supposed to have delivery in the village. People feared that such childbirth may cause an evil in the village. Instances are also cited by people when such women were done to
death. This take of killing was assigned to a person of another village
as it was forbidden to kill a fellow villager. Now this practice of
killing is abandoned.
HKawin Lari" means marriage without the consent ofparents:
In the event of non-approval by parents of either side the couple runs
away from their Uma and gets married secretly. They return when
the girl gets pregnant; then the girl's parents feel compelled to approve of their marriage.
Dedication marriage: Sometimes the noble class family needs
labour to work in their field. For that purpose, they look for a lower
class, single man to be married to their daughter. In that case, the
girl's family makes the proposal instead. Usually the man accepts the
proposal because of a sense of obligation to the upper class family.
As a consequence, the couple stays with the girl's family after wedding.
The common ground for a divorce in Kenyah society are
adultery, bearing no child, religious reason, and agreement between
both sides. According to Iban's findings (ibid.) divorce is legal and
accepted.
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Adultery or Petaro in local language, is a strong reason for a
divorce, unless the other side would forgive her or him. The adulterer is punished by the Kampung court. The common punishment
is a fine. If the husband did it purposely to get away from his wife,
he is fined twice. On the other hand, if the wife would like to get a
divorce because the husband betrayed her, her fine is reduced considerably.
Polygamy is forbidden by Adat as well as by religion. The old
tradition permits polygamy for a certain King only.
2.
Religious Beliefs
The traditional beliefs of the Kenyah can be characterised as

animism. They believe in the spirit or soul. The spirit or soul is
called Ba# in local language.
The spirit has a magical power which may cause good or evil
for individual as well as for the community as a whole. Taboos exist
to prevent bad or unwanted things from happening. Pig and
chicken become the important animals for the adat or religious
ceremonies, for their blood is used to clean the village or purify an
individual. These animals are considered sacred. Hombill, panther,
tiger, snake and deer are also regarded sacred and are avoided.
They believe in one super power which they call Bungan
Malan Selung Luhan meaning Bungan Malan the creator of every
form/thing. It started when a fellow met in dream someone wearing
good clothing and beeds, who ordered him to follow him only and to
disregard the other soul or spirits. Hombill is believed to be able to
deliver guidance from Bungan Malan. Therefore, hombill's movement or act is interpreted by the priest. Besides as medium, hombill
is also taken as the symbol of the Kenyah tribe. It reflects or symbolizes the might, the strength and the courage - because they always
fly high above other birds, and they are also bigger and stronger.
Until today Bunga Malan belief is still practised by some of the
Kenyah tribe living in the upper Mahakam area.
Christianity came to Kenyah of the upper Mahakam area,
through the work of Dutch missionaries. The first missionary who
came to Apo Kayan, some years ago, was of Protestant denomination. To the recollection of Perjuta - one of the old persons in
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Pampang Dalan, the people of Apo Kayan were exposed to Christianity in 1937.
Among the ethnic groups in East Kalimantan, the Kenyah
are considered more flexible who easily absorb elements of other cultures or religions.
The Kenyah who are away from Apo Kayan get more contact
with missionaries because they inhabit areas along the rivers closer
to the cities or development areas. As a result, the old traditions are
modified according to Christian teaching. Ceremonies and ritual
festivals practised in the old days are abandoned and are replaced
by just praying. The Bungan Malan, the super power, has been replaced by Jesus Christ and the cemetery is planted by several cross
signs.
Two christian denominations, i.e., Catholic and Kingmie of
Protestant group, are found among the Kenyah. Kingmie ranks the
first in the number of followers. Both denominations together could
be found in several villages, among others in Datah BHang and in
Long Segar.
The people of Pampang Dalam village are the followers of
Kingmie only. The people of this village - and also in a few other
villages we have visited - follow the teaching very well. They come to
Sunday prayer regularly. If they are staying or working in their field
- ladang, they make an effort to come down to the village on Saturday afternoon to be able to go to the church on Sunday. Donation
to the church meant as an offering to God is always given from
whatever they have. Sometimes they offer rice in place of money.
As was told in the Book, they submit one tenth of their yield or
harvest to the church.
The Bible study groups are well established in every village.
Such groups exist for youth, and adults. The children's group meets
after Sunday service whereas the adult group meets in the evening.
In Datah Bilang, the groups meet in the evening only, twice a week.
Besides the Bible study groups, they have also a church choir consisting of boys and girls. They practise few times a week and the
practice is intensified when preparing for big days like Christmas.
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3.
Aesthetic Institution
Dancing for the Kenyah is a symbol of happiness. The Kenyah

people are fond of dancing. They learn dancing at a very young age.
Drawing, painting and carving of the Kenyah people are outstanding. Community buildings are well decorated and carved.
This art is monopolized by men as the women specialize in handicraft. This art is passed on to their children. One of the most
well-known handicrafts made by the Kenyah women is a basket to
carry an infant, it is called Benng; another to carry their belongings,
is called Ingen Atet.
A typical Dayak Kenyah painting in the interior of community building.
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The way the Dayak Kenyah men carry their belongings including agricultural products.
Theatrical work or play is not known to the Kenyah people,

and even today, the people do not learn this art.
Sport is oriented toward building a strong body so that they
can work harder in their ladang. Today, young people go for badminton, volleyball and soccer instead.
The concept of Beauty for the Kenyah people has two aspects,
namely physical and behavioural beauty. Both are considered equally important, but the emphasis is more on behavioural aspect.
Physical beauty focuses on the physical aspect. An effort to
beautify themselves also has been done. Unlike the Javanese for
example, the Kenyah people are not in the habit of taking traditional
herbs to beautify their body.
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Men and women chew tobacco and sz"rih (betel leaf) to make
their lips red. It is not known whether red lips are symbols of beauty. They claim that it is a tradition. One thing they believe is that
chewing tobacco and sirih could make their teeth stronger.
The jewelry as earring, ring, chain, etc. are not meant to make
the women beautiful. It is a symbol of wealth, and is thus a symbol
of status in the society.
Tattoo is a sign of rank. Implicitly, it is also a symbol of quality. A person to be tattooed, has to have courage, and such quality
should be possessed only by the upper class.
In the old days women used to have a long ear with a hole in
it. To make such a long ear, a heavy metal was hanged sequentially
on that hole.
At present, this tradition is gone. Young girls fight shy of
having long ear. The old women shorten their ear as well.
Behavioural beauty emphasizes on good behaviour. By good
behaviour is understood loyalty to the husband, wife, or family.
Industrious and hard working people are also rated high.
For the Kenyah people whose life is entirely dependent upon
their physical activities, having good health is very important. Traditional medicines like herbs are slowly going out of use. Also, there
is little reliance upon magic. Kenyah people take resort to modem
medicine.
4.
Educational Institution
Most of the people in Apo Kayan in the old days, were illiterate. Today, they realize the importance of education. Their strong
motive to move out of Apo Kayan or other village hinterlands is to
secure their children's education. This has led them to build their
residential sites near urban centres.
Trainz"ng or informal education commences when a child starts
speaking. The first lesson is listening to good words. The parents
always teach them to say good words in front of them. A boy of
about 10 years old is taught by his father to utilize sharp tools such
as knife, parang and other agricultural tools, and to carve. The girl
gets training from her mother, about all of the feminine work such as
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Having long earlobes is mark of beauty.
handicraft, sowing, embroidery, and mat weaving (Penganyam tikar).

Both boys and girls are taught how to cook by their mothers.
Religious teaching starts for the children at the school age. A
special teacher is provided for teaching Bible to the children. They
have children group, youth group and men as well as women group.
They meet regularly. The priest comes from their own people.
Another type of training which is still practised, is speech
making for which competitions are held in the community.
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Swz"dden cultz'vatz"on z"n Asz"a

5.
Political Structure of the Community
Admz"nz"stratz"ve System
The present administrative system is different from the one
before the independence of the country.
The executive of the administration in the old days - in Apo
Kayan -, consisted of Tu 'a Uma or the chief of an Uma, a council
of the eldest in the Uma, Pegawa, the Adat leader, village council,
treasurer, Tene Tene, Kamen Baz", and the Big Adat leader or "Kepala
Adat Besar" in Indonesian.
Tu 'a Uma or the chief of an Uma is elected from the members

of an Uma. He has the right and authority to rule his members.
Once he is elected, he serves and rules the Uina for the rest of his
life, or until he is no longer capable to function. Upon his death,
and in the event of his having no successor, the position is filled by
an election from among the Inembers of Uma.
In conducting his job, Tu'a Uma is assisted by vice Tu'a Uma
who is the eldest relative of his, a trustable person called "Pegawa or
Pengirak", and a council consisting of the elders and knowledgeable
people in the Uma who are appointed by him. His job as the chief of
an Uma are:
to maintain tradition and custom;
to function as Adat leader in the Uma;
to serve as a member of the village judiciary council.
The chief of the village is called Kepala Adat which means
the leader who keeps Adat functioning. He is elected from among
the Tu 'a Umas in the village through consensus. This position is a
life long position. When he is no longer capable to function his son
could succeed him. When the eldest son for some reason could no
long~r hold the position, the next son could replace him as long as he
fulfils the requirements. If no other off-spring could succeed him,
an election for the new one is conducted.
In doing his routine work Kepala Adat is aided by a vice

Kepala Adat, the Pegawa(s), a council consisting of the eldest and
knowledgeable people in the Kampung, a Treasurer, Tena, and
Kamen Bai.
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The vice Kepala Adat's main duty is to handle religious and
custom matters. He also serves as one of the Kampung judges, and
represents Kepala Adat in dealing with visitors. He is appointed by
the Kepala Adat by consensus. He could be the present Kepala
Adat's relative or the off-spring of the prominent nobleman.
The Pegawa is a person who delivers messages from the Kepala

Adat or Kepala Adat Besar or Tu'a Uma to the people. He should be
a very honest, dedicated and impartial person. At Uma level, his
appointment is done by Tu'a Uma whereas at Kampung level it is
done by Kepala Adat. Besides the above mentioned qualification,
the Pegawa should come from a middle class family.
Pegawa is also called Pengirak. He serves as a mediator or
communicant. At Uma level, he is the communicant between the
Tu'a Uma and the members of his Uma. At Kampung level, he is the
communicant between the Kepala Adat and his Kampung members,
between Kepala Adat and Tu'a Uma(s), and between the Kepala
Adat(s). Pegawa plays a role in policy making carried out by the
Tu'a Uma, and by the Kepala Adat. He may represent the Tu'a Uma
or the Kepala Adat when dealing with visitors.
The inauguration of Pegawa(s) is done at the end of the year.
Each Tu 'a Uma proposes a candidate for Pegawa. At the end of the
year, the oldest Pegawa directed by the Kepala Adat calls up the
candidates for inauguration. In the ceremony, they are seated in
front of the Kampung's prominent figures, and as a token for appointment the Kepala Adat presents a short sword or Parang, an
axe and a net. The short sword symbolizes a medium bridging the
Kepala Adat and his people; an axe symbolizes a tool for punishing
the disobedient people; and the net symbolizes the unity of the
people.
Tena is a person who is in charge of scheduling agricultural

activities. He is elected by the villagers and his term of appointment
is one year. Due to some restrictions while he is on duty, a person
cannot hold the position for more than one year.
Kamen Bai is the master of ceremonies for agricultural activities.
The job and responsibility of the Kepala Adat are:
to be the leader of the community;
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to be the judge in the Kampung;
to have the authority over the territory and people.
The chief of the whole Kenyah tribe is called Kepala Adat
Besar (the chief of Adat leader). His jurisdiction is over the entire
tribe regardless of the regions. The Kepala Adat Besar is selected
from among the Kepala(s) Adat. He is usually succeeded by his eldest
son. When the Kepala Adat Besar does not have any successor, an
election for the new one is conducted. The candidate should fulfill
the following requirements:
he must be from a noble class;
he must be regarded as capable, knowledgeable and impartial;
he should be honest, helpful and generous; and
he should be open minded.
In case an election is conducted, all Kepala(s) Adat are invited
to attend the meeting. Usually the meeting takes place in the latest
Kepala Adat Besar's residence, in his Use. In such a meeting, each
Kepala Adat presents his people's opinion regarding each candidate.
A selection is made through consensus.
Upon the election of a successor, an inaugural ceremoney is

held. For this purpose, a wooden flying hombill is made, which is
the symbol of might and bravery. The wooden flying hombill is
then hung in front of the latest Kepala Adat Besar's "Use". All the
Kepala Adat stand under it and make an oath that they will obey the
new Kapala Adat Besar' command.
Kepala Adat Besar is responsible for the peace and security of
the whole Apo Kayan. Apo Kayan covers two Districts namely
Kayan Hulu and Kayan Hilir, covering the area of 11.5 Km2.
Today, such long house or Uma hardly exist in the new established villages or Kampung, and are replaced by individual houses
each of which is inhabited by one extended family. Consequently,
the chief of an Uma is no longer present in such village.
The present day administration in the Kampung consists of:
the Kepala Kampung (Kampung leader) and his deputy, the Kepala
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Adat, the secretary and his deputy, the Kampung Treasurer and his
deputy, the Pegawa or the Pengirak and his deputy, the Ladang Officer, the Kampung security man and the Kepala Pembangunan.
As was in the old system, the Kepala Adat tackles internal
problems. He acts as a judge in the Kampung handling matters
mostly concerning social behaviour such as, disputes between the
members, cases of adultery, and crime, and decisions regarding
celebration of festivals and ceremonies. In the discharge of his
duties, he is aided by a committee consisting of the eldest and the
knowledgeable people in the Kampung. The members of this
committee are not fixed and are not the same all the time but
depend on the problem on hand. For some cases, the Kepala Kampung may act as the chairman of the advisory committee. Most
cases are resolved through this mechanism. It is only when they
are unable to resolve themselves that they approach the government
for mediation.
The Kepala Kampung handles the communication with government officials and institutions, concerning among others matters
such as government regulations, government assistance and to
obtain fertilizers, seeds, insecticides, herbicides and medicine.
All the secretarial work for the Kampung is done by the
Secretary. This position was not there in the old system as there was
no literacy and no written records were kept. But now the situation
has changed.
The Pegawa or Pengirak serves as a communicant and a messenger. There are two in each Kampung or village. Kepala Ladang
(the Ladang Officer) is in charge of affairs relating to the Ladangswidden cultivated land -, i.e. when to start working in Ladang.
In Pampang Dalam village, the Kepala Ladang is charged with
the task of allocating and distributing a parcel of primary forest to be
opened up for swiddening each year because the primary forest available in the area is limited.
Every year, close to the time for opening new Ladang, the
Kepala Ladang is assisted by the Kepala Kampung (village), the
Kepala Adat and the Secretary, to find a new location for swiddening. When the location has been determined, it is divided into plots.
Every family gets one plot (parcel) and the selection is at random.
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The Secretary writes down each family's Ladang and its location. Based on these, he could determine the members of each group
for co-operative work during sowing.
The Kepala Pembangunan or the Kampung Development Programme Officer is in charge of the work after harvest season. He
co-ordinates the co-operative work in the village. The types of
co-operative work usually implemented in the village are:
building a house for those who do not have one but
possess construction materials for it;
collecting building materials for those families who need
outside help;
improving roads in the Kampung;
improving roads to Ladang;
repairing church.
The Judicial System

The judicial system in Apo Kayan was as follows. Conflict or
disputes among the members of an Uma are solved by the Tu'a Uma.
He and his council, consisting of the eldest and knowledgeable people in the Uma, listen to the case presented to them; after receiving
his council's opinion, he gives his judgement. The decision made by
him is binding and the disputants have to obey it.
Conflicts or disputes among the Kampung members of different Uma is solved by the Kepala Adat within the Kampung. When
two people are in dispute, a trial is held in the Uma where the plaintiff resides. The Pegawa addresses the trial. The plaintiff is given the
opportunity to speak up first, followed by the accused. The committee consisting of the Kampung judges and Kampung eldest people
are then given the chance to express their opinion regarding the
matter. After each member gets the turn, the session is then adjourned and the Kampung judges meet in camera. After the decision
has been made, it is announced by Pegawa. When the parties concerned are not satisfied, they can call for another trial. If the case
could not be settled in Kampung trial, it is presented to the Kepala
Adat Besar for his judgement.
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6.
Economic life
Agriculture
There are five working systems practised in this society,
namely individual family system, Berharian or Senuyun, cooperative system, group system, and paid labour system.
In individual jamz"ly system, no outside labourers are)nvolved.
Members of the extended family living in the same house contribute
labour.
Senuyun or Berharian is a system where several families

form a group to work together in each member's field. Each family's
share for the group is determined by the number of persons of that
family joining the group. For example, if each family contributes
one person to the group, the group will work one day in one field
and move the following day to work in the next field. The group
will return working in the. first field or plot after each member got
its turn. When each family contributes two persons, the group will
work two days in a row in each of plots. The family provides meals
to the whole group on days when the group works on its farm.
Co-operative work is the work ordered by the leader. Every
household in the village has to contribute its member for the work,
regardless of its size. They have to work without payment until the
job is finished. Every family brings whatever food they have to the
work area, to be shared with others. Those who do not have anything to share, may just contribute their labour. In the work area,
all the food is pooled and shared. Two or three men are assigned
to go fishing; their catch is then cooked.
A group system is similar to the "Berharian" system in that
people take turns in working in every member's plot. The food is
provided by the one whose plot is being handled on that particular
day. The difference with the Berharian system is that each member
does not take into consideration the amount of its labour contributed to the group for working in other member's plot. However,
when a member does not get his share at harvest time corresponding
to the amount of labour contributed by him, the group provides him
with food; when he needs help in building his house, the group assists.
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In paid labour system, someone works for wage. The wage
could be paid in the form of money or paddy grains or construction
materials.
Swiddening Technique and Division of Labour

Swiddening his the following sequence of activities: land
clearing, sowing, weeding, and harvesting.
Activities involved in land clearing are: cutting small vegetation and shrubs (called Menebas), cutting down the big trees (called
Menebang), chopping the tree's branches (called Mendncang),
burning and re-burning or Mekup.
Menebas starts around Mayor June. Before it is started, a

mass prayer is conducted in the second or third week of May, asking
for safety and prosperous harvest. The prayer is held on Sunday in
the church. At the end of the prayer, an announcement is made by
the Secretary regarding the time to start Menebas. The decision is
made through consensus among the Kepala Adat, Kepala Ladang and
the Secretary.
The Kepala Adat, the Kepala Ladang and the Secretary search
the area to be opened for swiddening. After finding the primary
forest considered to be suitable for swiddening, they allocate one
parcel of it for each member of the village. It is after this that the
date for Menebas in announced.
Menebas is either carried out by individual families or Berha!ian system may be adopted. The tools used are short sword called
Parang and a wooden stick bending at the end called Kawit.
In this work there is no division of labour. The job is done by
men, women, adult boys as well as girls. On an average, it takes 224
person-hours in Pampang Dalam, 161 person-hours in Datah Bilang
Hulu, and 233 person-hours in Datah Bilang Hilir to complete
Menebas on a hectare of forest land.
After getting a parcel of primary forest land intended for

swiddening - called Ladang -, each family divides its parcel into
several plots.
The work is concentrated in each plot. Before moving to the
next plot, all vegetation in the previous plot is cleared.
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A piece offorest land cleared for swidden cultivation
The job of cutting down the big trees is done at the end of
June or sometimes in July. The job is mostly done by men, but
there is no restriction for the women to do the job.
The tools used for cutting down the trees are axes and chainsaws. Forty five per cent of the households in Pampang Dalam
village and 16 per cent in Datah Bilang own chainsaws.
Chainsaw can also be obtained on rent. In case chainsaw
is rented, the owner operates it and he is paid for his labour at a rate
of Rp. 7,000 for eight hours of work, in Pampang Dalam. The gasoline consumed, the food for the operator as well as the transportation expenses to the working area are provided by the one who rents
it. Approximately, 15 litres of gasoline is needed for eight hours'
work.
The time needed to cut down the big trees per hectare by an
axe is on the average 195 person-hours in Pampang Dalam, 83
person-hours in Datah Bilang Hulu, and also 83 person-hours in
Datah Bilang Hilir. With a chainsaw, it requires a shorter time, i.e.,
14 hours in Pampang Dalam, 8 hours in Datah Bilang Hulu, and 10
hours in Datah Bilang Hilir.
109

Chopping the branches of the big trees or Mencincang is
done when the tree is still wet, i.e. right away after it falls down.
This is done by individual families. No division of labour exists. All
men, women, adult boys as well as girls participate in the work. The
time needed to chop the branches off the tree per hectare by Parang
is on the average 180 person-hours in Pampang Dalam, 65 personhours in Datah Bilang Hulu, and 90 person-hours in Datah Bilang
Hilir.
The chopped branches are left scattered; they are dried under
the sun until they are ready for burning. Usually it takes two weeks
to get them dry. At this stage, the work in a plot is finished. They
then move on to the next plot to repeat the process.
As was mentioned earlier, every parcel of forest land owned
by each household is divided into several plots. This first plot is
called "Ladang Kecil" which means the small plot. The rest of the
plots, all together, are called "Ladang Besar" which means a big plot.
Every household has to prepare the first plot or "Ladang
Kecil" for a mass burning and a mass sowing. The size of Ladang
Kecil varies from a half to one hectare. Burning in the rest of the
plots is done after sowing is over in the Ladang Kecil.
When all the households are ready for a mass burning, the time
for it is then set up. A committee consisting of the Kepala Ladang,
the Kepala Adat and the Secretary decide the time for it. If some
families lag behind in the preparation, the Kepala Adat orders other
people to assist them. Burning in the Ladang Kecil is usually undertaken in August or at the end of July.
To prevent the fire from spreading to the next plot or to the
plot of others, a strip of about five meters wide separating the first
plot from the adjacent plots is cleared from any vegetation or
materials.
If all the vegetation is not fully burnt, the plot is reburnt after
a few days.
Sowing period starts from middle of August or late July until

the end of November. The period is long because sowing is done plot
by plot.
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Indonesia
A big celebration is held preceding the sowing. An announcement regarding the starting date for sowing is made by the Kepala
Ladang. A mass prayer, is conducted in the church in the morning a
day before the sowing is started. The celebration starts at 8 P.M. on
the same day.
On that occasion, the Secretary of the village announces the
names of each group's leader and his members for the sowing activity. Members of a group are generally drawn from the families whose
fields are close to each other.
On the first evening, people sing and dance and tell jokes. A
community meal is arranged in which all the families contribute.
The party usually lasts unit 2 A.M. The duration of the celebration is decided by the members. Usually it lasts 3 nights only
because they have to work in Ladang during the day.
Sowing in the Ladang Kecil is done on a co-operative basis.
The members of the group contribute rice. Those who cannot, are
exempted. Some women are assigned to cook and two or three men
are assigned to go fishing. The place where cooking takes place is
selected near the working area. They move on to the next member's
plot when sowing in previous plot has been completed.
The tool used for sowing is a stick of iron wood, a very strong
and durable wood. The local name is Ult"n. The stick is about one
and half meter long, sharpened and pointed at one end. Because this
wood is heavy, sometimes only the lower part consists of iron wood.
III
An "Ulin" stick used as a tool for making holes in each of which seeds are placed.
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Indonesia
Using that stick, a man makes holes and the women follow
him to fill in the holes with paddy seeds.
Following a man making holes, two women place several paddy seeds in each hole
The holes are made about 10 cm apart and the depth of each
hole is approximately 10 to 15 cm. After being filled with paddy
seeds, each hold is left open so that its content can be seen by the
other women.
The hole is left open after the seeds have been placed
113

Sowing each member's Ladang Besar is done either by member
of the extended family or through Berharian system or group system.
Weeding is done when the plants are about 30 cm tall, i.e.
about one month old. From the time of planting until harvest, it is
done only once when the plot is a primary forest, and twice when it
is a secondary forest.
The time to start weeding is officially announced. On this, a
mass prayer is held to ensure safety and to seek blessings for a better
yield.
The time needed to weed one hectare of Ladang is on the
average 68 person-hours in Pampang Dalam, 137 person-hours in
Datah Bilang Hulu, and 160 person-hours in Datah Bilang Hilir. This
is done by individual families.
Harvesting is done five months after planting. Due to famine
in 1982/1983 caused by a long period of drought - 14 months -,
sowing for planting period 1983/1984 in Pampang Dalam started
earlier, i.e., 15th of July 1983. The first harvest was on the 20th of
December 1983 and the last harvest was in March, 1984.
The starting as well as the end of the harvesting period is announced by Kepala Adat. The announcement is made in the church
during the Sunday service. In Pampang Dalam following activities
are associated with harvesting:
Meetings attended by the Kepala Adat, the Kepala Karnpung
and his deputy, the Kepala Ladang, the Kepala Pembangunan and ten
elderly people in the village, are held several times to decide the right
time to start harvest. These people set up a date for thanks-giving
party. Thanks-giving party is one of the three biggest celebrations of
the year.
Few days before the predetermined day, a meeting with all the
Karnpung members is conducted to check whether every household
has finished harvesting and is ready for the celebration. The date is
postponed if some members are not yet ready.
When the Kampung members are ready, a detailed plan is then
made. The plan covers the number of invitations to be sent out,
the estimated number of people expected to join the party and
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Indonesia
consequently the estimated amount of rice each member has to con
tribute, and the portion of the expected amount of rice obtained to
be allocated for other usage in connection with the party.
Included in each member's contribution is the allowance of
about 30 to 40 per cent of the total budget for extra guests. Last
thanks-giving celebration was on December 26, 1983 and each household was required to contribute four kilogrammes of rice.
The total rice collected is then divided into several portions,
i.e., for buying coffee and tea, meat, spices, and other things for the
party, in exchange of the rice.
The celebration starts with the drinking of tea or coffee. It is
held during the day, starting at 10 A.M. - when coffee and tea are
served. While the beverages are being served, the organizing committee counts the number of people to estimate the rice to be
cooked.
Before the beverages are served, the prayer is uttered to thank
God for the yield, to ask for a bounty harvest from the rest of the
un-harvested plots, to urge God to chase away plant pests and
diseases and to seek His Blessing.
Following the prayer, the Kepala Adat delivers a speech. The
speech is usually very long because he explains everything happening
in the Kampung, including rules and traditions valid so far and reiterating their importance.
In general, individual families do the harvesting on their plots.
In case of paid labour, the rate is one and a half of 20 liters
volume of paddy grains per day plus lunch.
The paddy spikes are brought to the hut where they are
trodden to separate paddy grains. The pods are removed by pouring
the grains from a breast height to the ground, and at the same time
two men blow the air through the falling grains. In Kenyah language, this technique is called Maping.
If the portion of the pods is relatively low, a different technique is applied. In Indonesian this technique is called Menampi.
Usually both techniques are employed. The first stage is Menampi
followed by Maping. The utensil used for the work is called tapat
padai.
115
.~."".......
..
Separation of the grains from their stalks by feet.
The paddy grains are then solar dried. On the top of the platform, a mat made of rattan is used to facilitate the collection of
grains and to prevent loss.
A second stage in the separation of the empty grains.
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Indonesia
Every household possesses a hut in their Ladang. Every time
they move on to a new Ladang, they always build a hut. This hut '
could be a temporary or a permanent one.
The temporary hut is not used as a residence. It is used for
resting and for preparing lunch, as well as for shelter against sun and
raIn.
A permanent hut is a second home, and they stay there for
most of their time in a year. As a consequence, it is made of relatively durable materials. In some circumstances, a temporary hut is constructed first before the family could build the permanent one. In
that case, a hut is constructed before slashing the vegetation.
A permanent hut is constructed either before sowing the
Ladang kecil, i.e., while waiting for the announcement to do cooperative sowing, or afterwards.
In either type, a hut is equipped with simple cooking utensils

like kettle and pots, and firewood. A permanent hut is located in
the centre of the Ladang. Next to the permanent hut there is
another hut, smaller than the permanent one, used to store paddy
grains. This storage hut is padlocked. In some cases the storage huts
owned by the rich swiddeners are well constructed and well decorated.
Fifteen meters around the hut, vegetables are planted. Sugar
cane is very important for the Kenyah people and it is always grown
around the hut. The most common vegetables around the hut are
cassava, chili, string bean, corn, spinach, and cucumber. Papaya and
banana are the most common fruit trees.
Croppng System and Rotaton

When a Ladang is opened for swiddening, the first year crop to
be planted is rice. Some people plant rice mixed with corn or other
crops. In Pampang Dalam village, out of 280 Ladangs, 67 per cent
were planted with rice only, and the rest (33 per cent) were planted
with rice mixed with other crops (corn and mung bean).
A family or a household does not necessarily have the same
first year crops on all of his Ladang(s). On the average, 70 per cent
of a family's Ladang(s) in Parnpang Dalam, is planted with rice only,
the rest is planted with rice mixed with corn.
117
Swidden cultivatt"on in Asia

A cropping system and consequently the fallow period in
establishing a Ladang practised by the people of Pampang Dalam
village differs from the one practised in Datah Bilang (Ulu and nir).
In general, when a family in Pampang Dalam village opens a
Ladang, in the first year he plants either rice only or rice mixed with
other crops (usually either corn or mung bean).
In the next year, a second Ladang is opened. In that second
Ladang the family plants the same crop(s) as in the first Ladang, and
at the same time it plants either on the entire or in part of the first
Ladang seedlings of fruit trees such as rambutan (Nephelt"um lappaceum), nangka (Artocarpus integra), durian (Durio zibethinus)
and estate crops such as coffee, or cacao - depending on the availability of seeds.
In the third year, the family opens yet another new Ladang.
The sequence of planting in the third and in the second Ladang is
the same as that in the first and in the second Ladang.
If seedlings of the perennial crops, either estate crops or fruit
trees or both, for planting the whole Ladang in a particular year are
not enough, the family plants rice on the rest. Out of 280 Ladang(s),
8 per cent follow this pattern. On the contrary, if seed supply is
enough, that particular Ladang will never be cultivated for annual
crops. In that case, the rotation is zero and the forest land is converted piece by piece into perennial crop plantations. Seventy per
cent of the Ladang(s) in Pampang Dalam are of this category.
There are also a number of Ladang(s) which are continuously

cultivated with paddy or other annual crops, and it comprises 22 per
cent of the total.
The number of Ladang(s) owned by each family varies according to the length of their stay in the village. It ranges from 1 to 10
with the average of 3.3 Ladang(s) per family. The distribution of the
number of families possessing different numbers of Ladang(s) is presented in Table 2.
The swiddening practice in Datah Bilang Hilir and Datah
Bilang Hulu villages is similar to the one practised in Apo Kayan, i.e.,
every year a family opens a new Ladang. Each Ladang is cultivated
once only. After a couple of years, they come back to cultivate the
first Ladang for annual crops.
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Indonesia
The fallow period in Apo Kayan is around 7 years (Azier,
1980), whereas it ranges from 1 to 3 years, in Datah Bilang Hilir and
2 to 4 years in Datah Bilang Hulu.. The frequency of the number of
families having different fallow periods in Datah Bilang Hulu and
Datah Bilang Hilir, based on samples taken in 1983, is presented in
Table 3.
Table 2. Number of Families Possessing Different Numbers
of Ladang in Pampang Dalam Village in 1983
Number of Ladang(s)
Number ofFamilies possessing
20
28
22
10
Table 3. Frequency of the Number of Families Having

Different Number of Fallow Periods in Datah
Bilang Hulu and in Datah Bilang Hilir,
Based on Samples, 1983
Number of Fallow
Period (Years)
Number ofFamilies
Datah Bilang Hulu
Datah Bilang Hilir
11
10
12
The number of Ladang(s) of each family ranges from 3 to 6

in Datah Bilang Hilir, and from 4 to 5 in Datah Bilang Hulu. The
average size of the Ladang is 1,46 hectares in Datah BHang Hilir and
2,07 in Datah Bilang Hulu.
119

Various kinds of additional sources of living are gold mining,
fishing and hunting, trading, and working as labourer.
B.
The Buginese
The Bugis tribe originally belonged to South Sulawesi, including the counties of Bone, Wajo, Soppeng, Sidenreng Bappang
(Sidrap), Pinarang, Barru, Sinjai, Bulukumba, and the township of
Pare-Pare. In those counties, the indigenous Buginese are found but
in several other counties such as Pangkajene Kepulauan (Pangkep),
Maros, and Bataeng, the Buginese are mixed with Makassar tribe.
The Buginese are a very mobile tribe, well known for their
courage as sea explorers with their small wooden sail boats. They
are extraordinary shipbuilders, sailors, merchants, slave runners,
adventurers, warriors; and they are also famous as pirates. Now they
are scattered on several islands in Indonesia and some have gone
even to islands in Malaysia.
The Buginese first landed in East Kalimantan in Berau county,
Pasir county, and Kutai county in the eighteenth century. Most of
them came from Wajo county. They migrated to East Kalimantan
because at the time there was a war between Wajo inhabitants and
Bone inhabitants. They then settled in Biduk-Biduk village and Batu
Putih village of Mangkalihat Cape of Berau county. They established
plantations of perennial crops such as rubber, clove, palm and coffee.
In their homeland, the Buginese are sedentary farmers and fishermen. They grow rice in Sawah and in Ladang.
1.
Kinship
Housing structure
The houses of Buginese usually face the west or the south.
Unlike the Kenyah's, the Buginese live in single houses. When Kampung is built along side of a river or a creek, the houses are built with
their back facing the water source.
The houses are constructed on poles. It is composed of three
strata. The upper stratum, just below the roof, is used to store
paddy and other stuff. This part is called Rakkeang in local language, which means an attic.
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Indonesia
The middle stratum, called Ale-bola is used for living. This
part is sectioned into living-room, dinin~-room, bedroom, kitchen
and special room.
The lowest stratum is located below the floor of Ale-bola
and forms an open space. This stratum is called Awasao and is
used to store agricultural equipment and other materials. This
stratum may also be used as lair for poultry and goats. Nowadays,
this part is usually walled and used for people to live in.
Each house is occupied by a single household unit which may
consist of an extended family. Based on the social stratification,
three types of houses, namely Sao-raja, Sao-piti, and Bola are recognized.
Sao-raja is a house owned by noble class people. It is distinguished from other types of houses because it is relatively big, and
its roof consists of at least three layers. Its stairs consist of several
layers and roofed to prevent the occupant from rain or sunlight.
The roof of the stairs, the stairs and its hand rail are called "Sapana".
What distinguishes Sao-piti from Sao-raja is its size, roof and
its Sapana. Sao-piti is smaller than Sao-raja, and has two layers of
roof only and without Sapana.
Bola is a house of the commoner. It is a regular house.

Nowadays the Buginese live in houses similar to those
habited by most people living in the villages in East Kalimantan.
In-
Social Stratification
In their homeland, in the old days, the society was stratified
into three strata, namely the noble class of Bone, the commoners,
and the slave.
The noble class people are called Anak Karaeng if they are the
sons or daughters of a King. The appellation Anak Arung Mattola
is used for the heir-apparent and Anak Arung Matase for other
princes or princesses.
The royal relatives are called Anak Arung which are distinquished into Anak Arung ri Bolang if their mother as well as their
father belong to a noble class and Anak Arung Sipue if the mother is
121

a commoner and Anak Cerak if either their father or their mother
belongs to a noble class from another tribe.
The "Free" people (or independent people) are called Tomaradeka. Their title is To-Deceng if they become Kepala Kampung and
To-Sama if they do not hold any position.
The slave class is called Ata.
Since the Independence of the country, the stratification
system has lost its rigidity. Anybody who is considered capable of
becoming the leader of the community, is elected. Moreover when
he/she is away from his/her homeland he/she is not restricted by the
class.
Although the stratification is no longer rigid, the titles are still
used as part of their name; people still try to conform to traditional
norms of behaviour.
Marriage and Divorce System

Traditionally, the parents played an important role in selecting
the wives for their sons.
There are two types of marriages among the Buginese, namely
marriage with proposal, and Anyala (meaning marriage not following the Adat procedure).
The steps in "marriage with proposal" are as follows. The
first step is called Mabbaja laleng, when the boy's side makes an
indirect hint to the family or the girl. In the second step, the boy's
side sends a delegate to the girl's parents to assess the reactions of the
girl's parents; this is called Manuk-manuk.
Upon a positive response a proposal is formally made by the
boy's side. This is called Madutta. After accepting the proposal,
the two sides discuss the date of wedding, and wedding expenses to
be provided by the boy's side. This is called Mappettu ada or
Attapu kana.
The boy and the girl are allowed to get acquainted with each
other 3 days before the wedding date. After the wedding ceremony, the bride and bridegroom are taken to the groom's parents.
After meeting the groom's parents, the entire party returns to the
bride's place for a celebration.
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Indonesia
Anyala is a marriage by romance; when the boy and girl are
in love they contract the marriage against the wishes of their respective parents. There are three forms of it, namely Sz"larz"ang,
Nz"larz"ang, and Erangkale.
Sz"lariang happens when the boy and the girl love each other
and run away to the Iman house for the marriage.
Nz"larz"ang happens when the boy elopes with the girl to get
wedded by the Imam.
Erangkale happens when the girl takes the lead in eloping with
the boy to get wedded by the Imam.
In their homeland, only the Royal descendants could have
four wives. Boys and girls coming from different ethnic groups, or
from different villages, are allowed to get married if both belonged to
Islam. After marriage, the couple should stay at least 40 days in the
bride's parents' house. In some cases, the couple is allowed to stay
with the wife's parents for a much longer duration.
A couple may get divorced if they feel that they could not get
along with each other anymore. The divorce system is in accordance
with the Islam regulations.
2.
Religious beliefs
Before the Buginese became Moslems, they believed in many

gods. They recognized god for the heaven, and god for the earth.
The prayer for god of heaven is conducted in the upper part of the
house, whereas for the god of the earth is held at the river bank or
sea beach.
'Every sacred spot is believed to be occupied by a spirit. The
mountain and the big rain-tree is thought to have spirit living in it.
They also believe in magic. The talisman for strength and
immunity is called Pallawa, and for attracting people's trust is called
Nagasz"koz". The Buginese also believe that certain individuals (such
as kings, priests, and brave people) are possessed by supernatural
powers.
Although Islam entered the Buginese society in the seventeenth century, the traditional beliefs and Adat laws have not been
123
Swidden cultz"vatz"on in Asia
given up. They are still a vital part of their social life. Some such
beliefs are listed below.
A ceremony with big celebration when the new born
child is a baby boy, whereas for a baby girl the celebration is simple;
The name of a new born baby is given by either his father,
his grandfather, or his uncle; the name given is. determined by the time (hour, day and month) at which the
baby was born;
A ceremony is held for the first haircut for a boy only
when he is 7 to 40 days old;
Circumcision is carried out when children are 6 to 12
years old;
Ceremonies are held on 3rd, 7th, and 40th day after the
death of a person.
The day is considered bad on which the 1st of Muharram
falls; that day is considered bad for the whole year;
The dates for planting and harvest are decided on the
basis of the appearance of the moon in the sky: i.e., the
4th, 10th, 14th, 16th, 17th, 20th, 21st, 24th, and 25th
of a Moslem month. The time to plant seeds is determined by the day on which that particular date falls. For
example if the date falls on:
Monday, the time for planting:
10 A.M.
Tuesday, the time for planting:
11
12 A.M.
4.30 P.M.
Wednesday, the time for planting:

Thursday, the time for planting:
10 A.M. - 5 P.M.
Friday, the time for planting:
11
12 A.M.
Saturday, the time for planting:
2.30 P.M.
Sunday, the time for planting:
7.30 A.M.
Religious leaders are traditionally respected by the community. However, in Teluk Pandan they are respected in the same way ?'l
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Indonesia
the ordinary elderly people are respected. They are partly supported
by the community.
3.
Economic life
The Buginese settled in Pampang Luar and in Teluk Pandan are

mainly swiddeners. Only 35 per cent of the Buginese in Pampang
Luar were sedentary farmers, whereas in Teluk Pandan only 42 per
cent were sedentary farmers.
Besides practising swiddening, the Buginese in Pampang Luar
also established perennial crop plantations. The Buginese in Teluk
Pandan were prohibited by the government to continue and expand
their Ladang, as the forest area where they practised swiddening
belongs to the National Park. They are gradually adopting perennial
crop plantations, i.e., banana, and cocoa.
The Buginese practise agriculture, following either of the
following systems: individual family system, wage system and
Berharian system. These terms have the same meaning as the one
used by the Kenyah people.
Different types of work are carried out by following different
practices. Some work is done by the family itself; in some other
work wage labour may be hired; and still in some others Beharian
system may be adopted.
In the two villages under study the adoption of different
practices for different types of work are indicated in Table 4.
The Swz"ddenz"ng Technz"que

The sequence of activities in swiddening practised by the
Buginese is the same as the one done by the Kenyah people.
The tool used in slashing the small vegetation is a short sword
or Parang. The job is done by men only as most Buginese women
stay at home to take care of the children.
The rate for paid labour is Rp 3.500,- per day without meal.
The working hour is around 6 to 7 hours. The rate for piece work
labour for slashing only is Rp 25.000,- per hectare.
125

The average time needed to slash, cut, chop, sow, weed, and
harvest one hectare of Ladang, in the two locations is presented in
Table 5.
Table 4. Manner of Doing Work (figures indicate per cents of
response from the sample families).
Indiv. Fam. Syst.
Activity
Wage System
Berharian System
P.L.
T.P.
P.L.
Slashing
25
100
10
65
Cutting
40
100
70
100
100
20
15
100
100
96
87
38
10
55
20
20
4
70
80
Chopping
Burning
Cleaning
Sowing
Harvesting
T.P.
10
5
Notes: P.L.
Pampang Luar
T.P.
Teluk Pandan
Ind. Fam. Syst.
Individual Family System
T.P.
P.L.
13
62
Table 5. The Time Needed to Slash, Cut, Chop, Sow, Weed,

and Harvest One Hectare of Ladang in Pampang Luar
and Teluk Pandan Villages
(figures indicate Man-Hours)
Slash
Cut
Chop
Saw
Weed
Harvest
Pampang Luar
132
98
205
145
Teluk Pandan
231
172
172
96
396
246
250
445
Village
Swiddening technique practised by the Buginese in Pampang

Luar are the same as those practised by the Kenyah people in Pampang Dalam. On the other hand, the technique practised by the
Buginese in Teluk Pandan is slightly different. At the first stage of
their development in Teluk Pandan, i.e., when there were only 20
households, the Kepala Padang allocated 1.5 hectares of land for
swiddening for each family, all of them occupied the land along both
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Indonesia
sides of the Pandan river. They built their houses and around it, they
grew fruit trees and vegetables. One part of the Ladang was planted
with rice only and the other part with either corn or bean, using a
technique similar to the one used in planting rice.
In the second year, they open up a new Ladang. Part of it is
planted with rice and the other part with either corn or bean. In the
first Ladang they grow banana. The process is repeated in establishing the new Ladang. The establishment of banana plantations is due
to the easiness of the technique of planting, the availability of the
market for the product in Lok Tuan and Bontang and the short
waiting time. When the price of cocoa and coffee is good, they
allocate part of the Ladang for cacao and coffee.
The vast flat areas along both sides of the river are frequently
flooded. They discovered that such land is suitable for wet-rice
cultivation, and they began adopting the permanent cultivation
practice. The ban on opening new Ladang by the government also
forced them to seek alternatives. Still there are people who practise
swidden; these are mostly the new arrivals.
Rice cultivation is done once a year during the rainy season.
The rice seedlings are produced in the compound of their house,
and are transplanted when they are 2 month old.
The calender for agricultural crops cultivation is as follows.
August
making nursery for paddy
September
slashing weeds in the Ladang
October
planting rice seedlings in the Ladang
November
resowing of seeds in case of failure
December
weeding
January to March
harvesting
April
solar drying the paddy grains
May
cleaning other Ladang cultivated for

crops other than rice
June
planting mung bean, soy bean, and/or

banana
July
selling the produce
127

The cropping pattern of the Buginese in Pampang Luar is as
follows. The newly opened Ladang is grown with rice only. Along
the borders of the plots vegetables such as string bean, cucumber,
etc. are planted. Sometimes, corn is also planted in separate plots of
the same Ladang. In few patches, banana is also grown.
The following year, a new Ladang is opened up. Those who
have joined the Perennial Crops Plantation Programme, cultivated the
previous Ladang with either cacao or coffee and rice together.
Fertilizers as well as herbicides obtained from the Service for Plantation Crops are applied to the cacao or coffee plantations. Some
planted their previous Ladang with fruit trees and perennial crops as
well as rice together.
Based on 65 Ladang(s) owned by all swiddeners in Pampang
Luar, the fallow period ranges from 1 to 11 years. The Ladangs
converted into perennial crop plantations constitute 38 per cent of
the total. Table 6 presents the distribution of the percentage of
Ladang having various fallow periods in Pampang Luar.
The number of Ladang(s) owned by each family depends on
the length of their stay in the village.
Distribution of the number of people possessing different
number of Ladang in the two villages is presented in Table 7.
Table 6. Distribution of the Percentage of Ladang Having
Various Fallow Periods in Pampang Luar, 1983
Percentage of Ladang
Fallow Period
14
15
15
10
11
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Indonesia
Table 7. Distribution of the Number of People possessing
Different Number of Ladangs in Pampang Dalam
and in Teluk Pandan, 1983
Number ofPeople
Number of LadJJng(s)
Pampang Luar
Teluk PandJJn
14
Total
1
20
24
Fishing and hunting is the additional source of living of most

people in Pampang Luar. About 60 per cent of the total people have
this additional source of living. Some of them may also work at logging companies (30 per cent).
The sources of living for the people in Teluk Pandan are
fishing, trading, operating rice huller, and working as tailors. The
percentage of people doing fishing, trading, operating rice huller,
working as tailors and those who do not have any additional source
of living are 42 per cent, 8 per cent, 4 per cent, 4 per cent and 42
per cent, respectively.
The estimated amount of earnings per household per year,
from various agricultural products and others on the average, based
on samples in the two villages is presented in Table 8.
In Teluk Pandan, other sources of earnings mostly from fishing,
shared the second in the estimated amount of total earnings. The
main fruit produced from this village is banana.
Rice production could be used as a measure of the households

welfare. The average rice production in the four villages as compared
to the need of a household per year is presented in Table 9.
129

Table 8. The Estimated Amount of Earnings per Household
per Year from Various Agricultural Products and Others
in Pampang Luar and in Teluk Pandan, Based on
Sample Survey, 1983 (in Rp 1.000,-)
Earnings
Village
Paddy
Corn/
Cassava
Veget.
Fruit
Others
Total
Pam pang Luar
276
53
50
47
71
497
Teluk Pandan
1,302
14
129
427
1,872
Table 9. Rice Production and Requirement for Each Household

per Year in the Four Villages, 1983
Production
per Ha.
(Kg)
Daily Need
per man/day
(Kg)
Average Number
o[people/
household
Pampang Luar
1,050
.510
4.7
Datah Bilang Hulu
1,780
.675
5.12
1,244
Teluk Pandan
1,750
.546
5.79
1,138
Pampang Dalam
1,980
.558
1,406
Datah Bilang Hilir
4,300
.598
5.5
1,184
ViHage
The Need per

Year (Kg) per
household
862
It revealed that the production per hectare of swidden cultivated land in Datah BHang Hilir is the highest, followed by that in
Pampang Dalam and that either in Datah Bilang Hulu or in Teluk
Pandan. Amazingly, the rice production per hectare in Teluk Pandan
is smaller than that in either Pampang Dalam or in Datah Bilang Hilir
although wet-rice field (called sawah) is found in Teluk Pandan. It
might be inferred from this data that rice production of sawah per
hectare is smaller than that of Ladang, but this will be wrong as
Teluk Pandan experiences frequent occurrence of floods which
destroys the crop.
Rice yield per hectare is the smallest in Pampang Luar compared to the other three villages. Interestingly, the yield per hectare
130
Indonesia
in Pampang Luar is lower than that in the neighbouring village having
the same conditions. This might be due to the fact that only 35 per
cent of the people in Pampang Luar were farmers. In general the
Buginese of Pampang Luar are less devoted to rice cultivation, do not
have permanent hut in their Ladang to stay in during the period of
cultivation, and frequently they go out of the village for business.
On the average, a person in Pampang Dalam will travel 14 to
15 times a year and 54 per cent of the travel is used for obtaining
their daily needs such as salt, sugar etc., whereas the people in Pampang Luar traveled 21 times a year, 70 per cent of which was used
for business. The frequency of travelling of people out of the village
was the highest in Teluk Pandan, i.e., 57 times a year, all of which
was used for business. In Datah Bilang Hulu, 39 per cent of the
travel of the people per year was for communication, 31 per cent for
medication, and 30 per cent for their daily needs.
A summary of some of the characteristics of the two ethnic
groups, namely the Kenyah and the Buginese, which might be useful
in handling the swidden problem, is presented in Table 10.
Table 10. Some of the Characteristics of the Kenyah and the
Buginese with Respect to the Activities Related
to Swidden Cultivation
No.
Activity
Kenyah
Buginese
1.
Swiddening technique
Tradition
Newly adopted
2.
Crops planted
Traditional crops
Market oriented commodity
3.
Implementation of Government's easier

policy
4.
Chances of abandoning swidden possible by persua- possible by law enforcepractice

sion
ment
5.
Obedience to the leader/Govern- very good

ment
moderate
6.
Attachment to the tradition
strong
weak
7.
Response to new technique
slow
quick
131
relatively more difficult
case
study of the
development programme
The project which is relevant to the swiddening problem is the

Population Resettlement Project. This project was started in the late
1972 or early 1973, with the objective of resettling the nomad and
scattered swiddeners to ensure their welfare and to prevent deterioration of soil, and depletion of forest resource.
The idea of resettling the swiddeners sprang up upon observing
some swiddeners moving down to the base camps owned by the
forest concessionaires who hired them as labourers on low wages
because of their inexperience and their lack of knowledge regarding
labour regulations. They work as temporary labour because they
return to their swiddens when planting is to be done. Thus, they can
be classified as seasonallabou~.
In order to prevent further devastation of the forests, the
Government decided to discourage swiddening practice by resettling

them and encouraging them to become sedentary farmers. The Governor of East Kalimantan and the Head of the provincial forest
service took the initiative to discuss the matter with the national
government. As a result, the President had approved the establishment of a pilot project to resettle the swiddeners.
The funds for this project could be obtained by collecting an
additional contribution for forest products (IHHT, Iuran Hasil Hutan
Tambahan) in the amount of US$ 1.50 per m3 log extracted. Of
that amount, US$ 1 was intended for dredging the rivers, and US$
0.50 for resettling the swiddeners.
Eleven provincial services are involved in the guidance of the
resettled swiddeners, i.e., Services for Agriculture, Estate Crops,
Animal Husbandry, Fishery, Forestry, Education and Culture, Industry, Security and Defense, and Boy Scouts.
Each of these eleven provincial services submit its programmes
to the Executive Body for the Resettlement Project (BP2 Respen)
which consolidates them and forwards to the Governor, who then
submits them to the Office of the President. Upon the approval of
the programmes, the President allocates the budget to the Governor
132
Indonesia
who then renders it to Bp2 Respen which implements the programme with the technical assistance given by various provincial
seIVlces.
In 1973, the budget allocated for each household for a period
of five years was Rp. 586,000, which was then approximately equal
to US$ 1,500. Out of this amount, Rp. 90,000 was used for the
construction of the house and the rest was used for various activities
of different provincial services. In 1978, the budget was increased to
Rp. 800,000 for three years. Out of that amount, Rp. 100,000,- to
Rp. 120,000 depending on the accessibility of the location, was
intended for the construction of the house.
Individual houses were constructed co-operatively, and each of
which was inhabited by a single household. The timber needed for
the construction of these houses and bridges were extracted from
the nearby forest. The houses were placed close to each other,
which may be considered as a modification of the traditional long
house.
Other facilities such as schools, mosques, churches, bridges,
community building, health centre, housing for the teachers, field
extension officer, medical technicians, etc. are provided for each
resettled village.
The participation of each service is as follows. The Field
Extension is an organ of the Provincial Agricultural Service. The
field extension officer is supposed to stay in the village during a
period of establishing the village. His duties are:
to help the farmers physically such as to acquire fertilizers and pesticides;
to change the farmers attitudes so that they may become
modem farmers;
to help farmers to elevate their welfare j
to teach the farmers to apply new technologies such as
in soil tillage, soil conservation, use of improved varieties,
etc.
Each field officer (PPL) has the responsibility of periodically
visiting and giving guidance to each of a number of "group regions".
Each group consists of 25 to 30 households. Under his responsibility
133

there may be 4, 8, 12, or 16 groups. The working days of a PPL are
Monday through Thursday. On Friday he submits a report and on
Saturday he attends a training held at the Regional Agricultural Extension Training Centre. The location of this centre for Datah BHang
area is at Melak. However, due to the difficulty in transportation,
the training was conducted only every 4 weeks instead of every
week. In giving extension, the PPL makes use of the village leaders.
A demonstration plot had been established in each village to
show the swiddeners the effect of the application of fertilizers on
the production of rice in their swidden cultivated field. The fertilizers, i.e., Nitrogen and Phosphate, were distributed free of charge
to every household. Each household obtained 100 kg of each kind.
Besides fertilizers, every three households shared one sprayer. Seeds
as well as pesticides were also provided by PPL. However, the
swiddeners applied the fertilizer only to their food crops and fruit
trees in the garden around their houses. As a matter of fact, in the
beginning (first year), they did not want to apply fertilizers as they
were not convinced about its effect.
The demonstration covers the practice of good tillage, the
proper method of planting, the use of improved varieties, and the
application of fertilizers as well as pesticides. Among these demonstrated activities, application of pesticides and improved varieties
are in the interest of the swiddeners.
It reveals that this programme had not been able to divert the
swiddeners' mind from their practice of traditional agricultural
techniques. The fact that only a small number of swiddeners really
visit and see the demonstration plot indicates that this programme
was not of their interest. Some of the reasons for lack of response
are the following:
1.
The demonstration plot of 0.1 hectare is considered not

big enough to give a significant impact;
2.
The demonstration plot does not belong to the Kepala

Adat. He, therefore, does not play the role of opinion
leader convincing the people about the good features of
new technology. The Kepala Adat could be used as an
agent for a change;
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Indonesia
3.
The supply of fertilizers and pesticides was irregular.

They were supplied only once during the period of establishment. Ample time is needed to introduce a new idea
or to change a habit or tradition. Although supply of all
the necessary agricultural inputs is provided, a 3 to 5
years period of guidance and demonstration is considered
too short to change the swiddeners into sedentary
farmers;
4.
The timing as well as the technique of disseminating new

technology need to be improved and adjusted to the local
conditions. Instead of meeting during the day, a night
meeting after they come from the field would be more
proper. This would of course require provision of lamps
and lights, and the discussion could be combined with
some entertainment programmes;
5.
The swiddeners are directly approached by the change

agents. It would be more effective if it is done through
the village leaders. It is also necessary to employ local
language in the discussion sessions.
The Provincial Service of Social Affairs provided the Punan

tribe equipments such as hunting rifles and canoes as they live from
hunting. In addition, the Punan are taught how to raise chicken and
hogs as well as to grow food crops in the garden surrounding their
houses. They are also trained to do co-operative work.
In order to eliminate the role of brokers, the Service of Social
Affairs introduced the barter system among the Punans. The Punans
recdve the items such as sugar, salt, rice and kerosene, who in turn
render building materials which are finally used for the construction
of their common facilities such as community houses, or bridges. It
was found out that after termination of the guidance period, the
Punans had gone back to the their previous way of life.
The Provincial Service for Plantation Crops assigned some extension officers in some of the resettled villages. Their period of stay
in a village depends on the availability of funds. In general, they stay
for 1 to 3 years. In case no extension man is available in a village,
the Kepala Kampung contacts the District Head who will obtain the
necessary advice from the appropriate officers.
135

The Provincial Office for Plantation Crop established 17 Project Executive Units (UPP, Unit Pelaksana Proyek) in East Kalimantan. Each UPP deals with one plantation crop only, e.g. Clove UPP,
Coffee UPP, Coconut UPP, etc.
A plantation crop farmer could obtain a loan from the bank
to cover the needed funds for the production of seedlings, for the
purchase of fertilizers and pesticides, and for the cost of living while
waiting for the harvest. The loan is supposed to be paid back in 10
years for coffee and 20 years for rubber plantations. The grace
period is 8 years.
There are 360 farmer groups which are guided by UPP;
another 110 farmer groups are independent. Each farmer is provided with 1 to 2 hectares of land intended for plantation crop and
0.75 hectare for food crop. So far, none of the local Kenyah swiddeners has joined the project, whereas most of the Bugineses' swiddeners have joined while still practising swiddening. Most of them
plant either cacao or pepper.
The contribution of the Services for Transmigration is in the
form of employment provision in the preparation of the transmigration sites. In an effort to stop the swiddeners practising swiddening,
a new policy has been adopted by the Transmigration Service, i.e., to
incorporate the resettled swiddeners with transmigrants coming from
other islands. It is hoped that by mixing them with the transmigrants, the swiddeners may be encouraged to become sedentary farmers. The local ethnic groups joining this new policy were the Kutai,
Tunjung, Benuag, and Banjar.
The transmigrants are given shelter (house), public utilities,
manual agricultural tools, 2 hectares of land for rice cultivation, and
0.25 hectare of yard, and Government's subsidy for one year (to meet
living expenses) while waiting for the next harvest. Among the local
ethnic groups joining the transmigration programme, it appears that
the Kutai tribe is developing faster than the others. Up to the present, in general, an effort to change them to become sedentary
farmers has however, not been successful.
The Services for Industry Programmes in the Population Resettlement Project are to introduce the simple technique so that the
swiddeners could be more productive in running their cottage
136
Indonesia
industry, to provide tools or equipment necessary for the advancement of their skill and to improve the workmanship and art of their
cottage industry products.
Training is conducted either in the village or in Samarinda as it
is the location of the industrial vocational training centre. Although
in general the Kenyah people more readily adopt new ideas and
practices compared to other local ethnic groups, the focus of the
training is on the children. The Regional Officer in charge of the
training realizes that it is very difficult to train the older people as
they had adopted the tradition for a long time. On the other hand,
the Kenyah children are very talented, and it is relatively easy to
teach them.
Training programmes in the use of different equipments have
been conducted for people to work on handicrafts, smithy, and carpentry. In Bulungan county, some of the resettled villagers are able
to produce sugar from sugar-canes. However, in Kutai county most
of them are working on timber felling. The Department of Industry
Officer realizes that the types of equipment provided to the resettled
people and the method of developing these tribes need to be adjusted
to their tradition and culture, as well as to the local conditions.
The objective of promoting small scale industry among the
swiddeners community is to divert their activity from swiddening.
Besides that, such home or small scale industries would have some
beneficial effect on the resettled villagers such as utilizing the spare
time, attracting the children as well as the elderly people to stay in
the village so that the children can be encouraged to go to school,
and making the villagers becoming more dynamic.
The Services for Industry people realizes that the time given to
them to stay and really train the swiddeners is insufficient. Due to
budget constraints most of the villages have been visited only once.
During the period of guidance and establishment, for example, the swiddeners' time to be devoted to learning the technique is
limited, as most of their time is used up in co-operative work. They
found out that the Resettlement Programme so far has not been
successful yet. It appears that too many and not well co-ordinated
programmes are launched in such a small resettled village.
In each forestry district, a demonstration plot of forest trees
has been established. Besides that, the Forest Service distributed
137

seedlings of forest trees to the swiddeners in the village to be planted
around their house or around their hut.
The Provincial Health Service paid attention to health and
food problems. The villagers were taught how to keep the environment healthy. The number of physicians and para medical personnel
is so limited that no satisfactory progress in this regard has been
made. In many cases the personnel in charge of the activities in the
resettlement villages had not been able to stay in the location for
more than one week. It is understandable as the conditions in these
villages are quite unfavourable. Besides personnel, the supply of
medicines is also limited. The most obtainable drug is pain reliever.
People have to travel a long distance for medication. For example,
the people in Datah Bilang, have to go to Samarinda for medication
of even small ailments.
The resettled swiddeners were also taught how to raise
animals, such as goats, sheep, ducks or chickens. The Animal Husbandry Service distributed those animals to the villages. The kind
and its number were adjusted to the village condition. In some locations goat is more suitable to be raised than sheep. It was not the
intention of the Animal Husbandry Service to launch an intensive
animal husbandry programme. It was meant only to make them acquainted with animal husbandry activities so that in future they
could participate in the animal husbandry programmes.
The Local Police and Military Officers teach the security
system and civil defence to the resettled swiddeners, whereas the
Bureau of Village Development of the Provincial Government teaches
them how to construct houses, roads, and community building cooperatively, and how to carry out village administration.
According to the plan, the project will be terminated by the
end of 1984. What is the result of the project up to date? We recall
that the objectives of establishing this project were twofold, i.e., i) to
elevate their standard of living; and ii) to stop them from practising
swidden cultivation.
A drastic change, indeed, has not occurred. However, this
project was just an attempt to introduce them to a modem way of
life. In order to be successful, a programme should be selective for
a particular tribe and location. For that reason implementation of
such programme should not be carried out as a large scale operation,
and it should not be done in a hurry.
138
Indonesia
The perception of various

development agents and the swiddeners about
the impact of sw idden cultivation on the environment
This section will discuss the perception of the swiddeners and
their leaders in the sampled villages about the effects of the swiddening practice on the environment. Besides the swiddeners, representatives of several government agencies are also asked their opinion
regarding the swiddening problem and their ideas about its resolution.
Interviews were held with officials of various government
agencies directly handling the problem, among others are the Head
of Sungai Pinang Dalam village, the Head of Samarinda nir District,
the Provincial Industry Service, the Provincial Social Affairs Service,
the Provincial Forest Service, the Provincial Office for Plantation
Crops, the Provincial Agricultural Service, the Provincial Social Affairs Service, the Provincial Forest Service, the Provincial Office for
Plantation Crops, the Provincial Agricultural Service, the Provincial
Transmigration Service, and the Provincial Office for Population
Resettlement Project.
The Head of Sungai Pinang Dalam Village realizes the illeffects of swidden cultivation on the environment. Anyhow, he
raised a normative issue about the duty and function of the Government. He stressed that "we are dealing with the people, and they
have the right to live. So we cannot just forbid them to do that and
this. " Instead, "we have to show them and give them alternatives if
what they are doing is not in line with the Government policy."
But, he did not have any concrete ideas to offer. Vaguely he
mentioned about promoting the cultivation of estate crops because
they are not perishable and their marketing is secure.
The Head of Samarinda Ilir District thinks that the soil of East
Kalimantan is poor and it is further worsened through the practice
of swidden cultivation. Further, he believes that the practice does
not per se result in the occurrence of forest fire as the swiddeners take
precautions while burning the swidden lands. However, he informed
that due to a long period of drought in 1982 in East Kalimantan,
139

such forest fire could not be controlled and vast tracts of forest were
destroyed by fire.
He also claims that some forest concessionaires are responsible
for the devastation of forests and forest lands, as they did not follow
"the Selective Cutting System" prescribed by the Government. He
is of the opinion that due to the rapid increase of the population, it
is expected that the practice will automatically stop in five to ten
years from now. He thinks that the establishment of perennial crop
plantation would be one method of solving the problem, whereas
the development of fisheries is another. It is realized that before
such perennial crops could be harvested, other sources of income
need to be explored, otherwise people may illegally cut timber from
the forest in order to be able to feed their family.
The Regional Officer of the Department of Industry is of the

opinion that swidden cultivation results in the devastation of forest
and its soil. He is not sure that swiddening causes forest fire as
swiddening had been practised for a long time and yet no forest fire
occurred before 1983.
He claims that soil erosion is not due to swidden cultivation
practised by the local ethnic groups but mainly due to migrants
coming from other islands and by the forest concessionaires who do
not follow completely the cutting system prescribed by the Government. He believes that the swiddeners will continue this practice if
the Government does not help them to find other ways of living.
The Regional Offcer of the Department of Social Affairs

claims that the local swiddeners do not cause any forest fire as they
usually practise controlled burning when they clear the forest land
for swiddening. He thinks that migrants coming from other islands
cause forest fires because of their ill training in swidden cultivation
techniques. Swiddening had been practised by the local ethnics for
many years and yet no forest fire occurred, and no harmful effects
were observed. He is also of the opinion that greater damage to
forests is done by forest concessionaires. He thinks it difficult to
stop people from practising swidden cultivation.
All the dysfunctions of swidden cultivation are dearly observed by the Provincial Forest Service Officer. According to him,
the problem is more complicated in the coastal areas because the
140
Indonesia
people are relatively more developed and are already money conscious. They consider swiddening as the most efficient and effective
way of practising agriculture because they do not have to incur any
expenses in renting or buying land. The needs of the local ethnics
who live in the interior of East Kalimantan, are quite modest, just
the availability of rice; and therefore they do not over-indulge in the
exploitation of forest.
The Forest Service officer was of the opinion that in general,
the ethnics of East Kalimantan are less change prone. They, for
example, do not learn the agricultural techniques from the transmigrants. One significant "bad habit" of the Tunjung tribe, for example, is betting on cock-fighting. These traits become an obstacle to
their development. He was not sure that the swiddeners' involvement in the nucleus estate project would change them into sedentary farmers because they were not in a habit to take care or to
cultivate plantation crops. Instead, he proposed to intensify agricultural extension work and provision of employment as labourers in
the timber estates which will be established soon in outer islands.
The Head of the Provincial Office for Plantation Crops found

that the swiddeners destroy the cultivated land in a lesser degree
compared to the forest concessionaires. He was of the opinion that
rather than blame the swiddeners, help should be extended to them
to find alternative ways of making a living. He said that when fallow
period is of longer duration, swidden cultivation does not cause any
serious problem to the environment.
In his view, involvement of swiddeners in the establishment of
plantation will be able to stop them from practising swidden. The
Provincial Office for Plantation Crops had distributed seedlings or
transplants of different species such as clove, coffee, and coconut to
the resettled villagers. The species most suitable to the sites were
selected. Fertilizers, pesticides and sprayers were also distributed to
the villagers.
The officials at the ProvinCal Agricultural Service were of the
opinion that swidden cultivation results in the destruction of the
environment. The Field Officer of the Extension Work felt that due
to the decreasing land productivity and its distant location from the
market are adversely affecting the swiddenists.
141

He did not subscribe to the view that swidden cultivation
causes forest fire; it is only dangerous when burning of farms follows
a period of drought.
Contrary to the majority opinion regarding the effect of the
swidden cultivation on the environment, the Field Officer of the
Department of Transmigratz"on stated that no big flood was observed
before 1960s. However, when large scale logging operations were
initiated in the late 1960s, flooding became a major problem. As a
consequence of the establishment of the logging roads, more lands
became accessible and more people do swidden cultivation.
The Head of the Regional Officer for Transmigration thought

that swidden cultivation does not really cause any forest fire
although it does cause damage to the forest. He mentioned that
forest concessionaires do not cause forest destruction when they
follow the Selective Cutting System prescribed b'y the Government.
He further stated that the practice could be stopped if the swiddeners
are given cattle, fertilizers, etc. to encourage them to settle down at
one place. At the moment there are 47,000 households inhabiting
the production forest. It is planned that they all should be resettled
during the coming PELITA IV (the 4th five year development plan).
The Head of the Population Resettlement Project is fully
aware of the ills of swidden cultivation. He thinks that his project is
one of the solutions to the problem. Although he and his staff struggle hard for the success of the project, not much progress has been
registered.
The perception of the swiddeners about the effects of the
swidden cultivation on the environment, i.e. forest devastation, soil
erosion, pollution of the rivers and forest fire is presented in Table
11.
The swiddeners in all villages studied, except in Teluk Pandan,
were unaware of the impact of swidden cultivation on the forest.
Datah Bilang Ilir and Pampang Dalam have relatively higher percentage of people who do not have any knowledge about it.
Fifty per cent of the swiddeners in Pampang Dalam recognize
the effects of their agricultural practices on soil erosion, whereas in
other villages the percentage of such people is much lower. The Buginese people of Pampang Luar and Teluk Pandan consistently
142
Table 11. Percentage of the Swiddeners's Perception about Various Effects

of Swidden Cultivation on the Environment, Based on Samples
Number of
reliPonden tB
Village
(.)0
Datah BilangUlu
Datah Bilang Ilir
Pampang Dalam
Pampang Luar
Teluk Pandan
Note:
25
18
7
20
20
Pollution of RiverB
Flood
Soil EroBion
Fore,t Devastation
A
DA
NI
DA
NI
DA
28
64
48
44
0
50
77
12
23
48
11
8
89
40
0
33
40
87
83
17
10
12
75
62
33
25
26
50
35
46
17
50
25
33
15
29
17
60
4
50
0
9
17
NI
Fore,t Fire
DA
NI
DA
NI
60
0
32
61
8
39
68
0
24
8
14
17
17
20
12
66
30
21
66
34
10
4
60
54
50
67
86
0
30
42
A means Agree
DA means Disagree
NI means No Idea
~
I:l..
c
;:s
~

showed a higher percentage of disagreement about its impact than
the other tribe. It is quite possible that they do notice the adverse
effect but do not want to admit because of their self-interest. Amazingly, the percentage of people in Teluk Pandan, where flood frequently occurred, who realized that swidden cultivation caused
flood, was small. However, the Kenyah people of Pampang Dalam
who live in the same geographic area as the Buginese, do acknowledge
this effect.
The awareness of the Kenyah people about the effect of swidden cultivation on the pollution of rivers, in general, is relatively
lower than the Buginese. On the other hand, their awareness of the
danger of forest fire is high. This supported the fact that the Kenyah
people master the art of controlling fire in the clearing of the forest
for the swiddening.
Conclusion
Swidden cultivation has been practised on many islands as

early as 1827 by various ethnic groups in Indonesia. The low fertility of the land and sparse population are probably the reasons why
swidden cultivation has been and is being practised on different
islands. Swiddening was also practised in early days in Java, which
has relatively fertile land. However, due to the rapid increase of
population and therefore the reduction in the availability of the land
swidden cultivation on Java disappeared. On the other hand, such
swiddening is nowadays still practised on other islands where the soil
is less fertile and the population is still not dense. However, the rotation of farms is much more frequent as the forest lands are either
utilized by the forest concessionaires, or designated as protection
forest and national parks or converted for other use such as transmigration areas, urbanization, development of various industries, establishment of plantation crops, etc. The forest areas which may be used
for swidden cultivation are getting more limited and therefore the
fallow period is getting shorter. Before such forest areas became
limited, the local (Dayak tribe) swiddeners took enough care to conserve the soil. After planting rice or other annual food crops, they
planted perennial crops including fruit trees before moving to other
areas to open up the virgin forest and established new plantation of
annual food crops. As the forest areas then were relatively unlimited
144
Indonesia
compared to the population size, people kept moving from one
forest area to the other without coming back soon to the abandoned
land for the cultivation of annual food crops.
The practice of sWidden cultivation had originally no harmful
effect mainly due to the <:ontinuous soil coverage by the vegetation
and therefore the practice did not cause any significant soil erosion. Swidden cultivation did not also cause any forest fire, as the
Dayak tribe used to apply the technique of controlled burning. Only
the forest area to be cultivated was cleared and the slash burned,
protecting the surrounding forest areas from the fire. It was just
recently that the long period of drought made it difficult to control
the forest fire. Indeed, the potential danger of forest fire is always
there.
Spontaneous migrants coming from other islands in many
cases emulate the local people in East Kalimantan and start practising
swidden cultivation. However, they apparently do not really master
doiI-;'g this, particularly in clearing the forest; burning is also quite
often uncontrolled. It is thus unfortunate that it is not the local
inhabitants, the traditional swidden cultivators, who learn from
the coming migrants to become sedentary farmers, but on the contrary the immigrants pick up swidden cultivation, and practise it as
amateurs.
Realizing the deleterious effect of the practice of swidden cultivation, the Government took the initiative to have the Population
Resettlement Project with the objective of protecting the forest and
the forest lands from devastation by swidden cultivation and at the
same time to elevate the welfare of the swiddeners. By resettling
them it is hoped that they could be given the opportunity to get proper education, health care, and other facilities as is the case with the
other members of the nation.
Unfortunately the success of this programme is not very satisfactory yet. This might be, among others, due to the following:
1.
The project does not take note of diverse cultures and

traditions of different ethnic groups:
2.
For the initial stage, the scale of this pilot project is too
big. We do not have the experience yet and have no adequate number of personnel to stay in the field.
145

3.
The allocation of the budget is not adequate.
4.
The programmes of different services are not well coordinated.
Establishment of industries such as wood industries would

hopefully be able to divert the immigrants as well as the local inhabitants of the villages in East Kalimantan from practising swidden cultivation. Efforts of the Government to improve the productivity of
the soil would be needed for encouraging the swiddeners to become
sedentary farmers.
Indeed, the above mentioned Resettlement Project has not
been successful yet. However, one step has been taken by the Government in its effort to overcome the problem of the forest devastation, and the poor condition of the swiddeners. It is hoped that the
experiences gathered during the course of the project would be
useful for the future development of the swiddeners, and at the same
time the forest and the forest lands could be protected from further
deterioration and be properly utilized for the development of the
country.
146
Indonesia
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anonymous.
1965 Peta Geologi Kalimantan Timur. (Geological map of
East Kalimantan). Jakarta: Direktorat Geologi RI.
Anonymous.
1977 Sejarah Daerah Kalimantan Tengah. (History of
Central Kalimantan). Pusat Penelitian Sejarah dan
Budaya. Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan
dan Kebudayaan.
Anonymous.
1982 Sistem Kesatuan Hidup Setempat Daerah Sulawesi
Selatan (The System of Local Culture in South
Sulawesi).
Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan
Kebudayaan.
Anonymous.
1983 Analisis Dampak Lingkungan Proyek Perluasan Kilang
LNG Bontang (Environmental Impact Analysis of LNG
Expansion Project in Bontang). Samarinda: Universitas
Mulawarman.
Azier, A.
1980
Beberapa Catatan Tentang Perihz'dup Suku Kenyah

Uma lalan di Long Segar. Samarinda: Universitas
Mulawarman.
Bakkers, J .A.
1962 De Afdeeling Sanjai (Celebes). The Sanjai Division
(Sulawesi). Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal, Landen
Volkenkunde, pp. 265-373.
Bouman, M.A.
1922/ "Gegevans uit Smitau en Boven-Kapuas (1922)".
1952 (Information from Smitau and upper Kapuas). In
Adat rechtbundels, 44; Borneo.
'S Gravenhage:
Martinus Nijhoff, pp. 47-86.
147

Boyce, D.
1983
Kutai. East Kalimantan. A Journal of Past and

Present Glory. Kotabangun.
Brenner, J. Freiherr von.

1894 Besuch bei den kannibalen Sumatra. Erste Durchquerung der unabhangigen Batak-Lande. (Visit to the
cannibal Sumatra: First report on independent BatakLande). Wurzburg: Verlag von Leo Woerl.
Forbes, H.O.
1885 A Naturalist's wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago
(Indonesia): A Narratz"ve of travel and exploration
from 1878 to 1883. New York: Harper and Brothers.
1971 Survey Pengaruh Perladangan terhadap tanah dan air
Dati I Kalimantan Timur (Survey on impact of swidden agriculture on soil and hydrology in East
Kalimantan). Bogor LPH: Laporan LembagaPenelitian
Kehutanan, no. 131.
Hagen, B.
1903
Die Gayo Lander auf Sumatra (The natives of Gayo

in North Sumatra). Frankfurt am Main: Gebruder
Knauer, Ver. f. Geogr. u. Statistik, Jahrgang 66 his
67, pp. 29-85.
Iban,H.M.
1970 Pengaruh Adat Terhadap Perkembangan Kehidupan

Suku Dayak Kenyah Apo Kayan di Kabupaten
Bulungan (The Development of the Tradition of Dayak
Kenyah in Apo Kayan, Bulungan county). Samarinda:
Akademi Pemerintahan Dalam Negeri.
J ongegans, J.
1918
"Een ander over Semangka (Southeast of Bengkulu)"

(Brief notes on the districts around Semangka Bay,
Southeast of Bengkulu). In: Tijdscrift voor Indische
Volkenkunde: 229-300.
Loeb, E.M.
1972
Sumatra: Its Hz'story and People.

Oxford University Press.
148
Kuala Lumpur:
Indonesia
Mattulada.
1981
Pospisil, L.
1963
"Kebudayaan Bugis-Makassar" (The Culture of BugisMakassar). In Manusia dan Kebudayaan di Indonesia

(Man and Culture in Indonesia). Jakarta: Penerbit
Djambetan, pp. 253-278.
The Kapauku Paupans of West New Guinea. Chicago:

Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
Schmidt, F.H. &J.H.A. Ferguson

1951 Rainfall Types Based on Wet and Dry Period Ratios for
Indonesia with Western New Guinea. Kementerian
Perhubungan. Jakarta: Djawatan Meteorogi Geofisik.
Spencer, J .E.
1966 Shifting Cultivation in South-Eastern Asia. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Soeranggadjiwa, M.H.
1980 The Feasibility and the Urgency of Applying the
Budget and the System of the National Budget in
Connection with the Resettlement of the Nomadic
Farmers. Paper Presented at Rapat Kerja Resetelmen
Penduduk. Samarinda: Direktorat Jenderal Kehutanan 8-12 April.
Tenison, R.B.
1975 A Pattern of People.
Sons.
New York: Charles Scribner's
Trewartha, G.T.
1954 An Introduction to Climate. New York, Toronto,
London: McGrawhill Book Company, (Third Edition).
149
Chapter Three
MALAYSIA
Zuraina Majid
I.
Swidden cultivation in Malaysia
This present study has been preceded by an earlier study

which involved the building up of a country profile covering a description of swidden areas, people and culture, a historical review of
government policies towards swiddening, and the current problems
associated with swidden cultivation. The present phase of the swidden project described here concentrated on an empirical study of a
cluster of five swidden villages in Sarawak. As a preface to this
work, some findings of the first and second phase studies will first be
summarised.
Previous research on swidden cultivation

In the Malaysian research on swidden two main traditions can
be identified: one, those done in the natural sciences, and two, those'
done in the social sciences. Among the social scientists, it was mainly the anthropologists who studied swidden. The majority did not
focus on swidden as a system. Their interest in swidden was seen
only as part of a description of the economic activities of the group
studied. Later anthropological studies on swidden focussed on a
description of swidden processes and a landmark work in this area is
Freeman's [ban Agriculture (1955). Generally, the anthropologists
explored the nature of swidden cultivation, how it is practised, and
the beliefs associated with the practices. Questions asked revolved
around what they plant, when they plant, why, and how. The
natural scientists on the other hand, were mainly concerned about
the effects of swidden on the environment. They took an extensive
and long-term view of swidden as far as it affected the ecological
150
Malaysia
balance of a whole geographical area. From as early as the 1930s
they regarded swiddening as a destructive activity. However, a shift
in approach was clearly seen in the 1970s as the physical scientists
began empirically verifying the observations made in earlier writings.
They researched into those phenomena which were affected by swidden e.g. erosion, soil fertility (c.f. Andriesse, 1977). They also began
researching swiddening more holistically and humanistically, with
considerations of people and culture, man and nature. This shift in
orientation probably came out of a need to modify swidden in the
face of development. A proper understanding of swiddening is imperative as swiddeners are the main recipients of development projects in Sabah and Sarawak, while in Peninsular Malaysia swiddeners
form a significantly smaller group with a marginal status.
The swiddeners: peoples, areas, and development
Swidden cultivation is widespread only in certain parts of

Malaysia. Although practised in Peninsular Malaysia, it is generally
true to say that swidden cultivation is predominantly found in East
Malaysia. The swiddeners of Sabah and Sarawak form the bulk of
the indigenous population and therefore play a critical political role
in development policies. The swiddeners in Peninsular Malaysia, the
Orang Asli, are a small group who have not joined the mainstream of
political life, and therefore are marginal and do not function as a
pressure group of any kind.
In Malaysia, swiddeners are found in hilly areas where the land
is often infertile, and where swiddening, given the considerations of
the physical environment, is the only feasible method of cultivation.
In Peninsular Malaysia, areas under swidden cultivation are found
mostly along both slopes of the Main Range. In Sarawak, areas of
swidden are scattered on hill slopes especially close to the upper
reaches of the major river systems, while in Sabah, isolated pockets
of swidden can be found along the slopes of the Crocker Range
which runs roughly parallel to the Northeast-Southwest coastline.
Complexities inherent in the swidden system make it difficult

to accurately determine the annual acreage used for swidden. Because it is practised in hilly and mountainous areas it is not easy to
measure its acreage. The exact area under swidden is difficult to
determine mainly because of the system of rotation of field. Another
151

difficulty arises from the reports providing non-comparable data,
using different techniques, standards, and definitions. Thus, reports
refer to different years; percentages given in these reports use different base years, and the reports vary in detail.
According to available statistics in 1967-1977, around 149,407
acres or 60,463 hectares (or 0.5 per cent of the land area of Sarawak),
were cut and burnt for swidden, but many foresters, according to
Hatch (n.d.) felt that this is an extremely conservative figure. Hatch
suggests that the true extent of swidden in terms of land use would be
best estimated from air photographs and planometric measurements.
Using these methods, it has been estimated that 7,152,524 acres or
2,894,537 hectares (or 23.5 per cent of the State of Sarawak) are
either actively within the swidden cycle or have been slashed and
burnt at least once.
In Peninsular Malaysia, the Land Use Classification Report
(which considers only the swidden areas on slopes beyond 25)
provides a figure of 0.1 per cent of the state under swidden in 1966.
The area under swidden decreased in 1974 to 0.06 per cent of Peninsular Malaysia. Based on actual acreage of swidden against total
acreage under agriculture in the various states of Peninsular Malaysia,
the total acreage under swidden in 1974 in Peninsular Malaysia is
1.215 per cent of land under agriculture for that year. There has,
thus, been a reduction of 1. 72 per cent of land under swidden for
the 1966-1974 period.
In Sabah, the 1970 Land Use Report (the most current reference) estimates a total of 107,825 acres of land under swidden.
This comprises 13.95 per cent of the total acreage under agriculture.
The main agricultural use of land is for rubber which occupies 37.14
per cent of agricultural land. The next largest (agricultural) land use
is swidden (13.95 per cent), closely followed by coconut (12.8 per
cent) and oil palm (9.96 per cent).
The people who practise swidden are of various ethnic groups

and are known by different names. In Peninsular Malaysia, it is the
Orang Asli or "aborigines" who form the most significant group in
swidden cultivation. However, swidden has not always been limited to
the Orang Asli. Historically, the Chinese and the Malays have also
been known to use this system of slash and burn. The Chinese have
also been known to additionally add fertiliser to the swidden fields.
152
Malaysia
Figures for these ethnic groups in swidden now and over time are not
available. In Sarawak, almost all the indigenous ethnic groups use
this farming system, but the most dominant ethnic group in swidden
is the Iban. In Sabah, the Murut and Dusun/Kadazan form the bulk
of the swidden population.
Based on descriptions of swidden and interviews with those
familiar with the practice in Sabah, Sarawak and Peninsular Malaysia,
two broad categories of swidden farming can be distinguished:
(a)
Migratory Swiddeners
These people live in small isolated communities in the
interior on land that is very steep (often in excess of 33),
infertile and not suitable for sustained agriculture use or
improvement. When it is time to search for new land,
they migrate completely, uprooting their whole household to the new area. Usually the land-man ratio is high.
(b)
Settled Swiddeners
Unlike the migratory swiddeners, these farmers live in
one place, but shift their swidden plots. When a plot of
land has been exhausted of its nutrients, they leave it to
fallow and choose other less infertile plots to work on.
The land is usually less steep (often below 25), and is
generally of a marginal nature, which could be improved
by various methods.
It is the settled swiddeners who are the main beneficiaries of

government aid. Migratory swiddeners, living in small isolated groups
in very inaccessible areas have not been reached. The policies
directed specifically at the swidden population came about only after
Independence. In our review of the various measures taken by the
government from pre-war until today, what clearly emerges is that
prior to Independence, policies affecting swiddeners arose from
either political or environmental concerns. After Independence,
policies were formulated specifically for providing swiddeners with
alternative and better quality livelihood. The implementation of
these policies rests in the hands of several quasi-government development agencies, and various government departments. These agencies
and departments are involved in the two government strategies of
rural development - in situ development, and resettlement.
153

The main problems arising from developmental efforts relate
to the question of land rights, crop selection, employment, and cultural changes. For a successful implementation of rural development
- either in situ or resettlement - these problems will have to be
taken into account, and resolved.
The empirical study
In the final phase of the Project attention was focused on five

swidden villages that had several common features. These villages
shared a sufficiently large eco-system, the people were predominantly
swiddeners who belonged to the same ethnic group, Iban, and shared
the same pattern of social organization. The villages were affected by
similar development programmes, introduced during the last decade.
These people had been swiddeners for generations. The study is
evaluative in nature, testing out perceptions among (and between)
change agents and the swiddeners, and generally, the efficacy of
development efforts among these swiddeners.
11.
Swidden farming: village profile and cultural cycles
The five villages chosen for the study are clustered off the
Serian-Simanggang road in Sarawak, East Malaysia. The main focus
of the study was on the impact of development programmes on the
swidden cultivators, the mutual perceptions between these farmers
and change agents as well as their perceptions of the interaction
between swiddening and the environment. The villages selected for
this study lie close to one another along this road, and are among
approximately 50 villages of various sizes in the area. It was only
recently that these villages have become accessible by road. This
came about in 1978, before which the main access was by river.
Swidden cultivation occupies an important activity among the
people of Sarawak. In the area chosen for this study, swidden cultivation has been practised for generations. The swiddeners belong
to the Iban ethnic group, all of them sharing a homogeneous culture.
Their social organization has evolved through the years with all cultural activities focussed on swiddening. In Sarawak swiddeners form
the bulk of the rural population. Taking Malaysia as whole, among
154
Malay~
all the states fonning the federation, Sarawak has the largest number
of swiddeners and the largest acreage under swiddening.
In April-May 1982, I conducted fieldwork in the area, with
help from students of Iban origin studying at Universiti Sains Malaysia. While in the villages, we gathered data through questionnaires,
interviews, and participant observation. Pretesting was done before
the questionnaire proper was administered to the village respondents
and the change agents (government field staff working in the villages). We also obtained data from the government agencies that have
projects in the area. Scientific data on the environment such as
hydrological characteristics are not available for the area as there has
been no study on the physical aspects of swiddening and the land.
This section describes the area of study and the people, and
discusses the cultural implications of swidden cultivation.
Location
This group of five villages - Lamujong, Kasindu, Tekalong,

Mawang Lama and Mawang Barn - is located 76 miles southeast of
Kuching, the capital of Sarawak. These villages are in the District of
Simunjan and for administrative matters, the villagers are required to
travel to Simunjan Town. Although under one district, these villages
fall under two State constituencies. Constituencies N14 and
N12 cut across this district, such that Tekalong is in N14 with
its own State Assembly man while the other four villages fall under
N12 with another State Assembly man. The political representative for Takalong (NI4) is very popular with the villagers while the
representative for the other villages seldom visits them. A good
relationship with one's political representative is important in that he
can speed up administrative matters through the District Officer.
Topographically, the area is covered by undulating hills, and
marked by a distinct group of steep hills that ascend sharply in the
Kasindu, Lamujong and Tekalong area (Map 1). The hills around
Mawang Lama and Mawang Barn are low hills in a relatively flat area.
Two rivers, Sungai Spaoh and Sungai Sabal Kruin flow from opposite
sides of the steep hills. The larger of the two rivers, Sungai Sabal
Kruin separates Mawang Lama and Mawang Barn from the three other
villages. Prior to the road being constructed, this river was a busy
155

Map 1. Topography of Village Area
156
Malaysia
thoroughfare between the area and Simunjan, the administrative
centre. There are several tributaries flowing into these main river
courses, in the Tekalong, Lamujong and Kasindu area, while those
around Mawang Lama and Mawang Barn are indefinite watercourses.
The area between and around Lamujong and Tekalong is a lowlying
swampy area (Map 2). Previously, this swampy area grew trees
which provided a convenient source of timber for longhouse construction, but because of lumbering activities carried out many years
ago, the villagers complain that they have to transport timber from
further distances for their construction needs. Flooding is not an
uncommon feature in the area. The older villagers remerhber a big
flood some 20 years ago. Every 2 or 3 years during the monsoons,
the area is partially under water. There does not appear to be any
unusual silting of rivers, or erosion of the hills. However, no quantitative scientific study on the physical and hydrological aspects has
been done, and the remarks on silting and erosion are based on general observations at one point in time and also on answers given by
the villagers.
Village structure and demography
Each village is an autonomous body independent of the other

in its day to day activities. The administrative organization of the
village is headed by a Tuai Rumah (Headman), who is aided by 1 or 2
deputies and several ]awatankuasa (Committee). A committee in
these villages is made up of 2 or 3 people only and there are committees for water supply, school and any other area necessary. The
position of headman had always been hereditary, given to a son on
the death of his father, but this tradition is not upheld today. The
villagers now elect their headman and there is no contractual period
or tenure in the position.
Mawang is a case that clearly illustrates the adoption of a new
"democratic" style of villages administration, the problems arising
from it, and how the solution reflects the lack of a body of laws
supporting the new system. Because the dispute over the position of
headman could not be settled (decisions in the traditional system
were made on the basis of consensus and this method is still upheld),
the village broke into two, following factional lines. Both factions
moved to new locations across the road and one village called itself
Mawang Lama (Old Mawang) and the other Mawang Baru (New
157

Map 2. Location of Villages and Crops Grown
HP
~ P R
R
P R
R R
P P P
"
HP
o Kg. Kesindu
R
HP
P R
HP
P
P
HP
HP
HP
I
I
't"
p.......
HP
,f
1 HP
'?Mawang Lama HP
R'
,.4
,HP
/\
HP
HP
oMawang Baru
},
KEYS
---- ......-,
--~-
....,
Roads
Rivers
,,
"
\~
I
Indefinite Watercourses
,~
" ,
....
Rubber
Pepper
HP
Hill Pad~Y
I
I
,
, Km
m 10fO~O=;=5400=F~O~Fi===!;=====~2
j'i i ' i : i
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MIle 1
1 MIle
158
Malaysia
Mawang). Once established, each of these villages had to elect a
headman. In Mawang Baru, the position is under contention as the
present headman is being challenged by his deputy. Social stratification is based on income, land, and contacts - usually through familial ties - with those working in government departments. Birth
does not automatically confer status in Iban society. For instance,
a headman's children do not automatically acquire the father's status.
But children who are employed in government positions, can enhance their family's status in the village.
A headman has the powers to settle disputes (related to land,
marriage, and debts), and make decisions on village activities and
ceremonies. These decisions are arrived at through consultations
with his "committees" and at meetings with the whole longhouse or
village. He also makes decisions on various aspects of development
involving the village e.g. gotong royong (co-operative projects). He
speaks on behalf of the villagers to the Government in matters pertaining to the village as a whole. He could also, if asked, intervene on
behalf of any individual, who has outstanding matters with the
Government. The headman interviewed showed sufficient political
sophistication to make distinctions between problems for politicians
and for government servants. The big requests are made through
politicians and they seek help as a group of headmen. One such
request was for the construction of a road (now built) where about
55 headmen approached their politician. Requests for small subsidies are made to government officials, such as the Sarawak Administrative Officers (SAO) and District Officers (DO). The headmen
find political channels more effective and they reserve them for the
more important requests.
The largest village is Kasindu, followed by Mawang Lama,
Tekalong, Lamunjong and Mawang Baru (Table 1). Males are more
predominant in all villages except for Mawang Lama. Here, the
females outnumber the males in the below 15 age group only. The
people in these villages live in longhouses and individual houses. In
Lamujong and Mawang Baru, the village population live in longhouses only, each village being a longhouse with a bilz"k (room) for
each family. In the other villages, a proportion of the people have
chosen to live in individual houses, so the village landscape is one of
1 or 2 longhouses with many individual houses. Table 2 shows the
number of dwelling units (bilik and individual houses) in each village.
159

Table 1. Population of Villages
Total Population
(including
BejallJi*)
Village
275
Kasindu
76
Lamunjong
Adults
(above 15)
M
F
Children
(below 15) BejallJi
M
F
91
24
80
37
34
33
19
9
25
15
Tekalong
137
41
37
MawangLama
206
55
61
23
34
46
10
Mawang Baru
65
17
19
10
12
11
migrants to urban areas
Table 2. Dwelling Units in Villages

VilllJge
Units
Tekalong
27
Lamujong
12
Kasindu
34
Mawang Lama
31
12
Mawang Baru
Kinship ties are not just village based; inter-village marriages

being as prevalent as intra-village marriages, kinship ties extend
beyond village boundaries. There are no inter-ethnic marriages,
meaning all marriages are between Iban, either of the area or outside.
Although ethnicity does form a barrier in marriages, religion (Iban
and Christianity) does not pose a similar problem. The Ibans here are
mostly pengarap lama (followers of old Iban beliefs), and Christians
are a minority.
Each of these five villages were established at different times
and for different reasons. The people in Tekalong said that they have
occupied the area for six generations of headmen (enam kali turun
tuai). They, however, have moved their habitation site several times,
either because of a need to build a new longhouse or because of some
supernatural events. Kasindu and Lamujong were originally one
village in Padang Pedalai but separated about 30 years ago into
160
Malaysia
Kasindu (name derived from the edible Kasindu tree abundant in the
village), Lamujong (name of a river closeby), and Ruan (village
further in, beyond Tekalong, see Map 1). Among the factors that
determine the site of the new village are those ranging from the practical to the superstitious - from dreams to the availability of unclaimed fertile lands. Thus, we observe cultural as well as economic
considerations in shifting village locations. Village feuds may be
another reason. Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru separated recently
because of village feud that was settled through both parties moving
to new sites.
Land as communal property is a feature in four of the villages,
i.e. those villages that were once one village. Kasindu and Lamujong
share 200 acres of communal land. It is flat land and has not been
utilized. Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru share 500 acres of communalland. Communal land is village owned, and may be worked by
any member of the village at any time. Besides communal land,
there is also family land that is individually owned. Family land
ranges from a few acres to more than 50 acres. Only part of this is
utilized at anyone time. Such utilization depends on yield, subsistence needs, and available family labour. These lands are used for
swiddening as well as for permanent cultivation in order to meet
both family subsistence needs and to earn cash income.
The basic resources are provided mainly by swiddening, and
the permanent cultivation of paddy, rubber, and pepper. Work relies
on the adult workforce since children are now sent to schools, a relatively recent phenomenon. Work management separates jobs for
males and females, with the former shouldering the heavy work. In
crop growing for instance, males do the heavy work but women of
those families assume this role when their men go away to earn cash
from urban jobs (bejalaz"). In paddy planting, for instance, felling and
slashing are usually done by men. Spraying is also a man's job, while
transplanting and weeding are done by the women. Harvesting is
done by both although the carrying of harvested paddy in baskets
weighing up to 60 kilos is the job of men.
Village resource management is done under the leadership of
the headman. When there is need for a co-operative project (gotong
royong), he calls a meeting and decisions are made by consensus.
Those on bejalai have either to compensate with cash (ganti belanja),
or their families are made to contribute extra labour in the next co161

operative project. But if a person is sick, he is not penalized. Cooperative projects include the transportation of pepper posts, felling,
construction of longhouse, footpaths, and work around the longhouse
compound. Sometimes, when the male from a family is away on
bejalaz~ other men in the village will help out the family of the
migrant with the heavy tasks during the busy periods.
Social amenities in this area include a small dispensary in
Kasindu, the village with the highest population. This dispensary is
manned only by a Junior Hospital Assistant ORA) and no doctors
or nurses visit it at anytime. The JHA dispenses medicines for
headaches, diarrhoea and other common minor ailments. Re also
treats minor injuries and refers the more serious cases to the hospital
in Serian. Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru are further away from
this dispensary and these villagers usually travel to Balai Ringin or
Serian for medical attention. Although these towns are further away
than Kasindu, they offer relatively superior medical facilities and are
preferred.
A primary school with boarding facilities is located in Padang
Pedalai, (Map 1). There is another school located near the site of
the old village, Mawang, which cares for the children now residing in
Mawang Baru and Mawang Lama, and the neighbouring villages.
Literacy levels are on the whole, low. In general, the older villagers
are illiterate while the younger ones are educated mainly up to the
primary level. For secondary education, the children are sent to
boarding school in Serian or Balai Ringin. Several people in each
village have received education up to Form 3, few up to Form 5, the
equivalent of completing high school, and rarely Form 6, or preuniversity (Table 3).
Piped water has been installed in all the villages except Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru. These latter villages have received
approval and are waiting for construction to begin. Installation of
this amenity was aided by a government grant of $8,000 ringgit, with
each family additionally contributing the sum of $45 ringgit. The
construction was done by the villagers with supervision from the
Health Department. Government aid was tied to two conditions:
firstly, pigs had to be reared in pens and secondly, each family had to
build a toilet with construction material provided free by the Health
Department.
162
Malaysia
Table 3. Scholastic Achievement According to Village

Village
Lamujong
Fonn3
FormS'"
Fonn6
Tekalong
Kasindu
20
MawangBaru
Mawang Lama
20
* Fonn 5 is equivalent to the '0' levels in England while

Fonn 6 is pre-university.
A road linking all the five villages to the main Serian road was
built in 1978 at the request of the headmen in the area, replacing
previous access to the villages by river and jungle paths. Operators of
river transportation abandoned that to operate the more lucrative
road transport.
Electricity has been introduced only to Tekalong and that too
in 1981. The remaining villages have already requested for this
amenity. In general, social amenities are regarded as status symbols
for a village. From interviews, it appears that requests are not based
on need but the feeling that the more amenities they have the more
"developed" they are! This has given rise to a scramble for social
amenities and unhealthy feelings between villages e.g. the general
feeling is that Kasindu and Lamujong are getting more than the
other villages around.
The villages are the 'targets' of several types of development
schemes. The Agricultural Department is the agency most involved
in bringing development to the area. Also involved but to a far lesser
extent is the Health Department, Public Works Department, and the
Education Department. The Department of Agriculture, through its
extension services provides agricultural knowledge and implements,
subsidies in cash and kind for the permanent cultivation of paddy,
rubber, pepper, cacao, and fruit trees. All the villagers are eligible
to apply for subsidies but not all will be chosen. Selection is based
on several criteria one of which is the suitability of land for the crop
to be subsidised. Participation is limited to only once per villager
in a scheme.
163

Village respondents; a cumulative biodata
There were 80 respondents altogether. Not more than one

respondent from each biHk, (literally room) or one dwelling unit
within the longhouse was selected, so that our sample would be
more representative. The headmen and several influential and articulate people formed the sample.
Within the sample were 48 males and 32 females. 52.1 per
cent were born in the village they are now in. 94.4 per cent have
children. Table 4 below shows the distribution of respondents by
village.
Table 4. Respondents According to Village
Village
Lamujong
Absolute
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(percent)
10
12.5
Kasindu
19
23.7
Tekalong
19
23.7
Mawang Lama
21
26.2
Mawang Baru
11
13.7
80
100.0
Total
Table 5 shows that our sample has an almost equal spread in

age from 21-30, 31-40 and 41-50 age groups. There was a considerably smaller number of respondents from the 15-20 age group.
A majority of the respondents (67.9 per cent) have had no
education. 25.6 per cent have had primary education while only
6.4 per cent have had secondary education. Land ownership was
universal. 72 per cent own 1-10 acres. 4 per cent own above 50
acres; these are from Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru and Kasindu.
Those who own more than 40 acres are above 41 years old. All
15-20 year olds own 1-10 acres. Ownership of the larger land areas
are identified with the generally older respondents.
Paddy paya (swamp rice) is the most popular permanent cultivation crop grown, followed by rubber and pepper. 97.5 per cent
164
Malaysia
Table 5. Respondents According to Age

Absolute
Age
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
15 - 20
7.5
21 - 30
18
22.5
31 -40
20
25.0
41 - 50
17
19
21.2
23.7
80
100.0
Above 50
Total
of the respondents grow paddy paya, 85 per cent grow rubber, 68.7
per cent grow pepper. Only 7.5 per cent grow cacao.
Quite clearly, income levels earned were low. The Table 6,
using R$300 per month as a "cut-off" point, shows that 98.7 per
cent earn below this income level. 58 per cent earn below R$100*
per month. Among this group, 56.8 per cent, slightly more than half
are those between the 21-40 age group.
Table 7 shows the average monthly income according to village.
In each village those earning below $100 per month include a

majority ~f those sampled in each case. The highest income eamer
gets $700 per month. He has had no formal education and is above
50 years old. By reputation he is known as the richest man in Kasindu, and according to the local folklore, had enriched himself through
bejalai.
US$l = Malaysian Ringgit R$2.32
165

Table 6. Average Monthly Income
Absolute
Frequency
Income
Relative
Frequency
(percent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(percent)
Below $100
44
55.0
58.7
$101- $200
26
32.5
34.7
$201- $300
5.0
5.3
Above $700
1.2
1.3
DontKnow
6.3
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
Total
Table 7. Average Monthly Income According to Village

Income in Ringgit $
Village
Above
$700
Below
$100
$10~$200
5
55.5
11.4
4
44.4
15.4
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
9
12.0
10
55.5
22.7
5
27.8
19.2
2
11.1
50.0
1
5.6
100.0
18
24.0
$201-$300
Total
Lamujong
% r
% c
Kasindu
% r
% c
f
11
Tekalong
% r
% c
61.1
25.0
7
38.9
26.9
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
18
24.0
Mawang
Lama
% r
% c
12
60.0
27.3
7
35.0
26.9
1
5.0
25.0
0
0.0
0.0
20
26.7
% r
% c
6
60.0
13.6
3
30.0
11.5
1
10.0
25.0
0
0.0
0.0
10
13.3
44
58.7
26
34.7
4
5.3
1
1.3
75
100.0
Mawang
Baru
Total
166
Malaysia
The swidden farming cycle and its cultural implications

Swidden farming revolves around hill paddy, considered as
their "super" food or staple. Paddy cultivation is closely interwoven
with the swiddeners' existence, their world view, beliefs and social
organization. The actual working of the land cannot be separated
from the magical and religious rites, according to which, the world is
not of the farmer alone but is shared with other orders of beings.
According to their nature, "some ... must be cajoled, placated or
overcome and others of them invoked for aid, if he is to work the
land unmolested and if his crops are to flourish" (Geddes, 1954:73).
Thus, around swidden is interwoven the entire intricate network of
relationships between man and nature.
Village life is centred around rice farming, and the rituals
associated with it. In the area studied, only a proportion of the
traditional rituals are still adhered to. These are the ones that mark
the important phases in rice farming. These rituals are followed only
for rice cultivation. It is immaterial whether the rice is grown following the traditional swidden method or the newly introduced permanent cultivation method. These rites have to be conducted as long
as it is for the growing of rice, a crop that "determines whether we
starve or not".
Certain ceremonies are conducted jointly as a village wide
event (Gawai) while others are conducted individually on a dwelling
unit basis (mudas). The most important of the rituals is the rites of
Manggol, rites to obtain auspicious bird omens, to propitiate spirits
of the earth and to inaugurate the major operations of felling and
clearing. This ritual is conducted as a mudas (family basis). The
other important rituals are Gawat" Batu, a ceremony which invokes
the spirits for soil fertility and Gawat' NgemaH Umaz: for protection
of crops against pests and diseases. Ceremonies are carefully conducted following all the details required. Throughout the farming
cycle, the farmers keep a sharp watch for omens. When the signs
occur, the various prescriptions are faithfully followed so that they
will not be adversely affected.
The biggest festival in the swidden cycle here is Gawat' Batu
(Stone Festival), which marks the end of one farming season and the
beginning of another. This festival is to honour St"mpulang Gana
(spirit of the land), most important for cultivation and who they
167

believe can bless them with fertile soils and a good harvest (prosperity). The village shaman (lemambang) performs the ceremony which
involves incantations over a collection of farming tools, sharpeners,
seeds of plants to be grown, and charms. These items are grouped
together in a small tent made of puak kumbu (handwoven Iban blanket) in the middle of the longhouse. Only after this ceremony does
the farmer choose his plots for the season (nengah tanah/ngabas
tanah).
The rites of Manggol is a blessing of the farm ceremony conducted on the land itself after nengah tanah. Manggol is the most
important ceremony and is practised by every family individually.
Although this is an individual affair, the whole village joins in the
ceremony. Because of time taken by the ceremony (to walk to the
plots) only one family can perform the rites in a day. The ceremony
begins with preparations for the rites of Manggol proper. A total of
nine small trees are removed from the plot to be farmed, one tree at a
time, with a minimum interval of 3-4 days between them. While
pulling the trees, they say prayers and listen to omens from animals.
These trees are then ceremoniously brought back to the village and
chopped. The actual Manggol rites begin when the nine chopped
trees are taken back to the plots where they came from and buried
together with offerings (piring). The farm is then "closed" and no
one is allowed to enter the area. After 3 days, it is "opened" and
only then can farming activities begin.
During the following months, men and women fell trees and
clear the land, drying and burning the vegetation. This takes place
during the dry season, around July or August, and is followed by
sowing, the beginning of which is marked by a minor offering.
Gawai Ngemalt" Umai is usually observed after the sowing

period and during the weeding period, during the month of September or at the beginning of the rainy season. This is the next most important Gawai, after Gawai Batu. It marks the period when pests
and diseases can destroy their whole years' supply of rice. The
shaman again invokes Simpulang Gana to keep their farms free of
pests and diseases. This ceremony is conducted over a collection of
the various pests that usually attack their crops. After this ceremony
in the longhouse, signs are placed at the perimeters of the farms and
offerings placed at one side of the farm. Just as in Manggol, no one
is allowed to enter the farm for 3 days.
168
Malaysia
By mid-February, the first paddy is harvested in a ritual called
Matah Padi. This ritual is done by every household individually
(mudas). Prayers are recited as the first 7 stalks of paddy are cut and
tied together with a red ribbon or thread. They call on the Semangat
padi (soul of paddy) to give them a good harvest. After 3 days, they
do nyumba i.e. harvest only a basketful a day for 3 days. The belief
is that when harvested slowly, the paddy will last longer.
Harvesting proper begins sometime in February-March, and in
April a minor ceremony called Gawai Besimpan (storing ceremony)
takes place. This is observed so that the paddy will increase and last
longer.
Makai padi baru (eating new rice) ritual is observed by individual household (mudas) whenever they first cook the harvested rice.
The time will of course vary from family to family. This is a thanksgiving ritual and also one where they pray for the rice to last longer.
Not all farming rituals traditionally followed in an Iban swidden community are observed today. In the area studied, only those
that are regarded as important rituals continue to be celebrated. The
rituals that are still observed today indicate the importance placed on
an abundant harvest and an awareness of, and concern over, critical
factors in producing a good crop - soil fertility, efficient tools, good
seeds, no pests and diseases. The farmers believe that a high yield
from paddy is important because it not only gives them greater security but also a higher status in the community as it indicates that
they are favoured by the Gods.
Ill. Swiddeners: land and labour management, problems and perceptions

In the area studied, swidden cultivation is practised on native
customary land. Under this land category, ownership of the land is
an ambiguous concept. This derives from the fact that prior to 1957
the first indigenous family to slash and bum a primary forest can
claim the land as belonging to them and their heirs. Ownership does
not come with a legal title. Besides being family based swidden land
169

can also be community based. When first settling in a new area, one
portion of the land is reserved as community property, to be used by
any member of the community whenever the need arises. Thus,
there are swidden lands that belong to individual families as well as
village community, and these lands are without title and are classified
as "Native Customary Land".
The farmers are traditionally swiddeners, who have been introduced to permanent cultivation. In this section, we shall examine
the management of swidden farms, and the traditional supplementary income derived from bejalai (travelling or journeying) casual work
in urban areas. In discussing the management of swidden farming in
this study area we shall consider land size, fallow, crops, shifting
plots. Included in this discussion is also consideration of the fluctuating size of male workforce due to bejalai, an "institutionalised"
form of "migration" or travel to large towns to seek jobs in search of
supplementary income. We shall also examine the impact of permanent cultivation, recently introduced as a means of reducing swiddening and increasing income.
Swidden farm management

An overwhelming number of respondents (72 per cent) owned
land which fell within the category of 1-10 acres. In each of the five
villages sampled, land within this size constituted a majority of the
lots owned. In three of these villages, Kasindu, Mawang Lama, and
Mawang Barn, however, ownership of land reported by some respondents extended to lots above the size of 30 acres. In the overall
sample taking all the five villages into account only 4 per cent own
more than 50 acres (Table 8).
In general, land ownership is age-dependent - the larger plots

of land belong to the older villagers. Plots of more than 30 acres
(this forms 8 per cent of total land owned) belong to those above 40
years old (Table 9).
In an attempt to examine if the size of swidden farm is
dependent on the amount of land owned, these two variables were
tabulated (Table 10).
170
Malaysia
Table 8. Land Owned
Absolute
Frequency
Acres
Adjusted
Frequency
(percent)
Relative
Frequency
(percent)
1 -to
54
67.5
72.0
11 - 20
10
12.5
13.3
21 - 30
6.3
6.7
31 -40
2.5
2.7
41 - 50
1.2
1.3
Above 50
3.7
4.0
No response
6.3
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
Total
Table 9. Age and Land Owned

Age
Land Owned (acres)
1-10
11-20
21-30
31-40
41-S0 Above SO
Total
15 - 20
f
% r
% c
5
100.0
9.3
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
5
6.7
21 - 30
f
% r
% c
15
88.2
27.8
2
11.8
20.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
17
22.7
31 -40
f
% r
% c
14
77.8
25.9
3
16.7
30.0
1
5.6
20.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
18
24.0
41 - 50
f
% r
% c
11
68.8
20.4
3
18.8
30.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
1
6.3
100.0
1
6.3
33.3
16
21.3
Above 50
f
% r
% c
9
47.4
16.7
2
10.5
20.0
4
21.1
80.0
2
10.5
100.0
0
0.0
0.0
2
10.5
66.7
19
25.3
S4
72.0
10
13.3
5
6.7
2
2.7
1
1.3
3
4.0
75
100.0
Total
171

Table 10. Land Owned and Land Area Under Swidden
Land Owned (acres)
Swidden Farm (acres)
1-5
Above 20
Total
1 - 10
28
100.0
65.1
0
0.0
0.0
28
63.6
11 - 20
8
100.0
18.6
0
0.0
0.0
8
18.2
21 - 30
2
100.0
4.7
0
0.0
0.0
2
4.5
31 - 40
2
100.0
4.7
0
0.0
0.0
2
4.5
41 - 50
1
100.0
2.3
0
0.0
0.0
1
2.3
Above 50
2
66.7
4.7
1
33.3
100.0
3
6.8
43
97.7
1
2.3
44
100.0
Total
The table above shows that there is no significant relationship between size of land owned and size of swidden farm, i.e. it does not
follow that those who own large acreages must therefore have larger
swidden plots cultivated. Several reasons can be offered to explain
why this is so. One reason is because swidden is subsistence farming
that does not use any form of mechanization, it is labour intensive
and time consuming. The larger the farm, the more labour would be
required. The benefit of increasing farm size has to be weighed
against alternative uses of manpower - in permanent cultivation and
bejalaz" - for cash returns. A 1-5 acre plot produces enough rice and
vegetables for a family and is also the optimum size for women to
manage when the men have to leave the village on bejalaz".
Although the modal size of land owned and land farmed under
swidden was almost uniform, fallow intervals, the period the land is
172
Malaysia
left to "rest" to regain its lost nutrients, showed variations. Little
more than half the respondents answered this question. The low rate
of return was because a large number of those asked responded by
saying they "could not remember", suggesting they had difficulty
transfering fallow intervals into the quantitative time frame i.e. number of years, required by the question.
Table 11. Fallow Intervals
Fallow
Intervals
(Years)
Absolute
Frequency
(per cent)
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(per cent)
1 - 3
15
18.8
33.3
4 - 6
14
17.5
31.1
7 - 9
10
12.5
22.2
10 - 12
7.5
13.3
35
43.8
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
No response
Total
Fallow periods of 15-20 years as practised before have steadily

decreased. Among those who answered this question (Table 11)
almost equal numbers responded to each of the three periods i.e. 1-3
years (33.3 per cent), 4-6 years (31.1 per cent) and 7-9 years (22.2
per cent). However, a breakdown of the fallow intervals according
to village shows that the typical fallow period for each village is 4-6
years, except for Mawang Lama (the responses from this village
skewed the total picture to suggest almost equal numbers of those
practising 1-3 and 4-6 year fallow periods). Mawang Lama is the
only village with a strong majority practising 1-3 year fallow intervals. This may be explained by two interrelated factors, the high
population in Mawang Lama and the fact that there is not much
unfelled jungle left. Also, Mawang Lama does not have much land
that is suitable for padi paya (swamp rice, an alternative type of rice
staple adopted and produced by the other villages). Given these
kinds of pressures and conditions, it is forced into shorter fallow
periods in order to obtain a continuous supply of rice. Shorter
fallow intervals often result in lower yields, posing a dilemma, which
catches the swiddeners in a vicious cycle between having to meet the
needs of a population increase in the face of increasingly infertile
land.
173

In an attempt to find out if fallow intervals were related to
size of swidden farm and total land owned, all three variables were
isolated from the returns from one village. In Kasindu all the villagers practised swidden cultivation on 1-5 acres of land, even though
31.6 per cent of the villagers owned more than 10 acres.
Table 12. Fallow Intervals and Land Owned in Kasindu
Land Owned (Acres)
Fallow Intervals (years)
1-3
11 - 20
4-6
1*
7- 9
1
21 - 30
31 - 40
10-12
41 - 50
Above 50
Frequency
Low returns for this question
The table above (Table 12) shows the fallow intervals of the 6
people, who own more than 10 acres, are as varied as one can find.
Long fallow periods need not be associated with large acreages; nor
should small acreage farms have short fallow periods only. Fallow
intervals also depend on other considerations such as the type of
land and soil fertility. As we saw earlier, Mawang Lama with its lack
of suitable land for padi paya is forced into shorter fallow periods
despite owning very large plots of land and having the largest total
acreage among the respondents sampled (Table 13).
Soil fertility is also a primary factor in deciding plot shifts.
77.1 per cent of those who answered this question shift their hill
paddy plots every year (Table 14).
This is typical of swidden practice in this area. The reason most
often given (82.2 per cent) for shifting paddy plots is soil infertility.
Although soil infertility is a major problem and the main reason for
shifting plots, weedicides and not fertilisers are most often used on
the land. 82.9 per cent of the respondents used weedicides most
often, while only 14.3 per cent used fertilisers most often (Table 15).
174
Malaysia
Table 13. Land Owned According to Village
Land Owned (acres)
Village
Lamujong
% r
% c
f
Kasindu
% r
% c
f
Tekalong
% r
% c
Mawang Lama
% r
% c
f
Mawang Baru
% r
% c
f
Total
Above
110
1120
2130
31-40
4150
7
77.8
13.0
2
22.2
20.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
9
12.0
0.0
13
68.4
24.1
3
15.8
30.0
1
5.3
20.0
1
5.3
50.0
0
0.0
0.0
1
5.3
33.3
19
25.3
14
82.4
25.9
1
5.9
10.0
2
11.8
40.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
17
22.7
15
75.0
27.8
1
5.0
10.0
1
5.0
20.0
1
5.0
50.0
1
5.0
100.0
1
5.0
33.0
20
26.7
5
50.0
9.3
3
30.0
30.0
1
10.0
20.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
1
10.0
33.3
10
13.3
54
72.0
10
13.3
5
6.7
2
2.7
1
1.3
3
4.0
75
100.0
50
Total
Table 14. Shifting Hill Paddy Plots

Question:
Year
Every Year
Every 2 Years
How often on an average basis do you shift your hill

paddy cultivation?
Absolute
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(per cent)
37
46.2
77.1
2.5
4.2
Every 3 Years
8.7
14.6
3 Years +
2.5
4.2
32
40.0
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
No response
Total
175

Table 15. Agricultural Chemical Most Often Used
Agricultural
Chemical
Absolute
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(percent)
Fertilizer
6.3
14.3
Pesticide
1.2
2.9
Weedicide
29
36.2
82.9
No response
45
56.3
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
Total
Fertilisers are given free to those starting permanent cultivation. There have been cases where these fertilisers, because of the
low prices that some of the permanent cultivation crops fetch, are
sometimes used instead on swidden plots. Because of fertiliser costs,
shifting plots can also be looked at as an alternative to incurring expenditure on fertilisers.
Shifting also allows for maintenance rather than increase of
income for reasons associated with land and this mode of cultivation.
(Table 16). Thirty-one respondents, or slightly less than half of the
sample, answered the question on monthly income from swidden
farming; the rest of the respondents (46) could be assumed to grow
only for home consumption with no surplus for sale.
Table 16. Shifting Hill Paddy Plots and Income
Shifting Plots
Income
Below $200
% r
% c
$201-$400
% r
% c
f
Total
Every Year
Every 2 Years
Every 3 Years
21
80.8
84.0
1
3.8
100.0
4
15.4
80.0
26
83.9
4
80.0
16.0
0
0.0
0.0
1
20.0
20.0
5
16.1
25
80.6
1
3.2
5
16.1
31
100.0
176
Total
Malaysia
Hill paddy is the main reason for swiddening. But interspersed

in the swidden plots are grown other crops such as tapioca, maize,
cucumber, ensabi (a local vegetable), pumpkin, gourd, and brinjals
(aubergene). These vegetables are seldom sold since they are commonly grown by the swiddeners. Surpluses, when they occur, are
usually shared.
Swiddening is basically subsistence farming. In Iban swidden
communities, it is traditional for their men to leave the village during
lull periods in search of adventure, experience, and income. In the
following section we shall examine this traditional Iban "institution"
in the context of today's developing villages. This institution is
called Bejalai.
B8ja/ai
Those on bejalai leave swiddening for an uncertain period anywhere between three months to several years to work as casual
labour in order to supplement the family income. Since swiddening
usually provides for home consumption only, and since earnings
from permanent cultivation are uncertain (depending on exogenous
factors such as yield, marketing and commodity prices) bejalai is
an important source of a relatively regular income. Bejalai is not
permanent migration. The village still remains the base where the
migrant's family resides and where he will return after his sojourns.
These men work as casual labour in building construction, shipyards
or any job that accepts unskilled labour and provides on-the-job
training. Destinations have ranged from nearby large towns within
Sarawak, to Sabah, Singapore, and Saudi Arabia.
Among the males interviewed, 39.6 per cent had gone on
bejalai. The majority of these men, 84.2 per cent, have travelled out
1-3 times, while 10.5 per cent have been out 4-6 times, and 1 percent
more than 9 times. Education is not a factor in determining frequency of bejalai. Those with primary and secondary education are the
younger ones who have been out 1-3 times only. Those with no
education, mainly from the older age group, have gone on bejalai
more often.
Although culturally, bejalai has an element of adventure to it,
economic factors are important. Bejalai is especially marked during
177

periods of low commodity prices. When this research was conducted, in April and May of 1982, rubber and pepper prices were
low. One-third of the male population was away on bejalai. One
effect of this movement was that all the villages studied suffered from
a shortage of male labour.
Table 17. Bejalai According to Village
Village
Kasindu
Lamujong
Tekalong
MawangLama
MawangBaru
All Villages
Males (above 15)

in Village
Males (above 15)

on Bejalai
Per cent Males

on Bejalai
91
24
41
55
17
33
15
36.3
62.5
11
10
7
26.8
18.2
41.2
228
76
33.3
Table 17 above shows the worst affected village was Lamujong

(62.5 per cent), followed by Mawang Baru (41.2 per cent) and
Mawang Lama (36.3 per cent). In Tekalong, 26.8 per cent of the
adult male population (including the headman) were on bejalai while
only 18.2 per cent of them were away from Mawang Lama.
The effects on Lamujong, where men on bejalai outnumbered
those who stayed at home, were seen in the uncompleted construction of the badly needed new longhouse, and in families temporarily
abandoning swiddening. Without male labour, women cannot cope
with hill farming single handedly. They choose instead to farm
paddy paya on the flat lands. Lamujong is an unusual case where the
male labour force available was too small to be shared by the whole
longhouse. Usually, the male labour force present would share its
energies and fill in for those on bejalai and those who cannot come
home during periods of heavy tasks e.g. felling and harvesting periods.
Although away and not part of the labour intensive workforce of
swidden farming, those on bejalai do contribute towards the total
earnings of the family. They remit money home regularly. It is
obvious that people assign higher priority to cash income than swiddening.
178
Malaysia
While on bejalaz: the range of occupations included those

where education was not crucial or important. Interviews showed
that personal contacts play an important role in the selection of
places for such migration. Village males who have worked, or are
still working, in a particular place act as an important link and a
source of information on types of jobs, earnings, and cost of living.
Brunei, noted for its high wages, had been visited by 31.3 per cent
of those presently in the village. Only 7 males answered the question
on how much money was sent home on their last bejalai. Of those
who answered, 5 sent home below R$100.00. Because of the small
sample and because the last bejalai may not be recent ehough to
allow for accurate recollection, this figure cannot, however, be considered to be too significant.
Bejalai is an economic escape valve for a subsistence farming
system. The family need for cash income overrides the need for male
participation in the subsistence process. The longhouse kinship ties,
and cultural values provided co-operative male labour wherever
possible and this supports the institution of bejalai. The introduction of permanent cultivation with its accompanying fluctuations in
price, especially of rubber and pepper, in 1981 and 1982 has not
discouraged or provided a better alternative to bejalai, which gives a
known and definite income. The energy output and any capital
outlay (which in this case involves only travel and subsistence) is less
than that required for farming, and can be re-couped within a matter
of weeks.
Permanent cultivation
This is a government introduced measure in order to reduce
the practice of, and dependence on, swiddening. The Government
hopes that permanent cultivation would help increase income,
eradicate poverty and reduce the negative effects of swiddening on
the environment. Low yields of hill paddy, as low as 300-400 lbs.
per acre (in contrast to 1,000 lbs. per acre from a primary jungle) are
not uncommon in many areas (Hatch and Lim,1978:4). A 1974
survey conducted by the Department of Medical and Health Services
shows that there is a very high prevalence of malnutrition among
children of swiddeners (Anderson 1978). Low paddy yields, coupled
with a population increase of 3 per cent average annually, result in
179

serious malnutrition. According to Hatch and Lim (1978:11), the
damaging effects of swiddening on ecological stability are as yet incalculable. For all these reasons, the Government introduced permanent cultivation as an alternative to swidden farming.
Several crops have been selected for p'ermanent cultivation, the
major crops being rubber, pepper, padi paya (swamp rice). Cacao,
vegetables and fruit trees are also part of the crops grown. All the
respondents (except 2 missing responses) practised permanent cultivation. Among them, 91 per cent owned the permanent cultivation
land while 9 per cent do not own the permanent cultivation land
they work on (Table 18).
Table 18. Land Under Permanent Cultivation
Category Label
Relative
Frequency
(percent)
Absolute
Frequency
Adjusted
Frequency
(percent)
Yes
71
88.7
91.0
No
8.7
9.0
N.R.
2.5
Missing
Total
80
100.0
100.0
Among those who answered this question, 77.8 per cent had
used some part of the present permanent cultivation land for swiddening before. However, the shift to permanent cultivation is not
always accompanied by a reduction of swiddening activity. From
interviews, it is clear that the switch from hill paddy to padi paya
is often a temporary and partial switch. They choose to grow more
padi paya than hill paddy when they have obtained a subsidy for it
and have to fulfil the requirements in order to continue getting
financial support. They also turn to padi paya when hill paddy
yields are low, and have to be supplemented. The pattern seems
to be one of alternating hill paddy with padi paya as the main
source of staple. In Tekalong, however, there is generally a permanent decrease in hill paddy grown, and an increase in padi paya. This
is because the hill slopes are used for rubber and other permanent
cultivation crops. Thus, only in Tekalong, do we notice decreasing
swiddening directly related to an increasing permanent cultivation.
180
Malaysia
Permanent cultivation occupied averaged 1-5 acres per family.
72.2 per cent of those interviewed fell into this category. The question on land acreage under permanent cultivation elicited the following breakdown. 72.2 per cent work 1-5 acres and 19.4 per cent
work 6-10 acres (Table 19).
Table 19. Acreage Under Permanent Cultivation
Acres
Absolute
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(per cent)
1- 5
52
65.0
72.2
6 -10
14
17.5
19.4
11 -15
2.5
2.8
16 - 20
2.5
2.8
21 - 25
2.5
2.8
N.R.
10.0
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
Total
Those who reported working larger areas under permanent cultivation - 11-15 acres, 16-20 acres, and 21-25 acres, formed only a
small percentage. In another question, it is shown that 86.1 per cent
of land under permanent cultivation is mostly slope while 13.9 per
cent is flat land.
Rubber is all grown on slopes by 85 per cent of the respondents, while all padi paya is groWn on flat land by 97.5 per cent of
the respondents. Pepper is mostly grown on slopes by 67.5 per cent
of the respondents and occasionally on flat land by 1.2 per cent of
the respondents. Cacao is grown on slopes by 7.5 per cent of the
respondents (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Permanent Cultivation Crops Grown
I
I
I
I padipaya (97.5 per cent)

rubber (85 per cent)
pepper (68.7 per cent)
cacao (7.5 per cent)
181

One assumption underlying the government strategy of introducing permanent cultivation is that eventually this will replace swiddening. A key question would be whether this assumption would
hold empirically. This was tested in the questionnaire. An overwhelming number said they felt swiddening should continue (Table
20). Among this high percentage (82.4 per cent) consisted of those
who owned between 11-25 acres of permanent cultivation.
Table 20. "Swiddening Should be Continued" Tabulated
Against Acreage Under Permanent Cultivation
Acreage under Permanent Cultivation
Yes
%r
%c
No
%r
% c
f
Total
1-5
6-10
11-15
16-20
21-25
Total
39
69.6
79.6
11
19.6
84.6
2
3.6
100.0
2
3.6
100.0
2
3.6
100.0
S6
82.4
10
83.3
20.4
2
16.7
IS.4
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
12
17.6
49
13
19.1
2
2.9
2
2.9
2
2.9
68
100.0
% 72.1
Put somewhat differently, none of those who owned large plots

of permanent cultivation, 10 acres or more, wanted swiddening be
discontinue. This confirms the impression gained from personal and
individual interviews, that permanent cultivation was not regarded as
an alternative method of farming to replace swidden. Each form of
cultivation is regarded as serving a different purpose. Permanent
cultivation was farming for cash income, while swiddening was primarily for subsistence where only the surplus, if any, was sold.
Another apparently puzzling phenomenon was that reported
income did not increase with the increase in acreage planted. The
Table 21 shows this clearly.
182
Income earned did not seem to increase with increased acreages.

Those who fall under the highest income bracket, earning R$201-300
per month have 1-5 acres under permanent cultivation, while those
who work 16.25 acres earn less than this amount. Low commodity prices of some of the crops grown could be one reason for a lower
income. In the last few years rubber and pepper have fetched low
prices on the international commodity markets. Another reason may
be such factors as the low level of mechanization used and low level
inputs (fertilizer, weedicides and pesticides, manpower), contributing
to lower yields. Only 5.1 per cent of those interviewed used any
mechanical aid. Further, instances of inefficient permanent cultivation is shown in the following tables which cross-tabulate income
from farming with acreages planted for both swidden and permanent
cultivation (Table 22 a, b, c).
183

Table 22a. Total Monthly Income of Below R$100 Against
Land under Swidden and Permanent Cultivation
Acres under Swidden
1-5
f
% r
% c
f
%
Total
1-5
6-10
16-20
21-25
15
78.9
100.0
2
10.5
100.0
1
5.3
100.0
1
5.3
100.0
19
100.0
15
78.9
2
10.5
1
5.3
1
5.3
19
100.0
Total
Table 22b. Total Monthly Income of R$101-200 Against

Acres under Swidden
Acreage under Permanent CultiJ'ation

1-5
1-5
Above 20
6-10
11~15
16-20
Total
f
% r
% c
61.1
91.7
5
27.8
100.0
1
5.6
100.0
1
5.6
100.0
18
94.7
f
% r
% c
1
100.0
8.3
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
0
0.0
0.0
1
5.3
12
63.2
5
26.3
1
5.3
1
5.3
19
100.0
Total
11
Table 22c. Total Monthly Income of R$201-300 Against

Acres under Swidden
1-5
Total
f
% r
% c
f
%
1-5
6-10
1
33.3
100.0
2
66.7
100.0
3
100.0
1
33.3
2
66.7
3
100.0
184
Total
Malaysia
Asked to rank permanent cultivation crops according to which
gives them the most income, the following order was found. Rubber
earned the most income, followed by pepper and padi paya. Vegetables were the last. The table giving the specific frequencies for this
question is reproduced below.
Table 23. Ranking of Permanent Cultivation/Crops
According to Highest Income Earner
Question: For your household rank the following crops (1-4) according to which gives you most income.
Rubber
Padi Paya
1st.
2nd.
3rd.
55
17
15
29
31
2
29
32
2
Pepper
Vegetables
4th.
2
4
47
Among the respondents, 70.5 per cent ranked rubber as the

highest income earner. Vegetables were ranked last by 88.7 per cent.
In terms of actual income levels, those who ranked rubber first,
earned the widest income range, i.e. between R$100 and R$700 per
month. Those who ranked pepper and padi paya and vegetables as
highest income earner earned R$200 and less monthly.
Economic problems were the main ones cited by the respondents as the problems most often faced in permanent cultivation
crops. The main problems cited were the high cost of fertiliser, pesticides and weedicides, and the low selling price of rubber and pepper
(Table 24).
The problems cited uncover the structural problem of having
to deal with a middleman/shopkeeper at the junction with the main
road to Serian (Table 25). The dual roles of these middlemen are to
provide a marketing outlet for the produce and to supply, agricultural chemicals/credit as well as all household/domestic needs. Proceeds are used to offset cost of goods and services supplied, with
little if any profit differential for the farmers - a not untypical situation for remote farming communities in the grip of a monopolistic
marketing/credit situation. This structural factor is perhaps also
185

Table 24. Problems in Growing Rubber, Padi Paya,
Pepper, Cacao and Vegetables
Question: State the problems most often encountered with each of

the following crops grown.
Problems
High cost
of
fertiliser
High cost of
pesticides/
weedicides
Low
selling
price
Consumes too
much time
and energy
Padipaya
35
20
Pepper
59
23
28
41
63
6
47
1
1
1
Crops
Rubber
Other
5
11
Cocoa
Vegetables
Table 25. Sources of Agricultural Inputs
Question: Who do you buy the following most often from?

Government
Shops (middlemen)
2
67
Fertilizer
2
6
4
Pesticides
Seeds
Weedicides
67
67
responsible for the low rate of return apparent from farming in these
communities.
Because one of the objectives of government development programmes is the encouragement of padi paya cultivation, several questions focussed on this crop. Several possible reasons for adopting the
crop were posed, and tabulated (Table 26). The main reasons cited
were economic. "Better yield" as a reason scored 44.8 per cent; that
it "takes less time and energy than hill paddy" was mentioned by
46.6 per cent. Despite strong government encouragement for this
crop, only 5.2 per cent cited this as a reason for adoption. The
emphasis on yield was again underscored in response to another
186
Malaysa
question on the relative yields of padi paya as compared to hill

paddy. 94.8 per cent of those who answered opted for padi paya
because of its higher yield.
Table 26. Reasons for Growing Padi Paya
Abaolute
Frequency
Reasons
Encouraged by Government
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
5.2
Said to have better yield than hill paddy
3
26
44.8
Takes up less time and energy than hill paddy
27
46.6
1.7
Surplus can be sold
1.7
Other
Other villages grow it
The cultivation of rice and other crops has always been the
main occupation of Ibans: Their other subsistence activities include
hunting, fishing and gathering. Rearing animal does not come
naturally to them. The closest they get to livestock production is the
"rearing" of pigs and chicken. These animals are allowed to roam
freely in the village compound, and they feed on what is available in
the surroundings.
The Government has a livestock development programme, but
in this area it has not taken off yet. The majority of the respondents
did not rear cattle, goat or pig (Table 27). Poultry was reared and
sold by one respondent only. Two respondents reported rearing
cattle, one for home consumption while the other reported rearing
some for sale. These two people are on the livestock development
scheme. Those rearing pigs now have to feed them as they are no
longer allowed to roam the village. Pigs now have to be reared in
pens away from the village, as a result of Government efforts in introducing better hygiene and sanitation in the villages.
Table 27. Livestock Production in the Villages
Livestock
Consumed
Sold
Did Not Rear
Poultry
45
35
Pig
11
69
Cattle
78
Goat
78
187
...,.
~.
Traditionallonghouse
Felling Trees- Note the tree stumps left behind.

shelter.
188
Foreground shows the temporary
Malaysia
Quite clearly, little if any time and energy is spared for livestock production in a systematic way. Also, livestock is not an
income producing item. Neither is it an important source of food
supply. Preferred sources of protein are fresh water fish (abundant
in the area), shellfish, and, occasionally, game.
Thus, the main "production line" is, and has always been, the
cultivation of rice interspersed with other crops and vegetables.
While efforts are made at improving and developing agriculture, there
is very little attempt made by the people to be equally self-sufficient
in animal husbandry. They are still dependent on the environment
for their source of protein. If they take heed of Forest Reserve Laws
and Game Laws, their hunting grounds will be severely reduced.
The farmers move in tune with development as long as it fulfils
their needs. While farming fulfils their subsistence needs and culturally they cannot be divorced from rice farming, they are also very
aware of the economic aspects of cultivation and expect better
returns for more time and energy spent. They continue swiddening
for subsistence, and practise permanent cultivation mainly for earning cash income. As an additional source of cash income they go on
bejalai. This may be looked upon as an investment of (farm) labour
in an alternative occupation for better income. In the following
pages, we will look further into their development needs and how
this is fulfilled by the government development programmes.
IV.
Development programmes: feedback from swiddeners and
change agents
In this section, we shall first describe the development programmes affecting the villages included in this study. Then, we shall
report on the questionnaire findings among both the swiddeners and
the change agents responsible for implementing the development programmes. These change agents are made up of government field staff
involved in the projects at the village level. In this questionnaire, the
field staff were surveyed. Ten of these came from the agricultural
extension services. The remaining official was from the Health Department, but unfortunately this questionnaire was too incomplete
to be of use. Among the agricultural officials interviewed, two were
involved in rural youth services and the rest involved in giving advice
189

on available subsidies. These respondents have been working in the
villages for periods ranging from 6 months to 7 years.
Questionnaires were also administered to the swiddeners to
find out their opinions, and expectations about government projects.
For certain key areas such as in the area of needs, implementation
procedures, the same questions were addressed to the other sets of
respondents. This allowed for the testing and comparing of one set
of responses with those of the other.
The government department most involved in development
projects affecting this group of villagers is the Department of Agriculture. Although projects executed by other government departments
were referred to and evaluated in this study, the results reported here
mostly referred to agricultural projects.
The Department of Agriculture has introduced the rubber
planting scheme, paddy planters' scheme, and pepper subsidy scheme
to the villages. A diversification scheme to reduce Sarawak's heavy
dependence on rubber and pepper involves the introduction of cacao
and fruit trees. The cacao project, however, is being abandoned
because of agricultural failure. As part of this scheme, the growing
of annuals and establishment of farms are encouraged. Native farmers who have land are eligible to apply for these schemes, which
provide advice and subsidies. Eligible farmers can only participate
once in any of these schemes.
The "Assistance to Paddy Planters Scheme" (APPS) is another
project under the Fourth Malaysia Plan period (1981-1985) which
aims at increasing paddy production by helping farmers to open up
new paddy land and improving existing paddy land through subsidies
and advisory services. The period of subsidy is for three years and
the rate of subsidy is R$400 per acre in the form of farm construction e.g. drains, bunds, and providing farming tools, sprayers, pesticides, weedicides and fertilizers. Cash payments are made for jungle
clearing, destumping and construction of drains and bunds to participants who have actually felled jungle and cleared land that had
never been farmed for paddy before.
The "Rubber Planting and Replanting Scheme" aims at increasing self-employment through increasing rubber production at
both the state and smallholders levels. This Scheme enables the
farmers to have suitable land and adequate acreage planted with high
190
Malaysia
yielding rubber plants and for those with old uneconomic trees to
replant them with high yielding rubber and to have them take part in
Rubber Group Processing Centre for the production of better quality
processed rubber. Farmers with land suitable for growing rubber are
selected to participate in the Scheme. The implementation of this
Scheme involves the supervision and follow-up of the holdings and to
give the smallholders the necessary advice on the proper maintenance
of the holdings. Training on tapping and processing methods, advice
and demonstration are also provided. Subsidy in kind such as seedlings, fertilizers, weedicides, fungicides, sprayers and tree killing
chemicals for replanting are given to them. Cash subsidies are paid
when the holdings are well maintained. The holdings are inspected
regularly by staff of the Department of Agriculture and when upkeep
is not up to the standards laid down, or when there has been a failure
to carry out instructions on work procedures, the farmer's participation is liable for cancellation after the issue of several warnings.
The main objective of the "Pepper Subsidy Scheme" is to
assist farmers in establishing new pepper gardens. Financial assistance
is given for the purchase of pepper posts up to the value of R$200
per farmer and 50 per cent of the cost of fertilizer required for three
years.
Advice and trammg assistance are also given through "Rural
Youth Services Programme" such as SABERKAS and the "Home Economics Extension Services" which encourage diversification of crops
in permanent cultivation (vegetable gardening, fruit tree planting and
the growing of perennial crops), as well as kitchen improvement projects (kitchen hygiene) and home economics projects (nutrition, food
preparation, child care, housekeeping and family health).
Livestock management and veterinary services have been introduced in 2 villages viz. Lamujong and Kasindu, in the last three
years. This is a new scheme with similar goals as the crop schemes
i.e. to increase national production for local and export needs, to
provide gainful employment, to reduce the protein hunger, and
redress poverty in the rural population.
In the implementation of the aids above, the agricultural field
staff are guided by a framework on the mechanics of implementation
of the scheme. The guidelines relate to: details on application procedures, the criteria for eligibility in receiving cash and kind, a detailed
191

programme of planting procedures and methods, the record keeping
required of government agents, criteria for removing a farmer from
the scheme, administrative procedures and also a reminder to the
government agents to be just and ethical in "no favours or preferential treatment granted to any particular farmer" and to aim for a high
standard of farming.
The Medical and Health Department has contributed in a small
way towards improving hygiene and health care. The little dispensary in Kasindu and the financial and technical aid given for better
sewage facilities are contributions from this Department.
The Department of Education as well as the Public Works
Department provided schools and roads respectively. These departments do not have on-going projects. Theirs is a "one event" contribution, and does not involve a continuing active involvement with
the people.
DeVelopment programmes are initiated largely in two ways.
Schools and some agricultural programmes, for instance, were initiated by the respective departments as part of their total development plan for the whole state, irrespective of request. The school in
Padang Pedalai was established about 30 years ago as part of the
Education Department's plan to provide education to rural children.
There are programmes, however, that are initiated by the villagers.
For instance, road, water supply and electricity. These requests are
usually initiated at the village level and taken through political channels either as requests from one village or a group of villages. Generally, the more expensive requests with implications for other villages
are taken to the politician as a joint request made by a number of
villages.
Development Needs as Perceived by Swiddeners and Change Agents
The swiddeners were interviewed for their responses to development programmes, social amenities, problems they faced and their
responses to what would improve their income. The field staff were
also interviewed for their perceptions of the swiddeners' responses to
the above questions. The same questions were asked to both groups
but the questions were framed a little differently for the field staff
as were eliciting their perception of the swiddeners needs.
192
Malaysa
The farmers feel that their main problem is the uneconomic
rate of return on crops grown (see Table 24). When further asked to
rank their needs as identified in the questionnaire according to what
will improve their income, they gave following responses.
Table 28. Facilities for Improving Income
Questz"on: Rank the following items (1-4) according to what will

improve your income (N = 77, NR = 3).
Statement
1st.
2nd.
3rd.
4th.
18
9
12
19
34
24
28
10
19
12
18
16
More mechanical farming

Better marketing facilities
Credit facilities
Subsidised agricultural chemicals
44
35
5
They regard subsidised agricultural chemicals, i.e. fertilizer,

weedicide and pesticide as the most important in increasing income.
The second most important factor is better marketing facilities.
Agricultural chemicals and marketing are both dealt with through the
middleman.
When age and education are used to control ranking, we can
clearly see the following:
1.
agricultural chemicals are the first choice for all age groups
and educational levels.
2.
better marketing facilities are ranked higher by the older

and less educated respondents.
3.
mechanical farming and credit facilities are ranked lower

by the older and less educated respondents.
The role of the middleman as a supplier of agricultural chemicals and as a marketing outlet is more strongly felt by the older group
perhaps because they have had longer involvement with the system.
The relevance of mechanical farming and credit facilities was more
clearly seen among the younger below 30 age group farmers who for
the most part have had some education. The farmer's impression of
193

the middleman is clearly expressed in their lack of desire for their
children to be businessmen. No female respondent wanted her
children to be businessmen.
The field staff was asked to rank what they think the swiddeners regard as most important in improving their income. Their
first choice was subsidization of agricultural chemicals, followed by
better marketing facilities, credit facilities and lastly, more mechanical farming. This ranking by government officials agreed with that
made by the swiddeners.
Besides agricultural development, the government has also
introduced other amenities such as water, electricity, road, school
and health facilities, in order to raise the standard of living of the
villagers. Table 29 below combines the ranking by the respondents
and shows the number of responses for each choice.
Table 29. Swiddeners' Reaction to Needs for Social Amenities
Question: Rank the following social amenities (1-5) according to

what you regard as most important in improving your
community.
1st.
2nd.
Jrd.
13
23
16
16
15
Road
12
16
6
School
13
Health facilities
33
Water
Electricity
20
12
12
22
4th.
5th.
19
11
11
15
29
15
26
6
13
10
Health facilities was clearly the first choice. This was not surprising considering the paucity, low level and unavailability of good
health care. A small dispensary in Kasindu serves all five villages. It
is manned only by a] unior Hospital Assistant and no doctor or nurse
is available. According to the respondents, the] unior Hospital Assistant is seldom in the dispensary. Serian, about one hour away by car
has a clinic with doctors. Another clinic, almost halfway to Serian
but in a smaller town is the Balai Ringin clinic. For an open-ended
question, the farmers expressed their dissatisfaction mostly about
194
Malaysa
medical facilities. 49 per cent of the respondents said that the services given in the Kasindu dispensary were unsatisfactory and inadequate. 37 per cent said that the nearest hospital in Serian was too
far. There are no facilities for dental treatment available in the villages: they could go to Serian but distance prevents them. The desire
for better medical facilities is expressed in their ranking it as the
highest priority among the social amenities. Traditional medicine is
not firmly established and the people have greater confidence in
western medicine for some ailments. The hunger for medical advice
can be illustrated by the fact that a number of women approached us
for family planning aid. Medical ailments listed in order of frequency are diarrhoea, headaches, stomachaches, fever, coughs and colds.
Electricity and water are their second and third choices respectively. Mawang Lama and Mawang Baru do not have these amenities.
They have had their request for water supply approved, and construction material had been sent there by the government. The provision for electricity does not appear to be as imminent. Once water
supply is provided, this will open the way for the provision of gravity
pump sewage systems.
The respondents rank schooling as their fourth choice. There
is a primary school near Tekalong which offers boarding facilities for
those living further away. Secondary schools with boarding facilities
exist in neighbouring towns. There is no apparent desire for a
secondary school in the village area.
The fifth choice was for roads. In interviews, the villagers felt
that the road has brought them a host of problems, while it has also
been beneficial. Access from the villages to towns is now easier but
transport cost is an added expenditure. More goods and services
from middlemen are brought into the village and this too means
extra expenditure.
The ranking of social amenities by age and education did not
show significant variations. The same ranking was apparent among
all age groups and educational levels.
The field staff was asked to rank social amenities according to
what the s';Viddeners would regard as most important in improving
their community. The response is seen in Table 30 below.
195

Table 30. Perception of Swiddener's Needs for Amenities
Question: Rank the following items according to what you think

the swiddeners regard as most important in improving
their community.
Amenities
1st..
2nd.
3rd.
4th.
5th.
Water
Electricity
Road
School
Health facilities
The order of their ranking was as follows: school, health, road,

water, and electricity. Their perception of swiddeners' needs is different from what the swiddeners say they need, which is in the following order - health, electricity, water, school, road. Since social
amenities is not within their work experience, its ranking by the
field staff is not significant. Perhaps this question should have been
answered by political leaders and policy makers involved in these
villages who decide on these priorities.
Permanent cultivation is regarded by the swiddeners as an important source of cash income. They have all taken up permanent
cultivation of the various crops introduced. According to the swiddeners, swamp rice, (padi paya) now grown in permanent cultivation
plots, produces higher yields than hill paddy. The field staff clearly
believe that swiddening produces lower paddy yields than permanent
cultivation. However, they are equally divided as to whether the
farmers would agree to this. The officials disagree with the farmers
regarding the yield from swiddening, but this is not the real situation.
In fact, the farmers according to their responses, share a similar view
of yield (Table 26). A large proportion of the farmers feel that
swiddening produces lower paddy yields than permanent cultivation.
The perception of field staff with regard to the swiddeners'
needs for social amenities did not agree with what swiddeners feel
they need. As for permanent cultivation rice yield, half the field
staff felt that the swiddeners would not accept that permanent cultivation has higher rice yield than hill paddy. This perception of the
196
Malaysia
swiddeners' reaction to permanent cultivation rice is not reflected in
the swiddeners' responses. In the ranking of agricultural needs, field
staff's ranking of swiddeners' needs agree with what the swiddeners
themselves feel they need. Subsidization of agricultural chemicals
ranked highest. The swiddeners' strong need for agricultural chemicals is in consonance with what they regard as their most serious
farming problem - infertility of soil, pests, and weeds. According to
one agricultural officer, because of the lack of a strong agricultural
educational programme, the villagers commit many mistakes in the
use of the chemicals. There is, for instance, far too heavy and liberal
use of these chemicals in the farms. Indiscriminate use also arises,
because of a lack of knowledge of their long term effects on the environment. Agricultural chemicals are simplistically regarded as the
most effective means of increasing yields.
Implementation Problems and Perception
We may now examine the problems faced by the swiddeners

and change agents in the implementation of projects. What also
emerges from the interviews and questionnaires is their perception of
each other's interests, priorities, and role.
Respondents were asked to classify the development programmes with which they were associated as either successful or
unsuccessful and to give reasons for their decision. Only 80 per cent
of those interviewed responded to this question. Among those who
responded, 30 per cent claimed successes for the projects. Projects
which were classified as successful were fruit trees, farm unit, pepper,
and rubber subsidy schemes. 50 per cent classified their projects as
failures. Only two respondents supplied reasons for the failure of the
projects. These were that "there was no co-operation" and "too
much time was spent on hill paddy".
The main problems faced by the field staff in implementing
their tasks were asked in an open-ended question. In order of
frequency the main problems cited are as follows: (a) remoteness of
farms from the longhouse; (b) the difficulty of following to the
letter, detailed and in some cases inapplicable agency guidelines;
(c) the reluctance of the farmers to adopt modem techniques; and
the (d) fact that farmers do not show up at the district capital to
collect their subsidies.
197

Remoteness is a definite problem because of the very nature of
swidden farming and the hereditary land system. The fact that the
swiddeners own large acreages, which may in some cases be as large
as entire hills or even more, means that farms are very far apart and
a long distance away from the village. Remoteness of farms would
require these field staff to stay many days in a village in order to
demonstrate and give on the spot advice to farmers. This is often
not possible because of budget cuts in the Government. Each district
has a small and limited budget for travelling and this is especially
difficult if there are many villages in a particular district, if the
villages are remote and far apart, and communication slow and difficult. The field staff spend from a few hours to an overnight stay
in each village, depending on time taken to get to the village.
Agency guidelines on agricultural education require the field
staff to demonstrate and instruct the farmers on the growing of
various permanent cultivation crops. However, given the shortage
of time at each visit this is not always possible. In order to supervise
crop growing the field staff will have to visit the villages at regular
intervals during the various phases of plantation. This is also difficult
for the same reasons that visits to villages are brief - logistic problems,
budget, and also too many villages to cover during a specific period.
In cases where the field staff do manage to find time to instruct, they
find that the absence of male "participants" who go on bejalaz" makes
it difficult for the change agents to have continuity in what they do.
The reluctance of farmers to adopt modern techniques of
farming, and use modern machinery, is another problem mentioned
by the field staff. An example is the suggested technique of threshing. This method involves threshing the paddy stalks in the field
rather than carrying the paddy with stalks (heavier load) to be
stamped on a mat in the longhouse. Threshing paddy in the field is
regarded as disrespectful because the stalks of paddy are bashed and
the paddy grains that drop to the ground are not all gathered. To the
farmers, paddy is too sacred to be subjected to the rough threshing
movement and some left on the ground. They regard stamping the
stalks with their feet as a more gentle motion; moreover, no grains
are lost using this method.
Farmers also do not show up at Simunjan, the district centre,
to collect their subsidies. This is because the transportation costs are
high. They find it cheaper and nearer to travel to Serian only one
198
Malaysz"a
hour away to buy the same fertilizers. Before the road was con-"
structed, they would go to Simunjan by river, once they have
accumulated sufficient reasons to go to the district capital. The cost
is high because of the distance and an overnight stay in a hotel. The
villagers have requested a change of their administration centre from
Simunjan to Serian, for reasons of distance and cost.
Problems of implementation are also faced by the swiddeners.
One of the problems they face is the slow delivery of agricultural aid.
For example, the fertilizer aid for pepper subsidy arrived at harvesting time instead of at the initial stages of planting. They also
expressed "unfairness in alloting subsidies" and "diffiettf.ty in participating in government subsidy schemes".
The swiddeners' impression of the role of the change agents is
that they give subsidies and they help obtain subsidies. This is based
on their observation that the agricultural field staff mainly advise
them on how to apply for subsidy. Rarely are farming methods
demonstrated to them. They say that visits are made by the change
agents only once every three or four months. The farmers interviewed said they learnt about farming from their own experience and
from other farmers. Rarely do they learn from agricultural officers.
Thus, the development programmes are seen to have limited reach
and the emphasis seems to have been on procedures rather than on
substance.
When asked the benefits of SABERKAS, a youth organisation
for agricultural activities, most of the farmers feel that through joining the organization, they can get more government help. And for
the home economics project, they feel that it teaches them to cook
delicious meals, sew, and to grow vegetables. Also, subsidies are
often misused. The farmers are not aware of the aims of these
projects. These impressions together with the perception of the role
of government agents as subsidy dolers suggest that the programmes
have been misunderstood.
The duties of agricultural field officials are clearly spelt in
their handbooks. However, they are not always implemented as
instructed because of constraints in the field. They are aware of the
farmers' needs and they do make efforts to give advice on farming.
However, their main task as they see it, is to provide subsidies;
therefore, the little time that they spend in a village is used to ex-
199

plain the subsidy system, help fill in subsidy forms, and brief them
on the cultivation of the subsidy crop. Hence, the impression that
the swiddeners have of the field staff is that they come mainly to
give subsidies. Back in his office, the job of a field staff is also
measured according to whether or not he has distributed the subsidies allocated to his area successfully.
As implementors, the field staff comes in contact with the

target groups, a role which allows them to perceive the psychological
and cultural angles in implementation. In open-ended questions the
field staff observed that the swiddeners were non- co-operative, fatalistic, too dependent on government aid and have low motivation,
and are unambitious. In response to another open-ended question, they said that the main prejudice they face in their work is the
swiddeners' beliefs in taboos and their fatalistic attitude.
The dependency syndrome may be illustrated by the generator
given to Tekalong, by the Government. When it broke down, the
Government was again approached to take care of the repairs. Until
the Government sees to it, the generator in Tekalong may remain out
of order.
Taboos, especially those related to farming are still adhered to,
and its practice interrupts farming activities. This is significant if the
interruptions occur during critical phases of cultivation, or during
visits by field staff. During periods when farm plots are "ritually"
closed, as during Manggol ceremony, no one, not even government
staff, can enter the plot. If the field staff happens to visit during
such a period or when they observe bad omens and are also not
allowed to go to the farm plots, the field staff cannot perform his
duties, which may include checking that the subsidy crop has been
planted and is growing as scheduled before a further installment of
the subsidy is given. There are many taboos that they observe and
these range from sounds of birds and other animals to the moon at
different times (e.g. bulan kedang or half moon, bulan kembong or
full moon). There are also other cultural practices in farming that
are related to their beliefs and therefore hard to change. F or instance, the practice of matah pad and nyumba rituals and the
threshing method reduces efficiency, uses up more time and energy.
But to the farmers, efficiency is not as important as the respect that
has to be given to paddy which has a soul and to the spirits that
200
Malaysia
determine the harvest. To farmers, efficiency and production are
new concepts, their belief system is as old as their people.
A range of controversial opinions usually stated about swiddening was tested on the swiddeners themselves. The results are
shown in the following table.
Table 31. Perceptions of Swiddeners on the Effects of
Swiddening on the Environment
Question: The following statements have been made about swiddening. What is your response to them?
Statement
Agree
Disagree
Don't Know
1.
Swidden cultivation is bad for the

environment
14
42
22
2.
Swidden cultivation causes soil

erosion
3.
Swidden cultivation causes flooding
51
49
23
29
4.
Swidden cultivation pollutes rivers

and river mouths
10
48
22
There was clearly no unanimity among the swiddeners on this

whole range of statements. The majority, however, disagreed with
the statements. The respondents were overwhelmingly against the
statement that swidden causes soil erosion. In the absence of any
scientific measure of soil erosion in the area, personal observation
had to be relied on. What was seen was fast regeneration of plants
and no unusual amounts of erosion. The swiddeners also disagreed
with the statement that floods are caused by this form of cultivation;
they further disagreed that swidden pollutes rivers or is bad for the
environment. Since the river is still relied on to provide fish, an
important source of protein, it may be assumed that river pollution
is minimal. This assumption is supported by field observations.
From the responses, a not insubstantial group returned "don't know"
responses. An even smaller core group registered opposite responses
to the majority.
The same question was put to the field staff for their own
perceptions of the effects of swiddening on the environment. Most
of the officials agree with the farmers that swiddening does not have
201

detrimental effects on the environment. The frequency of responses
is tabulated below.
Table 32. Perceptions of Field Staff on the Effects of
Swiddening on the Environment
Question: The following statements have been made about swiddening. What is your response to them?
Statement
Agree
Disagree
Don't Know
1. Swidden cultivation is bad for the

environment
2. Swidden
erosion
cultivatio n
causes
soil
3. Swidden cultivation causes flooding
4. Swidden cultivation pollutes rivers

and river mouths
The field staff was also asked how they thought the swiddeners would react to the environmental questions. The table below
(Table 33) records their perception of how the swiddeners might
respond. Their general feeling is that the swiddeners do not think
that swiddening is bad for the environment. This agrees with the
swiddeners' actual responses (Table 31).
Table 33. Field Staff Perceptions of Swiddeners' Response
to the Effects of Swidden on the Environment
Question: Based on what you know of swiddeners, do you think

they agree with the statements below on the detrimental
effects of swiddening on the environment?
Statement
Agree
Disagree
Don't Know
1.
Swidden cultivation causes soil

erosion
2.
Swidden cultivation causes flooding
10
3.
Swidden cultivation pollutes rivers

and river mouths
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Malaysia
What do the swiddeners feel of their future and of their children's future? All the field staff feel that the farmers will not give up
swiddening. 80 per cent of the farmers feel that swiddening should
be continued (Table 34). All those who own large plots of permanent cultivation land (between 11-25 acres) wanted swidden to continue. This counters the intuitive notion that those who owned more
land under permanent cultivation are those not wishing to continue
swidden.
Table 34. Swidden Should Be Continued.
Category Label
Absolute
Frequency
Relative
Frequency
(per cent)
Adjusted
Frequency
(per cent)
Yes
60
75.0
No
15
18.8
20.0
6.3
Missing
80
100.0
100.0
No Opinion
Total
80.0
As for their children being swiddeners, 6 out of 11 change

agents said that the swiddeners would like to see their children continue swiddening. However, the swiddeners themselves responded
differently. An overwhelming number (51 out of 70) as shown in
Table 35 wanted their children to be government officers. Only 5
wanted their children to be farmers.
Being government servants was the occupation most preferred
(72.9 per cent). Few chose farming as their children's occupation
(7.1 per cent). 14.3 per cent wanted their children to be professionals. The educational level of farmers shows some significance in the
choice of preferred occupations for their children. None with
secondary education would like to see his children as farmers. This
table also shows that the higher the educational level the fewer chose
farming as an occupation for their children.
The responses when put together depict a society in transition.
Although taboos are observed, sometimes to the point of affecting
efficiency, there is a strong economic basis too, to their decisions
about what crops to grow, and their perceptions of how their incomes can be increased. Some questions may legitimately be raised
203

Table 35. Swiddeners' Educational Level and Their
Choice of Children's Occupation
OIoice of OIildren's Occupation
Swiddenen'
Education
None
% r
% c
Primary
% r
% c
Secondary
% r
% c
f
Total
Government
Servant
Busines8man
DoctorProfes,ional
3
6.5
60.0
34
73.9
66.7
1
2.2
25.0
8
17.4
80.0
46
65.7
2
10.0
40.0
15
75.0
29.4
1
5.0
25.0
2
10.0
20.0
20
28.6
0
0.0
0.0
2
50.0
3.9
2
50.0
50.0
0
0.0
0.0
4
5.7
5
7.1
51
72.9
4
5.7
10
14.3
70
100.0
Farmer
Total
about subsidization being the best strategy to adopt for development

programmes. Too much subsidization, as has been shown to be the
case here, may give rise to a "dependency" syndrome, where change
agents are seen as dolers and facilitators of subsidies - handouts from
the Government. The reliance on Government so fostered extends to
even maintenance of equipment obtained from the Government.
There is evidence, too, that extension workers and the services they
offer are being spread far too thinly over the area. Remoteness, and
the low response rate of farmers collecting subsidies at the administrative centres are cited as some of the main obstacles towards better
implementation of such projects. Poor timing e.g. in the late delivery
of fertilizers, is yet another indicator of logistical problems. With
both sets of respondents, change agents as well as the swiddeners,
their perceptions of swiddening do not accord with the commonly
held notions of it being harmful to the environment.
V. Summary and conclusions

The picture which emerges of the swiddeners is one where
their cultural world view, practices and rituals show remarkable per-
204
Malaysia
sistence. Swidden is maintained since it forms the centre-piece, the

anchoring of an entire way of life. This is not to suggest however,
that the villagers make decisions on a purely cultural basis. In fact,
many of the decisions made fit into a rational-economic model of
decision-making. The'institution of bejalai, for instance, is functional as a source of cash, during periods of fluctuating and low
prices of permanent cultivation crops such as rubber and pepper. It
is also functional in providing cash for investment. Several of the
questions asked in our survey showed the villagers to have a clear
and accurate understanding of their own needs and how they are
met by the various development programmes. For instance, they
readily admit to permanent cultivation that ensures better yields.
Their preference to buy agricultural chemicals from the nearest town
rather than collect subsidized fertilizer from the district administrative centre much further away and incurring transport costs, is a
rational decision.
Swiddening, in this study, was shown to have common features. Many of these characteristics displayed rational criteria being
applied to their decisions. Swidden farm size, for instance, was
constant (1-5 acres for 97.7 per cent of the respondents) and did not
co-vary with size of land owned. (72 per cent owned land between
1-10 acres). In several respects, this appears to be the optimum size
to meet family subsistence needs. It is a farm size easily managed by
women while the regular male labour force is depleted by bejalaz:
Since farming is done without mechanization and therefore labourintensive and time-consuming, a 1-5 acre plot is, to say the least,
convenient. Any increase in farm size, therefore, has to be weighed
against alternative uses of manpower in bejalai and permanent cultivation for cash income.
This study showed that swiddening actIvItIes were reduced
during bejalai and also when swidden slopes are used up by permanent cultivation crops requiring such land e.g. rubber and pepper. In
Lamujong, where two-thirds of the male labour force were away on
bejalaz: several families stopped swiddening and instead grew padi
paya (swamp rice). In Tekalong, almost all the villagers have turned
to padi paya for their rice supply and their swidden lands are used
for growing permanent cultivation crops. This shows that in situations where land and labour are not available for economic reasons,
even hill paddy cultivation is abandoned - showing the primacy of
205

economic over cultural factors. Permanent cultivation has to have
demonstrated economic viability so that farmers do not have to
maintain swiddening for subsistence and security, before they
abandon shifting cultivation.
Fallow intervals was one characteristic which showed variations, 1-3 years and 4-5 years mostly. This variation cannot be attributed to swidden farm size or total land owned. Other factors such
as soil fertility and type of land whether on slopes or flat land, are
important. A direct causal relationship exists in this case between
plot shifts and soil infertility. 82.2 per cent of the farmers move
their plots because of infertile soil while 77.1 per cent said they
shifted farm plots every year.
Within swidden farming, there was rational allocation of work
roles by sex. The heavier jobs e.g. felling, spraying fertilizer, and
carrying harvested paddy back to the village fell on the men. During
periods such as weeding and growing, where the work is mainly done
by women, and the men go out to find alternative work either in the
village (such as doing construction work needed by the community)
or to the town (bejalaz"). During the growing period, women besides
their regular work, repair farming equipment and go for fishing.
Permanent cultivation and bejalaz" are regarded by the swiddeners as two alternative source of cash income. With permanent
cultivation, what used to be leisure time in the swidden cycle during
the lull periods, is now used to produce cash income. Bejalaz" also
converts leisure time into cash. Permanent cultivation represents a
fixed commitment in terms of time and energy required throughout
the entire growing crop cycle. Bejalaz: however, is a more flexible
source of cash income. No fixed time commitment is required and
farmers can do casual work whenever necessary and for any length
of time. As an institution, it can more flexibly adjust to the need
for cash. In turn, farming life adjusts to bejalaz", through the use of
kinship ties, communal pooling of male labour, and a village system
that allows for the postponement of male participations in village
work (gantz" belanja). Bejalaz" is useful during times of low and fluctuating permanent cultivation crop prices. For swidden communities
in either subsistence farming or involved in inefficient permanent
cultivation, bejalaz" is an economic "escape valve". The economic
role of this traditional Iban institution is clear. During the period of
study, the heavy "migratory" outflow of the male population coincided with a period of low commodity prices.
206
Malaysia
Permanent cultivation as a development strategy is introduced
to increase income, and eventually replace swiddening. At the time
of the survey, 82.4 per cent of the respondents wanted swiddening
continued and these were all those respondents who owned large
plots of land under permanent cultivation. In other words, none.of
those who owned large plots - upwards of 10 acres - wanted swiddening discontinued. The farmers looked on permanent cultivation
as additional not a substitute or an alternative to swiddening. Each
form of cultivation, to them, served a different purpose - swiddening for subsistence, and permanent cultivation for cash income.
Since income from permanent cultivation was generally low, and
depended on exogenous factors and did not necessarily increase with
added acreage, the farmers did not feel confident that this form of
cultivation could even provide their subsistence needs. Given the
poor economic gains current then, it was not surprising that the
farmers gave first priority to cultivation of their staple food, rice.
Time was allocated to cash crops only after rice was first farmed.
Other factors associated with permanent cultivation giving low
incomes were: high cost of inputs such as fertilizers, the monopolistic
roles of middlemen (both as seller and buyer), and the lack of mechanization. Additional to these factors is the continuous work involvement required - the complete cycle from the nursery to harvesting
and marketing is continuous. Despite these factors, 91 per cent of
the farmers interviewed cultivate permanent cultivation crops and 72
per cent of them work plots 1-5 acres in size.
Government decisions on introducing permanent cultivation
crops are based on some economic considerations, e.g. commodity
prices and the suitability of land. However, other equally important
economic considerations e.g. credit and marketing facilities have not
been considered. Critical factors like these affect income considerably. Consequently, most such projects easily fall short of the
aim of increasing income and raising the standard of living of the
rural population. No consideration is given to factors like raising the
farmers' skills to cope with the introduction of new crops, improving
their business acumen, and organising co-operative, credit and marketing facilities. In other words, the essential support systems for
such agricultural projects were lacking. Emphasis on these substantive and structural aspects of farming would have greatly increased
the contribution of these schemes. Such support is necessary given
the role of the middlemen.
207

Cash subsidies as a strategy can have unintended or undesirable effects. Since the change agents mostly discuss subsidies with
the farmers and acquaint them of procedural measures to apply for
them, the farmers feel this is their main and normal role. The task of
instructing farmers in methods and skills related to their occupations
is therefore neglected and/or ignored. Some of these subsidies result
in their being used for domestic expenditure rather than in investments.
Expectations by policy makers as outlined in their agency
guidelines to field staff do not take into account constraints in the
field such as staff size, budgets, and effective communication
methods. Because agricultural programmes are evaluated according
to the number of people who received subsidies, change agents fill
the quota statistically so that work is seen to have been done, rather
than concentrating on ensuring that the subsidies were used well.
Differences were apparent between intent and actual implementation on the ground, of several of the development programmes.
The guidelines and provisions for educating farmers on methods of
growing permanent cultivation crops and the recording procedures
for change agents are clearly and systematically written in the mannuals to guide the granting of subsidies. These manuals emphasize
the planning and programming stages, without giving equal emphasis
to field implementation procedures. Consequently, the farmers
receive little follow-up instruction or monitoring. The reach, spread,
and understanding of the agricultural programmes, do not match what
is the minimum required of present village conditions. Not surprisingly, the swiddeners themselves commented on the infrequent visits
by the agricultural field staff, and the paucity of instruction and
demonstration given to them. On their part, the change agents cite as
problems confronting their tasks: illiteracy, absenteeism due to
bejalai, remoteness of farms, taboos and the farmers' "inflexible"
attitudes.
Among these cntIcIsms, the major set of accusations relate
chiefly to how the farmers hold on strongly to their cultural beliefspresenting obstacles to adoption of new practices. The farmers
themselves cite economic barriers. Several survey questions show the
farmers being consistently interested in factors such as yield, manpower, time and energy. The main reason for growing padi paya,
(swamp rice), for example, is its economic returns. Government en-
208
Malaysia
couragement was the least important factor cited. Awareness of
critical factors affecting yield pervades through their rituals and ceremonies. Farming rites and ceremonies involve invoking the spirit of
the soil, Simpulang Gana, and intercession is asked for, for soil fertility, good seeds, and an absence of pests and diseases. The main purpose of the rituals, taboos and omens is to ensure blessings in the
form of a good harvest.
Despite very obvious and strong attachments to their land, and
their desire to see their traditions continued, an overwhelming number of swiddeners (51 out of 70) wanted their children to be government officers. Only five wanted their children to be fa,;mers. The
change agents could not perceive such a desire among their client
farmers. Six out of 11 change agents believed that, generally, all
swiddeners would like to see their children continue swiddening.
On balance, blame, if any, for shortfalls lies less in the culture
and psychology of the farmers who have shown themselves flexible
to the point of reducing their adherence to hill paddy even e.g. in
Tekalong, when economic conditions did not warrant change. This
study shows that fuller implementation of development projects can
be achieved through better and more comprehensive extension work
by more agents, paying more attention to fostering structural change.
This case study suggests that although traditional values and
norms are adhered to with some intensity, these do not influence all
overt behaviour. This condition is most akin to the theoretical
model advanced by Sumner (Sumner 1906 in Hetzler 1969: 87) who
considered norms and patterns of behaviour as "folkways". The
sentiments or values associated with such folkways, he said, are
secondary to the overt behaviour themselves. With the Sarawak
swidden community studied here, overt basis of behaviour is economic, despite perceptions to the contrary, especially on the part of the
change agents. As in Sumner's social theory, and in this Sarawak
community, the suggested implication is that human behaviour is
more amenable to change than suspected to be the case.
This inverts the usual thesis made about agricultural communities where the role of traditional practices (or religion) is said to restrict new practices, and favour the status quo. One such statement
in particular which makes specific mention of this point in respect of
swidden cultivators is as follows:
209

Among these difficulties, the most important one is perhaps that, in the course of centuries, the traditional
system of agriculture has become entangled with all the
social aspects of the farmer's life: the kind of land
tenure, the structure of the family and of the community, the use of the time of the day and the year, the
division of work among members of the family, the
customs, traditions and even the religious beliefs are
indeed often closely linked with these practices, and to
change time is to change the whole pattern of life of the
people [Borton 1962: 81-82].
The situation described above, does not apply to this case study.
Rather, the farmers show themselves much more amenable to change,
provided there is economic justification for new behaviour patterns.
Traditional practices such as rituals surrounding their main
staple, rice, persist and continue to have a hold on behaviour, side by
side, with the adoption of permanent cultivation crops. The same
sympathetic magic rituals, however, have not been extended to these
new crops, which according to the villagers, unlike rice, do not
possess a "soul".
These characteristics depict a society in transition, where
change, both induced and autonomous, may be taking place. Although this study focussed on induced change, several factors could
have wrought its effects, for the most part facilitating rather than
retarding change. The cash inflow provided by bejalai and also permanent cash cropping, introduced elements which accompany the
increasing monetization of the economy. Outside contact through
bejalai maybe another factor facilitating change, while also fulfilling
its primary role as an informal insurance against loss of income from
permanent cultivation crops.
The structural change advocated in this study may yet come
about on its own through factors external to planned development
efforts; what is needed is to accelerate and reinforce such changes
through better implementation of projects, and making better and
more active use of what is basically, a strong existing motivation for
change and economic betterment.
210
Malaysia
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anderson, A.J .C.

1978 "Malnutrition Among Sarawak Shifting Cultivation
and Remedies". A report in Workshop on Shifting
Cultivation in Kuching. 7-8 December.
Geddes, W. R.
1954 "The Land of the Dayaks of Sarawak: A report of A
Social Economic Survey of the Land Dayaks of Sarawak". London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
Presented to the Colonial Science Research Council.
Hatch, T.
n.d.
"Shifting Cultivation in Sarawak: Past, Present and

Future". (mimeographed).
Maas, E.F, Y.L.

Tie and C.P. Lim
1979 Sarawak Land Capability Classification and Evaluation
for Agriculture Crops. Sarawak: Department of Agriculture.
Manual of Assistance of Padi Planters' Scheme. Fourth

Malaysia Plan 1981-1985. Sarawak: Department of
Agriculture.
Manual of Cocoa Subsidy Scheme. Third Malaysia
Development Plan 1970-1980. Sarawak: Department
of Agriculture.
Manual of Home Economics Extension Services.
Fourth Malaysia Plan 1981-1985. Sarawak: Department of Agriculture.
Manual of Livestock Development Subsidy Scheme.
Fourth Malaysian Plan 1981-1985. Sarawak: Department of Agriculture.
Mechanics and Rules of the Rubber Planting Scheme.
Fourth Malaysia Plan 1981-1985. Sarawak: Department of Agriculture.
211

Hetzler, Stanley
1969 Technological Growth and Social Change.
Kegan Paul.
London:
Sumner, William G.
1906 Folk ways. Boston: Guin.
Borton, Raymond E. ed.
1962 Report of the Possibilities of African Rural Development in Relation to Economic and Social Growth.
Rome: FAO.
212
Chapter Four
PHILIPPINES
Ponc;ano L. Bennagen
I.
Introduction
This study grew out of two earlier studies forming part of a

comprehensive research project on swidden in the Philippines. The
first was a review of available literature on swidden cultivation in
the Philippines. Covering 199 studies done during the period 1904
through 1980, the review showed a sustained interest in the study of
swiddening and swiddening groups by an increasing number of
investigators from the natural and social sciences. The earlier
researches were predominantly ethnographic. Subsequent studies
became a little more focussed both in terms of theoretical and
practical concerns, due to the recognition of swiddening as a socioeconomic problem affecting at once the quality of life and the
environment. The review further showed that swiddening is a most
varied and complex phenomenon. This is true, on the one hand, in
the interrelationship of environmental factors and, on the other
hand, in the interre1o.tionship between environmental factors and
culture. Consequently, it was suggested that research be further
focussed on these interrelationships. Clearly, such research agenda
need the co-operation of natural and social scientists.
The second study attempted to sketch a country profile of
swiddening in the Philippines by taking into account the distribution of swiddening groups, ethnic composition, their beliefs and
practices, the various types of swiddening as well as government
policies and programmes directly and indirectly affecting swiddening.
It was found out that swiddening is widely spread over the
archipelago, both in the lowlands and in the uplands, and is practised
by practically all ethnic groups. On the whole, in spite of various
government efforts directed at the improvement of the quality of
life of swiddenists and to the attainment of a stable ecosystem, the
study showed an increase in the number of swiddenists and the
further deterioration of the environment.
213

This empirical study attempts to look into the economic and
ecological conditions of swiddening now that it has already been
inserted into the national development framework. Culture change,
in its broad outline, will also be considered. The importance of this
study derives from the fact that with the adoption of an exportoriented economic policy, the entry of transnational agro-business
corporations into areas long occupied by swiddening groups and the
planned and actual construction of infrastructure projects,
practically all swiddening groups have been affected, one way or
another, by national development projects. 1
Indeed, state-induced changes have become an important
feature of swiddening groups. These changes have hastened the
political and economic incorporation of these groups into the national and international structures. We thus have a reasonable basis
for making generalizations not only about the dynamics of swiddening but also its location in the structure of production systems.
Chosen as a research site is an area inhabited by Dumagat
swiddenists as well as by other upland farmers most of whom
migrated into the area after the 2nd World War. This is part of a
larger area which I have been occasionally visiting since the 1970s. I
already did field research in one village from late 1973 to early 1975.
This gave me the opportunity to develop bonds of friendship with
many villagers, all of whom have affinal and consanguineal relatives
in the other villages studied for this work. Given the difficulties of
field research in a militarized situation, these previously established
ties provided relatively easy entry into the area as well as the kind of
referral system supportive of my research everytime government and
military personnel inquired as to what I was doing in the hills. Moreover, while the area is not exactly accessible in spite of its nearness to
Manila (it is only about 60 km away but it takes practically one
whole day to reach it), it offered the best site for me as a Universitybased researcher budgeting his time between teaching and research.
1 An excellent discussion of illustrative cases is found in Paul Freese and Thomas

J. O'brien, Forelffs, Trees and People (Davao City: Alternate Resource Centre, 1983). See
also, Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., Social Forestry For Upland Development: Lessons From
Four Case Studies (Quezon City: Institute of Philippine Culture, 1982) and Violeta
Gonzaga-Lopez, Peagznts'in the Hills: A Study in the Dynamics of Social Change (Quezon
City: University of the Philippines Press, 1983).
214
Philippines
Field research started in October 1982 and continued up to
August 1983. 2
For a better understanding of the value as well as limitations
of this work, a discussion of the social context and how some data
were gathered is necessary. This is particularly important because
the research design takes into account the participation of the
villagers not as mere passive informants but as active participants.
During my field research, I always carried with me a copy of
the research design, letters of introduction, copies of my published
work on the Agta of Palanan, Isabela (which was written in Pilipino
and therefore understandable by the villagers), photographs of
Dumagat taken in the 1970s and the usual gifts of betel nut, betel
leaf, and lime. I met with village elders with whom I discussed my
research interests. I explained that there is a need for empiricallygrounded policies on swidden cultivation in particular and upland
development in general. I further explained that in keeping with
participatory approaches to development, it would be to their advantage if they could participate in the research process beyond
their usual role as informants. I said that based on our experiences,
there is still a great need to convince development agencies about
the viability of swiddening given certain biophysical and social
conditions under which swiddening could be improved by appropriate technology. One step towards this would be by documenting
more cases of swiddening. In brief, we exchanged ideas on the
objectives of the research, how to go about it, and what uses the
results would have for policy makers, planners and, most important
of all, swiddenists.
As it turned out, these preliminary remarks were unnecessary.
The main research site is within the watershed of a river system
being dammed for hydro-electric purposes and the villagers (Dumagat
as well as non-Dumagat) have been scheduled to be relocated. Some
government agencies have discussed the relocation plans for them.
Thus when I presented the research objectives, I was asked in what
way the research and I could be of help to them. I could only
answer in broad terms, underscoring the need for them to be united
2
The assistance of Ms. Ma. Rosa Avena in field and library research is gratefully
acknowledged.
215

and to be able to argue their case with the best available information
on the ecological and social impacts of such a project. I got the
feeling that at that time, this was an adequate answer.
In the Bulacan area, we were asked directly as to the objectives

of our visits and, as in the Rizal-Quezon area, how we could be of
help to them. They even suggested for us to convey to appropriate
government agencies their request for material aid (school, medicine,
farm implements, etc.).
As is usual when I am with the villagers, an initially small group
of two or three would enlarge so that we would end up having
practically the whole village (adults and children) or at least the
magkakapitbahay (neighbours) engaged in animated talk. To my
questions, there would be a variety of answers remembered from
observations and experiences as well as expressive of their aspirations. For example, the questions about how development agencies
could be of help to them, one would express cynicism borne of
frustrations in dealing with some of these agencies; another would
volunteer the need for land titles; another, the need for seeds,
ploughs and work animals; and still another would insist on his
objection to relocation. This would be followed by spontaneous
discussions until some kind of consensus would emerge.
Some data, therefore, were elicited and collected within the
context of observer-observed relationship influenced by an
assumption that sooner or later the research would redound to their
benefit. Such an anticipation of benefit could be a source of distortion of information. On the other hand, it could provide the
stimulus to portray more faithfully their life conditions. It could
provide the opportunity for them to express and underscore their
aspirations, shaped as they are by the interaction between their
traditional world and the various external forces.
My task, as I saw it, was to examine the connections between
our discussions and the body of information derived from my
observations, key informants and other individual interviews as well
as from government documents. In any case, I interviewed individual
household members, village elders and leaders even as I made direct
observations. I did these during visits to households and swiddens
and by joining them in various activities: when they come together
for their group singing and dancing; when they sit down to scrape
216
Philippines
their rattan poles; when they dig their cassava; or when they gather
around the fire at the crack of dawn or at the end of day, and so
on.
Some of the data, therefore, resulted from information
presented individually but subjected to group discussions and consultations. Examples of these data would be those on the annual
cycle, oral history, and estimates of production.
Similarly, information by government development officers
were both individual and group responses. The respondents would
consult with each other for answers to my questions, whether
answers were oral or written. For corroboratory data, I went
through available office records.
This work is essentially descriptive and qualitative with quantitative data presented only as illustrative materials. It is hoped that
out of this work, some hypotheses could be formulated for more
comprehensive and detailed work on the environmental and cultural
components of swiddening in particular and upland development in
general.
Finally, it must be mentioned that the Philippines suffered
from some nine months of drought (September 1982 through May
1983). As will be seen, this has affected the over-all pattern of economic activities. I shall also draw on my field data on one village
(Nayon) collected in 1974-1975 whenever necessary.
11. The Physical Setting, Climate and the Population

The research area is a mountainous region northeast of Metro
Manila adjoining the provinces of Bulacan, Rizal and Quezon
(Map 1.). It is bounded by 121 and 12110' long. E and 1430' and
1505' lat. N. It forms part of the Sierra Madre mountain, a series of
igneous ranges along the eastern side of Luzon from Cagayan in the
north to Quezon down to the Bondoc Peninsula in the south. The
overall landscape ranges from "rolling to steep, moderately dissected
volcanic mountains with rounded crests and ridges" to "very steep
highly dissected volcanic mountains with angular crests and ridges"
as well as "very steep volcanic mountain ridges with limestone
cropping." Elevations range from 175 metres to a thousand metres.
217

Map 1. The
research area.
218
Philippines
At the headwaters of the Lanatin River, near one of the research
sites, rises Mt. Irid to a height of 1,469 meters. Numerous rivers are
found in the area. Most notable as water resources for agro-industrial
purposes are Angat, Marikina and the Kaliwa River. Those east of
the Marikina divide, Kaliwa River among them, drain into the Pacific
Ocean; those to the west, like Angat and Marikina, drain into Manila
Bay.
There are two major watershed reservations in the area:
1) Marikina Watershed Reservation with an area of 22,582 hectares,
and 2) Angat Watershed Metropolitan Water District with an area of
62,309 hectares. Within the Angat Watershed is a UNDP-assisted
project called the Angat Watershed and Forest, Forest Range and
Watershed Management Project Reserve.
Also within the Angat Watershed is a 50-hectare agro-forestry
project of the Watershed Management Division of the National Power
Corporation. In the province of Rizal are the Rizal Resettlement
Project and the Kaliwa River Dam Project. All these three projects
airectly affect swiddening groups in the area.
All told, the important river basins are as follows: 3
Drainage
Area
(km 2 )
Level
Area
(km 2 )
Estimated
Annual Run-off
(MCM)
Angat
781
108
873
Marikina
600
74
900
Kaliwa
440
10
704
Agos
672
15
1,075
River Basin
There are no soil surveys specific to the research area largely

because of the agricultural bias of soil surveys. Soils in the Bulacan
part, however, are classified as vertisols; those of the Rizal-Quezon
area as entisols, inceptisols, vertisols and alfisols. 4 Soils in the
3 Severo Saplaco, "Problems, Issues and Strategies on Watershed Management in the
Philippines," in Likas-Yaman 1(7), (1979); also in A. A. Alejandro et al., Principal River
Basins in the Phl7ippines, National Water Resources Council Report No. 4.
4 J. A. Marciano and A. Valmidiano, Soil Map of the Philippines, 1982.
219
Swidden cultivatz'on in Asia

Philippines are relatively infertile. This problem of infertility is
further compounded by soil erosion particularly in the hilly area.
In a study of soil erosion, it was found out that of 13 provinces
identified as heavily eroded (with 40-50 per cent erosion of topsoil),
Rizal is ranked eleventh. s Bulacan is ranked 33rd while Quezon is
40th. While these do not specifically refer to the research sites, they
give us an idea of the extent of soil erosion. One reason for high
erosion in these areas could be the preponderance of alfisols and
vertisols, which tend to be more erodible than the more weathered
soils. 6 While erosion is caused mainly by running water during
the rainy season, it is accelerated by human activities such as logging,
massive infrastructure programme, swiddening, monoculture farming,
mining, land development for human settlements and industrial sites,
and improper land use of sloping areas. 7
In addition to cultivated vegetational communities, there are
four others found in the area: 1) dipterocarp-type forest with
Shorea, Parashorea and undergrowth of palms, rattan (Calamus and
Daemonorops), bamboo and a herb layer of ferns, lianas and
epiphytes; 2) second-growth forests with Ficus, Macaranga, Trema
orientalis, Polyscius nodosa as dominant species; 3) grassland of
Imperata and Saccharum, broken occasionally by stands of fireresistant tree species (e.g., Bauhinia); and 4) buhuan [dominated by
bamboo (Schizostachyum spp.)]. Along streams, rivers and on moist
slopes and ridges, particularly in the Rizal-Quezon area are numerous
ferns and small woody shrubs. Grasslands of both edaphic and
biotic climaxes dominate the Rizal part of the research area. Secondgrowth and dipterocarp forests characterize the area along the
Rizal-Quezon border where two of the settlements are found.
Dipterocarp-type forests have the richest bird life in terms of
kinds of birds and in the number of individuals of each kind. 8
5 National Environmental Protection Council, Philippine Environment 1980 (Quezon
City: Ministry of Human Settlements, 1980), p. 5.
6 Samir A. EI-Swaify, S. Arsyad and P. Krlshnarajah, "Soil Erosion by Water," in
Richard carpenter (ed.), Natural Systems for Development: What Planners Need to Know
(New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1983), p. 116.
7 National Environmental Protection Council, Philippine Environment 1982 (Quezon
City: Ministry of Human Settlements, 1982), p. 76.
8 Dioscoro S. Rabor, Philippine Birds and Mammals (Quezon City: University of the
Philippines Press, 1979), p. 5.
220
Philippines
Among other things, birds could play an important role in seed
dispersal and, therefore, in succession. However, they could also
become pests and could cause crop loss in swidden fields. A study
of wildlife of Quezon National Park, which is south of the research
area shows the following inventory: twenty species of mammals
representing eleven families; six species of murid rats; five species
of frugivorous bats; five species of insectivorous bats and one each
of monkey, deer, wild pig and viverrid; sixty-nine species of birds
representing thirty families. 9
In the research area, rats of various kinds are occasionally
caught and eaten. A bird, maya (Lonchura malacca jagori), is a
serious pest as it feeds on rice grains.
Wild pigs and deer used to be abundant but are now only
occasionally hunted by a few Dumagat and by hunters from the
lowland. Monkeys still abound but are not actively sought. Other
birds and fowls are trapped to be sold to visiting traders either as
pets or for food. One unidentified bat species, locally called kabag,
is repeatedly mentioned as very destructive of rice.
Climate
Climatic elements such as rainfall, temperature, relative
humidity, cloudiness, and winds play an important role in the growth
and control of natural vegetation. They also affect, as will be shown
later, the choice of crops and cropping systems.
The Philippines is within the region which has the world's
highest frequency of cyclones. For 1975-1981, the average number
of cyclones per year was 22, occurring mostly from June through
November. The rainy months coincide with the cyclones, southwest
monsoon and the first three months of the northeast monsoon.
Cyclones contribute to the amount of rainfall from May to December consequently affecting winds, humidity, and cloudiness. The
research area receives about 20 to 30 per cent of Philippine
typhoons, one of which hit the area during my stay in early August
1983, causing heavy damage to crops and constructions. Table 1
9 Roberto P. Rubio, "Conservation and Management of Wildlife and Its Habitat of
Quezon National Park, Philippines," in Natural Resources Management Centre, First National Conservation Conference on Natural Resources (Quezon City: Resource Policy and
Strategy Research Division, 1981), p. 42.
221
Swidden cultvaton n Asa
shows the average rainfall and number of rainy days in the Philippines, according to the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical, Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA), computed from the
30-year (1947-1976) observation of key stations.
There are at least four climatic types in the Philippines, with
some variations within each type. I 0 Table 2 shows the amount of
rainfall over a period of four years (1979-1983) taken at the
Mamuyao station, Tanay, Rizal, indicating a Type I climate (dry
from January through April and wet from May through December).
The southwest monsoon rains (habagat na ulan) come in May
through September; the northwest monsoon rains, October through
December. It is usually foggy from May through September
gradually becoming less in October through December.
There is a palpable decrease in temperature as one travels from
Metro Manila to the area. Manila has an average daily minimum of
23.86C shortly before sunrise and an average daily maximum of
32.7C between 1 :00 p.m. and 3:30 p.m. l l It is suggested that
temperature in the highlands decreases at about 1 for each 85-meter
rise in elevation. I 2 Elevations in the area vary from 300 to 400
meters in the Bulacan site to 300 to 700 meters in the Rizal-Quezon
sites. Temperature readings I took in November to December 1973
in sto Nayon showed a low of 18C taken at 5:30 a.m., 1 December
and a high of 28C taken at 1 :00 p.m., 23 Decemb~. In any case,
the seasonal differences do affect the natural and cultural landscape. 13
10 See Unesco, Office of the Regional Adviser for Social Sciences in Asia and the
Pacific. Swidden Cultivation in Asia: Vol. 2. Country Profiles: India, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Philippines, Thailand (Bangkok: Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the
Pacific, 1983), pp. 246-247, for a brief description of the climatic types.
11 F. L. Wernstedt and J. E. Spencer, The Phl7ippine Island World (Berke1ey: University
of California Press, 1967), p. 43.
12 Wernstedt and Spencer, 1967, ibid., p.41.
13 Ibid., p. 41.
222

The Population
In 1978, the upland barangays of Tanay, Rizal, had the

following population:
Table 3. Population of upland barangays of Tanay, Rizal, 1978.
Households
Barangay
Household
Members
1. Cayabo
47
253
2. Daraitan
309
1,547
3. Laiban
150
742
4. Mamuyao
129
617
5. San Andres
106
467
6. Sta. Ines
203
969
7. Sto. Nino
125
706
8. Tinukan
59
219
9. Madilay-dilay
84
405
1,212
5,934
Total
Source:
Municipal Census Office, Tanay, Rizal.
The census does not indicate whether the figures include the
Dumagat. Results of a survey by the Metropolitan Waterworks and
Sewerage System (MWSS) conducted in 1982 show a total of 1,500
settler-families l4 in seven barangays (Nos. 1 and 3 to 8) of the nine
barangays. Interviews with at least two barangay captains in the
area also reveal figures suggestive of the non-inclusion of Dumagat
in the census. In any case, a survey in 1982 by a non-governmental,
church-based agency shows a Dumagat population of 1,788 members
(Table 4).
Based on our own census of the research sites, the figures
could be over-estimated due to multiple entry but it is safe to say
that there are at least 350 Dumagat households in the Rizal-Quezon
research area.
14 The area has been reserved for agricultural settlement purposes by Presidential
Proclamation No. 357, 2 December 1952 and the non-Dumagat population has been
referred to as settler. In addition to taga-bayan (from the town), sitler (the corrupted form
of settler) is used by settlers themselves as a generic term for the non-Dumagat. It is in
this sense that sitler is used in this work.
224
Philippines
Table 4. Population of Dumagat, 1982.
Barangay
Households
1. Cayabo
2. Daraitan
Household
Members
13
63
117
589
3. Laiban
38
149
4. Lirnutan*
44
167
5. Mamuyao
31
116
6. San Andres
42
185
7. Sta.Ines
76
400
8. Sto. Nino
30
119
Total
391
1,788
Source:
Action Leaven, Tanay, RizaL
Lirnutan is within Quezon Province but the Dumagat in the area orient themselves
and effectively relate, to Tanay, Rizal. Culturally and ecologically, therefore, they belong
to the area.
In Bulacan, there were 34 houses in the settlement but only

18 were occupied when we surveyed the area in November, 1983.
The rest have moved further up to gather rattan, to pan for gold or
make new clearings. A total of 83 individuals were counted including two non-Dumagat who have settled in the area. There are
other Dumagat settlements in Bulacan but we chose Pinag-anakan
because of the agro-forestry project of the National Power Corporation. Our informants believe that there are about 500 Dumagat
households in the Bulacan area.
The Dumagat occupy settlements scattered in the various

barangays but clustering together away from the "settlers." There
are a few who have decided to stay and be part of the settler
barangays where at least two have become barangay captains, an
elective local government post.
Both Dumagat and non-Dumagat populations inhabit an area
parts of it, or all of which, have been designated at various times as
reservation, agricultural settlement area, stock farm, and watershed
reservation. For some time, the Rizal area was part of the Rizal
225

Agricultural Settlement Project of Rizal Province with an area of
298,396,708 hectares. Most recently, however, this area was
excluded from the Project to give way to the Manila Water Supply
Project III (MWSP-Ill).
While the Dumagat refer to a home base, either to the natal
village or to the village of their neo-Iocal residence, the settlements
tend to be dispersed away from such a home base only to cluster
in groups of two to six households where they make their clearings.
Moreover, there is a trend in one barangay (Sta. Ines) for Dumagat
to reside in settlements which while previously inhabited almost
exclusively by Dumagat, are now predominantly migrant settlements.
These Dumagat build a second house, with smaller dimensions, in
their swiddens. They occupy these houses during the peak phases of
the annual cycle, with occasional visits to the village house for supplies needed in the swiddens. For this study, I have also included the
research site which I earlier studied in 1973-1975. This has provided
a longer time frame, and makes possible the analysis of the dynamics
of displacement and assimilation, which, to my mind, recapitulates
Dumagat history.
One other settlement in this study is a cluster of four
kin-related families dependent on dalatan, a form of upland cultivation which will be discussed later. Located at the outskirt of the
migrant settlement of Mamuyao, this settlement is in some kind of
transition from taga-bundo k to taga-bayan.
Like the kinship system of other ethnic groups in the Philippines, that of the Dumagat is bilaterally structured: descent is
traced through both the male and female line. The nuclear family is
the basic social unit. It sets up its own house and provides itself
with its material needs. During labour-intensive phases of the annual
cycle, however, the kin-based cluster becomes the effective economic unit. This is true, for example, during sowing and harvesting.
But during mealtime, the members of the cluster return to their
respective families. In cases where the members of a kindred do not
belong to the same cluster, they still may be called upon to help.
In rattan-gathering, members from the neighbouring clusters usually
join together. Because of the bilateral structure of Dumagat social
organization, the members of the cluster and the work group could
vary from time to time. But always, a member of the kindred in one
settlement provides a locus for clustering.
226
Philippines
The Dumagat consider the research area as part of their
ancestral domain (ha Dumagatan = place of Dumagat). Every member of the group would have access to the forest as source of wild
plants and animals but also, and much more important, could convert part of it into swidden. Specific areas of land is acquired by
opening up swiddens. These are then passed on to children on death,
usually to the unmarried children since those already married are
expected to open up their own. But now, they want titles for lands
they have been cultivating freely since time beyond their precise
recall. This is in response to requirements of national laws relating
to land ownership.
Dumagat religiosity blends beliefs in spirits with christian
beliefs. Formal participation in the institutional church (Roman
Catholic) is limited to wedding ceremonies and celebration of the
mass during the rare visits of a missionary priest. The oldest
informants recall days up until the early postwar years when they
assiduously performed the various rites connected with swiddening.
Now, these rituals appear to be perfunctorily performed. A young
informant (about twenty years of age) was able to describe to me
some of the rituals but claimed that he has never performed any of
them although he already has his own swidden. I have not myself
seen any performance although I have seen wooden crosses in some
swiddens where I was told some kind of ritual was performed. The
informants, however, could readily describe the rituals.
Formally, the Dumagat are politically linked to the Philippine
polity through the local sitio (hamlet or village council) and at a
higher level, through the barangay, the minimum political unit with
elective positions. One sitt'o, inhabited by both Dumagat and nonDumagat has a Dumagat head during my research "in 1973-1975.
With the election of a new barangay captain, a new sitio head was
appointed. Still the leadership of the previous head is recognized.
In one barangay (not included in this study), the barangay captain is
a Dumagat. Outside of the formal structures, there are individuals
who, because of their social skills (e.g., articulate and could discuss
with, and present problems to, outsiders), acquire some political
influence and assume the role of local leaders. They arbitrate local
conflicts, usually of an interpersonal kind. At Nayon, where there
is a relatively big concentration of Dumagat, the local leader organizes collective efforts like building fences and road construction and
227

maintenance. Apart from these activities that have come with
acculturation, there are no collective activities requiring the wielding
of power and authority by one or a few Dumagat. This suggests an
egalitarian ethos which even now, in spite of exposure to and interaction with, a class-differentiated society, is very pervasive materially
(in the way resources are shared) and ideologically (in the way they
perceive themselves as pantay-pantay 'equal').
A Note On Ethnicity
Outsiders refer to the Dumagat by various names: taga-bundok

(from the mountain), katutubo (indigenous), tribu (tribe), minoriti
(minority), Remontado (to flee to the hills), and Dumagat (from the
sea). In my reports coming out of my first research in one village,
I referred to the villagers as Remontado since at that time, it was
their preference. But when I returned and the question of group
name came out, the answer was different. There were those who
claimed that they could not care less what name they are called.
One said that he was told by some outsiders that the name
Remontado has reference to bandits, thieves, anI all sorts of antisocial groups whereupon he stopped referring to himself and his
group as Remontado. But in casual conversations, most of them
would refer to themselves as either Dumagat (including those who
would admit to being called Remontado previously), katutubo and
taga-bundok.
Tribu and minoriti are names obviously picked up from outsiders particularly representatives from the defunct Commission on
National Integration which used to visit the area. Katutubo refers to
a distinction between those indigenous to the area and the migrants.
It is in opposition to sitler. Taga-bundok is a spatial-geographic term,
with cultural correlates, used in opposition to taga-bayan (from the
town) and should not be confused with the katutubo/sitler opposition. Even sitlers refer to themselves as taga-bundok, although sometimes in mock derision, when contrasting themselves to those from
the town. But the Dumagat never refer to themselves as taga-bayan.
He is always taga-bundok and katutubo. The sitler is always tagabayan and occasionally taga-bundok. But when the term tagabayan is applied by outsiders to a few Dumagat as in parang
tagabayan sz'ya (he is like a taga-bayan), it means a higher degree of
acculturation.
228
Philippines
Dumagat is a cultural-linguistic, racial label, which appears to
be an endonym. It is applied to a population with a range of cultural, linguistic and racial characteristics found scattered along the
east coast of Luzon. They speak a Dumagat-Ianguage as well as
Tagalog. Among the Bulacan Dumagat, the adults speak both
Dumagat and Tagalog among themselves but use only Tagalog with
the children. In the Rizal-Quezon area, Dumagat is rarely heard.
Phenotypically, one finds among the Dumagat characteristics
of Philippine populations classified by outsiders (including
anthropologists) as Negrito: curly to frizzly hair and chocolate to
soot-brown skin. Those with these characteristics tend to be further
away from acculturation forces such as market, school, and church.
They tend to be more oriented to hunting-gathering even as they
already practise swiddening. A few of them still use loin-cloth.
On the other end of the continuum, there are those who phenotypically resemble the migrants except for traces of curly hair,
relatively shorter nose and darker skin. They have been, as far back,
as the oldest informants could remember, swidden cultivators. These
are the ones referred to by outsiders and in the literature as
Remontado. 1 5 They are described as of short Mongol type mixed
with Negrito and lowland Filipino. 1 6 They are also referred to as
According to a Tagalog informant who was
Pagan Tagalogs. 1 7
Presidente MuniCpal in 1916 and subsequently town mayor up to
the early post-war years, the present Remontado population of
Tanay are descendants of Tagalogs who fled to the hills and intermarried with Dumagat. This may well be the case and the fact that there
is a preference for the term Dumagat appears to be a conscious
choice and an assertion of ethnicity activated by multiple processes
associated with their marginalization.
15 In the Spanish accounts, the term Remontado was used to refer to indigenous populations who after having been resettled in lowland villages fled back to the hills, a process
which took place from the 17th to the late 19th century. For an account of this, see
Francisco A. Ma1lari, "The Remontados of Isarog," in Kinaadman V (1983), pp. 103-117.
16 H. Otley Beyer,Population ofthe Philippines in 1916 (Manila, 1917), p. 61.
17 Generoso Maceda, "The Remontados of Rizal Province," in The Phl7ippine JOW7lll1
ofScience, 64 (1937), p. 313.
229

Ill. Swidden Cultivation
In the Rizal-Quezon area, older informants (at least born
before World War 11) would always say that they have always been
kaingineros (swiddenists) as were their forefathers from whom they
learned how to make kaingin (swidden). Then they would hasten to
add that before the war and up until the early post-war years, their
swiddens would always produce enough rice to last them from one
harvest to the next. They would also claim that the area, all the way
from the Tanay town proper up to their present settlements, was
forested. They attribute the widespread grassland one sees in the
area, to the coming in of loggers and migrants particularly after the
area was proclaimed by government open for agricultural settlement.
The available literature, however, does not provide us with

any detailed description of swiddening and its impact on the environment before the war. Reference is made to the Remontado, their
swiddens and to rice as staple food, supplemented with root crops,
corn, bananas and papayas. 1 8 They hunted monkeys, deer, wild
hogs and chickens. They fished in the rivers. They wove mats, hats,
and baskets. They also traded rattan, vines, almaciga and other
forest products with the lowlanders.
The Spanish accounts mention missionary work in Tanay in
1632 where some Tagalog and Aeta 19 were baptized. 20 A mission
was established in the Limutan area in 1666. About 10 years later,
in 1675, another mission was established along the Lanatin River, the
Mission of San Andres de Lanatin. Also in 1675, several Aeta from
various settlements in the Lanatin-Limutan area were baptized.
Much later, in 1894-1895, samples of iron, gold and carbon were
obtained from the area by the Inspector General of Mines. Fruit
trees such as cacao and coffee were also planted in 1894.
A sixteenth century dictionary by a Spanish missionary provides us with a list of words surviving today as part of the swidden
vocabulary among the Dumagat: la wag, to look for fields to farm
18 Maceda, ibid., pp. 315-316.
19 This is another term used by some Negrito groups to refer to themselves.

20 As mentioned in Julio Catolos and Simeon Bendana, "Ang Tanay sa Loob ng Tatlong
Siglo: Talaan ng mga Nagpunong-bayan at Makabuluhang Pangyayari sa Bayan ng Tanay
(1571-1939)" in TanllY Tercentenllry Souvenir Programme: 1640-1940 (Manila: Catolos,
Bendana and Santos), pp. 1-94.
230
Philippines
every year; kaingin, cutting branches; pagszszga, burning; dolok,
piling up for second burning; bakal, dibble stick;golamas, to weed. 2 1
The dictionary also lists down major root crops raised in swiddens
such as ubi (Dioscorea alata), tugi (Dioscorea sp.), gabi (Colocasia
esculenta), and kamote (sweet potato). It makes reference to 22
varieties of upland rice, the generic term being karataw.
Later in the nineteenth century, a Frenchman who stayed in
the foothills of the Rizal area, gives a list of 21 varieties of upland
rice, some of which are being planted by the Dumagat today.22 It
also provides us a description of upland farming.
While indirect, the evidences indicate that swiddening in the
Rizal-Quezon area could date back to the Spanish regime and in all
probability, also pre-Hispanic. 2 3
In the Bulacan area, informants also claim that before World
War 11, food was abundant, both from the swiddens and from the
forests and rivers. This was the case until the Angat River Hydroelectric Project was set up in 1961. But as early as 1693, long
before the river was tapped for hydroelectric purposes, Angat was
a missionary base. 2 4 The area was described as very healthful and
pleasant because of the river. It was thickly populated but also
had dense forests heavy with timber. Tobacco was cultivated.
Archaeological finds indicate that there were ancient preHispanic populations in the area, which forms part of the Upper
Angat River. 2 5
21 William Henry Scott, "Sixteenth Century Tagalog Technology from the Vocabulario
De La Langua of Pedro De San Buenaventura, O.F.M." in Rainer Carle et al. (eds.), Studies
in Austronesian Languages and Cultures (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag), p. 525.
22 Paul P. de la Gironiere, Adventures of a Frenchman in the Philippines [A BurkeMiailhe Publication, 1972. Revised, 9th edition (Orig: 1853), p. 205.
23 Based on surface archaeological finds in the general area of Baras, Tanay and Pi1illa,
H. Otley reports: "Many village sites of the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries are to be found
in the rolling hills and ridges several kilometers east of the Lake [Laguna de Bay: PB) and
at several hundreds of meters in elevation. The people seem to have remained there until
the first Spanish priests induced them to move down to the Lake shore ... in the late 16th
and early 17th centuries, to found the present towns of Baras, Tanay and Pililla." in H.
Otley Beyer, "Some Interesting Remains of the Past in the Old Province of Morong," Feb.
10, 1960, Typescript, 9 sheets, p. 3.
24 Emma Blair and lames Robertson, The Philippine Islands - 14921898 [Manila:
Cacho Hermanos, Reprinted 1973 (orig. 1903-1909), pp. 193-194.
25 H. Otley Beyer, op. cit., pp. 228.234.
231

We cannot be sure, however, whether the Dumagat already
formed part of these ancient populations. Reference is made to
Negritos in the Bulacan-Rizal area by Blumentrit citing publications
appearing during the third quarter of the nineteenth century.2 6
In the early twentieth century, a Negrito specialist observed
that Negritos in the Bulacan-Rizal area cleared their swiddens by
lopping off the large branches, a work done by men. 2 7 The women
and the young males cut the underbrush and the fallen branches and
did the burning of the swidden. Planting was done with the dibble
stick. These practices, including some hunting techniques, were
claimed to have been learned from the Filipino [sic] or from a
nearby tribe with whom the Negritos had contact and intermarried.
The limited and scattered evidences show that the general

research area had been inhabited for centuries and well before the
Spanish conquest. Moreover, they show that swiddening, as in the
other parts of the archipelago, is not recent. All this suggests that
the present vegetational communities in the area and the low productivity of the swiddens are indeed, as claimed by the informants,
of recent development. The following discussion of swiddening and
other disturbances in the area will help us understand why.
The Swidden Annual Cycle
Our data will be organized according to the phases within an

annual cycle, that is, from the time a swidden is selected up to the
time the first harvest is made. What emerges is a generalized description of an annual cycle. Variations where they occur and are
significant will be pointed out. Alternative and supplementary
activities will also be discussed.
Site Selection and Preliminary Cutting of Underbrush

Sites are selected by household heads during the months of
January and February or even in December depending on the
26 Ferdinant B1umentrit, An Attempt at Writing a Philippine Ethnography, transl. from
the German text by Marcelino N. Maceda [Marawi: Mindanao State University, 1980
(orig. 1882).
27 John M. Garvan, The Negritos of the Philippines, edited by Herman Hochegger, Wien,
Wiener Beitrage zur Kulturegeschichte un Linguistik, 14 (1963), pp. 74-76.
232
Philippines
weather and how soon a household finishes harvesting its old swidden.
Since the villagers are generally familiar with the area, site selection
merely formalizes one's claim to a specific site. Claim to a specific
site is indicated by making a patch of clearing and erecting on it a
wooden cross of about a meter high. This is not, however, practised
by the Bulacan Dumagat whose swidden practices are not rituallysanctioned.
The factors considered, in no special order of importance, in
site selection are: 1) distance from the sitio or village, 2) the relative
absence of limestone outeropping, 3) slope, 4) soil colour,
5) availability of drinking water, and 6) nature of vegetation.
Sites that are near the sitio are preferred to enable them to
go home after a day's work. Most swiddens can be negotiated in less
than an hour's hike. At present, however, as they move farther into
hills, the swiddens tend to be farther, too. Consequently, this
results in building a second house in the swidden itself and away
from the sitio. This further results in dispersed settlement pattern.
Stony sites are avoided as the outcroppings make cultivation difficult. In some cases, stony areas are included, or chosen
deliberately, for growing creeper vegetables. Relatively flat and
gently rolling areas are preferred. New swiddens are now seen on
very steep slopes, however. Dark soils are supposed to be fertile
and are, therefore, preferred to the reddish soils commonly seen in
the area. Abundance of earthworm is also seen as an indicator of
fertility. So are certain trees. These trees (Ficus spp.) bear plenty of
fruits which when decayed add fertility to the soil. For drinking and
cooking purposes springs and streams are desired features, the latter
much more so for they also serve as source of shrimps, crabs, frogs,
and snails, which are used as food items.
Swidden size is determined by several factors: the terrain of
the surrounding area, the character of the vegetation and available
labour. The hillsides are steep and this limits the choice. Areas
dominated by light bamboo (Schizostachyum) are also hard to work
as cutting bamboo is dangerous and the cutter has to be extra
careful; this involves delays and thus tells upon available man-hours.
Clearing Stage
Clearing new swiddens is done during the relatively dry
months from January through March.
233

In opening up a new swidden from a second-growth forest,
the underbrush and vines are first cut before the trees felled. In the
case of a buhuan, the grasses underneath are cut followed by the
bamboo. Big trees are pollarded but the smaller ones are felled with
an axe. The cut vegetation is then allowed to dry in the sun.
Materials that can be used for making shelter (such as small logs and
bamboo) as well as those for firewood are gathered before the site is
burned. The trees that are commonly cut are: Mulawin (Vitex
parviflora), tibig(Ficusnota), yakal (Shorea sp.), bansiw (Neonauclea
auriculata), hawili (Ficus septica), bangain (Ficus sp.), kasindit
(Erythrinia spp.) bayucan Pterospernum spp.), and ayimit (Ficus
minahassae), and two unidentified species (malasa-as and milyangod).
Stumps of Ficus spp. are left to regenerate as these species are
believed to contribute to soil fertility because they fruit heavily.
Trees at the base of slopes are not cut to help minimize soil erosion.
Burning
Burning is done by the household head shortly after noon
time. When the wind is not strong, the site is burned from all sides.
But if strong winds prevail and the cut vegetation is already brittledry, then the new site is burned windward. If the burning is incomplete, a new fire is begun. Burned materials, scorched logs,
and general debris remain in the site. Sometimes, when it gets rainy
during the burning period, intermittent burning is done during the
brief dry spells. Unburned trees, branches, underbrush and other
debris are collected and dumped along the margins. Firebreak is no
longer made as they claim that fire from the dried vegetation is not
intense enough to cause forest fire.
The Dumagat claim that burning adds fertility to the soil. It
also eradicates weeds, rodents, insects and other pests.
Plantng
Corn and root crops like taro are planted shortly after the site
is burned and cleared, before the onset of the heavy rains. Planting
rice, which is the preferred staple crop, takes place at the end of the
dry season, after the first rains, usually on the last week of May. By
that time the corn would be about half a foot high, thus providing
some cover to the otherwise bare soil. Other crops such as
vegetables, banana, papaya and other fruitbearing plants are grown as
234
PhiUppines
intercrops. Vegetables like pepper and beans are planted near the
rice area while other fruitbearing plants such as bananas, Artocarpus
and papayas are on the margins of the swidden or around the swidden hut. The hut is usually strategically located to afford a
panoramic view of the swidden, allowing a proper watch.
In addition to these commonly planted varieties, the Dumagat

know of a great number of vegetables, sweet potato, rice varieties
and other food crops. Not all are planted for lack of seeds. Moreover, the Dumagat have developed taste preferences for a few crops.
The labour force needed during planting is provided by the
entire family, usually with three to five members. However, for
larger swiddens beyond the capabilities of a single household, arrangements involving two or more households of the local kin
group are worked out. With the use of a two-meter long dibble
stick, men make the holes while women and children follow
dropping a small handful of seeds. In other cases, each planter would
have a set of dibble stick and seed container.
Weeding
Weeds start to grow profusely with the coming of more rains
in June. Weeding is considered a tedious and time-consuming work.
While the whole family, including the children, are expected to help
weed the swiddens, in most cases, it is the women who do the
weeding. Weeding is done with the aid of a hand knife. The weeds
are piled up at various places and allowed to rot. According to an
informant, decayed weeds serve as fertilizer. Graminaceous weeds
that readily reproduce vegetatively are dried and burned. Other
weeds start to grow again in August, necessitating a second weeding.
Some weeds are particularly difficult to eliminate. They not
only affect nutrient availability but also allocation of household
labour. They are categorized according to the dominant plant
feature of the swidden before it is cleared. These features also
influence plant succession:
Buhuan (dominated by light bamboo): Ageratum

conyzoides, Terminalia nitens, Eriachne, spp., bamboo sprouts.
Bamboo is difficult to eliminate and so a buhuan converted into a
swidden tends to revert to buhuan.
1)
235

2) Kakahuyan (second-growth forest): Macaranga tanarius,
Seleria, Apluda mutica, Coix lachryma. If assiduously protected
against the spread of Imperata, swiddens from kakahuyan tend to
revert to kakahuyan.
Protectt"ng the Clearing

In a forest environment, the swidden provides a concentrated
source of food for forest animals. A promising harvest may not
yield as much due to invasion by deer, wild pigs, birds, rats and
monkeys. Birds and rats are the major threat to the rice crop. The
swidden, therefore, is watched over by the family members. When
spoors or sounds of wild pigs and deer indicate an abundant population, traps are set up in the periphery of the swidden. Before the
war and shortly after, deer and wild pigs were abundant and it was
necessary to fence the swidden. With the depletion of the pig
population primarily as a result of intensified hunting with guns,
fencing is no longer needed.
To enable a close watch of the swidden, a field hut is made.
This is a temporary shelter with bamboo walls and floors and with
Imperata as thatched roof. This field hut shelters the household up
to the harvest season, when it is renovated and even enlarged to
serve as storage for the newly harvested rice.
Shouting and stone-throwing are the usual techniques to drive
away invading animals. Sometimes scarecrows are made to drive
the birds away. Another common device is a long piece of bamboo
pole, erected in the middle of the field with the string tied on the tip
of the pole. A piece of white cloth or paper is fastened to the string
so that it flutters in the wind thereby scaring the birds. Still another
type is a series of bamboo poles with split ends and stringed together
so that when pulled or jerked it makes a crackling sound.
The men usually set up the scarecrows and other devices but it
is the women and the children who keep watch over the swiddens.
Meanwhile, as the women and children watch over and weed the
swiddens, the men go out to hunt or gather forest products such as
rattan and almadga (Agathz's phlippinensis) resin.
236
Philippines
Harvestng
Corn is harvested after about three months. It is usually eaten
green and is not considered a staple food. On the other hand, rice,
the staple crop, is harvested after five to six months. Since halVest
coincides with the latter part of the rainy season, there is an attempt
to do it fast.
Each household usually harvests its own rice crop. Harvesting
is by cutting the stem of each panicle of palay (rice) with the use of
a hand knife, a small three- to five-inch blade set crosswise
on a
.
wooden handle which is held in the palm of one hand. The other
hand collects the panicles. The cut panicles are tied into small
bundles with a diameter of about two inches. Harvesting is therefore
labour-intensive and everybody is needed in the field, including
children of school age. The few children who manage to go to
school (in at least two sitios) often absent themselves to help in the
harvest. During this time those with no swidden or whose swiddens
are small help other families in harvesting their rice crop for a share
of the harvest. For every five bundles harvested, the harVester gets
one. In other cases, the harvester gets three for every ten bundles.
All informants above forty years of age claim that before the
migrants arrived, their harvest would last them from one harvest to
another. Now, this is no longer true. They claim that there are
many pests (birds, bats and rats) now and that swiddens could no
longer be fallowed long enough. The negative effect of rats may
well be true for in Mindanao, rat outbreaks started to occur only
after the influx of migrants from Luzon and Visayas. 2 8
Other Activities
Seed Selection
Seeds intended for planting during the next annual cycle are
gathered from the kaingin during harvest time. There are no attempts
to select full panicles. The gathered panicles are sun dried and then
stored in the bugasok, a five-internode long bamboo from which all
28 Edwin A. Benigno and Bernardo E. Marges, Rats and Their Control. A joint project
of the Science Education Centre, V.P. Diliman and the V.P. at Los Banos (1978), p. 2.
237

but the base node have been removed. The container is sealed with
straw and stone to prevent rats from eating the seeds. Each container could hold about three gantas (a unit of volume equivalent
to about 2.3 kilograms). Metal cans are now also being used. Seed
selection is usually done by the household head.
Threshing and Storing

Threshing is synchronized with harvesting. While some do the
harvesting, others thresh the palay. Drying follows. The threshed rice
is dried thoroughly before the rainy season starts. Some barter their
rice with goods they do not, and cannot, produce but which have
become necessities. Among these are clothes, salt, and canned goods.
Threshing is done either individually or collectively.
Individual threshing is done by all able members of the household.
It is done either by the feet or by hands. If done with the hands,
one detaches the grains by means of a scraper, a half-foot long piece
of bamboo called pangkalos. This type of threshing is usually done
by children and old people who cannot manage to exert effort in
threshing palay with their own feet.
Collective foot-threshing is called patariki. The patariki group
has about ten to twelve persons. This is done when the harvest is
plentiful and there is a need to speed up threshing. The threshed
palay is scattered on a mat to dry under the sun. After drying, the
grains are stored in sacks or big tin cans. Before these were available,
grains were stored in the biggest containers called matong,
woven from bamboo strips, which is provided with a pasingawan,
a nodeless bamboo pole inserted into the stored grains to enable the
grains to "breathe." Otherwise, the grains would deteriorate and
become unpalatable.
Recultivating the Same Swidden

In recultivation, there are at least two options: 1) plant the
swiddens to rice, or 2) plant it to a variety of crops such as yam,
ginger, garlic, cassava, sweet potato, bananas and some other fruit
trees. Planting may be done in summer or during the rainy season.
Usually planting becomes relatively intense soon after rice harvest.
The crops are harvested as they mature. Factors that determine the
choice of crop include the perceived fertility of the soil. If it is
238
Phz"lippnes
perceived to be already infertile, then crops other than rice are

planted. Other factors considered are availability of planting materials and market demand. For non-grain crops, cassava and sweet
potato are popular choices. Both are good rice substitute and have
market demand so that in case of surplus, it is bartered for other
goods. Sweet potato has the added advantage of being an excellent
soil cover and if weeding is consistently done, it helps arrest the
spread of Imperata.
Recultvaton of Swdden at Fallow
The oldest informants claim that swidden at fallow for three or

more years could be recultivated by anybody from the settlement
and not necessarily the previous owner. Once left to fallow, a swidden becomes twangwang na lupa (open ground) that is uncultivated
by anyone, and is ther~fore available to whoever recultivates it first.
Things have changed, however. Swidden-at-fallow is referred to as
owned by its previous cultivator who is expected to recultivate it.
Swidden from second-growth forest is preferred but due to increasing
population pressure unaccompanied by agricultural intensification or
some other employment opportunities, even the marginal lands (very
steep and/or dominated by bamboo or Imperata and Saccharum sp.)
are cultivated.
Other Subsistence Activities
While the Dumagat in the research area readily impress the
outsider as a swidden cultivator because of the visible swidden, they,
in fact, rely for their material requirements on a combination of
subsistence activities. For a fuller appreciation of the range and
variety of their subsistence activities, the following discussion is
presented. The discussion will also give us an idea of what resources
they exploit and how these are exploited.
About a decade ago, the Dumagat depended on the swidden
for rice, sweet potato, cassava, corn, and vegetables. Rice was
sufficient from late October to January. When harvest was poor
due to weather conditions, birds, rats and other animals corn and
root crops supplemented the rice harvest. They would also turn to
the forest for the tubers of the Doscorea sp. During the present
study, the 9-month drought adversely affected swiddening.
Fortunately, there has been a great demand for rattan for export.
239

Practically all the men, excepting the oldest, became intensely
involved in rattan-gathering. This was true in the Bulacan area as
well as in the Rizal-Quezon area.
Fishng. Fishing is done in the rivers and streams. Eels and

other fish are generally caught with sharpened metal rods impelled
by rubber bands. Improvised fishing rods are used by children.
Shrimps and tiny fish are caught by hand nets and bamboo traps.
The hand nets are supposedly used only by females and by children;
the bamboo traps are used by the adult males. River poisoning is
done using a variety of plants such as the derris plant tuba, as well
as a commercial preparation. This is usually done by men.
Hunting. Hunting has diminished in importance as source of
food. Our informants claim that they do not use, and therefore, do
not manufacture bows and arrows and indeed there is no evidence
of a bow and arrow complex in the area. In summer, when labour
demand at the swidden is low, the men may go hunting with dogs
and home-made guns, individually or in small groups. During other
seasons, traps are set up and are visited as part of their routine when
they visit their swiddens. Traps of sharpened bamboos and snares
are also set up where spoors indicate the possibility of a catch. In
addition to wild pigs and deer, other animals being hunted are wild
cat, monkey, and the monitor lizard. In Bulacan, we counted 31
lower mandibles of wild pig which the household head claimed to
be his total catch for the year. The same intensity of hunting is
not found in the Rizal-Quezon area although one migrant from the
lowland does hunt throughout the year for home consumption and
for barter.
Food-gathering. Since the rice harvest lasts only up to
January, the rest of the dry month are devoted to digging tubers
(mostly Dioscorea sp.) in the forest, and gathering forest products
such as rattan and house posts, honey, almaciga resin which are sold
to non-Dumagat. Digging instruments are crowbars, bolos and
sharpened bamboo or wood. Also sought-after is the cabbage of a
palm (Caryota cumingiz') and the terminal buds of rattan (Calamus
spp. and Daemonorops). They also collect several nuts and berries
and other fruits for snacks when travelling to and from their swiddens and settlements. Food-gathering is merely an opportunistic
activity.
240
Philippines
These subsistence activities are undertaken by families or
households, or female members of a cluster. There is, however,
considerable food-sharing as is the case in the sharing of betel chew
ingredients, which occurs from waking-up to sleeping time. And
since the betel nut is rare in the area, a few enterprising Dumagat
have lately made a minor business of buying and selling the
ingredients, over and above that set aside for sharing.
The Da/atan (Upland Farm)
Relatively flat or gently rolling land may be cultivated with

the use of work animals such as water buffalo or cattle and farm
tools such as hoe, plough and harrow. Unlike wet paddy fields,
however, the dalatan is not irrigated. Like the swidden, it is rainfed.
Just like swiddening, there is no attempt to trap and impound
rainwater.
The dalatan is usually cultivated from an Imperata grassland.
The area is either burned or cut free of the grass before the, first
ploughing. The ploughed field is harrowed after a few days and
then ploughed again. The process is repeated one more time or
twice during the relatively dry season and shortly before the heavy
rains come. The alternation of ploughing and harrowing pulverizes
the soil and eliminates weeds. It is then planted to any or all of
the usual swidden crops (rice, corn, cassava, taro, sweet potato, and
other vegetables).
Interviews revealed mixed feelings about dalatan relative
to swiddening. Productivity is perceived to be about the same but
the repetitive ploughing and harrowing are felt to be arduous.
Swiddening, however, is felt to be just as arduous with
respect to felling trees and weeding. In any case, one settlement
of four households is almost entirely dependent on dalatan. This
settlement lies at the outskirts of a barangay populated mostly by
lowland migrants. It is about ten hectares of flat and rolling land
with a title to it acquired by the father of the present occupants with
the help of a non-Dumagat migrant. (I mention this as it is an
extremely rare case in the Philippines.) For sometime, the flat
portions were irrigated paddy fields cultivated by the present owners
and, before them by their father. In 1972, the irrigation canal was
241

destroyed during one of the strongest typhoons that ever hit Luzon.
It has never been repaired. During our research, we noticed that the
flatlands were planted to a variety of crops: upland rice, corn,
cassava, taro, coconuts and fruit trees.
Dalatan is also practised in other areas by non-Dumagat.

These are migrants who have come to the area with knowledge of
wet agriculture. With work animals and farm tools, they converted
their swiddens to dalatan.
It is not practised by the Bulacan Dumagat.
Wet Rice Agriculture

According to the Area Development Plan: Rizal Resettlement
Project (1978), there are about 48.6 hectares of irrigated paddy
fields in the Rizal research area. These are mostly found in the
barrios (now called barangay) of San Andres and Sta. Ines. Most of
these are owned or cultivated by migrants, including some Igorot
from Northern Luzon who moved into the area in the 1960s with
the assistance of the defunct Commission on National Integration.
A few parcels are owned by Dumagat. In terms of environmental
disturbance however, wet rice agriculture in its present scale and
intensity is of no consequence. It is mentioned only to show the
range of subsistence activities engaged in by the Dumagat as well
as the potential for the adoption of appropriate technology and
agricultural intensification.
Charcoal-making, Gold-panning
and Rattan-gathering
There are three activities that seem to be of recent development, two in their appearance, the other in its intensification. The
former has to do with pag-uuling (charcoal-making) and goldpanning; the latter, with rattan-gathering. Relatively few have gone
into charcoal-making (I found only one household although I was
told that in one Dumagat settlement near the town of Tanay, most
of the families are now engaged in charcoal-making). It is done not
for home consumption but for sale to traders who come into the
242
Philippines
area from the town. Also, there are a few who have gone into goldpanning in the streams that run through the mining areas both
in Bulacan and in the Rizal area. In the Bulacan area, families would
pack off to the streams to wash sand and gravel for gold grains and
nuggets. It is tedious task but is important as source of cash and
consumer goods. One informant who has been panning for the last
three years claims to get five grams in one week of panning. One
gram sold for It 80 during the period of our research.
Much more intense is rattan-gathering. It started to intensify
sometime in 1978. My interview with a dealer who is married to a
Dumagat could give us an idea of the volume of extraction. In one
week, the extraction would average about 20,000 sticks of rattan.
One stick (which is a term used by the dealers and picked up by the
Dumagat) is a rattan pole of about six feet. One rattan vine could
yield from two to ten sticks. The sticks are bundled into fifty or
hundred-piece bundles. Each bundle of 100 pieces would sell from
1t35 to 1t45 (exchange rate during period of research was 1111 to $1).
Usually, however, the sticks are exchanged for consumer items
such as rice, canned goods, dried fish, salt, sugar, cigarettes, and a
cheap alcoholic drink.
Environment and Economy in Five settlements
Intensive field study was made in five settlements purposively

selected to provide us an understanding of the variations on upland
farming in the area. These are Nayon, Mamuyao, Maytala and
Amunad of the Kaliwa watershed in the Rizal-Quezon area and
Pinag-anakan of the Angat watershed. The two watersheds are linked
functionally to the Metro Manila area. Angat has been a source of
water and electricity since 1967, while Kaliwa is being tapped to
augment the projected needs of Metro Manila up to 1998. Both have
also been sources of various forest products from timber to almaciga
(Agathis phz"lippinensis), rattan, fowls and other wild animals, orchids
and medicinal plants. It has also provided some minerals and, lately,
gold for small-scale jewellers in the Metro Manila area.
Nayon. As a sitio, Nayon was formerly populated mostly by

Dumagat during the 1960s up to the mid 1970s. Two informants
claim that their parents settled in the area before the war pointing to
243

grasslands and even dalatan, now being cultivated by non-Dumagat
migrants, as originally cultivated by their ancestors. One old mango
tree is claimed to have been planted by one of the first Dumagat
settlers. Other mango trees as well as a few coconut trees, cashew
and dalandan (Citrus grandis) are bearing fruits for at least ten years.
The sitio, which is about 72 hectares is situated in an area of about
1,500 hectares classified by the Philippine government as timberland
and, therefore, not subject to alienation.
In 1973, there was a total of 45 households, 29 of which were
Dumagat (which I referred to as Remontado earlier) and the remaining 16 were non-Dumagat. All the Dumagat were primarily swidden
cultivators. Most of the non-Dumagat were cultivating dalatan and a
few paddy fields irrigated by two small streams. One was a government employee keeping watch over the stock farm of the Bureau of
Animal Industry. About ten years later, in early 1983, when we
resumed research in the area for this present work, there were
already 28 non-Dumagat households, 25 Dumagat households and
three (3) of mixed marriages (one has a Dumagat father, the two
others have Dumagat mothers). Fourteen of the non-Dumagat cultivate dalatan while 13 have irrigated paddy fields. One has a sari-sari
store (a small store retailing a variety of consumer items). Almost
all have engaged at one time or another in the rattan trade, either as
producers and sellers, or as middlemen.
Eight Dumagat households have built second houses in the
nearby area where they have their swiddens. Although the swidden
houses are not as substantial as the village houses, they are not as
temporary as the usual swidden huts. Moreover, domestic fowls and
pigs are being raised in the swidden gardens that surround the house.
These may indicate that in due time, with more settlers moving into
the village, the Dumagat might decide to finally leave the village and
occupy the area where they have their swiddens. During our visit
to the village in September, 1983, only 14 households, including the
three of mixed marriages, have their houses in the village. The others
have moved to their swiddens and the other settlements. Increasing
intermarriage between non-Dumagat and Dumagat, however, may
arrest this pattern of displacement as the resulting household tends
to be more susceptible to acculturation.
New swiddens were opened at Nayon, along Man-as Creek, in
the early 1970s. Eight of these remain planted to a mixture of root
244
Philippines
crops (primarily sweet potato, cassava and taro), fruit trees (e.g.,
coffee, jackfruit, mango, avocado), bananas, papaya, corn and leguminous vegetables (cowpea and Phaseolus sp.). Tobacco and chilli
are found around the swidden houses. One swidden has a 3 to 4-year
growth of softwood trees (e.g., Ficus sp., Trema orientalis, Macaranga
tanarius) and fruit trees. Four swiddens are now dominated by
Imperata and Saccharum spontaneum. There is a vast tract of
Imperata grassland covering the hills opposite the settlement. The
grassy hillsides which were formerly swiddens, were cut through by
a mining company in 1980 for its access road leading to the Quezon
area which is still rich in mineral ores and timber.
Of the 25 Dumagat households and the three of mixed marriages, only 16 have swiddens. Of the 16, only eight are newly opened
and planted to rice except for three who were not able to plant for
lack of seeds. The other eight are planted to non-rice crops. Five are
at fallow with four of these likely to become part of the expanding
grassland. The average size of the swidden under cultivation is 0.49
hectare, ranging from 0.1 hectare to an unusually large size of two
hectares. This large swidden is owned by one of the oldest informants
(more than 60 years old) who is reputed to be the most industrious
Dumagat in the area. He started clearing the land all by himself in
December 1982 and did not stop till March 1983. The long dry
season, due to the drought, somehow helped. Also because of the
drought, practically all male adults turned their attention to rattangathering instead of to the swiddens. When rains finally came in
late May, not all were able to plant. Three of them did not have
seeds.
245
First-year rice swidden, Amunad.
Weeding a rice swidden, Quezon Area. Rice is being choked by a graminaceous weed.
First year rice swidden, Maytala.
246
Philippines
Precise swidden production data were most difficult to obtain.
I was not able to measure directly rice yield. Information on it was
obtained through group discussion only. Crops other than rice are
harvested as they mature and would need constant monitoring. In
eleven cases of group discussions involving production, the amount
of yield given ranged from 5 to 40 cavans 29 per swidden with an
average of 17.3 cavans or an equivalent amont of 761.2 kilogrammes
per swidden with an average size of 0.43 hectare. This gives an
approximate yield of 1,77 0 kg per ha. All claim this to be lower than
pre-war yield and that therefore no longer sufficient to meet domestic needs. Lower yield is always attributed to pests, particularly
rats and birds, and typhoons. Soil fertility is cited as a genentl factor
to explain the decline of yield resulting from cropping the same
swidden continuously. It may be mentioned that soils in the area
fall within the range of upland soils described for tropical Asia,
West Africa, and Latin America (Table 5). 3 0 With declining rice
yield, supplements such as tubers and green corn are resorted to.
More recently, at least within the last ten years, with the increased
demand for rattan by the export market, they have been able to
meet their requirements for rice and other consumer items. Most
informants claim an average of 100 to 400 poles of rattan per week
which would sell from 1'35 to 1'45 per hundred depending upon size
and quality. For the year 1982-1983, because of the drought which
affected swidden activities like planting non-grain crops and therefore total annual yields, practically every adult Dumagat spent most
of his time gathering rattan. The actual gathering is done by the
males but cleaning the poles by removing the outermost skin is
29 One cavan, i.e., a sack used as container and unit of measure, usually contains an
average of 44 kilogrammes of unhulled rice. I shall use production figures in this section for
other settlements since they were derived from discussions in all settlements. Imprecise as
they are, I am presenting them here to give an idea of the productivity and the general
economic conditions of the Dumagat. In any case, the figures for yield are above the
averages for upland rice given in Surajit K. De Datta and Benigno S. Vergara, "Climates of
Upland Rice Regions" in International Rice Research Institute, Major Research in Upland
Rice (Los Banos: The International Rice Research Institute, 1975), p. 15: national average,
0.9 ton/ha.; average for low rainfall areas, 0.66 ton/ha.; average for high rainfall areas, 1.1
tons. ha. Reported yields, however, are lower than actual yields among the Tiruray of
Cotabato (2,600 kg/ha.) reported in Stuart A. Schlegel, Tiruray Subsilltence, from Shifting
Cultivation to Plow Agriculture (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1979),
p.59.
30 Surajit K. De Datta and Reeshon Feuer, "Soils on which upland rice is grown," in
International Rice Research Institute, op. cit., 1975, pp. 26-39.
247
rn
Table 5. Physical and chemical soil analysis.
~
~
;:s
H;l4
Settlement
Texture
WHC
pH
OM
%
1. Man-as
(Swidden)
Heavy
-*
6.0
7.00
l"I
ppm
ExtsK
ppm
ppm
Zn
ppm
19.00
536.00
3.20
2.40
CU
Fe
ppm
5.00
Mn
ppm
Milliequivalents/l 00 g soz1
Mg
Ca
Na
K
*"
00
.....
....~
Heavy
74.20
4.6
2.50
6.00
268.00
1.80
1.00
40.00
26.0
15.00
5.90
0.40
0.50
(b) Dalatan
Heavy
117.30
4.5
3.50
7.00
308.00
2.20
1.72
34.00
46.0
13.80
5.20
0.50
0.50
3. Mamuyao
(Dalatan)
Heavy
53.70
4.8
3.00
12.00
446.00
3.20
1.80
38.00
28.0
19.20
3.30
0.40
0.80
4. Amunad
(Swidden)
Heavy
68.70
4.5
2.50
6.00
188.00
1.60
1.00
50.00
18.0
14.50
5.30
1.50
0.40
Swiddena
Silty clay
95.54
5.8
4.73
3.51
20.01
6.60
2.00
370.00
91.0
8.56
5.82
0.28
0.30
Swidden b
Clay
92.90
5.7
2.64
25.02
25.02
6.00
1.00
217.00
4.0
8.84
4.70
0.16
0.24
5. Pinag-anakan**
**
~.
l:l
;:So
(a) Swidden
c'
;:s
22.0
2. Maytala
.........
No analysis made.
Analysis by Bureau of Soils-UPLB Applied Research and Extension Project, Dept. of Soils, University of the Philippines at Los Banos,
College, Laguna. All others by Soil Testing Section, Soils Region No. 4, Bureau of Soils, Manila.
is'
Philippines
undertaken by both males and females. The importance of rattan
during the drought was reflected in a comment by one informant:
"Were it not for rattan, we would all be dead by now." Of course,
as earlier discussed, the Dumagat engage in other subsistence activities mostly involving direct appropriation from the natural environment. These indicate the range of subsistence options still
available to them.
A public grade school offering grades one to three was opened
in 1970 as an extension of the elementary school located in the
barrio, some four kilometers away. This was achieved through the
joint efforts of the Dumagat and non-Dumagat leaders. For school
year 1982-1983, there were 19 Dumagat enrolled in Grade I, six in
Grade 11, and eight in Grade Ill. Unfortunately, no one has gone
beyond Grade III because the children do not want to attend the
elementary school in the barrio as they often become objects of ridicule by the non-Dumagat children. Moreover, attending school entails
some cash for the purchase of additional clothing and school supplies. 31
There are no health facilities in the area and while no health
statistics are available, observations indicate a high incidence of
upper respiratory tract infection among both children and adults,
a situation which is also common among the non-Dumagat. While
some barangay point to primary health care centres, tertiary health
services are found only in the town proper, about fifty kilometers
away, more than half of which becomes impassable during the height
of the rainy season.
Maytala. This settlement is along a logging road constructed in

the early 1960s. Much of the area is now Imperata grassland with
some areas covered by a mixture of softwood trees, bamboo, Imperata
and Chromolaena odorata. The present Dumagat inhabitants of the
settlement are relatively recent, having moved into it in the late
1970s on the suggestion of a missionary priest who initiated a small
agricultural project based on the cultivation of taro and employing
draft animals and farm implements like plough and harrow. There
were previous Dumagat and non-Dumagat settlers in the area as
31 Reflecting my own personal bias, I have given school supplies (pencils and paper) as
gifts to the Dumagat with the agreement that these will be shared by the children. I explained this as my was of appreciating their help in the conduct of the research.
249

claimed by the settlers themse1eves. Indeed, there is a small coconut
plantation in the area, several kapok trees (Ceiba pentandra), mangoes, langka (Artocarpus heterophyUus), guava, orange trees and
avocado (Persea americana) as well as abandoned swiddens. Except
for the coconut plantation which is kept clean by a few head of cattle
being tethered by a non-Dumagat caretaker, the other trees are being
overtaken by second growth softwood trees as well as bamboos.
There are 14 households with 62 members. One household is
non-Dumagat with one of the daughters married, recently, to a
Dumagat. Another is a mixed-marriage household, the mother being
a Dumagat. Eleven 0 f them have swiddens ranging from 0.20 to 1.75
hectares with an average size of 0.48 hectare. The small swiddens
have been cultivated from areas of mixed softwood, Imperata and
Chromolaena. The large swidden was converted from a secondgrowth forest surrounded by old swiddens at fallow with old banana
stands, softwood trees, Imperata and bamboo clumps. Some of
the households used to have swiddens in the Quezon area along the
Limutan river. Others had swiddens in Maytala but left these for
other places, including Limutan. All the swiddens are generally rice
swiddens with the usual additional crops of fruit trees, tubers and
vegetables. The non-Dumagat household, however, works on dalatan
planted almost exclusively to taro. One reason being offered by both
Dumagat and non-Dumagat for the preference for taro is that it is
relatively safe from rats, other pests and typhoons. Rice production
is about the same as in the other settlements. The swiddenists plant
rice in their swiddens only for two years after which the swiddens are
left to fallow for at least four years. Now, with the help of a churchbased agency, they are attempting to convert part of the grassland
into dalatan. True enough, part of a ridge with gentle slopes but already dominated by Imperata, has been converted into dalatan. No
more than a hectare, it was recently planted to taro, sweet potato,
cassava with banana at the fringes.
The area around the houses had been converted into gardens
of sweet potato and other vegetables. Unlike the sweet potato in the
swiddens, which are cultivated for tubers, sweet potato in the gardens
are raised for their leafy tops which are harvested as often as the
vegetable is needed.
One household head who has kinsmen in another settlement
noted for its charcoal-making, occasionally leaves for a visit. At
250
Philippines
some point during my research, he spent one week in the other settlement making charcoal from selected hardwood. He was able to
produce about ten sacks of charcoal, which sold for 5.00 each.
With the money, he bought ten kilos of rice and a few other consumer
items.
Of the five settlements studied, it was only in Maytala where
someone reported to have gone into charcoal-making, even if only
occasionally. There are, however, more Dumagat in other settlements not included in this study who have gone into this as an added
source of income.
There is no school in the area. Only one of the children in the
area had attended the elementary school of barangay Mamuyao,
on the other side of the ridge. He dropped out because the nonDumagat children allegedly beat him Up.3 2 As in Nayon, there are
no health facilities in the area. During our research, one household
had two cases of malaria; moreover, upper respiratory tract infection
was very common. During the typhoon which hit the area in August,
only one of the houses escaped serious damage. Houses in the area,
as in the other settlements, are made of wood and bamboo, with
either thatched Imperata or bamboo as roof.
Amunad. Situated along the Limutan River, this settlement is

at the fringes of the rain forests of Quezon Province. It is farthest
from the non-Dumagat settlements. But the area has been logged
over by a commercial logging company since the 1960s. Moreover,
non-Dumagat individuals have been cutting hardwood (Pterocarpus
spp. and Toona spp.) with power chain saws.
There are fifteen households in the area with 56 members.
Most of the households have come from the old settlements along
the river. A few used to be based in Maytala but opened new swiddens in Amunad in 1983, claiming that the area is better suited to
swiddens. In addition, it is closer to the sources of rattan. Eight
swiddens are new and, except for one measuring about a quarter of
a hectare, area of a swidden ranges from 0.5 to 0.75 hectare, with
32 Whether this is true or not is difficult to tell although a similar perception suggestive
of dominant-dominated relationship, between the non-Dumagat and the Dumagat, respectively, usually come up during discussions of inter-ethnic relations. Phenotypically, most of
of the Dumagat children who have been going to school look like their non-Dumagat counterparts so it cannot simply be a "racial" thing.
251

an average of 0.56 hectare. There are four old swiddens planted to
sweet potato, cassava, and taro. The average size of the 12 swiddens
under cultivation is 0.54 hectare. The relatively bigger swiddens
seem to confirm the perception that the area still allows for more
extensive swiddening.
Just like Maytala, Amunad has no school and health facilities.
The military, however, conducted a literacy training programme in
the area in 1972 through its Army Literacy Patrol System in cooperation with the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports. Classes
were held twice a week for six months. In addition, a church-based
agency has been conducting since May 1983 a literacy programme of
its own. What is remarkable in this programme is that it is being
conducted by a Dumagat couple. These two Dumagat underwent
training under the sponsorship of the church-based agency. It is too
soon to say whether the programme is successful but in one of the
swidden houses, one blackboard stands as a mute testimony to this
effort to bring literacy to the forests of Limutan.
Mamuyao. The Dumagat settlement in Mamuyao is at the

outskirts of the non-Dumagat settlement, along a small stream. The
non-Dumagat barangay captain of Mamuyao, who arrived in the area
in the 1950s, said that the area was thickly forested. This was
confirmed by the Dumagat informants. The coming of the logging
company in the 1960s paved the way for more migrants to make
swiddens in the area. As one perceptive Dumagat put it: "First,
the loggers came, followed by the migrants who opened up wide
swiddens. This opened up the forest for the invasion by Imperata.
This did not happen before because other swiddens, after several
years, reverted to second-growth forests."
There are only four households with 13 members. They are
related affinally and consaguineally. One household is headed by a
non-Dumagat married to one of the daughters of the non-Dumagat
household in Maytala, which is about two hours away towards
Limutan. The oldest living Dumagat in the settlement has lived in
the area since the pre-war period. Through the efforts of her husband
and the support of a non-Dumagat friend, the 10-hectare land they
occupy was titled. It is, however, being cultivated collectively by
the four households. The deceased husband developed a reputation
among the Dumagat and the non-Dumagat for being industrious and
progressive. The flat portion of the land was converted into irrigated
252
Philippines
paddy fields in the 1950s. This was made possible partly by the support of the government resettlement programme through the Land
Settlement and Development Corporation (LASEDECO), which
gave a development package of work animals, farm implements, and
carpentry tools.
But the irrigation canal was destroyed by a strong typhoon in
1972 and has not been repaired since. Three ploughshares lie rusting
away in one corner of one of the houses, guarded, it seems, by an
aging wooden plough lying against the wall. Still, there are indications of this relative wealth: five heads of water buffalo, 18 chickens,
three dogs for hunting. In addition, for 1983, they were able to
plant half a hectare each of rice, corn and sweet potato, about a
hectare each of taro and cassava and some ginger. There has been
a trend also to shift from rice to taro, cassava and other cash crops.
The explanation offered is the same as in the other settlements: the
root crops, particularly taro, are relatively safer from pests and
typhoons. Moreover, there is a ready market for these crops. And
with the settlement accessible by motor vehicles parts of the year,
marketing is no problem as buyers from town come to the area.
Still, it must be pointed out that cash crop production does not
mean production for cash as such, which in turn is ploughed back
to the farm as technical inputs. Production of non-rice crops merely
allows them to acquire the rice which, though preferred as the
staple food, is increasingly difficult to produce. It allows them also
to get some of the other consumer goods they cannot produce
themselves.
One of the households sends three of their five children to
the nearby schools; two are in grade school and one is in second
year of high school. That this is possible is due not only to the
relative wealth of the settlement but also to the accessibility of the
schools. The elementary school is only about a 15-minute walk
away; the high school, an hour-walk away. Also, the parents have
been encouraged to send their children by the missionary priest who
has provided some financial support for the tuition of a high school
student.
Pinag-anakan. This is a 50-hectare settlement set aside by the
National Power Corporation (NPC), a state enterprise for Dumagat
found in the Angat watershed. Before its conversion into an
agro-forestry project in 1980, a few Dumagat were already making
253

swiddens in the area. But increasingly, it has become more difficult
to make new swiddens as the area is being patrolled by NPC as part
of its watershed management. That there are few patches of
Imperata in the area may be attributed to the effective monitoring of
swiddening activities, particularly burning.
Previously, hunting-gathering people, the Dumagat of Pinaganakan now combine swidden cultivation with gathering of forest
products (primarily rattan, Calamus and Daemonorops) for trade as
their main subsistence activities. They learned swiddening by
observing Tagalog swiddenists in the hilly interior towns of Bulacan.
Compared to the Dumagat in the Rizal-Quezon area, hunting and
fishing are still intensive activities among the Pinag-anakan Dumagat.
One informant has 100 snares for fowls and another hundred for
wild pigs. Birds, such as pigeons, are caught live and bartered for
consumer goods with visiting traders. Lower mandibles of wild pigs
are much in evidence in the house. Almaciga used to be collected
but this activity has been contained by stiff government regulations.
The oldest informants with memories of pre-war conditions recall
that it was easy for them to make swiddens. They always had plenty
to eat because not only were swiddens productive, the forests had
abundant wildlife as source of food. They claim that they were
healthier in those days. One of the informants put it this way:
"Before the war, we had enough to eat and we were healthy; now
that we have been resettled, we don't have enough food and we tend
to be sickly."
During the study period, there were 34 households in the
area but only 18 were contacted. These eighteen households had
83 members. The others were deep in the mountains gathering
rattan while a few were panning for gold. Of those present in the
area, only seven had swiddens with an average size of 0.24 hectare
ranging from 0.05 to 0.75 hectare. These were planted to rice, sweet
potato, cassava and taro. They have two or three cropping years
with at least four years of fallow. But with the agro-forestry project,
this is no longer possible. In fact, swiddens lying fallow were already
planted to fruit trees by NPC (this project wil be discussed in detail
later).
In 1977, a team from the Nutrition Centre of the Philippines

surveyed Dumagat settlements in the Angat watershed in Rizal and
in Quezon. The report showed a very high incidence of pulmonary
254
Philippines
tuberculosis among the adults and upper respiratory tract infection
and malnutrition among the children. 3 3 For both adults and
children, there is also a high incidence of anemia. Table 6 shows the
comparative status of malnutrition among Dumagat children.
Table 6. Degree of malnutrition of Dumagat children in three
settlements, 1977.
Nutritional Status
BuJaazn
No.
%
No.
Quezon
No.
%
Rizal
3rd degree malnourished
20
12
33
24
2nd degree malnourished
15
36
15
42
18
27
1st degree malnourished
10
24
20
13
20
20
11
17
55
100
36
100
66
100
Normal weight
Total
Source:
36
National Nutrition Council, 1977.
Based on field observations during our research, the health

situation does not appear to have changed. 3 4 A nurse who was
with us during one of our trips to the area, noted that anemia and
upper respiratory tract infection was common. We noticed also that
there is a preference for starch-protein diet (e.g., sweet potato,
cassava, rice, fish, fowl and wild pig) with minimal consumption of
leafy, green vegetables abundant in the area (e.g., leafy tops of
sweet potato and cassava). In the Rizal-Quezon area settlements, the
succulent leaves of sweet potato, cassava and taro are frequently
eaten as vegetables.
Schooling is another problem in the area. One government
agency allegedly offered to send a teacher as long as a schoolhouse is
constructed in the area. There is now such a building, constructed
by the Dumagat, but the teacher is yet to arrive.
33 National Nutrition Council, Partial Report on the Nutrition and Health Survey,
National Nutrition Council, V.S. Agency for International Development, Youth Arm for
Community Advancement and Development, 1977. Typescript, 18 sheets, unpaged.
34 When we were there we were asked to bring to the attention of state agencies the
health and economic conditions of the Pinaganakan Dumagat.
255

Table 7 shows the population of the five settlements as well
as the swidden sizes and the relationship of crop to fallow period.
Table 7. The five settlements for intensive study, 1982-1983.
Average
Area of
Swidden
Under
Cultivation
(Hectare)
Number of
Households
Members
Amunad
15
56
Mamuyao
13
14
+
28
18+
62
0.48
~4
89
0.49
~5+++
83
0.24
2-3
Settlement
Maytala
Nayon
Pinag-anakan
Crop Years
(No.)
Fallow
Years
(No.)
0.54
2-3
~5
10.0
dalatan
continuous
cropping
3-4
+ Includes three of mixed marriages but excludes another 28 non-Dumagat households who while having settled in the area, are non-swiddenists.
++ Does not include 16 households allegedly belonging to the settlement but which
were not present during period of research (Oct. to Dec. 1982).
+++ One swidden, opened in 1974-1975, is still being cropped. It is relatively flat and
is planted to a thick mixed crop of cassava and sweet potato. It belongs to the "industrious
old man" who argued that as long as the swidden plot is carefully weeded and protected by
crops, it can be cropped continuously. Whether this is still considered swiddening is, of
course, debatable.
IV. Environmental and Culture Change:

Interventions from Outside
Thus far, we have focused our discussion on swiddening and

other subsistence activities. To help us better understand the present
ecological and economic status of swiddening among the Dumagat,
and their cultural status as well, we will survey the various efforts
coming from outside that in one way or another have influenced the
character and direction of environmental and cultural change in the
area.
256
Philippines
In this brief survey, the following will be taken into account
to the extent allowed by available data: (1) source of the plan or
policy, (2) programme objective and content whenever possible to
determine, (3) impact on the environment, and (4) impact on the
economy and general quality of life in the area, and especially
those of the Dumagat.
The first recorded efforts to intervene in the natural and
cultural processes in the area were those of Spanish missionaries who
set up rancherias (settlement) along Lanatin and Limutan J:ljvers. 3 5
This was in the 17th century. It was not until the end of the 19th
century, however, that mineral extraction and planting of fruit trees,
like coffee and cacao were undertaken. Clearly, there has been
ecosystemic and cultural intervention in the area, from outside, for
at least a hundred years. Presence of shards in the Sta. Ines area
suggests an even earlier date but the impact of ancient habitation on
today's environment cannot be determined.
In 1903, the Municipal Council of Tanay granted permission
for the incorporation of a Remontado settlement in Sampaloc into
Tanay. Indeed, this corroborates the claim of old informants that
the Sampaloc area used to be ka Dumagatan (place of Dumagat).
This is now the biggest barangay of Tanay with a total population of
5,768 in 1978. It is also the site of a military camp, which has
enlisted the services of a few Dumagat. What is interesting, however,
is that at the start of this century, some Dumagat (referred to as
taong-bundok = mountain people and Remontado in the literature) 3 6
tried to integrate themselves politically into the then emerging
political structures.
By December 1914, with the Americans having displaced the
Spaniards, Executive Order (E.O.) 122 was issued reserving an area
encompassing parts of the Lanatin River "for the exclusive use of
the Remontados and the Dumagats." Also in the same year, the
Provincial Governor and the Municipal Council "paid attention to
the welfare of the mountain barrios."3 7 What exactly these meant
in terms of actual projects is not clear. But they do suggest that
there were efforts to isolate the Dumagat even as their welfare was
35 Catolos [and] Bendana,op cif.
36 Ibid., p. 47.
37 Ibid., p. 59.
257

attended to. This could have encouraged, if not initiated, the spatial
segregation and the social and cultural distinction between the
Dumagat and the non-Dumagat. These interrelated processes
continue up to this day.
Land Resettlement
These efforts were followed by a succession of Presidential

Proclamations (P.P.) involving land resettlement which was seen as
an integral part of agrarian reform. It was meant to respond to
problems such as: (a) slow agricultural growth; (b) unemployment
and under-employment; (c) high tenancy rate; (d) uneven population
distribution; and (e) stunted rural community development. 38
Resettlement as an organized aspect of agrarian reform, started
in 1939 with the establishment of the National Land Settlement
Administration (NLSA) with the task of facilitating the acquisition,
settlement, and cultivation of virgin lands. 3 9
But it was not until 1952, with P.P. 357 that parts of the
public domain in Tanay (and another town of Rizal Province) were
reserved for agricultural settlement. As a result, 25,475 hectares
in Tanay were opened to settlers. The resettlement programme
included infrastructure construction, agricultural and community
development. According to one Dumagat informant, the settlers
brought in carabaos, ploughs and other farm implements as well as
carpentry tools. This was corroborated by non-Dumagat informants
including a barangay captain who was one of the early settlers.
Later, P.P. 982 of 9 March 1971 was issued to exclude certain
portions of the land declared by E.O. 122 of 21 December 1914 as
non-Christian reservation to be used as stock farm of the Bureau
of Animal Industry.
38 Except for d~ta obtained from observation and interviews in the field, the
discussion here is based on Romeo Castaneda, lAnd Resettlement: Status and Problems
(1974). Mimeographed, 20 sheets, pp. 1-20. The author was Director of Resettlement of
the Department [now Ministry] of Agrarian Reform.
39 NLSA was absorbed by the Land Settlement and Development Corporation in 1950
which, in turn, was replaced by the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA) in 1954. In 1963, the Land Authority (LA) was set up and took over the
function of NARRA. LA was abolished in 1971 with the creation of the Department of
Agrarian Reform in 1971 and with it, the Bureau of Resettlement.
258
Philippines
The extent of the contribution of these legal and technological
interventions and the resulting land uses to the development of
vegetational types, demographic and cultural configurations is difficult to ascertain given the limitations of the research. Both
Dumagat and non-Dumagat informants offer the observation that
when the settlers arrived, the area was generally forested with only
small patches of grasslands. As described earlier, the vegetational
types have become more diverse. In particular, Imperata and
Saccherum grasslands continue to expand. The stock farm of the
Bureau of Animal Industry itself has, a mixture of Imp erata,
Saccherum, Chromolaena odorata, crab grass, Ficus spp., Macaranga
and a few acacia, guava, mango and Artocarpus spp. It effectively
excludes about 1,700 hectares from cultivation. This area and the
resettlement area exclude the practice of swiddening, thereby
exerting pressure on the time needed for fallow and on space needed
to absorb the population growth of the Dumagat. It can also be
argued that since the settlers were predisposed to wet-rice cultivation, their entry into the relatively flat and arable areas pre-empted
other forms of agricultural intensification that might have been left
open to the Dumagat. Culturally, the resettlement project brought
the Dumagat in closer contact with a greater number of people
belonging to a variety of ethnic groups thereby effecting some form
of distortion in cultural development (e.g., the problem of ethnicity
and values).
Sta. Ines Settlement (Tanay, Rizal)

In the 1960s, Sta. Ines, Rizal was declared as a settlement
area for Dumagat, with the following population for different
periods; 1964-1965, 38; 1965-1966, 30; and, 1966-1967, 36.40
As of 1967, Sta. Ines settlement had 500 hectares with 132
settlers. 41 This settlement project was run by the Commission on
National Integration (CNI). There are no available records as to how
the settlement was run but one report shows that a few thousand
pesos were spent for the project for the years 1960-1963 and then
1966-1967. 42 How the money was spent may be inferred from the
40 Leothiny Clavel, They are Also Filipinos (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1969), p. 56.
41 IbkJ. p. 50.
42 The Commission was abolished in April 1975 and appropriate documents co~ld not
be tracked down.
259

following objectives of the settlement projects of CNI: "1) Providing
the landless minorities parcels of land in the settlement; 2) giving
them protection in the settlement; 3) introducing improved methods
of agriculture and better cash crops; 4) improving their marketing
facilities; 5) providing better educational and health facilities; 6)
promoting the concept of self-help and community development;
and 7) teaching the rudiments of local government.,,4 3
One non-Dumagat settler of Sta. Ines, who worked for CNI in
the 1960s recalls that CNI brought some 20 households of Igorot
(from Northern Luzon) allegedly to teach the Dumagat how to grow
rice in irrigated terraces. There are, indeed, irrigated paddy fields in
Sta. Ines being worked by Igorot and other non-Dumagat. No
Dumagat now lives in Sta. Ines itself, which is now populated by
about 500 households. Both Dumagat and non-Dumagat informants
point to areas in Sta. Ines proper as formerly belonging to the
Dumagat.
Using the project objectives as criteria for evaluation, we
can say that the Dumagat did not benefit from the project. The
project has not stopped swiddening and has not prevented the
Dumagat from moving into other areas; no agricultural and
community development took place.
Why the Dumagat did not choose to stay in the area and adopt
wet paddy field cultivation along with its sociological and cultural
concomitants is a complex phenomenon. Interviews with a few
Dumagat who once lived in Sta. Ines claim that inter-ethnic relations
were tense. Specifically, they would mention that the non-Dumagat
settlers were given to drinking and were quarrelsome. My observations in the field about inter-ethnic relations, however, are most
varied. I have seen non-Dumagat-Dumagat relations that appear to
be mutually satisfying and respectful of each other's differences.
But then, it is also true that some Dumagat are sensitive about these
differences and would rather keep to themselves. In casual conversations, one could hear remarks about the need for Dumagat to
keep together even if they have to remain taga-bundok (people
from the mountain) because, after all, the Dumagat can live off the
forests forever. One old man puts it this way: "I had a big wooden
house in Sta. Ines but I left it because all my kinsmen from here
43 Ibid., p. 43.
260
Philippines
wanted me to be with them. After all, we can always open up new
swiddens. "
This has not, however, remained a dominant view. Another
informant said: "One of my sons wanted me to join them in Limutan
across the Rizal-Quezon border. But I declined because while it is
true that swiddens can easily be had, there is no school in the area
and I want the children to go to school."
This is typical of Dumagat who have come to accept some of
the benefits of social services being provided by the state. If
schooling appears to be a top priority, it is because they see literacy
as a crucial defense against deception regarding landownership and
market exchanges. Still, the attraction of access to social services is
tested against access to swiddens and other economic opportunities.
Rizal Resettlement Project

A continuation of the resettlement programme earlier
discussed is another development project with an exclusive
agricultural thrust is the Rizal Resettlement Project (Map. 2).44
As the official plan states, the project is meant to support the
agricultural development of the area for bona fide settlers and does
not include those indigenous to the area. It is included in this
brief survey because it does have bearing on the ecology and
demography of the area considered as an ecosystem to which the
Dumagat and non-Dumagat belong.
It covers about 29,839 hectares and include all the barangays
in the research area, except Amunad. Eighty per cent of the area is
used to plant coconut, bananas, citrus, root crops, vegetables and
other fruit trees. As of 1978, there were 1,666 farmlots, 1,797 bamo
homelots. Total population was 11,701. The figures do not include
other settlers and squatters who have moved into the area outside
of those accounted for by the project. But using only the official
figures, we get a population density of 3.9 per square kilometer.
44 Data and discussion on this project are based on Area Development Plan: Rizal
Resettlement Project. Sampaloc, Tanay, Rizal (1978). Prepared by REPRODS, Ministry
of Agrarian Reform, Region IV, Pasig, Rizal and interviews with staff members of their
project based in Sampaloc, Tanay. The Plan was revised in 1983 because of the KaliwaKanan Dam Project which would require uprooting the settlers from the watershed area.
261
Swidden cultivatzon in Asia
MAP OF RIZAL PROVINCE
T
MANILA BAY
Map 2. Location Map of Rizal Resettlement ProJ8et Tanay, RiDl
MAP OF REGION - IV
MAP OF THE PHILIPPINES
262
Philippines
As of 1978, land use in the area shows the following pattern:
Table 8. Land use in the research area.
Arerz
(Hectarea)
Cropa
A verage Production
kg! Per Hectare
Rice:
Irrigated
48.6
Unirrigated and Upland
3,680
824.0
2,530
Corn
311.4
1,840
Sweet Potato
420.0
1,617
Cassava
248.0
747
Mongo (Phaaeolua sp.]
67.0
556
String Beans
35.0
434
Peanut
113.0
800
Tomato
210.0
1,120
Eggplant
35.0
900
Coconut
1,200.0
2,500
Coffee
2,000.0
2,500
Citrus
50.0
666
Bananas
100.0
3,295
Total
5,652.0
Source:
REPRODS (1978).
Inquiries with staff members of the Sampaloc office of the

project whether swiddening is included in the development plans
showed that it (swiddening) is a "problem" that administratively
belongs to the Bureau of Forest Development and is not part of
their responsibilities. As a development concern, swiddening becomes incorporated into their plans only when land is classified as
alienable and disposable, otherwise no effort is made to introduce
technology appropriate to swiddening. For the Dumagat, there is
little time to select by trial and error new and appropriate technology for an intensified form of swiddening. Neither is there effort on
the part of agencies to systematically and patiently develop alternative cropping systems.
263
Swidden cultt"vation in Asia

In any case, because of the Kaliwa-Kanan Dam Project, the
area has been reduced to only 10,000 hectares and already excludes
the barangays and settlements in the watershed.
The same bureaucratic distinction between agriculture and

forestry which is found at the regional and national level is reflected
at the municipal level. An interview with municipal development
officers showed that their concerns have been mostly with irrigated
lowland rice technology with very little attention paid to upland
agriculture and practically no aid to swiddening. The local officers
argued that swiddening needs a wide area for it to be viable but
suggested possibilities for agro-forestry involving coffee and citrus
fruits.
But in 1979, they were involved in broadcasting ipil-ipil seeds
(Leucaena leucocephala) over the Imperata grassland at the Cuyambay ridge towards the Kaliwa watershed. Ipil-ipil seedlings were also
planted. On my observation that there are no ipil-ipil stands in the
area referred to, I was offered the explanation that the area had been
subjected to burning. Whether this was accidental or not could not
be ascertained.
Action Leaven4S
In addition to government-initiated and supported programmes of planned change, non-governmental organizations have
also introduced projects in the area. One such agency is Action
Leaven of the Roman Catholic Church. It combines community
organizing literacy programme, agricultural development and cooperatives. The programme has organized both settlers and
Dumagat but it has been more active with the Dumagat populations.
It has initiated literacy programme in at least four barangays and has
trained, or cause to be trained, about eight Dumagat who were
expected to conduct the programme in their own settlements.
The agency also initiated collective farming involving households living close together. For this reason, most of the members are
45 Discussion on Action Leaven as implemented in Tanay is based on my interviews
with a church lay worker who is deeply involved in the programme. I greatly appreciate
his co-operation. The interview is supplemented by observations in the field.
264
Philippines
kinsmen although there are cases of groups consisting also of nonkinsmen. Collective farming, referred to by the proponents and the
Dumagat participants as compact farming, involves collective cultivation of a commonly owned piece of land (so far, dalatan and not
swidden, has been involved). The net income is to be shared by the
members but in the pilot project I saw, I was told that the
net income will be invested in the next cropping cycle.
Another project by the agency on the request of Dumagat
from Maytala was the formation of a Rattan Gatherers Co-operative
to handle the marketing of rattan and take this away from the control of middlemen. Towards this end, a seminar was organized in
May 1981 by the agency and was conducted by foresters from the
Rattan Accreditation Co-operative Licensing Unit of the Bureau of
Forest Development. The seminar included topics such as:
importance of the forest, conservation and wise use of the forest,
and formation of rattan co-operative. At the end of the seminar, it
was recommended that cutting permit be issued to the co-operative
which shall have the right to cut, gather, and transport rattan to processing and manufacturing plants.
During our research, I checked on the status of the project
and was told that no cutting permit has yet been issued. The agency
head explained that application for permit is a very complicated
process and with the instructions and forms in English, no Dumagat
could make an application by himself. Moreover, it takes time and
effort to follow up application forms in Metro Manila.
These new organizational forms introduced from outside but
overlaid on kinship, territorial contiguity and common economic
interests are in a sense new experiences. They are intended by
proponents to be new mechanisms for integrating old tested ways
and structures to new ones to enable the Dumagat to hold their
own in the face of too rapid change and to direct their own development path. Whether the efforts will prove viable will depend on a
number of factors, including the extent of organizational expansion
and consolidation with support from the non-governmental agencies
who truly share the aspirations of the Dumagat.
But the idea of trying new cropping systems seems attractive
to them. While I was in Nayon, one of the Dumagat leaders brought
me to a relatively flat area of their settlement and told me that it
265

could be converted into compact farm. He then expressed the need
for security of tenure, technical assistance and initial supply of
planting materials and farm tools.
Youth Agency for Community Advancement

and Development
In the Bulacan area, an organization called Youth Agency for

Community Advancement and Development (YACAD) started a
development project for the Dumagat of the Angat watershed in
1973. Their programme encompassed areas as resettlement, agroindustry, health, and education. A volunteer organization, it was
supported by civic organizations, private and government agencies
and the Office of Civil Relations of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. One of the first things they tried was to organize a
co-operative to manage the collection and marketing of forest
products particularly rattan and almaciga.
When I went to Pinag-anakan for this study, I saw no indication of success of the project. Non-Dumagat and Dumagat
informants who knew of the agency informed me that it has stopped
working in the area. There are Dumagat who remember the agency
along with PANAMIN (Presidential Assistant for National Minorities)
and the Ministry of Social Services and Development. They perceive
these agencies as sources of medical services and medicines, school
houses and teachers, items of clothing, food aid and implements
such as jungle knife and pick axe. These reflect their previous
experiences with an earlier type of "development aid" characterized
by dole-out. This has somehow shaped their perception of
subsequent development efforts.
At this point, it can be said that these external interventions
have not achieved their avowed goals. In the Rizal-Quezon area the
forest environment continues to give way to Imperata and
Saccharum spontaneum even as the general environment no longer
provides a stable base for traditional Dumagat economy and culture.
While new organizational forms and alternative ways of doing things
are being tested, these have still to prove their viability. In the
Bulacan area, while Imperata invasion seems to have been controlled,
the economy and culture of the Dumagat continue to deteriorate.
266
Philippines
In the settlements, during casual conversations and group
discussions about Dumagat environment and culture, one feels a
tension arising from a view of an abundant and benevolent kagubatan
(place of forest) being threatened by new subsistence activities and
the corollary mental juxtaposition of an earlier life of cultural
autonomy and their present impoverished life.
The Kaliwa-Kanan River Dam Project

In the Kaliwa watershed area, this tension has surfaced
with greater intensity. This is occasioned by the Kaliwa-Kanan
River Dam Project which threatens to displace them along with
the non-Dumagat. 46
The project will be a 21-Megawatt power
plant, with an estimated reservoir yield of 22.1 m 3 per second.
The estimated cost at 1980 prices was P6.0 billion, 45 per cent of
which is in foreign exchange. 4 7 It is true that both Dumagat and
settlers were consulted and community discussions were held.
According to the Manila Water Supply III Relocation Project (referring to the Kaliwa project), the plan took into account the needs
and aspirations of the settlers as well as the topography, climate,
elevation, soil resources and land use potential of the area. The
plan noted: "As for the Katutubos [indigenous] or Dumagats,
their concern in life is simply a wide hunting ground to have enough
food to eat everyday [sic]. They do not desire so much for ownership of a house and lot nor the education of their children [sic]."
In this connection, the MWSS formulated the following
programme for the Dumagat. 4 8
a.
The introduction of other stable means of livelihood

which may induce them to remain in one place.
46 For an excellent discussion of the project and its politico-economic context as well
as implications and impact on both Dumagat and non-Dumagat, see ECfF, Incursion of
Technology: The Case of the Kaliwa-Kanan River Dam Project, in ECTF Research Series I
(1982), pp. 1-2l.
47 MWSS, Highlights of the Manila Water Supply Project (Quezon City: Metropolitan
Waterworks and Sewerage System, 1980), pp. 18-19. The World Bank, Asian Development
Bank and the overseas Economic Co-operation Fund of Japan have been reported by ECTF
as being tapped for funding (1982:8).
48 Manila Water Supply III Relocation Project (xerox copy).
267

b.
The generation and promotion of economic projects that

can serve as their secondary sources of income.
c.
Development of their skills to enable them to successfully

undertake income-generating projects or engage in gainful
employment.
d.
An information programme on health and sanitation,

nutrition, child care and family planning.
e.
Technical and material assistance to improve their houses.
f.
A continuing adult/non-formal education to develop

their civic, political and spiritual awareness.
g.
A programme designed to elevate the educational level of

the school-age children of the Dumagats.
h.
A programme by which the Dumagat can naturally

interact with the Remontados and the Christians which
can lead to the gradual assimilation of the Dumagats into
the mainstream of Filipino life ....
"As for the tribd groups, their male population

shall be employed by MWSS in its reforestation
programme within the watershed or as unskilled laborers
in the construction of the dam, giving them a more
stable source of income. With the Dumagats just being
left where they are now in the upper slopes of the
watershed, they shall be encouraged to undertake economic projects feasible in the area and attain selfsufficiency in food. The Dumagats who will be
employed in the reforestation programme shall be
trained in the planting and care of trees. Other activities
are agricultural production of rice, corn, root crops,
bananas and vegetables, animal production of pigs,
poultry and goats, honey bee culture and rattan and
wood crafts."
But as of my last visit to the area in September 1983, there
was general feeling of uncertainty as to the proper implementation
of the proposed relocation plans. One national daily reported that
268
Philippines
the residents are protesting the changes in the earlier plan which
would mean relocation to an unfertile land. 4 9
At a very general level, it can be said that the Dumagat
response to external interventions, including infrastructure projects,
has psychological, socio-political and ecosystemic dimensions.
These reflect the resistance to a concept of culture change imposed
from outside underpinned by Christian, lowland, agricultural and
technocratic values which at some point and at the unconscious
level could offer some possibilities for selective acceptance and,
therefore, partial and unintegrated culture change. Implicit in this
is the rejection by the project proponents of the development of
potential of Dumagat society and culture based on cultural
autonomy and identity (Kami ay Dumagat i.e., 'we are Dumagat'),
harmony with the kagubatan i.e., 'place of forest', pagkapantaypantay i.e., 'equality', and socio-political interdependence (parehopareho naman tayong Pilz"pino i.e., 'we are all Filipinos').
V. Pinag-Anakan: an Experiment
in Agro-Forestry
Of direct and immediate relevance to this study is an

agro-forestry project in Pinag-anakan in Bulacan. It is the only
agro-forestry project within the research area involving the Dumagat.
For a fuller grasp of the project, which is only one of the government's numerous responses to swiddening, it is important to find
out how various key sectors of Philippine society look at swiddening.
We will examine the pronouncements of policy-makers, planners,
agency heads and fieldmen relative to swiddening. We will also
cite relevant laws, decrees and other documents. We will look into
statements of academics who work closely with government agencies
as researchers and consultants. Their views on swiddening have the
potential of being translated into policy and in turn into programmes
and actual projects. For this same reason, we shall take into account
the report of the Presidential Committee on Wood Industries Development the members of which come from Government and the
wood industry.
49 Bulletin Today, 12 August 1983.
269

Governmental Perception of Swiddening
No less than President Ferdinand E. Marcos was quoted by

the Bureau of Forest Development Annual Report for 1980 as saying:
"To the poor, the most important is survival, not protection of the
environment. It is dramatically illustrated in our case by the work
of the kainginero [swiddenist], who ravages every patch of ground
he can lay his hands on to extract some food for his family. It may
be uneconomic, but it is the only available source of life for him."
The same report includes a memorandum from the Director
of BFD referring to swiddening as illegal and destructive. The
section of the report on forest occupancy (a term used by Government to refer to swiddening) mentions "slash-and-burn farming" as
one of the enemies of the forest.
Working out of the Bureau of Forest Development is the
BFD Upland Development Working Group with members coming
from private and government academic organizations as well as
from BFD itself. According to the brochure of this Working Group,
swiddening shortens productivity of most marginal lands and
destroys protective vegetation thus leading to drought, flash floods,
siltation of water channels thereby affecting irrigation canals,
estuaries and coastal zones.
Presidential Decree (P.D.) No. 705, signed in 1975 and known
as the Forestry Reform Code of the Philippines, defined swidden
[kaingin, in the P.D.], as "a portion of the forest land, whether
occupied or not, which is subjected to shifting and/or permanent
slash-and-burn cultivation having little or no provision to prevent
soil erosion" [underscoring supplied] (Sec. 3p). This was, however,
subsequently revised in 1978 by P.D. 1559 which defined swidden
simply as "a portion of the forest land which is subjected to shifting
and/or permanent slash-and-burn cultivation."
P.D. No. 1150, signed in 1977 and known as the Philippine
Environmental Code cites swiddening as a "destructive mode of
exploitation" (Chapter Ill, Sec. 3/c).
The first Annual Report (1977) of the National Environmental
Protection Council (NEPC) describes swiddening as occurring mostly
in logged-over areas thus compounding the effort of destructive
270
Philippines
logging resulting in the decline of soil fertility, massive movement of
soil and flooding in the lowlands during the rainy season (p. 91).
The 1980 Annual Report (p. 2) of the same agency referred to
swiddening as one of the main causes of forest destruction leading
to soil erosion. This perception is carried over in the 1982 Annual
Report (p. 76).
The policy, programme, and project implications of this
perception are best appreciated when we examine the role of NEPC.
This agency was set up in 1977 through P.D. No. 1121. Ministers
and heads of about 14 major government agencies sit in the Council.
The Council is seen as "a central agency that will oversee, unify, and
integrate the planning, management and implementation of national
environmental policies. It would ... be the fountain-head of national environmental policies."5 0
In a symposium on land problems in 1980, the Director of
Lands of the Ministry of Natural Resources said that swiddening is
"very harmful to the soil" and that swiddenists "leave the land
after two or three seasons because it has become difficult to control
cogon [Imperata spp.] and hardy weeds which spread very fast in
these newly opened lands." 5 1
A former chief of the Forest Occupancy Management Section
of the BFD, considers swiddening as one of the "primary factors that
have contributed to the escalation of forest destruction."5 2 He
noted that in 1979, swiddening destroyed 32,916.8 hectares, or
about 52.92 per cent of the total forest lands destroyed (29.16
per cent attributed to forest fires; 12.93 per cent, to illegal logging;
and, 4.99 per cent to other causes).
At the project level, interviews with a forester and fieldmen
revealed that they, like those at the levels of policy-making and
50 NEPC, Philippine Environmental Quality: First Annual Report (Quezon City: National Environmental Protection Council, 1977), p. 4.
51 Ramon N. Casanova, Land Problems in the Pllilippines: Issues and Strategies, LikasYaman, Journal of the Natural Resources Management Forum n (7) (1980): p. 14.
52 Edwin V. Payuan, The Bureau of Forest Development's Forest Occupancy (Kaingin)
Management Programme. Discussion Paper No. 3 (Manila: De La Salle University, 1981),
p.1.
271

programme planning, think that swiddening does cause soil erosion
and flooding. They claim, however, that swiddening is not necessarily destructive of the environment provided adequate conservation
measures are undertaken and there is sufficient land.
The same thinking is found at the municipal level. Among
development officers, swiddening is not part of their development
concerns (see pages 261-263). As a result, development pr~iects
designed to increase food production have an almost exclusively
lowland bias. This lowland bias reflects at the municipal level the
national policy of classifying land based on topography as embodied
in P.D. 705 known as the Forestry Reform Code of the Philippines.
Section 15 of the Code states: No land of the public domain eighteen
per cent (18%) in slope or over shall be classified as alienable and
disposable, nor any forest land fifty per cent (50%) in slope or
over, as grazing land.
The section further states: Lands eighteen per cent ... in slope
or over which have already been declared as alienable and disposable
shall be reverted to the classification of forest lands . . . to form
part of the forest reserves unless . . . already covered by existing
titles or approved public land application, or actually occupied
openly, continuously, adversely and publicly for a period of not
less than thirty years as of the effectivity of this Code, where the
occupant is qualified for a free patent under the Public Land
Act: Provided, That said lands, which are not yet part of wellestablished communities, shall be kept in a vegetative condition
sufficient to prevent erosion and adverse effects on the lowlands
and streams: Provided, Further, That when public interest so requires, steps shall be taken to expropriate, cancel defective titles,
reject public land application, or eject occupants thereof.
Fortunately, the merits of the eighteen-per cent slope
criterion are now being debated by various groups towards a rational
and comprehensive set of criteria for land classification and utilization.
Academics and Their Perception of Swiddening
The academics that are cited here are university-based working

closely with government agencies as researchers and consultants. It
272
Philippines
is argued here, therefore, that their views one way or the other
influence policy-making and consequently programme planning and
project implementation. Whether their views are correctly reflected,
however, is a question in need of another study.
One economist-researcher who has evaluated some government
agro-forestry projects considers swiddening from both the environmental and economic perspectives and notes that swiddening is
characterized by decreasing land productivity per man-effort. Moreover, it contributes to soil erosion, flash foods, higher incidence of
pests, siltation of water systems and a generally unstable ecosystem. s 3
A professor of the College of Forestry at the University of the
Philippines at Los Baiios who also serves as consultant to the
Watershed Management Unit of the National Power Corporation
mentions swiddenists as one of land-users who "have wantonly
misused . . . forest and watershed resources."s 4 He believes that
swiddening causes severe soil erosion and renders forest soils
agriculturally unproductive. s 5
Another professor, who was Chairman of the Department of
Forest Resources Management of the same college considers swiddening as "our national poverty problem" and that it is "the worst
enemy of the Philippine forests."s 6
There have been other academics who, at one time or another,
have said something about swiddening and swiddenists. But I have
singled out only a few who by their work and official position,
appear to have some influence on various levels of governmental
bureaucracy that have to do, directly or indirectly, with swiddening.
53 Marian Segura-de los Angeles, Ecorwmic and Social Impact Analysis ofAgro-Forestry
Development Projects in Villarica, Diadi, and Norzagaray (Quezon City: Philippine Centre
for Economic Development), 1983.
54 Severo Saplaco, Problems, Issues and Strategies on Watershed Management in the
Philippines, Likas-Yaman, Journal of the Natural Resources Management Forum I (7)
(l979): p. 11.
55 Severo Saplaco, Problems, Issues and Strategies on Watershed Management in the
Philippines, Likas-Yaman, Journal of the Natural Resources Management Forum I (7),
1979,p.12.
56 A. V. Revilla, Jr., Forest Management Problems, Issues and Strategies in the Philippines, Likas-Yaman, Journal of the Natural Resources Management Forum 1(2) (1978): p.
21.
273

The Presidential Committee on Wood Industry
Development and Swiddening
In 1971, Executive Order No. 292, created the Presidential

Committee on Wood Industries Development (PCWID) with members coming from government agencies and the private sector
engaged in wood industries. 5 7 The Committee reviewed all previous
concepts and proposals on forest management and came out with a
report. The Committee was chaired by the Secretary (now Minister)
of the Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources (now
divided into two separate ministries, one for agriculture and the
other for natural resources).
One section of the report dealt with "kaingin management and
tribal reservations." It immediately identified resident populations,
including swiddenists, within the public domain as an obstacle to
forest management. It states that cultural minorities inside
permanent forests change their location and legal claims to land
ownership leading to conflicts and increased cost of operations, if
not total stoppage.
Swiddening by squatters on public forest is seen to rapidly
exhaust soil fertility leading to "a virtual wasteland" after a short
period. Moverover, uncontrolled burning increases area beyond
that which is actually cultivated.
Among these groups cited, there is a tendency to consider
swiddening as only of one type and that it is both economically
and ecologically unsound. To be sure there are rare exceptions and
these usually come from the universities and therefore have had
the time to survey the literature on swiddening. They distinguish
generally destructive swiddening from that practised by relatively
isolated tribal groups.S 8
57 Discussion is based on Presidential Committee OD Wood Industries Development,

Philippine Forestry and Wood Industries (Quezon City: Department of Agriculture and
Natural Resources), 1971.
58 See for example, Segura-de los Angeles, op. cit. and Perey Sajise and Nestor Baguinon,
Some Facets of Upland Development in the Philippines, Discussion paper no. 2 (Manila: De
La Salle University, 1981).
274
Phlippines
Our Dumagat informants, for example, think of swiddening
with more accuracy informed as they are by their own experiences.
They claim that as long as circumstances allow them to practise
their traditional swiddening, they feel that it can meet the requirements of their own development as well as those of a stable
ecosystem. But these practices are being eliminated under pressure
from the increasing migrant population, as well as from the need to
compete with them for minor forest products such as rattan. This
takes away time that otherwise would be spent in managing their
swiddens.
In any case, the Five-Year Philippine Development Plan,
1978-1982 includes among its project one on "Agro-Forestation
Complementation." The programme involves resettlement of swiddenists "to areas which shall be cultivated by agricultural corporations for forest and agricultural crops. Kaingineros shall be
employed on wage basis and shall be alloted 1,000 sq m homelots
to enable them to do backyard gardening to supplement their
wages."
"Primary government support shall be in the nature of liberal
loans and tax privileges to agricultural corporations, public lands
for resettlement areas, physical infrastructure (roads, irrigation,
potable water system, etc.) and social infrastructure (schools,
hospital, housing, etc.). Government services shall be in the form
of extension services, planting materials, and information campaigns."
The programme has three goals: (1) reforestation; (2) increased food production, and (3) improvement of the living conditions of families dependent on forest agriculture.
The programme is carried over in the 1983-1987 Five-Year
Development Plan which mentions that swiddenists "will be utilized
for the rehabilitation of forest lands while providing their livelihood
needs."
The Pinag-anakan Agro-Forestry Project

It is in this context of how swiddening is perceived that we
now examine the agro-forestry project in the Dumagat settlement
in Bulacan.
275

According to Presidential Decree (P.D.) No. 1559, dated June
11, 1978, which amends further P.D. no. 705, otherwise known as
the Revised Forestry Code of the Philippines, "agro-forestry is a
sustainable management for land which increases overall production,
combines agricultural crops, tree crops and forest plants and/or
animals simultaneously or sequentially, and applies management
practices which are compatible with the cultural patterns of the local
population." It is part of the government programme called
Integrated Social Forestry (ISF) which is defined by Ministry Administrative Order No. 48, Series of 1982 as "the national programme ...
designed to maximize land productivity and enhances ecological
stability, and to improve the socio-economic conditions of forest
occupants and communities."
The agro-forestry project at Pinag-anakan was initiated, and
is administered, by the National Power Corporation (NPC),
specifically its Watershed Management Unit. It was started in 1980
as a measure to put an end to swiddening in the watershed of the
Angat River Hydroelectric Plant (ARHEP). NPC set aside about
50 hectares for the project. A Dumagat settlement, even before
NPC decided on its agro-forestry project, Pinag-anakan already had
swiddens (see discussion on Pinag-anakan above).
Because the project is relatively new, this evaluation will tend
to be impressionistic. I will draw on my observations and interviews
of Dumagat as well as government employees involved in the project.
For comparative purposes, I shall draw on related evaluation studies
not covered in my earlier report. No attempt at a quantitatively
systematic evaluation was made. It has been argued that agro-forestry
projects take time for their impacts, both short-term and long-term,
to be evaluated. 5 9 What is attempted here is no more than a qualitative report.
According to non-Dumagat and Dumagat informants, NPC
along with representatives from the military and the Bureau of
Forest Development discussed the project with the Dumagat. It was
explained that the settlement would be converted to an agro-forestry
project as an alternative to swiddening and stabilize the settlement.
Swiddening has been perceived by the project management to contribute to soil erosion and, therefore, to siltation of the reservoir.
59 Segura-de los Angeles, op. eit., p. 34
276
Philippines
The area would be planted with fruit trees by both NPC personnel
and Dumagat. The Dumagat were made to understand that for as
long as they helped in the planting, clearing and protection of the
forest trees, the project would eventually be turned over to them.
As of October 1982, about 36 hectares were already planted
with coconut, mango, jackfruit, cashew, santol ($andoricum koetjape)
and annato. Some of the guavas were already fruiting. No explanation was given as to the choice of trees except that there is market
for them. Part of the plan was to set up a KKK (Kilusang
Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran = movement for livelihood and progress)6 0
Project to develop income-generating projects based on the fruit
trees. Whether Dumagat preference for crops was considered could
not be ascertained. Dumagat informants claimed that they were
not asked. Whether this was fit between crops and soils and culture
was not systematically considered. The Crops and Soils Extension
Office of the University of the Philippines at Los Banos, however,
based on the soil analysis done for this study (Table 5) stated that
all kinds of crops (annual and perennials) could be grown in the
area since soil pH is within the optimum range and so are the other
soil properties. The remaining hectares were expected to be planted
to more fruit trees by 1983. Plans were also afoot to expand the
project to 100 hectares.
Meanwhile, the plantation has to be kept clean of weeds.
When we were there many of the young trees were being choked by
Imperata and Chromolaena which NPC employees have to cut
regularly. During our visits to the areas from October through
December, 1982. the NPC men were busy cutting the weeds. They
noted that the Dumagat have not been helping them. During one
visit that we made, we observed that for three successive days, no
Dumagat ever helped the NPC employees. This prompted me to
look into the situation as I was not convinced by the conclusion of
the NPC employees that the Dumagat are either lazy or they do not
want the agro-forestry project. As it turned out, the Dumagat had a
perfect reason. The swiddens did not yield enough and they had to
60 Executive Order No. 715, dated 6 August 1981 established "KKK as a priority programme of government providing for it organizational machinery, and for other purposes.
It is conceived as a national movement to mobilize such local resources for the establishment of viable productive enterprises that would provide sources of livelihood within the
community and thus make social justice a real part of day-to-day life."
277

keep looking for their daily food requirements. Consequently, they
were mostly away from the settlement gathering rattan, fishing,
gold-panning and trapping for barter with non-Dumagat traders who
frequent the settlement. One perceptive Dumagat explained: "The
project would be a source of subsistence only after several years. At
present we can no longer make swiddens because if we bum the cut
grass and trees the seedlings would be killed. What do we do in the
"meantime? It would be good if NPC could provide us with food
while we helped in the maintenance of the project. Right now, we
are already indebted to the traders."
In addition to food aid, Dumagat expressed need for farm
/ tools such as jungle knife, pick axe, spading fork, etc. They feel
these would be needed in keeping the trees clean of weeds.
On other visits, we observed families working in their

swiddens, instead of gathering forest products, hunting, or fishing.
Since the September rice harvest was just over, the families were
weeding and planting sweet potato, cassava and taro among the seedlings of jackfruit, cashew, mango and guava. While regretting the
fact that they can no longer practise swiddening as they used to
"because NPC would prevent us from burning, " the Dumagat
observed that planting other crops, like their traditional non-rice
crops, could provide not only food but also soil cover. This would
be meeting part of their food needs and would also minimize, if
not prevent soil erosion. In one swidden, I counted the following
cultivates: taro, 97; cassava, 182; banana, 17; papaya, 5; sugar
cane chumps, 4; tomatoes, 7; chilli, 2; and patches of sweet potato
all over. These are mixed with 38 jackfruit trees planted at a
distance of 5 x 7 meters.
The swidden which is on a 30 slope showed no signs of erosion. Another part of the settlement, with slopes from 30 to 45,
and also planted to different trees was already invaded by Imperata.
It also has gully erosion. In other parts, visible from the higher
vantage points, fruit trees would be seen being choked by
Chromolaena.
Probing further into the perceptions by Dumagat of the project, we found out that they are not clear as to the eventual ownership, control and management of the project. Neither do they have a
concrete understanding as to how it could provide a viable alternative
economic base.
278
Philippines
In an evaluation of a similar project for upland farmers in a
nearby barangay within the same town, it was shown that socioeconomic needs of the participants ought to be a priority concern
before the long-term goal of reforestation and ecological balance
could be attained. 6 1 Ideally, the twin concernS of economic welfare
and ecological balance should be worked out simultaneously but it
was argued that community's subsistence needs should at least be
met to ensure the successful pursuit of reforestation and balanced
ecosystem. The study recommended that change agents themselves
ought to be organized and should have adequate skills not only in
agro-forestry but also in community organization. This way the participation of the community might be maximized.
Another study evaluated four social forestry projects in
various parts of the country. Among numerous projects, these
four have earned a reputation for success attributed in part to community participation which is increasingly being invoked as the vital
mechanism of achieving ecosystemic and economic goals. 6 2 A
similar conclusion was reached about meeting basic needs, including
security of land tenure, as antecedent to the attainment of long-term
forestry goals. It was also found out that community participation is
uneven and of different motivations. It is not a guarantee for project
success. On the whole, the study suggests the need for new
structures, attitudes and values.
For Pinag-anakan, the recommendations appear valid. Even
so, the results of another evaluation study of industrial tree
plantations and tree-farming projects under the rubric of social
forestry strongly suggests that the situation is much more
complex. 63 While recognizing the newness of the programme as a
limitation, the study showed certain patterns and trends: (1)
increasing landlessness and insecurity of land tenure; (2) absence of
decisive people's participation contrary to official policy; (3) increasing military presence and intervention in connection with treegrowing projects; (4) heavy reliance on foreign funding, thus
contributing to greater dependency of the Philippine economy on
61 Benjamin C. Berna1es and Angelito P. de la Vega, Qlse Study of Forest Occupancy
Management (FOM) in Doiia Remedios, Trinidad, Bulacan (Manila: De la Salle University,
1982), pp. 72-73.
62 Filomeno V. Aguilar, Jr., op. cit.

63 Paul Freese and Thomas J. O'Brien, op. cit.
279

external forces; (5) further pauperization of upland farmers even
as corporations continue to enrich themselves at the expense of both
environment and the people; and, (6) increasing polarization of
Philippine society.
If at all, these strongly indicate that the seeming inability of
social forestry projects to attain the interrelated goals of reforestation, ecological balance, social and economic upliftment truly has
structural basis that cannot be solved simply by attitudinal and
organizational changes among agencies and community organizers.
VI. Analysis, Conclustions and

Recommendations
Bearing in mind the data and methodological. limitations of
this study, we shall now draw some conclusions regarding the patterns and trends of swiddening among the Dumagat. Implications
for the future of swiddening in general will be drawn. Suggestions
for further research and development action will also be made.
Available evidence shows that there have been dramatic
changes in vegetational cover of the area from predominantly
dipterocarp forest type to more diversified types ranging from
Imperata and Saccharum grassland to second-growth forest to
dipterocarp forest to cultivated vegetational types such as tree crops
plantation and rice lands. While archaeological data could only
suggest the probability of pre-Hispanic habitation in some parts
of the research area, the historical record mentions environmental
and cultural interventions in the area since the 17th century. But the
dramatic changes were brought about only recently by the post-war
influx of settlers who moved into the area as part of the resettlement
programmes of government. These settlers brought in an agricultural
technology based on irrigated rice cultivation. Along with this
technology were the socio-cultural and ideological correlates. The
environmental impacts have been exacerbated by the entry of logging
and mining companies.
Interestingly enough, the physical and chemical properties of
soils in the area appear to be satisfactory. The samples were taken
from new and old swiddens as well as from dalatan. Soil pH values
in particular are at optimum levels although it has been observed that
280
Philippines
upland rice in the humid tropics of Asia, Africa and Latin America is
grown in acidic soils. According to the Bureau of Soils, the soils in
the area are still satisfactory for rice and most other crops. But the
Dumagat also know from experience that soil fertility deteriorates
rapidly after the first and second crop year. They also know that
erosion has been taking place and becomes particularly worse during
heavy downpour accompanying typhoons. While erosion has been
minimized or prevented by the maintenance of soil cover of sweet
potato, cassava, taro, bananas, papaya and other vegetable and tree
crops, some conservation practices described by Dumagat have not
been observed and those that were observed have not been practised
consistently. One explanation given for non-practice is the amount
of time and labour required, which they felt could be used for such
intensified activity as rattan-gathering which brings in immediate
returns. All these factors as well as the increasing damage due to
pests have resulted in decreasing rice yield and environmental
degradation.
In addition, they are left with very little time to produce
their traditional handicrafts even as these (as well as those of other
minority groups) are now being sought by outsiders for their craftsmanship, beauty and utility as well as their export potential.
Instead, they recycle discards of the dominant consumerist society
(e.g., tins and plastic containers have replaced beautiful handicrafts
of palm leaves and bamboo). They no longer sing and dance their
own music as they used to. Their swidden rituals, so expressive of
the unity of the world of nature, of people, and of the spirits are
already being neglected. And threatening all this is a hydro-electric
project that would displace them from their ancestral domain
(ha Dumagatan), which has been home since time beyond recall.
Worse, no alternatives appear feasible.
We are, therefore, led to conclude that traditional swiddening
which is well attuned to the biophysical elements in which it
flourished could easily be degraded by external forces with negative
consequences on the environment, economy, and culture. There are
reasons to believe that such degradation might continue. Logging
in the area still continues and with the kind of export-orientation the
national government has been pursuing, logging will continue for
some time. It will also continue to attract swiddenists, both
Dumagat and non-Dumagat, as it has been pointed out that
281

logged-over areas attract swiddenists. 6 4
One paper showed that forest denudation in the uplands was
most rapid between 1969 and 1976 with forest cover loss amounting
to 440,000 hectares per year. 6 5 This was attributed to increased
demand in Japan and the V.S. for Philippine logs. This was a
significant increase from forest loss from 1952 to 1963 which
amounted to 172,000 hectares per year. Only 13 per cent of the log
output was exported. Such intensive logging has given swiddenists
greater access to the forest.
Another report noted that in general the road systems and
landings constructed for logging operations which occupy about
10 to 15 per cent of the cut-over forest totally denude the land,
thereby contributing significantly to run-off and sedimentation to
watersheds. 6 6
Over time, and with burning, accidental or associated with
swiddening, the exposed areas were invaded by Imperata and
Saccharum and other plant species notably Chromolaena odorata.
These changes correspond to the subjective perceptions of the
Dumagat. Lately, in recognition of these consequences of indiscriminate logging, the Government issued Letter of Instruction
No. 218 dated 24 February 1979, directing "all holders of timber
licences, leasees or permits to reforest one hectare of open land,
denuded or bushland forest areas for every hectare of logged-over
areas." It also required the planting of the same tree species with
the same density of spacing as the tree cut. There is no evidence in
the area that this instruction was followed.
There are, of course, options open to the Dumagat. One of
them is dalatan, a form of agricultural intensification which is often
desired although lack of draught animals and farm implements are
readily offered as obstacles. Moreover, dalatan is appropriate only
on relatively flat land which are no longer accessible to the Dumagat.
There are a few who talk of shifting to cash crops such as taro,
ginger and garlic not only because of market demand but also
64 Philippine Environmental Quality Annual Report, 1977, p. 91.
65 Percy E. Sajise and Nestor T. Baguinon, op. cit.
66 Presidential Committee :m Wood Industries Development, op. cit.
282
Philippines
because these crops are believed to be less susceptible to damage by
pests and typhoons. While the impacts of these crops and the
required agronomic practices have not yet been investigated on hilly
environment, there are indications of negative impacts. In Maytala,
I saw gully erosion in non-Dumagat dalatan on slopes of about 15 to
30. Planted to a pure stand of taro, the soil is exposed for a
relatively long period during the early growth. With heavy rains,
erosion could easily take place as indeed it happened during the
August 1983 typhoon. The strong winds stripped the taro of their
leaves and the heavy rains exposed the tubers. While taro leaves
could reduce direct raindrops impact, they do not prevent run-off.
Consequently surface erosion, notably rill erosion, takes place, thus
exposing the tubers.
Also as a source of cash, rattan-gathering has become a major
activity over the last five years not so much for local use as for the
export market.
The National Cottage Industries Development
Authority Raw Materials Corporation reported that rattan pole
exportation to the United States would be increased by 10 per cent
starting in 1983. 67 A ban on rattan export was made to conserve
minor forest resources but this was lifted "in response to a clamor of
United States furniture makers". 6 8 Annual increases in rattan exports to the U.S. is part of bilateral agreements between the Philippines and the United States. Rattan is considered as one of the
dollar earners of the Philippines and is exported not only to western
countries but also to Japan. 6 9 The Dumagat, however, think that
this cannot last long as even now rattan stands are more difficult
to find and are farther away from their settlements.
Agro-forestry has been introduced by Government as another
alternative but for now it does not seem to respond to the particular
conditions, needs and aspirations of the Dumagat. Similarly, other
programmes and projects being undertaken in the area have been met
with mixed feelings by the Dumagat. These projects have been
presented by proponents in the pursuit of development goals such as
increased production, ecological balance, equity and social justice,
all of which are values that in their own culture the Dumagat have
67 Bulletin Today, 17 Nov. 1982.
68 Ibid.
69 Bulletin Today, 25 Dec. 1982.
283

lived by and which they now seek within the larger context of Philippine society.
These goals notwithstanding, all the projects, with the possible
exception of that of the non-governmental agency, appear to ignore
the complexity and gravity of the problem. This is particularly true
with respect to the hydro-electric project. Already, there are
stirrings of people's discontent (including non-Dumagat) regarding
the project. 7 0 This is tragic considering that projects invoke people's
participation as a complement to the sophisticated manner by which
project plans are expressed in feasibility studies and in the precise
diagrams and organizational structures for inter-agency and interseetoral co-operation. Evaluation studies and field observations suggest a number of reasons for such a tragic irony. These include
management and funding difficulties as well as lack of political will.
All the while, the Dumagat do not have access to whatever
social services could meet their emerging aspirations. And yet
ironically enough, Rizal and Bulacan are the top two provinces in the
Philippines for high access to health facilities and are high on the list
for other services such as housing, social welfare, education, manpower for public services, physical and economic infrastructure. 7 1
Generally, the study points out that upland provinces have relatively
low income, whether we consider total household income, average
household income or average per capita income.
Interwoven in this complex situation is the fact that the
Dumagat continue to regard the kagubatan (forest) as KaDumagatan
(Dumagat ancestral domain) which provides sustenance not only
because of swiddens but also of its rattan, resin, tubers, wild animals
and its streams. Up until now, there is a hankering among the old
Dumagat for the forest and rivers, even among the most acculturated.
One Dumagat who is already into da/o,tan said that sometimes he
would spend more time (with taga-bayan friends, occasionally) in
hunting than in attending to his upland farm. Another Dumagat,
married to a non-Dumagat and already an enlisted man in the Armed
Forces of the Philippines, said: "If we get lost in the city, we will
70 ECfF Research Series 1, (1982), op. cit. and Bulletin Today, 12 Aug. 1983.
71 Exaltacion Ellevera-Lamberte, Macro-level Indicators of Upland Poverty: The Case
of the Delivery and Access to Services in Upland Areas, in Philippine Sociological Review
31 (1983), pp. 19-52.
284
Philippines
surely die. But we will never get lost in the hills and forest which
could provide us with everything."
The kagubatan therefore still remains as the basis of their
culture; it is their life. Such an attachment to, and symbolic
significance of kagubatan and kaDumagatan, no doubt have roots in
an earlier period of relative self-sufficiency and cultural autonomy,
physical well-being and abundant natural resources, memories of
which are fondly recalled by old informants.
This is not, of course, to romanticize the Dumagat past that in
all probability has become irretrievably lost. There should be no
doubt that the Dumagat, caught in the crisis of their old world from
which another is emerging, desire to improve the material conditions
of their life. But they seek to achieve this without relinquishing their
sense of being in control.
Indeed, the Dumagat are waking up to the possibilities of
revitalizing their own economic and cultural autonomy. The
bilateral kinship structure still provides a viable organizational
framework for the maximization of resources even as new organizational forms are being introduced by a development agency. While
there are faint indications of economic differentiation, this is unlikely to lead into class formation, given the distorting effects of
their integration into the dominant society and the global capitalist
economy. At the same time, their links with development agencies
seem to provide opportunities for finding out that their survival as
a people in interdependence with others will depend on how soon
they can reconstitute their environment and culture.
Specifically, the Dumagat know that among cropping system
options (swiddening, dalatan, and wet-rice cultivation), only swiddening is possible on steep slopes. Still, this does not mean that
deterioration brought about by outside forces such as population
increase, capitalist penetration and infrastructure construction
necessarily spell the end of swiddening as such. The increasing
amount of studies on the biophysical characteristics of upland
ecosystems (like those discussed in Phase I and 11) provide the basis
for scientific intervention designed to maintain soil fertility and
other physical and chemical properties, appropriate crops and cropping systems. The availability of this body of scientific knowledge,
however, does not automatically mean that swiddening wherever it
285

is the only viable cropping system, could be so easily modified to
meet the requirements of sustainable environment and economy as
well as cultural development. Evaluation studies and field observations strongly suggest that the sociological and cultural context
(to cover the whole range of axiological and structural elements) are
more decisive in that they determine the final implementation of
scientific knowledge. 7 2 While these are already being incorporated
at the level of national policy and plans, their implementation leaves
so much to be desired.
Indeed, a variety of people coming from Government, the
private sector and universities has come to recognize the difficulty,
if not impossibility, of achieving government objectives of "equity
and social justice, the equitable distribution of income derived from
natural resources, and the increased access to natural resources, by
the poor," within the prevailing system. 7 3
Despite this general understanding that we already have about
the interconnection between environmental and cultural systems,
there is still a need for further studies on site specific bio-physical
factors and agronomic practices to provide the basis for actual
scientific intervention at the village level. There is also a need to do
more detailed specification of the relationship between selected
features of the environment and those of culture. Ethnographic
studies, however, need to go beyond functionalism and systems
theory which underlie available studies. These fail to grasp the
complexity of the problem. For this reason, one theoretical path
leads to political economy, informed by the methods, data and
insights of the other paradigms. Such a creative interparadigmatic
interaction, to my mind, is a necessity brought about by the fact that
swiddening is caught in the interlocking of environment and culture
as well as of history and structure. Clearly, the old formula and
received knowledge are simply not enough any longer.
72 Regarding soil conservation programmes, it has been pointed out that economic,
social, cultural and political factors are secondary to the primary components which are
vegetation, tillage, plant residue and land shape. But even if secondary, the "human factors
may affect the ultimate feasibility of technically sound conservation measures." (Samir A.
EI-Swaify, S. Arsyad and P. Kushnarajah, op. cit., p. 110.)
73 Lilcas Yaman, Journal of the Natural Resources Management Forum, IV (3) (1982):
p.6.
286
Philippines
Such an agenda for research and theoretical work ought to be
able to link environmental, structural and cultural realities at the
village level with those of the country and ultimately with those of
the world system. Given such a perspective, some questions readily
suggest themselves as items on the agenda:
1) What resources, types of resource use, organizational
and management structures as well as styles are readily available and
feasible at the village level?
2) What kinds of technological innovation in the form of
crops, soil conservation and other agronomic practices are available,
preferred, accessible and affordable by the villagers, as individuals
and as a collectivity?
3) What value and attitudinal changes are required by the
complexity of the total situation and how could these be internalized
by swiddenists, change agents, researchers, policy-makers, and so on?
4) How do external structures and processes (both national
and global) affect village-level phenomena and how could the swiddenists turn these in their favour?
5) How should researchers from the various fields of knowledge, change agents, policy-makers, programme planners and project
implementors relate to each other and to the swiddenists themselves?
As a corrolary, in what ways could individual, national, and global
needs and aspirations be handled to take into account possibilities of
co-operation, and convergence of development goals in a world that
is at once being polarized by structural contradictions?
The questions are not meant to be exhaustive but they lend
themselves to a research-cum-action programme. In turn, they could
lead to answers indicative of clear and decisive modes of action to be
undertaken, both in the short-run and in the long-run.
Finally, our data and analysis further suggest that there is a
great and urgent need for change agents and researchers who are
directly in contact with swiddenists to enlist the swiddenists themselves within the framework of an egalitarian and mutually-satisfying
relationship. The active involvement of the swiddenists in biophysical research will provide an opportunity for validating timetested practices even as they are exposed to new but appropriate
287

science and technology. The change agents and the researchers, on
the other hand, will have the opportunity to learn the scientific basis
of what would initially appear as irrational. Their mutual involvement in social science research ought to sensitize and alert them to
the limits and possibilities of their respective but interconnected
roles in the process of change. Meanwhile, short-run and immediate
needs for subsistence and social services should not be neglected even
as these are effectively geared to the long-run goals.
A project like this, involving swiddenists as actors reflexively
acting upon the bio-physical world and simultaneously, upon social
structures and cultural values, ought to provide the basis for the
Dumagat themselves to decide whether or not swiddening could
respond to the requirements not only of a balanced ecosystem but
also of their economic, political and cultural development.
288
Philippines
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295
Chapter Five
THAILAND
Narong Srisawas
ManatSuwan
I. Introduction: The Spread of Swidden in Thailand

Like several tropical countries, Thailand is endowed with
forests both on highlands and lowlands. Thailand also has pockets
of tribal settlements in remote areas. These aboriginal, autochthonous people, cut-off from the civilization, have led a life of subsistence economy.
The man-nature interactions in these areas
involved a sort of symbiotic relationship. Forests sustained the
people; and the people cared for the forest. With increasing population pressure, the tribals were joined by many lowlander Thais in the
exploitation of the forest. Forests were cut and the wood burnt to
create swiddens for dry rice farming. In the recent years, the effect
of swiddening became more visible with gradual disappearance of
significant amount of forest cover. Government's attention was
drawn to the primitive form of agriculture, technically known as
swidden, and efforts are being made to wean away the tribal people
from this practice.
Research among the tribal people has been mainly the concern
of anthropologists, who in the earlier phase came from the West.
Our knowledge about tribal Thailand is mainly derived from these
resources.
Anthropological studies in Thailand have mainly been conducted among the tribal groups or the non-Thai ethnic minority
peoples who live in mountainous areas of the north, central, and
southern regions. There are nine major tribal groups in the north,
i.e., Karen, Meo (Hmong), Lahu, Lisu, Yao, Akha, Lua (Lawa),
H'tin, and Khamu, while only two groups, i.e., Karen and Lua are
found in the central, and Negrito people are settled along mountain
ranges in the south. Anthropological research in Thailand may be
296
Thailand
traced back to the 1920s when the Siam Society gathered and
published articles on the northern non-Thai ethnic groups. Some
intensive field research was done in the 1930s by Prince Sanidh
Rangsit, the first Thai professional anthropologist, and Hugo Adolf
Bernatzik, the Austrian anthropologist whose work on Akah und
Meau, published in 1947, was the only major anthropological monograph devoted to tribal peoples in Thailand. Other studies on the
hill peoples slowly began to include the work of non-professionals
such as Boon Chuey Srisavasdi, who published his Thirty Tribes of
Chiangrai in 1950, and Gordon Young whose work, The Hll Tribes
of Northern Thailand was published by the Siam Society in 1962.
Early in 1963, Patya Saihoo, a Chulalongkorn University anthropologist, produced his useful report on The Hill Tribes of Northern
Thailand, published by SEATO. With the setting up of Tribal Research Centre (TRC), Department of Public Welfare, Ministry of
Interior, in Chiangmai in 1965, there has been a significant rise in the
number of anthropological studies.
Thus, anthropological studies on the non-Thai ethnic minority
groups have been conducted in Thailand for a long time, especially
since 1960. This interest in tribal studies has been prompted for
several reasons. Their location in border areas make them strategically important and thus the concern of national security government officials to know them more intimately. Most of them being
swidden cultivators, their agricultural practices cause concern
to the officials of the departments of forestry and agriculture.
Furthermore, these people have the tradition of growing opium
poppy; the increasing focus on drug abuse led the Government to
initiate actions to wean the tribal people away from opium growing
and to introduce among them alternative cash crops. These and
similar other factors have stimulated the Government to collect and
publish information on tribal peoples so that it can be used by the
agencies engaged in the task of assisting and providing for the welfare
of tribal peoples. As far as research on swidden cultivation proper is
concerned, there are only a few studies. Nevertheless, a review of
literature on the non-Thai ethnic minority groups in the country
clearly shows that the sociocultural and economic life of all tribal
peoples depends on swidden cultivation, and thus all such monographs contain information relevant to the understanding of swidden.
All the studies on swidden cultivation, carried out in Thailand,
can be divided into three time phases: (i) 1920s to 1959;(ii) 1960-1969;
297

and (iii) 1970 to the present. The reasons for doing this are: Phase
One covers the time when some anthropological studies including
simple observations, field notes, travel notes and short articles
published in the Journal of the Siam Society, gave the public an
awareness of tribal peoples in the country. This was also the time
when some Christian missionaries approached tribal groups with the
primary objective of teaching Christianity to the tribes. During this
period the highland swiddenists were relatively free to carry on their
activities without inteference by the Government. It was towards
the end of this period that the Government of Thailand established a
Tribe Welfare Committee, in 1959. Phase Two covers the period
when the Government realized the need for national development
programme and launched the first and second five-year national
economic and social development plans, of which tribal development
and welfare programmes became a part under the Department of
Public Welfare, Ministry of Interior. The social climate in Thailand
then, was congenial for both domestic and foreign scholars for conducting research on the non-Thai ethnic minority g~oups. In addition, the establishment of self-help settlements for the welfare of the
hill tribes, the development and welfare operation centres, the hill
tribe relation project, and the Tribal Research Centre in Chiangmai
have facilitated the conduct of field research on the tribal people.
Phase Three might be called the period of "progress" marked by the
international conference on Shifting Cultivation and Economic
Development held in Chiangmai in January 1970. Nearly 100 people
registered for the conference and 15 research papers dealing with
swidden cultivation in northern Thailand were presented by both
Thai and foreign scholars.
The literature on the tribals includes books, theses, research
reports, survey reports, field reports, interim reports, research articles, papers, ethnographic notes, journals, bulletins, magazines,
manuscripts, proceedings, monographs, data papers, memoirs,
proposals, and film. A total of 107 entries covering the three phases
exist. All this material is mostly in Thai or English.
Swiddening in Thailand was originally believed to be practised
by tribal peoples in the north. Christian missionaries working with
the Karen in 1867 found opium swidden fields in the areas. A
former Director General of the Royal Forest Department also stated
that swidden cultivation has been practised in the country since the
298
Thailand
promulgation of forest laws during the reign of King Rama V (18681910). In 1906 the Royal Forest Department launched the teak
taungya or agri-silviplantation programme as a solution for swidden
cultivation practices on the hill slopes by the Thai villages in certain
provincial areas of the north. But swidden is practised in other parts
of the country as well. Below we briefly describe its extent.
In the northern region, where the major catchment areas of
the country are located, swidden cultivation is actively carried on by
both the lowlanders and the hill peoples. The lowlanders take up
swidden cultivation as a supplement to their permaneftt wet-rice
cultivation, while the hill people take it up as their means of subsistence. Although it is impossible to estimate the number of people
involved in this type of cultivation it is estimated that more than a
million people in the northern region were engaged in swidden cultivation. There were six ethnically and linguistically distinct groups
of hill people practising swidden cultivation: Karen, Meo, Yao, Lahu,
Lisu, and Akha, with a total population of 224,406 in 1967. Some
forty to fifty thousand hectares out of total eight million hectares of
normally forested land in this region is believed to be seriously
damaged or destroyed each year by the swiddeners.
The types of crops cultivated by the hillmen are very similar

to that of the lowland swidden cultivators. The principal crops are
upland rice and maize with the addition of potatoes and opium
poppy in certain areas. Peaches and other fruit crops, e.g. lychee and
banana, may be grown commercially, but only near municipal centres where fruit markets are located. Due to population pressures,
the bush fallow cycle varies from two or three years to fifteen or
more. Normally, a fallow period of eight to ten years tends to restore the land to its original fertility. Therefore, the shortening of
the fallow cycle would lead to the deterioration of soil fertility as
indicated by the decline in rice and maize yield in the second and
third year.
In the central region, swidden cultivation is also widely practised by the rural lowlanders and the hill populations. The swiddenists are alleged to have destroyed thousands of hectares of forest
annually in this part of the country. Among the lowlanders, swidden
cultivation is a process of turning the land to more or less permanent
cultivation. Hence, thousands of hectares of the reserved and unreserved forests are cleared by the local people or migrants from other
299

provinces and are used by them to plant maize, cassava, and other
field crops. Then the land is gradually turned into permanent fields
of sugar-cane, cassava, maize, fruit trees or any other crops and
mostly sold to big land owners or new comers after which the swidden cultivators move on to fresh pieces of forest land.
In the southern region, swidden cultivators who are rural
people and the Sakais turned thousands of dense tropical evergreen
forests into grassland and permanent rubber plantations.
In the northeastern region, swidden cultivation also turned
thousands of hectares of dry-evergreen and dry-dipterocarp
forests into grassland and permanent plantations of kenaf, maize,
cassava, and upland rice. Owing to the higher population pressure
in this region, the area now under swidden cultivation is turning
more and more towards permanent types of crops resulting in poorer
yields and soil depletion.
In the first and second phase studies, literature on swidden
cultivation in the country during these past three periods was reviewed and an overview of the swidden cultivation practice and the
Government's attitude toward swidden cultivation was studied.
Though the studies directly concerning the subject of swidden cultivation as such, are not great in number, there are a few outstanding
works in this field. The author-editors of the book Farmers z'n the
Forest have classified forest farming into four types: (1) short cultivation-short fallow; (2) short cultivation-long fallow; (3) long cultivation-very long fallow; and (4) permanent field tree crops.
The impact of swiddening on the forest ecosystem in the

northern region varies according to the type. Whereas the short cultivation-long fallow of the Karen and Lua may balance the ecosystem,
the long cultivation-very long fallow of the Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and
Akha, may cause an imbalance to the ecosystem to an extent that a
substantial amount of forested area is exploited annually. Because of
the high population pressure in the rural lowland areas and the shortage of farmland in the northern valley, and influx of the lowlanders
into the hill areas seems to be greater and greater as time passes by.
Hence, swidden agriculture in the northern region remains a major
sodo-economic problem. This problem is not confined to the
northern part only, but also to the other regions of the country. As
earlier stated, Thailand is divided into northern, northeastern, central
300
Thailand
and southern regions. The total land area is 513,998.45 sq km and

about 25.35 per cent of it is covered by forest. Demographically, the
midyear estimated total population of the country was about
48,500,000 in 1982. This population is distributed in the four
regions as follows: about 24 per cent live in the northern region;
about 35 per cent in the northeastern region; about 30 per cent in
the central;._ and about 11 per cent in the southern region. Sodoculturally, Thailand is a peasant society with a "loosely integrated
social structure" (Embree 1950: 182). There are eleven structural
elements of Thai society as follows: the extended-stem family cycle
and compound; the bilateral kindred; neighbourliness and fonnal
neighbourhoods; co-operative labour-exchange groups; the juniorsenior relationship; class and status divisions; entourages; political
factions; administrative hamlets; the village community; and the
Wat (Buddhist temple). Cultural diversity between the four regions
may be seen clearly in tenns of regional languages, the native style
of dress and eating habits.
Regarding national development, the Government has officially
announced the recent strategy for rural deVelopment in the Fifth
National Economic and Social Development Plan, 1981-1986. Definite rural areas are marked to be the target areas for rural development activities carried on by the government agencies at different
levels. The target rural areas will be planned for the accelerated rural
development programme to solve the poverty problem among the
rural poor. There are 37 provinces, 242 districts and 44 subdistricts
in the northeastern, northern, and southern regions selected to be the
target areas for rural deVelopment programmes of the rural poor.
Swiddening is commonly practised by the rural poor in lowland areas as well as by the tribal peoples living in mountainous areas
of the northern and the central regions respectively. There are about
4 to 5 million of the rural poor, out of the total 11 million, who
practise partial or supplementary swidden agriculture in all parts of
the country.
The areas where swidden agriculture is usually found range
from the forested areas of foothills from 200 metres above sea level
to 2,000 metres or more. These areas are parts of the hills and
mountains in the four regions of the country, and most of these areas
are under the national reserve forest. Due to the relatively fast population growth among the rural population, swidden agriculture has
301

expanded into most of the national reserve forest areas. This demographic phenomenon is reinforced by the shortage of cultivable land
in the lowland areas such that the rural poor people move up into the
hills and mountains where they engage in swidden agriculture. Consequently, millions of hectares of the national forest areas have been
changed into the grassland areas of cogon or ya kha (Imperata cylindrica) and ya phong (Saccharum spontaneum).
The ethnic groups who practise swidden cultivation are both
Thai and the non-Thai ethnic groups. The Thais are the largest swiddenist group in the country since they practise swiddening in the
foothills and the hill areas of the four regions. The non-Thai ethnic
groups are usually the tribal peoples living in the mountainous areas
of the northern and the central regions. To follow Conklin's typology (Conklin, 1954), these swiddenists may be identified into three
distinct groups, i.e., "pioneer", "established", and "incipient". The
"pioneer" groups are Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha. The "established" groups include Lua, Khamu, H'tin, and Karen. The "incipient" swiddenists are former northern Thai wet-rice peasants of the
lowland who were forced to undertake supplementary swidden cultivation because of population pressures and limited paddy land.
Another typology of swidden cultivation is presented by Kunstadter and Chapman in 1978; the basis of this typology is duration
of the fallow period. There are four types of swiddening in the
north: (1) short cultivation-short fallow is usually practised by
northern Thai who live in the areas of high population pressure; (2)
short cultivation-long fallow is followed by the Karen and Lua who
grow rice primarily for home consumption; (3) long cultivation-very
long fallow is practised by Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Adha who
grow poppy as their cash crop; and (4) permanent tree crop practice
is followed by northern Thai lowlanders who moved to cultivate tea
orchards in the mountainous areas and also practise swidden cultivation. Finally, the Tribal Research Centre acknowledges three types
of farming in the forests of the north i.e., permanent, rotation, and
abandoned farming. Permanent farming is practised by rural lowlanders and some Karen wet-rice cultivators. Rotation farming is
mainly followed by Karen who carry on dry-rice cultivation. The
abandoned farming belongs to Meo, Yao, Lahu, and Akha who are
opium cultivators.
302
Thaland
Regarding the government policy towards swidden cultivation,

It IS clearly seen that the policy has been directed towards replacement of swiddening, to end opium poppy cultivation, to improve the
economic and social conditions of the tribal peoples, and to encourage a sense of belonging and national loyalty among the tribal swiddeners in the northern region. However, the government regulation
of swiddening began with the promulgation of the forest law in the
reign of King Rama V. Later, the Royal Forest Department launched the teak taungya or agri-silviplantation in certain areas of the
north in 1906. Currently, there are 15 government agencies that are
involved in solving four major tribal problems: (1) social and occupational; (2) poppy cultivation; (3) forest destruction; and (4) national
security.
Moreover, the upland self-help resettlement areas or
Nkhom were established to encourage the hill swiddeners to abandon their villages and resettle in the Nz"khom areas. In order to accelerate agricultural development among the hill peoples, the zonal
approach to agricultural development was also proposed as a national
plan for highland development. As for the present position of swidden cultivation, it was found that swiddening among the tribes was
their way of life, as was stabilized farming among the lowlanders.
Therefore, bringing about change in agricultural practice is not that
easy; it entails a whole series of changes in their cultural and social
structure, and requires breakdown of their isolation from the wider
Thai Society.
11. The Present Study
To get a closer view of the swiddening communities we carried

out field work in northern Thailand. This required (i) consulting
documents related to the resettlement programme of the swiddeners,
(ii) visits to the Hill Tribes Land Settlement and Welfare Station at
Chiang Dao hill or "Nikhom Chiang Dao", (iii) trips to the research
area, (iv) interviews with tribal potentates and government officials,
and (v) non-participant observation. Because of the difficulty of
accessibility to the research area, limited "time, and prohibitive cost,
we were unable to draw a systematic sample to assess swiddeners'
perception on swidden cultivation in relation to quality of the environment.
Three sets of questionnaires were used in this study. One set
was administered to the swiddeners, another to the tribal village
303

leaders, and the remaining set was utilized among the tribal welfare
and development officials and the provincial development and welfare committee members for the hill tribes.
The research villages were located in the remote area on a
mountain of Chiangmai province which is accessible only in dry
season. Therefore, the researchers could pay only a few visits and
these were of smaller duration. Communication with the swiddeners
was also limited because the researchers did not know the White Meo
language. However, the native language of the northemers proved
helpful since the majority of the tribal people understands it.
Ill. The Research Site
In the selection of the research area, criteria set in the research

design were kept in view. Aerial photographs and topographic maps
of the areas of the upper part of northern Thailand, especially in the
provinces of Chiangmai, Chiangrai and Mae Hong Son, were carefully
studied. Based on this, three sites were selected. Th.ese were the
village of Doi Lueng Chiang Dao in the district of Mae Sarieng, Mae
Hong Son, and Huay Nam Chang and Monya areas in the districts of
Sanpatong and Samoeng of Chiangmai. A trip was made to each site
during which general information such as physical characteristics of
the areas and demographic characteristics of the people in each
specific site was obtained. Eventually, the villages of Ban Huay Nam
Chang, Ban Monya Mai, Ban Monya Nua, and Ban Monya Tai were
selected for this study. We briefly describe the area.
1.
Physical characteristics:
1.1 Locatz"on and topography: It is located approximately

between latitudes 18 32' to 18 35' N. and between longitudes
98 32' to 98 35' E. Out of four villages in the area of around 5
square kilometers chosen for this study, three villages, i.e., Monya
Nua, Monya Tai, and Monya Mai, are located in Sanpatong district
and at about where the boundaries of other two districts, i.e., Maejaem and Samoeng meet. The other village, i.e., Huay Nam Chang is
located on the border of Samoeng district (Figure 1). By considering
distance and direction, the studied villages are located about 85 kilometers west of the provincial seat of Chiangmai. Topographically,
the research area is sited in the narrow valleys among mountain
304
Thailand
Figure 1. Map of Chiangmai showing the research site
in the upper Mae Tean area
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Location of the research villages
305
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CHIANGRAI

ranges with altitudes of between 1,200 to 1,300 meters above mean
sea level. In the north and west of the villages at the base of the
valley is the stream of Nam Mae Tean, which provides part of the
villagers' water supply. The highest peak of the area has an elevation
of 1,404 meters above mean sea level and is situated about 200-300
meters from Monya villages. The average angle of the slope in the
area is about 30 per cent.
1.2 Clmate: Like other places in Chiangmai, the climate in

this area is mainly influenced by tropical monsoon. The rainy season
begins in May and ends around the end of September. The average
annual rainfall is about 1,250 mm of which the greatest part of the
rain is from the SW monsoon and the smaller part is from the depression in the South China Sea. The cold season begins in November
and lasts for about four months, ending in February. During the
winter season the area receives the NE monsoon. During this period
of the year, the dry and cold climate is caused by the weather situation in mainland China where the high pressure cell of airmass exists.
The summer season starts in March and lasts through to the end of
April. The average temperature in the winter is below 10 C, while
the highest average temperature in summer is about 35 C. The
average annual temperature of the area is around 25 C.
1.3 Soils: The area has older granite which is assumed to
have been developed in Triassic Period, the Era of Mesozoic around
200 million years ago. Rocks in this area are classified as dikes,
stocks and elongate batholites with the total thickness of between
366 to more than 2,000 meters. Mineral rocks found in this area
are hornblend and biotite granite with subordinate muscovite. Tin
and schelite are found in large amounts in the area and its vicinity.
Soil texture in the village area studied can be divided into two
categories, top soil and subsoil. Top soil can be mainly classified as
"clayey" of which clay loam, silty clay loam, silty clay, sandy clay
and clay are sub-types included. Subsoil in this area is also classified
as clayey as top soil but very little can be categorized as stratified
subsoil. The depth of the soil is measured around 100 centimeters.
The possibility of soil erosion by run-off water ranges from very low
to moderate. The greater part of soil in this area is found to be acid
soil (pH 4.5-5.5) while smaller part is found to be alkaline soil (pH
6.5-7.5). This type of soil when considered integrally with topographic and climatic conditions in the area is suitable for vegetation
306
Thailand
growing. In fact, it is the best soil for opium growing. However,
upland rice and maize also grow very well in the area.
1.4 Forest: It is believed that forests of the tropical rainy
type, with varieties of trees, used to be found in the area. But after
the settlement of the tribals around 20-50 years ago, the primary
forest was cut down. The type of forest mainly found in the research area at present is classified as dry dipterocarp with pine trees.
This is the secondary forest that covers about one half of the studied
area. It was found from the field survey, however, that several portions of this forest have been slashed and burnt for swiddening.
2.
Demographic characteristics:
2.1 Population size and structure: The total population of

four villages in the area, at the time when field survey was undertaken, was 676. Details of population in each village indicate that
Huay Nam Chang is the biggest village since it consists of 58 families
with a total population of 233 (123 females and 110 males). Therefore, the average number of persons per family is 4, and sex ratio is
89. Monya Mai is the smallest village with 12 families and total
population of 72 (40 females and 32 males). The average number
of persons per family is 6, and sex ratio is 80. There are 34 and 37
families in Monya Nua and Monya Tai with total population of 174
and 197, respectively. Hence, the average persons per family of
Monya Nua and Monya Tai is 5. But sex ratio of Monya Nua is
79 and that of Monya Tai is 132, respectively, as shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Details of Population of the Research Villages*
Village
Sub-ethnic
group
Faml1y
58
Huay Nam Clung
White Meo
MonyaNua
WhiteMeo
34
Monya Tai
White Meo
Monya Tai
White Meo
37
12
Total
141
Population
Sex Ratio
m/I
F.
M.
Total
123
97
85
110
233
77
174
112
197
89
79
132
40
32
72
80
345
331
676
96
Adapted from village record at Huay Nam Chang Development and Welfare Operation
Unit, 1982.
307

The 44 families interviewed by us revealed interesting demographic pattern in terms of age and sex. It was found, that there
were 125 females and 120 males of various ages in the sample families. The sex ratio of this sample was 96 m : 100 f. Dividing the
population into five-year age groups from the lowest (0-4) to the
highest (75 and over), the distribution of the villagers by age and sex
shows the pattern presented in Figure 2.
Figure 2. Per cent pyramid for the White Meo respondents at
Huay Nam Chang and Monya, 1982
AGE
75+
7(}'74
65-69
6D-64
55-59
5(}'54
45-49
4(}.44
35-39
MALE
3(}'34
25-29
2(}'24
15-19
1(}'14
5-9
(}'4
20
15
10
10
15
FEMALE
20
The irregular shape of the pyramid is due to high mortality

rate in certain age groups. Fertility and migration have also affected
the population structure since development and welfare programmes
have been introduced into this area for more than one decade. Fertility might be low and out-migration among the females of 35-39 age
grouping and of both sexes at 45-49 age grouping might be high in
this area.
308
Thailand
2.2 Population settlement:
Ecologically, settlement of
population is typically found in cultivatable area and/or in the area
with great degree of accessibility such as along the river or transportation routes. Socially, in addition, people always settle together
among the ones with the same ethnic identity such as same religion,
language, and belief. There is one distinguishing characteristic in the
Meo's settlement pattern. The Meo believe that they are superior to
other tribes. Their settlement sites are, thus, usually chosen at the
highest elevation, i.e., about 1,200 feet and over above mean sea
level.
Figure 3. Map of Research Area
r-,
MaeJaem
,--- ,.----
---
To Mae Hae
,./
Samoeng
Sanpatong
Huay Nam Chang

'\
\
\
Monya Tai
.....
--
......
SCALE
KM.
To Samoeng ...., 32 Kms.
I
ROAD
FOOTPATH
DISTRICT BOUNDARY
STUDIED VILLAGE
In the case of the White Meo population, an unplanned nucleated agricultural settlement pattern was found in the area. Villagers settle in the valleys and on the slope of the hills. Agricultural
309

land is found to be located closeby. Paddy fields are mainly found
at the bottom of the valleys while the fields for upland crops are on
the slope or even on the top of the hills. Layout of the four studied
villages is shown in Figure 3.
2.3 Religion and belief: The majority of the swiddeners in

the village studied were animists who worship ghost spirit and spirit
of the deceased ancestors. The biggest worshipping spirit ceremony
is usually performed in December when domestic animals, e.g.,
chicken, pigs, and cows are offered as sacrifice. Ghost spirits are
propitiated during sickness. Some of the tribals in Mae Hae village
have converted to Christianity. Some male children of the swiddeners have also been ordained as Buddhist novices as a result of
Buddhism Promotion Programme of the Department of Public Welfare, Ministry of Interior.
2.4 Education and health of the people: Though most of the
adult swiddeners in this area are illiterate, the majority of the children
have obtained primary education since the last five years when the
hill area educational programme was launched. There are three oneroom schools in the villages of Huay Nam Chang, Monya Nua, and
Monya Tai with one teacher and a number of not more than 30
students in each school. Health of the villagers in this area is relatively poor. Even though there are no health statistics available, observation indicates that people suffer from malaria and from skin diseases.
There is only one health centre located at Bo Kaeo area which is
around 5-7 kilometers, but it is rarely visited.
3.
Economy
All members of the families in the villages studied engage in

agricultural activities in which opium poppy cultivation becomes the
major farm activity since it is the principal source of their income.
Other crops, e.g., paddy, maize, vegetables, and banana are grown
as well. Crops other than opium poppy are mainly grown for family
consumption and some are for feeding domestic animals such as
poultry and pigs. Very little amount of other agricultural products,
such as cabbage, lettuce, and broccoli are grown for sale. It is also
found that some villagers have sold off their animals such as chickens
and pigs. There are two main reasons for this kind of transaction.
Firstly, it is the only way for a family to get immediate cash. Sec310
Thailand
ondly, some families had a surplus of animals which were sold in
return for cash. The major economic transaction of the swiddeners
in this area is opium trading. The buyers of opium produce are
believed to be the agents of a powerful person or a group of persons
who operate in drug-trafficking in the so-called Golden Triangle area.
Land holding is another economic aspect of the tribal people
in the area. It is difficult for one to identify and quantify the
amount of land legally owned by the villagers. The reasons are;
firstly, the absence of Reserve License and Testimonial Title Deed;
and secondly the shift of farmland as well as the expansion of cultivated land each year by the swiddeners. Not too long ago tribal
people had cleared up the forests for cultivation. They would slash
and bum forest as much as they could. If the cleared land was later
found to be of lower quality they would desert it and open up new
forests. When no primary forests are available, the villagers intensify
their cultivation on the same piece of land by using various methods.
Some of these methods are: growing of crops twice or three times a
year; and having two or three pieces of farm land, while a piece is
being farmed. the other left for recovery. The average amount of
land holding of each family is approximately around 16 Rai (2.56
hectares); of course, this is estimated on the basis of people's responses. It is quite likely that they may be illegal occupants of some
of the land.
4.
Administrative system
It is believed that the village administrative system in this area

is no longer the traditional one. Previously, the villagers accepted the
authority of the traditional leader, usually the oldest person in the
village. All village affairs were conducted by him; and all major
decisions regarding the community were made by him. The area has
come under the direct control of the Royal Kingdom of Thailand
and thus is a part of the administrative system of the state. Under
this system, the tribal village leaders known as Kamnan (commune
headman) and Pooyai Ban (village headman) are selected by the
villagers to look after village administration and to serve as liaison
officers for the higher administration. However, traditional leadership
system still remains in the area since the villagers strongly respect
and believe in their leaders. Usually the very same leaders are chosen
as Kamnan and Pooyai Ban and thus provide a continuity to the
tradition in a modem setting.
311

5.
Quality of life
There are many aspects in considering the quality of life of the

people in general. Educational level, health, provisions of public
utilities and facilities to the people, balance of income and expenses,
rights and freedom are some of the indicators of quality of life. In
an area such as the present research site, it is very difficult to obtain
information on these indicators and develop an index of quality of
life. In general, it can be said that their quality of life is poor, in that
there is low literary rate, poor health, and difficult access to modern
facilities and utilities. However, it is believed that these villagers, are
comparatively happy, and contented. As long as they are not
exposed to the outside world, they do not feel deprived.
6.
Quality of environment
6.1 Erosion and soil fertilz"ty:
Soil in this area is heavily

eroded since the relatively steep slope as well as the seasonal heavy
rainfall contribute to the rate of erosion. Some swiddeners disclosed
during the field survey that soil fertility in their fields decreased
drastically in the past few years, and they have had to clear the
forests for new land because the old ones are no longer suitable for
planting. Regarding soil fertility in the research area as a whole,
when compared with its surrounding, it is likely that the soil in this
area is the best with a covering of silty clay loam, various kinds of
vegetation grow here.
6.2 Hydrological characteristics:
As mentioned earlier, the

research area is located in the narrow valleys surrounded by relatively
high slope mountains. Therefore, one can expect the high rate of
water run-off in the area whenever the heavy rainfall occurs. The
suspended load is certainly high when the structure and texture of
soil are inclusively considered. Water fluctuation is another hydrological characteristic that has been considered as one of the major
effects caused by the agricultural activities of the tribal people in the
area. Rainy season is relatively short and the amount of seasonal
rainfall seems to fluctuate. The amount of water that recharges into
the ground in the rainy season is far below the amount of ground
water discharged through evaporation, plant consumption, and infiltration to deep ground surface or to other water sources. Only
fruit trees can be planted in the dry season.
312
Thailand
6.3 Natural resource depletion: Depletion of natural resources
in this area has been caused mainly by mining and clearing of forests.
There are four mines operating in the area. One is Samoeng mine
located at Bo Kaeo and operated by the Mines Organization, Ministry
of Industry. The other three mines are run by private companies.
Mining activities need a large area for their operation. For this purpose, forests, with varieties of trees, have been cut down. The land
surface has been opened up for mineral resources. Finally, the
streams that used to flow through the area have now been diverted.
Depletion of dipterocarp forest is significant since thousand of hectares of forest have been cut down, burnt, and changed into farm
land. With the swiddening practice of the tribesmen, the forest could
not reach the climax stage of succession. This means that the forests
of big trees in the vicinity of the research area have disappeared; only
shrubs are left.
The mining operation as well as the exploitation of the forest
resource in this catchment area have affected the .ecosystem. When
forests are cut and cleared up, it becomes easy for the top soil to get
eroded, especially in the mine areas where land surface has been
opened up. Cutting down of the trees affects the flow of food energy from plants to man and to other animals. Furthermore, utilizing
the mineral and forest resources in the area may cause the change in
climatic conditions such as changes in daily or seasonal temperature
and precipitation. Increase in carbondioxide and decrease of oxygen
in the atmosphere adds to the pollution problem.
6.4 Diversity offlora and fauna: Before the settlement ofthe

tribesmen in the area, around 20-30 years ago, trees in various sizes
of dry dipterocarp forest were densely presented. After resettling,
the number of families and people has increased and a larger scale of
forest has been cleared for farm land. From the dry dipterocarp
forest ecosystem, the condition of forest has changed through time
to shrub ecosystem, and man-made ecosystem or agro-ecosystem.
Since the forest has been depleted, several food crops and cash crops
have been introduced into the area. Among these crops are opium,
coffee, peach trees, vegetables, upland rice, and maize. Only in the
area with a slope of greater than 60 degrees, forests of dense trees are
still found. Such forest area is approximately 48.2 per cent of the
total area (National Research Council and Faculty of Forestry,
Kasetsart University, 1980:34). In terms of fauna, many kinds and
313

several species of wild animals and birds were earlier found in the
area; tigers, bears, deer, elephants, and many varieties of birds had
been dominant. Now, as the situation has changed due to the settling of the people, mining, logging, and construction of roads in the
area, such wild animals are rarely found. Domestic animals; e.g.,
chicken, pigs, cows, buffalos, and horses are raised by the swiddeners
in this area.
6.5 Natural beauty and uniqueness: With the rolling hills as

part of the Thanon-Thongchai Mountain Range, this area has the
common characteristics of rolling terrain like other hills.
From village to village, one has to walk up and down the hills
and pass through a number of opium fields. This area may be considered to be the best opium growing area in the north. The poppy
flowers of red, white, and violet colour are very attractive to the
visitors, especially, during the blooming period in January and
February. The villages of White Meo themselves have their own
uniqueness. Their house structure and village settlement have a
distinctive look. Houses have been built with local materials, e.g.,
wood, bamboo, cogon leaf, etc. The settlement of each village is
found in the form of clustering with the average of about 35 families
in size. Furthermore, people with their particular cultures, especially, their dressing patterns, are still clearly distinguishable from other
tribal groups including the ones from the lowland. Plan of the White
Meo house and settlement patterns of the four villages as shown in
Figures 4,5,6, 7, and 8.
IV.
Swiddening Practice
During our visits in the White Meo villages, we have had a very
long discussion with our informants on swiddening practices in this
area. As pioneer swiddeners, who traditionally grew opium poppy,
they have been careful in selecting land which had fertile soil for
opium cultivation. The decision to open up new forests depended
upon opium yield in the area. Other crops, e.g., upland rice, maize,
vegetables, were secondary crops which the swiddeners grew primarily for home consumption and for feeding the domesticated pigs.
Swidden fields were scattered in different land areas on top and
314
Thailand
slopes of the hills. Distance from residences of the swiddeners to
the fields may range from 1 to 5 kilometers. Due to shortage of
new forests to cut down, swiddeners in this area are likely to intensify their land use by rotating their land in farming. Each family
would divide their land into 2-3 pieces and cultivate the first piece
for about 2-3 years, then rotate to use another piece for the same
period of time and eventually return to use the first piece again. The
land is tilled until it gets fully exhausted and gives a poor opium
yield. The swiddeners then move to cut down trees in the new
forests. Generally, people live in the same village but only shift their
farm land. The death of village headman in unnatural circumstances,
or spread of sickness gives cause to the villagers to abandon the
village as they attribute such happenings to the wrath of local ghosts
and spirits.
Figure 4. White Mea house plan, Monya Nua village
FOOD SHELF
BIG STOVE
DOOR
SPIRIT
CORN
STORAGE
SMALL STOVE
DOOR SPIRIT
FOOD SHELF HOUSE
0
I
SEATS
RICE
STORAGE
BEDROOM
BEDROOM
315

Figure 5. Settlement pattern of Huay Nam Chang village
TO MONYA MAl
Development
operation Unit
l'
r
i
CJ
.,. DD
DD
DD
TO MINE
o 0
School
~,. 0
DD
\,0 0
\0
o . :: .. ,i 0
DOo:booO DD
o
0\
",0
o '--",
0\0
o \
I
I
: 0
0:
Figure 6. Settlement pattern of Monya Nua village

To Huay Hey'" 1 Km.
To Mae Hae '" 1.5 KMS.
School
Ir
Cl
00
Oco
D
Cl
0
0:J
DD
o
To Monya Tai
316
Thailand
Figure 7. Settlement pattern of Monya Tai village
To Monya Nua
0
00
School
0
0
0 0
0
0
Figure 8. Settlement pattern of Monya Mai village
.,,
To Huay Nam Chang - 200 M .
:'
o /0
o /0
0\
To Mine -3 Kms.
10
o :
iD
01
.. D
To Monya Nua - 2 Kms.
317

Selection of the new forest for swiddening in this area begins
in February by the heads of families with the approval of the village
headman. Trees are cut down and left to dry during March and
April. On a proper day in April when the wind is not strong, the
swiddeners burn the cut down trees in the fields. When first rain
comes in May they sow the seeds of maize and upland rice. Digging
sticks are used for hoeing. They grow maize primarily for feeding
pigs. Upland rice is grown for home consumption. White rice is the
staple food for the White Meo swiddeners. Because of development
effort by the Government in this area for more than a decade some
swiddeners at Mae Hae village have begun practising irrigated rice
farming in the valley area. Interestingly enough, the White Meo employ the Karen as their farm labour. Wages are usually paid in kind,
i.e., opium or rice to the Karen labourers. Maize and upland rice are
harvested in September and October. Then, the swiddeners prepare
land for growing opium poppy. Hoe is used to prepare soil for
opium cultivation. With somewhat cold weather in October, opium
seeds are sown in the fields and later young plants are grown when
there is heavy moisture in the mountain. Weeding in the opium
fields is usually done in November and December during which the
most intensive use of labour is required. The L-shaped iron blade
mounted on a short bamboo handle is used as a weeding tool. Harvesting of opium is done in January; a knife is used to get opium
from its fruits. The opium is sold in the village compounds. The
opium buyers usually are Haw or Chinese Yunannese and Thais from
lowland areas. Though land of the White Meo swiddeners in this area
is used mainly for opium cultivation, some vegetables, e.g., lettuce,
cabbage, broccoli, banana, and peach trees, are also grown in those
fields. These vegetables are primarily grown for home consumption,
but some White Meo women bring these vegetables to sell to the
mine workers. As for the peach trees, we were informed that
the trees were promoted among the swiddeners under the King's
Tribal Development Project. Besides, coffee trees are also promoted
to grow under the crop replacement programme for opium in some
areas. The researchers were also told that the swiddeners were not .
really interested to grow those trees in their fields since it takes a
long time before they can harvest them, unlike opium cultivation
which they can harvest annually and benefit in terms of money. The
pattern of swiddening among the Meo in north Thailand may be
similar to one another. Both Meo in western Tak province (Keen,
1978:210-221) and the White Meo in Samoeng and Sanpatong
318
Thailand
districts, Chiangmai, cultivate land in the hills for subsistence crop
farming and cash crop (opium) farming as well. Hence, problem of
ecological destruction and degradation of the quality of the environment still exist and it is very difficult to find solutions to this problem since there is no other suitable cash crops which have been found
to substitute for opium poppy.
Tools for swiddening of the White Meo in this area are hand
tools. As fire agricultural and hoe cultural system, farm tools consist
of a hoe, axes, long-bladed iron knife for cutting the swidden, an
iron-tipped digging stick, an iron blade mounted on a long bamboo
pole for digging the holes, an L-shaped iron blade mounted on a short
bamboo handle for weeding, and an opium ripping knife.
V.
Resettlement Programme
Amongst the hill tribes in Thailand, there are several groups

which are ethnically and culturally different. They are Meo, Yao,
Lahu, Lisu, Akha, Karen, Lua, H'tin, and Khamu, and live in unplanned nucleated village settlements in the mountains. In a given
mountainous area, one can observe several tribal groups settling at
different elevations. Karen, Lua, H'tin and Khamu, usually locate
their villages below 1,000 meters above mean sea level, while Meo,
Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha can be found in the land area higher than
this altitude. The lowlanders also know that the tribal peoples can
be divided into two major groups according to types of crops grown
by them, i.e., the opium growers, and the non-opium growers. The
opium poppy cultivators usually are Meo, Yao, Lahu, Lisu, and
Akha, while the non-opium growers are Karen, Lua, H'tin and
Khamu.
With regard to social and cultural interaction between the lowlanders and the highlanders, Meo, Yao, and Karen, for instance, have
contacted lowlanders and exchanged various materials with them.
Barter exchange has been practised, e.g., bartering of opium during
occasional contacts with traders, "Haw" merchants and Thai
peddlers (Manndorff, 1967: 546). Through such contact, the hill
tribes have naturally been influenced by the social and cultural values
of the lowlanders. Some swiddeners in the hills have converted to
Buddhism and Christianity. Consequently, culture traits of the low319
An opium field in the research area.
Huay Nam Chang, a White Meo family.
320
Thailand
Tools for swidden cultivation: 1. a hoe; 2. axes; 3. long-bladed iron knife for
cutting the swidden; 4. iron-tipped digging stick; 5. an iron blade mounted on
a long bamboo pole for digging the holes; 6. an L-shaped iron blade monted on
a short bamboo handle for weeding; and 7. an opium ripped knife
Vegetables for home consumption are grown in the opium field.
321
Swidden cultz"vatz"on in Asz"a

landers have been accepted by some swiddeners, e.g., wearing slippery shoes, smoking cigarettes, wearing wrist-watches, and so on.
The modem money economy system has penetrated into the hill
tribes society. This phenomenon can be widely found throughout
northern provinces, especially in Chiangmai province where one can
see some Meo, Yao, and Karen become the entrepreneurs in villages
and communes as well as in markets of districts and municipality
areas.
These historically, socio-cultural and economic relationships
between hill tribes and the lowlanders have been reinforced by current national security strategy in the north. A humanitarian, open
and friendly attitude toward the hill tribes taken by the Government
facilitates the integration of hill tribes with Thai society rather than
leaving them alone or pushing them away from the Kingdom's territory. The Government has launched development and social welfare
programmes for tribal peoples through the Border Patrol Police
(BPP) since 1955 to extend administration and control over the
remote hill communities and frontier regions. They have also constructed school buildings and distributed some medical and farm
equipment to tribal folks (Manndorff, 1967:531). Under the BPP
programme, 144 schools were built and 6,000 students were enrolled
in 1965 (Kunstadter, 1967:382). In order to approach the tribal
peoples more effectively, the government, in 1957, assigned the
Department of Public Welfare, Ministry of Interior to be responsible
for tribal development and welfare activities. The Department has
established the "Upland Self-help Resettlement Areas" called
Nz"khom in Chiangmai, Chiangrai, Tak, and Phetchabun provinces
during 1959-1962 (Department of Public Welfare, 1978:4). The idea
of this scheme was to encourage the hill peoples to abandon their
present locations and settle permanently in the Nz"khom land area
where they could receive education, health, and agricultural services
and no longer have to cultivate opium poppy or practise swidden
cultivation (Walker, 1975:197). But the Nz"khom idea has not
been a totally successful operation, since traditional social structures
and value systems of the hill tribes have been still strongly maintained and could not accept the changes. This became the great
barrier to development and welfare activities among the tribal
peoples, as Manndorff has noted:
322
Thailand
" ... the hill tribes were rather reserved and restrained,
though never hostile or rejecting in their response to the
projects. They took a "wait and see" attitude, occasionally passing by or stopping at the office bungalow,
accepting invitation for social gatherings or for tribal
dance performances, without making a final commitment to resettle" [Manndorff, 1967:532].
In addition to the reserved attitude of the hill tribes several
other factors might have affected the tribal people's reaction to the
resettlement plans, such as the characteristics of folk society, i.e.,
homogeneity, isolation, organization of culture, religion, or belief,
and collectivism (Redfield, 1947: 293-3 08). The hill folks still retain
homogeneity among their ethnic or sub-ethnic groups. For example,
in a research site of this study, all villagers are White Meo people,
while Blue Meo people live in other villages far away from the
White Meo settlements. The researchers were told by the informants that White Meo and Blue Meo people will not live in the
same communities because there were some socio-cultural differences
between them. The tribal folks also like to be isolated from lowland
people because they prefer living alone in their own traditional
settings with rules and regulations of their own. In this way, they
can perform and enjoy their own traditional rituals and festivals
without interference from the lowland strangers. They also like to
subscribe to one organized body of beliefs, values, and ideas without
cultural alternatives being open to village members. For instance, the
"spirit quacks" will feel very discontent when they find that there
will be several ways to cope with illnesses of the villagers, e.g. malaria
tablets, medical aids, etc., instead of worshipping the ghost spirit to
cure the sick, as is usually performed, because they will lose face,
power and prestige in the tribal communities. They would like to
retain their sacred way of living and hence, to relate swiddening to
animism so that they can enjoy the agricultural festival in their tribal
environments. They will also not want to change from collectivism
to individualism because in tribal villages one's actions have implications for one's family and community; also, because they are extremely powerful reference groups. One plans his activities with
their welfare in mind (Poplin, 1972:131). However, the Department
of Public Welfare has tried various means and methods of working
with these people to the extent that the four hill stations were transformed into 16 Development and Welfare Operations Centres located
323

in Chiang Mai, Chiangrai, Mae Hong Son, Lamphun, Lampang, Nan,
Tak, Kamphaeng Phet, Phetchabun, and Kanchanaburi provinces
(Department of Public Welfare, 1978). Since 1964, Mobile Development teams comprising of agricultural, health, and social welfare
specialists were sent from these centres to the tribal villages to help
in improving their lives (Walker, 1975: 197). Besides, the Department has launched several development programmes for the tribal
people, i.e., Buddhism promotion programme, leadership, as well as
youth training programmes, and education projects. At present,
these development programmes are being carried out actively in
the hill areas. The villagers themselves seem to feel content with
these programmes. But, in order to measure the effectiveness of
these programmes, a systematic evaluation is required.
VI.
Perception Studies
A.
Swiddeners' Perceptions
A field survey was conducted to find out how the swiddeners

themselves look at their lives, swidden practice, the government programmes and their future.
I.
Socio-economic conditions of the swiddeners
1. Age and sex: During the field survey, 44 White Meo

swiddeners were interviewed. Respondents were all heads of families
with an average age of 34% years. The total number of family
members of the interviewees were 245, of which 125 were females
and 120 were males. The sex ratio of this tribal sample was 96
males to 100 females (equal to the sex ratio of total population in
the research area as indicated in Table 1) which indicates a low sex
ratio during the period studied.
2. Social category: All the White Meo family heads interviewed believed in animism and were illiterate. There were five
groups among the swiddeners in this area: Song, Thong, Ya, Wa, and
Lee. It seems that there is a hierarchial order among them. One of
the respondents said that among those groups, Thong is considered
to excel others in performing spiritualism in this area. Thong spirit
mediums are often invited to perform the "worshipping ghost spirit
324
Thailand
ceremony" to White Meo families, while mediums from other groups
would not be invited to perform this function. The majority of the
respondents, i.e., more than three-quarters of the respondents, were
Thong and Song, and the smallest proportion of them were Lee, as
shown in Table 2.
Table 2. Divisions of the White Meo in the research area
Divisions
Frequency
Thong
15
Song
14
Ya
10
Wa
Lee
Total
44
3. Land holding: The White Meo in the village studied grew

field crops mixed with some vegetable crops in the same fields. They
claimed to be the owners of various sizes of swidden land. The land
owned by the respondents ranged from 3 raP to 65 rai (0.48 hectare
to 10.40 hectares). The average size of land holding among these
respondent swiddeners was 10 rai (1.60 hectares).
4. Family pattern and size: In the agricultural year 19811982, the predominant type of family in the research area was
nuclear family. Their exposure to the development and welfare
programmes and contacts with the lowlanders and their culture may
have affected the increase of the nuclear family type. While the
nuclear family type is dominant, patriarchal and patrilocal family
forms still exist in the area. In fact, of all 44 households, ten of
them were observed as extended families with average of 2.5 families
per household.
5. Fallow period: Swiddeners in this area grew opium
poppy as their main cash crop with the mean fallow period of 3.35
years. They usually grow opium poppy in one field for three years,
and then rotate to cultivate the adjacent field for another three
One rai is equivalent to 0.16 hectare.
325

years, and eventually return to cultivate the old field again. It seems
that the White Meo repeat the rotation cropping system until the
land becomes infertile. When the land does not produce as much
crop as before, they usually abandon the area and move to find new
land in other forests. They would also do so, if a very bad sickness
spread in the village and many villagers died as a result.
6. Types of crops grown: It was observed that the swiddeners in this area grew upland rice, maize, lettuce, cabbage, chilli,
broccoli, and banana, for home consumption, in their swidden fields.
Types of crops grown varied from family to family. Some families
grew only one crop, while others grew 5-6 types of crops in their
fields. However, upland rice and maize were planted by all swiddeners since rice is their staple food and maize is mainly used for
feeding pigs.
All the swiddeners interviewed in this study grew opium
poppy for sale in their swidden fields. They also produced some
vegetables, e.g., lettuce, cabbage, which were sold at a nearby mining
village.
7. Domestic animals: The swiddeners would usually keep

domestic animals with them. In the villages studied, people kept
such domestic animals as ducks, pigs, goats, cows, buffaloes, of
which chickens and pigs were their two preferred animals. There
were 1,110 chicken, 335 pigs, 137 cows, 57 goats, 54 ducks, 18
horses, and 5 buffaloes, kept by the respondents in this sample
survey. Pet animals, such as dogs, cats, and birds were also seen in
the village. There were 99 dogs, 6 birds, and 4 cats, kept by the
respondents during our survey. The swiddeners kept domestic
animals mainly for food and for sacrificial use. They also sold some
animals to their neighbours and people in the mine area.
8. Farm equipment: All the swiddeners interviewed owned
traditional farm tools, i.g., long-bladed iron knives for cutting the
swidden, an iron blade mounted on a long bamboo pole for digging
the holes into which the paddy seeds are placed, an iron tipped
digging stick, an L-shaped iron blade mounted on a short bamboo
handle for weeding, and an opium ripped knife. This farm equipment indicated that most of the peasants in this area are practising
slash and bum, as well as hoe cultivation. However, insecticide
spraying machines used by hand were owned by some swiddeners in
Monya Nua and Monya Tai villages.
326
Thailand
9. Income: In the agricultural year 1981-1982, the swiddeners in this area earned an average of Baht 13,225 by selling cash
crops and some domestic animals. But the major portion of their
farm income was from selling opium. Other cash crops were lettuce,
cabbage, rice, maize and banana. Domestic animals such as chicken,
pigs, and cows were also sold. The opium trade was done within the
village compound, while other farm products were mainly sold in
nearby villages, and in the mining communities.
10. Family expenditure:
We found that the swiddeners
interviewed spent their money, during the agricultural year 19811982, primarily for serving their basic needs, i.e., food, clothing,
shelter, and medicine for curing sickness of family members. Their
average annual expenditure was 7,140 Baht.
11. Debt: The swiddeners in this area were seldom in debt.

Hence, their economic situation would seem to be more secure than
the majority of the lowlanders who usually were in debt to local
merchants. A few of the swiddeners were in debt to their relatives.
The repayment of debts was usually in cash.
12. Ceremony: All of the swiddeners interviewed said that

they performed some kind of ceremony or ritual every year. Among
various ceremonies they would perform, are the worshipping of the
ancestral spirit in December, which is very significant since they also
celebrate their new year at the same time. Besides the worshipping
of the ancestor's spirit, the house spirit is also worshipped, this being
considered as very important also. Domestic animals offered in these
ceremonies were chicken, pigs, and cows. The results of the field
surveys, for the agricultural year 1981-1982, show that a total of
347 chicken, 80 pigs, and 2 cows, were sacrificed.
11.
Perceptions of the swiddeners
1. Perception of swidden cultivation: In order to get an

insight as to how the White Meo swiddeners in this area perceive
swidden cultivation in relation to environmental problems, several
questions were asked of the tribal respondents. Responses to the
questions indicate that the majority of the swiddeners in this area
realize that swidden cultivation is practised in an area of forest land
i.e., an amount of trees will be cut down; and hence, this practice
327

decreases the forest land area. They are also aware that this practice
scares wild animals away from the forest and it causes soil erosion in
the hills. As far as opium poppy cultivation is concerned, the
majority of our respondents know that swidden cultivation is a good
method to produce quality opium because they can select good soil
judged by the maturity or full growth of big trees. They also think
that swidden cultivation is their tradition, inherited from their ancestors, and hence, they could not abandon this practice. They
believe that they would be punished by the spirits of their ancestors
if they would ever counter the tradition. It was noticed that this
practice has no correlation with the mountain spirit and the spirit of
the forest. In other words, it is their belief in the ancestral spirit
but not the mountain spirit which prevents tribal swiddeners from
stopping swidden practice.
2. Perception of development programmes: The tribal

people in this area have been exposed to various types of development programmes during the last decade. The opinions and views of
the White Meo swiddeners with regard to the development programme were surveyed. The questions were designed in such a way
so as to see if development programmes could provide any alternatives to the swiddeners and solve the problems related to swidden
cultivation. We found that all the respondents agreed that development programmes have contributed a great deal to their children's
education. The enrolment rate of the tribal children has been increasing since the hill areas education project was launched in this
area about five years ago. The majority of the respondents admitted
that development programmes, which are in a way welfare programmes for the tribal people, paved the way to open up their
isolated, as well as insulated, community and facilitated communication between the tribal people and the lowlanders. The development
programmes have created social and cultural linkages between the
tribal community and the lowlanders. As a result, various changes
have been introduced into the hills, particularly during the dry
season when access to the tribal villages is relatively easier. More
than half of the respondent swiddeners agreed that development
programmes stimulate them to grow new cash crops, e.g., peach trees,
lettuce, cabbage, broccoli, etc., and to devote more time to their
farming. It seems, however, that the development programmes have
not succeeded in providing a market for those crops, and have failed
to give enough support, both technically and financially for the
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Thailand
Table 3. Perception of the swiddeners on swidden cultivation
Yes
Statements
No
Don't Know Total
1. Swidden cultivation is practised on

44
43
forest land area.
2. Swidden cultivation decreases forest

43
land area.
44
3. Swidden
cultivation causes wild

animals to run away from the forest.
44
43
4. Swidden cultivation causes soil ero41
44
in the amount of rainfall in the forest.
25
11
44
6. Swidden cultivation causes an increase in warm weather in the hills.
31
10
44
7. Burning in the fields for swiddening

easily causes fire in the forest.
31
13
36
44
38
44
37
44
32
10
44
26
14
44
sion in the hills.
5. Swidden cultivation causes a decrease
44
8. Swidden cultivation is a way to worship the mountain spirit.

9. If they change from swidden cultivation the swiddeners will be
punished by the spirit of the forest.
10. Swidden cultivation helps the tribal

peoples grow good opium.
11. Swidden cultivation has been a tradition since their ancestors, hence, the
tribal peoples could not abandon this
practice.
12. Swidden cultivation gives prestige to

the tribal communities.
swiddeners to become commercial farmers, because they felt that the

development programmes did not really help them in commercial
farming. They also feel that development programmes would succeed in converting them from swiddening to permanent agriculture,
if there were no more land to swidden in this area. They also think
that development programmes made many lowlander move up to
work in the mines as miners. Lastly, they feel that development programmes have helped some swiddeners to give up smoking opium.
However, the majority of the respondents disagree that development
programmes will eventually cause the swiddeners to move out from
the present communities and bring about conflicts between
329

Table 4 Perception of the swiddeners on
development programmes
Statements
Agree
Don't Know
Disagree
Total
1. Development programmes stimulate

the swiddeners in this area to grow
new cash crops, e.g., peach trees,
lettuce, cabbage, etc.
29
44
2. Development programmes help the

swiddeners to change from subsistence to commercial farming.
20
12
12
44
3. Development programmes help tribal

peoples to carry on better commercial farming in the hills.
16
13
15
44
23
12
44
4. Development -programmes stimulate

the swiddeners to devote more time
to farming.
5. Development programmes cause the
swiddeners to move out from the
present communities.
36
44
6. Development programmes cause an

influx of the lowlanders into the
hills.
16
25
44
7. Development programmes usually

create conflicts between traditional
beliefs of the swiddeners and a belief
in technology introduced to them.
32
44
8. Development programmes would

cause the swiddeners to change from
swidden cultivation to permanent
farming, if there is no more land to
swidden.
25
11
44
9. Development programmes cause

tribal children to attend schools.
44
10. Development programmes help the

swiddeners to be in good health.
36
11. Development programmes facilitate

easier communication between the
hill peoples and the lowlanders.
40
12. Development programmes stimulate

the lowlanders to move up to work
in the mines.
29
10
44
13. Development programmes help some

of the swiddeners to give up smoking
opium.
23
13
44
330
44
5
44
44
Thailand
traditional values and beliefs and ideas. The tabulated responses of
swiddeners interviewed on the question of development programmes
are given in Table 4.
3. Opinions of the swiddeners: Finally, the respondents

were interviewed to find their opinions on swidden cultivation as a
means of subsistence, substitution of subsistence crops by other cash
crops, and resettlement programmes. Responses to the statements
on these matters reveal that the majority of the respondents agree
that the opium crop is also an herb for curing illness among the
swiddeners; tribal peoples would like to move to live in the land
provided by the resettlement stations, because they could own land
legally and would have better living conditions. They also feel that
swidden cultivation is the only way of living in the forest, and opium
poppy cultivation can bring them a big amount of cash money each
year. It seems, therefore, quite different to substitute opium poppy
cultivation by other cash crops. However, nearly half of the total
respondents disagree that smoking opium makes life happier, as
shown in Table 5.
Table 5. Opinions of the swiddeners in the research area
Statements
Agree Don't Know/NR Disagree
Total
1.
Swidden cultivation is the only way

of living in the forests.
38
44
2.
Farming techniques suggested by

developers are more difficult than
growing opium.
24
14
44
Growing opium makes a lot of

money each year. Hence, the swiddeners will not substitute subsistence
crops by other cash crops.
36
44
Opium is also a herb for curing illness.
43
Smoking opium makes life happier.
18
20
44
44
3.
4.
5.
331

B.
I.
Village Leader's Perceptions
Socio-economic background of the leaders
During the field survey, three village leaders were interviewed

at Huay Nam Chang, Monya Nua, and Monya Tai villages. These
leaders were in the divisions of Thong, Song, and Lee, with the ages
of 59, 60, and 58, respectively. They were animists and illiterates
who are themselves cultivators of field crops and owned swidden
land about 60, 14, and 15 rai (9.60, 2.24, and 2.40 hectares), respectively, in the crop year 1981-1982. They have been living in Huay
Nam Chang and Monya villages for the last 30 years and the leaders'
households were extended because there were three families in each
household. In these households, patriarchal and patrilocal family
patterns were followed so that they could have as many hands as
possible for swiddening, and decisions on family affairs would entirely be made by the heads of the households. They grew upland rice,
maize, lettuce, cabbage, broccoli, etc., for home consumption and
opium poppy for sale. They also raised livestock of 140 chicken,
38 pigs, 15 cows, 2 buffaloes, and 3 horses. Some pets, i.e., dogs,
cats, were also kept by them. When they work in the field, they
use traditional tools, such as long-bladed iron knives, iron blades
mounted on long bamboo poles, iron-tipped digging sticks, L-shaped
iron blades mounted on short bamboo handles and opium ripped
knives. No modern farm equipment was seen as being these owned
by these leaders. Their income in the crop year 1981-1982 was
36,680, 23,100, and 15,550 Baht respectively, while their family
expenditure was for basic needs such as food, clothing, shelter, and
medicine. There was no debt among these leaders. These village
leaders were spirit leaders who usually lead in performing the worshipping of spirit ceremonies and other rituals among the swiddeners
in this area. Domestic animals offered as sacrifices at rituals and
ceremonies in the crop year 1981-1982 were 26 chicken, 13 pigs,
and 2 cows.
Regarding the role and function of the village leaders during
the year studied, we found that the leaders performed both maintenance and task functions since they were friends of all swiddeners
in this area. They have helped the villagers in swiddening, by giving
advice on site selection, and solving problems of cultivation. They
332
Thaland
also performed their function as judges when the villagers were in
dispute. They used to give suggestions to swiddeners in relation to
farm improvement issues from development officials. Hence, the
tribal leaders performed their roles and functions as best as they
could during the crop year 1981-1982.
11.
Perceptions of the leaders
1.
Perception of swidden cultivation: Interviews with the
White Meo leaders indicate that the leaders realize that swidden cultivation requires all area of forest land in which a number of big trees
will be cut down and burned; this practice decreases the forest land
area, causes soil erosion in the hills, and also causes wild animals to
run away from the forests. The leaders perceive swiddening to cause
an increase in warm weather in the hills and it causes the hill peoples
to grow good opium. They know that swiddening has been a traditional practice, and had become the pride of their communities,
therefore, they could not give it up. However, they think that there
is no relationship between swidden cultivation and the mountain
spirit or the spirit of the forest. As to whether they will keep on
swiddening or whether they will change to stabilized farming, they
will not be influenced by these spirits.
2. Percepton of development programmes: The leaders

interviewed agree that development programmes have provided the
tribal children with educational opportunities. Now their children go
to schools and learn how to speak, read, and write the Thai language.
They also agree that development programmes have helped the swiddeners in improving their health conditions and facilitated easier
communication with other hill tribes and the lowlanders in this area,
and consequently, caused the lowlanders to move up to work in the
mines. Two leaders agree that the programmes stimulated the
swiddeners to grow new cash crops, e.g., peach trees, lettuce, cabbage, broccoli, etc. and to change from subsistence to commercial
farming, although they would still grow opium for sale since they
could only sell a very small quantity of vegetables. All of them disagree that development programmes would cause the swiddeners to
give up swiddening in favour of permanent farming and to give up
smoking opium, since swiddening has been practised traditionally
and smoking opium has been a traditionally accepted habit of the
villagers.
333

3. Opz"nz"ons of the leaders: All of the tribal leaders agree
that swidden cultivation is the only way of living in the forest and
growing opium provides a source of income by large amounts of cash
money. Besides, opium is a herb to cure illness, (e.g., headache,
stomach-ache) as well, and it is also used as a medicine for curing
wounds of domestic animals such as cows, buffaloes. In addition,
they feel that farming techniques suggested by the developers are
difficult and that growing opium is easier. Therefore, substitution of
subsistence crop by other cash crops seems to be very difficult for
the swiddeners to accept.
C.
I.
Development Officers' Perceptions
Social background of the development officers
1. Age and sex: In order to examine views and attitudes of

development officers and compare them to those of swiddeners,
questionnaires were sent to the development officers and a total of
35 tribal development officers answered the questionnaires. These
development officers were attached to the Tribal Research Centre,
Development and Welfare Centre, and Development and Welfare
Units, Chiangmai province.
The majority of the development
officers were males with an average median age of 32 years, involved
in tribal development and welfare work. When these officers were
classified according to age groupings, we found that about two-thirds
of them were in the age group of 29-35 years as shown in Table 6.
Table 6. Distribution of the development officers

by age groupings
Frequency
Age groupings
22-28
29-35
20
36 above
Total
35
334
Thailand
2. Education: Among the development officers who responded to the questionnaires, we found that a little more than twothirds of them had B.A. degrees, and about 26 per cent out of the
total officers had received vocational training, as shown in Table 7.
Table 7. Education of the development officers
Education
Frequency
Secondary school
Vocational training
B.A.
M.A.
22
Total
3S
3. Positions of the development officers: The majority of

the development officers were holding posts as social welfare, social
researchers, and agricultural officers. The average length of being in
these positions was 3 years. Distribution of the development officers
according to their positions is presented in Table 8.
Table 8. Positions of the development officers
Positions
Frequency
Social Welfare
17
Social Researcher
Agricultural Officer
Economist
Museum Officer
3S
Total
4. Job description areas: During the period under study, we

found that a majority of the development officers were responsible
for several job areas, such as agricultural extension, sodal welfare,
health services, sodo-economic surveys and anthropological surveys.
Distribution of their job description areas is presented in Table 9.
335

Table 9. Job description areas of the
development officers
Areas
Frequency
Agril. extension
Social welfare
Health services
Socio-economic surveys
Anthrop. surveys
Miscellaneous
3S
Total
11.
Development officers' views about swidden cultivation
The development officers responded on their views about

swidden cultivation in relation to quality of environment and their
perception of how they are viewed by the swiddeners. Response to
statements on these matters reveal that a majority of the officers
have realized about such relationship and how they are viewed by
tribal peoples. They know that tribal peoples still strongly believe in
tradition and kinship system; that swidden cultivation will cause wild
animals to run away from the forests; that tribal settlement pattern
is more nucleated; that size of land for swiddening depends on tribal
community size; that swidden cultivation causes soil erosion in the
hills and a decrease in forest land area. They also think that swidden
cultivation causes ya kha and ya phong to cover the land area; that
tribal population density in this area is higher than before; that the
swiddeners feel that the officers can help them when their families
are in trouble. About 60 per cent of the officers feel that they are
friends of the hill peoples; that swidden cultivation enables the hill
peoples to select good land for opium cultivation and hence, opium
is their main cash crop; that development programmes may cause
conflict between tribal peoples and the government officials because
the programmes are aiming at the abolition of swiddening and
initiating crop replacement in the hills. Response of the development officers to these statements is presented in Table 10.
336
Thailand
Table 10. Views about swidden cultivation of the
tribal development officers
Statements
Yes
No
1. Tribal population density in this area

is higher than before.
25
2. Tribal settlement pattern is more

nucleated.
31
3. Tribal peoples still strictly believe in

the tradition and kinship systems.
33
4. Land for swidden cultivation of the

Meo belongs to their communities.
5. Size of land for swidden cultivation

depends on tribal community size.
6. Majority of the Meo still grow opium
as their principal cash crop.
Don't Know Total
35
35
35
20
11
35
26
35
16
11
35
7. Use of resources of tribal peoples is

the use of renewable resources, e.g.
hunting, trapping, and so on.
10
17
35
8. Conflict among tribes is less than

that among the lowlanders.
12
20
35
9. Swidden cultivation causes a heavy

soil erosion in the hills.
31
35

in the forest land areas.
31
35
11. Swidden cultivation causes wild

animals to run away from the forests.
33
35
12. Swidden cultivation causes Ya Kha

and Ya Phong to cover the land area.
29
35
13. Meo swiddeners tend to think that

land is an unlimited resource.
12
17
35
14. Karen cultivation system helps to

conserve forest ecosystem.
20
35
15. Development programmes may cause

conflicts between tribal people and
government officials because the programmes aim at the abolition of
swiddening and initiating crop replacement in the hills.
21
11
35
16. Generally, the swiddeners feel that

you are their friends.
22
35
17. The swiddeners think that you can

help them when their families are in
trouble.
28
35
Cont'd...
337

Table 10 (Continued)
Don't Know Total
Yes
No
27
35
21
-8
35
the lowlanders into the hill areas.
16
14
35
programmes cause
tribal peoples to increase their possession of material values.
27
35
22
35
15
17
35
16
11
35
24
35
16
12
35
Statements
18. The swiddeners always feel humble

so that they seldom consult you on
19. Swidden cultivation causes the hill

peoples to select good land for opium
cultivation.
20. Mining in the hills causes an influx of

21. Development
22. Opium is still the principal and cash

crop of tribal peoples.
23. Development programmes will be

more effective if the Government
force tribal peoples to give up opium
cultivation.
24. In the last agricultural year, a great

number of tribal people immigrated
from Burma and Laos into Thailand.
25. Tribal
health development programmes cause a rapid increase in the

tribal population.
26. Meo is the highest class among hill

tribes in the north.
Ill.
Problems in working with swiddeners
There were many problems faced by the development officers

while working with the tribal swiddeners. These problems were
grouped into organizational, procedural, political, and personal
problems as follows:
1.
Organizational:
by many officers:
1.1
The following opinions were expressed
Insufficiency of government budget allocated to

tribal development and welfare work.
338
Thailand
1.2
Duplication of work among different government

agencies concerned.
1.3
Lack of co-ordination among government agencies

working in the hill areas.
1.4
Poor public relation about development and welfare work among the tribal peoples.
2. Procedural: As procedural problems, the following were

pointed out.
3.
4.
2.1
Lack of extension equipment, e.g., audio-visual

aids, films, and so on.
2.2
The traditional way of living of tribal peoples cause

them to refuse modem technology introduced into
the hills.
2.3
Difficulty in transportation from lowland to highland areas, especially in the rainy season.
2.4
Insufficient co-operation between tribal people and

the development officers.
Political
3.1
Communist infiltration in the hills and border areas

between Burma, Laos, and Thailand.
3.2
Narcotic trade as political problem at the national

and international levels.
3.3
Emigration of tribal peoples from Burma and Laos

to Thailand.
Personal
4.1
Frustration and conflict among the government

officials concerned with tribal development and
welfare work.
4.2
Social distance between tribal peoples and development officers of various governmental agencies
concerned with development and welfare work.
339
IV.
Suggestions to improve swiddening system
Some suggestions to improve the swiddening system were

given by the development officers during our interviews:
1. The Government should provide definite land areas for
the tribal peoples to carry on permanent farming.
2. Promotion of other cash crops to the extent that such
crops could be substituted for opium poppy.
3. Promotion of education among the tribal peoples so that
they could have a better understanding about the negative effects of
swidden cultivation on the forest ecosystem.
4. The government should provide markets for the tribal
agricultural products.
5. Improvement of transportation system, e.g., village roads,
connecting tribal villages in the hills and between highland and
business centres in lowland areas should be accelerated.
D.
I.
Perceptions of Provincial Development and Welfare Committee for the Hill Tribes
Social background of the provincial development and welfare

committee members
In this study, twenty-three provincial development and welfare

committee members for the hill tribes responded to the questionnaires sent to them. The committee members were government
officials of different departments under the Ministry of Interior,
Ministry of Agriculture and Co-operatives, Ministry of Education,
Ministry of Industry, and Ministry of Finance. They were all males
with an average age of 50 years.
Regarding the educational level of the committee members, we
found that about half of the total committee members received B.A.
degrees, and the rest had obtained B.S., B.A., vocational training,
certificate, and secondary school, respectively, as shown in Table 11.
340
Thailand
Table 11. Education of the provincial development
and welfare committee members
Number
Education
Secondary education
Certificate
1
2
Vocational training
11.
B.A.
12
B.S.
M.A.
Total
23
Provincial development and welfare committee members'

views about swidden cu Itivation
All the committee members realize that swidden cultivation

affects the environment, e.g., heavy soil erosion in the hills, decreasing forest land area, and wild animals running away from the forests.
The majority of them think that later on ya kha and ya phong will
cover swidden land areas and that tribal people still strictly believe in
traditional and kinship systems. But they think that development
programmes would stimulate hill peoples to strengthen their material
values so that forest resources would be exploited and sold to "Haw"
merchants or the lowlanders who are the middlemen in the hills.
The committee members also think that swidden cultivation makes
the hill farmers able to select good soil for opium cultivation, and
hence, land is considered to be an unlimited resource for them, especially among the opium growers. They also perceive that tribal population density in the north is higher than before, and hillmen usually
live in unplanned nucleated settlements; that the size of swidden land
is up to tribal community size; and that opium is still the principal
cash crop of tribal people. So, substitution of subsistence crop by
other cash crops will not be successfully operated in the hills. The
responses of the committee members to statements on these matters
are presented in Table 12.
341

Table 12. Views about swidden cultivation of the provincial
development and welfare committee members
Don't Know Total
Statements
Yes
No
1. Tribal population density in this

area is higher than before.
18
23
2. Tribal settlement pattern is more

nucleated.
18
23
3. Tribal peoples still strictly believe in

traditional and kinship systems.
21
23
4. Land for swidden cultivation of the

Meo belongs to their communities.
11
23
5. Size of land for swidden cultivation

depends on tribal community size.
18
6. Majority of the Meo still grow opium

as their principal cash crop.
14
23
7. Use of resources of tribal peoples is

the use of renewable resources, e.g.,
hunting, trapping, and so on.
13
23
8. Conflict among tribal peoples is less

than that among the lowlanders.
12
23
9. Swidden cultivation causes heavy soil

erosion in the hills.
23
23

in the forest land areas.
23
23
11. Swidden cultivation causes wild

animals to run away from the forests.
23
23
12. Swidden cultivation causes ya kha

and ya phong to cover the land area.
22
13. The Meo swiddeners tend to think

that land is an unlimited resource.
18
23
14. Karen cultivation system helps to

conserve forest ecosystem.
10
23
15. Development programmes may cause

conflict between tribal peoples and
government officials because the
programmes focus on the abolition
of swiddening and initiating crop
replacement in the hills.
16
16. Generally, the swiddeners feel that

you are their friend.
23
17. The swiddeners think that you can

help them when their families are in
trouble.
11
23
Cont'd..
342
23
23
23
Thailand
Table 12 (Continued)
Statements
Yes
No
18. The swiddeners always feel humble

so that they seldom consult you on
13
19. Swidden cultivation causes the hill

peoples to select good land for opium
cultivation.
18
20. Mining in the hills causes an influx of

the lowlanders into the hill areas.
10
21. Development programmes cause

tribal peoples to increase their possession of material values.
22
22. Opium is still the principal cash crop

of tribal peoples.
19
23. Development programmes will be

more effective if the Government
force tribal peoples to give up opium
cultivation.
17
24. In the last agricultural year, a great

number of tribal peoples immigrated
from Burma and Laos into Thailand.
10
25. Tribal health development programme caused an increase in the

tribal population.
14
26. Meo is the highest class among tribal

peoples in the north.
11
Ill.
Don't Know Total
23
23
5
23
23
1
23
23
12
23
23
23
Problems in working with swiddeners
Many problems were faced by the provincial development and

welfare committee members in working with the swiddeners and are
listed as follows:
1.
Organizational
1.1
Limitation of budget on tribal development and

welfare work.
1.2
Lack of co-ordination among different government

agencies concerned in tribal development and
welfare.
343

1.3
2.
3.
Procedural
2.1
Traditional living styles of tribal peoples caused

them not to accept and adopt new technology
introduced into the hills.
2.2
Difficulty in transportation from lowland to highland areas, especially during rainy season.
2.3
Communication problems between the government

officials and tribal peoples because of different
tribal languages existing in highland areas.
Political
3.1
4.
Policy regarding the tribal minority groups from

central government is unclear.
Personal
4.1
IV.
Shortage of competent personnel who are willing

to work with tribal peoples in remote hill areas.
Sometimes, there was conflict among the government agencies because of different benefits and
approaches used with tribal peoples.
Suggestions to improve swiddening system
Some suggestions to improve swiddening system given by the

provincial development and welfare committee members for the hill
tribes were as follows:
1. The Government should formulate definite policies for
tribal peoples who are important minority groups in highland areas.
2. The Government should provide certain areas for tribal
people to practise swiddening and educate them until they would be
willing to change from swidden cultivation to permanent agriculture.
3. Zonal development areas should be carried on effectively
in the hills.
4. Land rotation cropping systems should be encouraged
among tribal peoples, especially the opium growers.
344
Thailand
VII.
Summary and Recommendations
This is an exploratory study on swidden cultivation of a tribal

minority group in north Thailand. The methodology used in this
study required observations, enumeration and sampling, and
collection of data through interviews and mailed questionnaires.
Two sets of interview schedules were constructed and administered
with the White Meo respondent swiddeners who were family heads,
and with the White Meo village leaders in the research area.
Another two sets of mailed questionnaires were also prepared
and despatched to the tribal development officers and the
provincial development and welfare committee members for the hill
tribes. Responses to the interviews and mailed questionnaires from
the respondents were high and satisfactory. Several sources of
reading material were also reviewed by the researchers in writing an
overview of the research area and on part of resettlement programme.
This study was limited by time, funding, ,remoteness and inaccessability of the research area, and the prohibitive costs of arranging the
administrative and teaching assignments of the researchers at the
universities where they work. Participant observation for this study
could not be used. Selection of the research areas is based on criteria
from research design formulated at the Regional Meeting of Experts,
Bangkok, Thailand, 19-23 April 1979 with a study of the aerial
photographs and topography maps of the areas in the upper part of
northern Thailand and socio-economic survey reports of the Tribal
Research Centre. After several trips to see various sites, the researchers decided to make Huay Nam Chang and two Monya villages,
to be the research sites for this study.
An overview of the research area indicated that Huay Nam
Chang and Monya villages are located between latitudes of 18 32'
to 18 35' N. and between longitudes 98 32' to 98 35' E. with the
elevation ranges between 1,200-1,300 meters above mean sea level.
Huay Nam Chang village is located at the boundary of Samoeng
district, while Monya villages are in Sanpatong district. This research
area is about 85 kilometers west of Chiangmai municipality. The
climate in the area is influenced by tropical monsoon with rainy, hot,
and cold seasons, and the average annual temperature in this area is
around 25 C. Soil structure and texture in this area are older granite
345
and "clayey". Forest is dry dipterocarp mixed with pine trees. Demographic characteristics show small community size with low male sex
ratio and irregular shape of population pyramid. The majority of
the White Meo in this area believe in animism and are illiterate and
have relatively poor health. Economy is based on opium poppy and
the average amount of land holding among the total swiddeners in
the four villages studied is about 16 rai (2.56 hectares). The local
administrative system has been changed from traditional to modem
in which village committee members are elected to carry out village
administrative affairs. However, traditional leadership still belongs
to the spirit leaders. The quality of life and environment in this area
is below average and deteriorating, though, the uniqueness of the
area and its natural beauty still remain to be seen and admired by
all visitors. The social structure of the White Meo in this area shows
that nuclear family units are predominant, with the exception of few
cases of extended families. Patriarchal and patrilocal forms were
observed in the communities. Their social norms are traditional,
signs and symbols are used in villages and in the opium fields as well.
Swiddening practice usually begins in February and ends in January
when the opium poppy has already been harvested. Peasants in this
area use simple farm tools indicating that fire agriculture and hoe
culture are practised. Regarding resettlement programmes, we found
that they are not successful because of traditional socio-cultural
barriers of the tribal peoples. This eventually caused the hill resettlement stations to be transformed into deVelopment and welfare
operation units with mobile development teams going around to
work with swiddeners in their own village settings. Perception
studies show many similarities in socio-economic conditions. There
was clear perception of swidden cultivation in relation to environmental problems, perception of development programmes and
opinions on swidden cultivation between the respondent swiddeners
and village leaders interviewed. As for the perceptions of development officers and provincial development and welfare committee
members. The problems were categorized into organizational, procedural, political, and personal. Some suggestions to improve the
swiddening system were given by both the development officers
and the provincial development and welfare committee members.
For example, Government should formulate specific policies on
tribal peoples and provide definite areas for them to live and to
carry on farm activities.
346
Thailand
On the basis of this study, we conclude that swidden cultivation in this area will remain a traditional practice among the tribal
people. Although, shortage of land may gradually occur, due to an
increase in the White Meo population as a result of modem medical
care which would decrease the mortality rate among the swiddeners,
and migration of the tribal population into this area, new forest may
be cut down for swiddening, especially, for opium cultivation.
Therefore, these researchers would strongly recommend the governmental agencies concerned with the tribal development to create
definite policies for these non-Thai ethnic minority groups. If possible, preservation camps should be constructed in different mountainous areas to keep the tribal peoples from moving to cut down new
forests which usually are the catchment areas of the nation. Therefore, integration and assimilation concepts should be abandoned, and
how to keep the nation safe from ecological destruction by the tribal
swiddeners should be given more attention by all concerned.
347
Swdden cultz"vatz"on n Asa
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anonymous.
1978 Development and Welfare of the Bll Trbes. Bangkok:
Department of Public Welfare.
Anonymous.
1978 Work and Projects on Development and Welfare of the
Bll Trbes. Bangkok: Department of Public Welfare.
Conklin, Harold C.
1954 "An ethnoecological approach to shifting agriculture"
In Readngs n Cultural Geography, Philip L. Wagner
and M.W. Mikesell, eds. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Embree, John F.
1950 "Thailand - a loosely structured social system",
A mercan Anthropologz"st, LII, pp. 181-193.
Foster, George M.
1973 Tradtonal Sodetes and Technologcal Change. New
Y or~: Harper & Row, Publishers.
Herskovits, Melville
1952 Economc Anthropology. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, Inc.
Keen, F.G.B.
1978 "Ecological Relationships in a Hmong (Meo) Economy" In Peter Kunstadter et al., eds., Farmers n the
Forest. Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii.
Kunstadter, Peter
1967 Southeast Asa Trbes, Mnortes, and Natons.
Volume 11, Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University
Press.
348
Thailand
Manndorff, Hans
1967 "The Hill Tribe Programme of the Public Welfare
Department, Ministry of Interior, Thailand". Research
and Sodo-economic Development. In P. Kunstadter,
ed, Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities, and Nations.
Vo!. II Princeton New Jersey: Princeton University
Press. pp. 525-552.
National Research Council and Faculty of Forestry
1980 "Aerial Survey and Land Use Planning Report."
Bangkok.
Petersen, William
1969 Population. London: The MacMillan Company.
Poplin, Dennis E.
1972 Communities. New York: The MacMillan Company.
Redfield, Robert
1947 "The Folk Society." American Journal of Sociology,
52, pp. 293-308.
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New York:
Walker, Anthony R. et al.

1975 Farmers in the Hills. Georgetown, Pulau Pinang:
349
Chapter Six
THE FIVE CASES
AN OVERVIEW
Koto Kanno
Swidden cultivation - so-called "slash and bum" or "shifting

cultivation" - is still practised in many parts of the world by several
ethnic groups and tribal communities. Swiddeners are usually
identified as "hill tribes" or "mountain people". Swidden cultivation is considered as a primitive form of agriculture and the swiddeners are regarded as 'backward', surviving on subsistence economy.
The swiddeners in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean have been a popular subject of anthropological research, but
they have never been studied in an integrated or interdisciplinary
manner so as to get a total picture of swiddening, of the life of
swiddeners themselves, and of their relationships with the 'outside'
world. In other words, the studies carried out, to date, have been
mostly one-dimensional and largely descriptive in nature and have,
therefore, failed in analysing the dynamics of swidden cultivation and
portraying its role in shaping the culture of its practitioners. Despite
a long tradition of research on swidden cultivation in anthropology,
the existing literature does not respond adequately to new questions
being raised today. Although isolated from the main currents of
civilization, and living high up in the mountains, swiddeners in the
countries under analysis cannot be totally excluded from the process
of development - that the countries to which they belong are
presently experiencing. Directly or vicariously, the swiddeners are
also drawn into the process, and are under continuous and systematic pressure to give up their age-old way of life and adopt a modem
style of life. To be sure, this may be desirable, but it is also a painful
process.
The essays from the five Asian countries contained in this
volume attempt to examine how swidden practice and the
swiddeners' communities have altered during the course of social
350
The five cases: An overview

change and development that these five countries have been going
through in recent years. In many modern states, social change and
development are seen as phenomena associated with the processes
of "industrialization" and "modernization". Economically and
technologically, the change is recognised as part of "industrialization" process, and socially and culturally, it is illustrative of the
consequences of "modernization". The socio-economic change has
naturally brought about changes at the personal level, in particular in
the sphere of 'values' and 'norms '. Such changes, through industrialization and modernization start, at first, usually in urban areas
and gradually spread into rural areas. Although flow of influence is
mainly one-way, from urban to rural, the relationships between
urban and rural sectors in the process of development are interdependent; what happens in the rural and tribal belts also has
implications for the urban sector. The development of the urban
industrial sector is based on the supply of resources - both material
and human - from the rural sector. The penetration of cash
economy in the rural sector, together with the rural population's
exposure to urban culture, has enforced the dependency of the rural
population on the urban centres. A given swidden/tribal community
can be seen as a 'satellite' or 'periphery' in its relationship to the
urban 'metropolis' or 'centre' in a country's context, while the country itself takes the role of a 'satellite' or 'periphery' vis-a-vis the
developed countries, in the global context. Indeed, the five essays
clearly show this situation, by describing how the export-oriented
markets of the countries affect the swiddeners' production activities.
While this study examines the practice of swidden in a wider global
context, the researchers attempted to look at the entire problem
from the swiddener's point of view, technically called the emic
perspective. It should be noted that the researchers have tried not to
pass judgement on swidden practice and the lifestyles of the swiddeners themselves from an outsider's viewpoint, and that with such
an orientation they have been able to conduct their studies without
prejudice or negative feelings towards swidden. Indeed, many of
them came to the conclusion that swidden is 'a way of life', and not
just an economic activity.
While one can see that issues relating to swidden cultivation
and its practitioners are sociological in nature, as previously discussed, one cannot ignore their close association with natural
sciences, in particular environmental studies, i.e. geography, ecology,
351

etc. In fact, the impact of industrialization has been creeping into
the forest environment and threatening its ecosystem. Deforestation
by logging, and devastation of forest areas by mining would seem to
cause more serious damage on a far wider scale than relatively smaIlscale operations of swidden cultivation. Bearing these issues surrounding swidden cultivation in mind, let us briefly summarize the
major findings of the five country studies.
India
"The practice of swidden cultivation in India is found in the

southern, central and northeastern parts of the country. In 1956,
109 tribal groups in 12 states in India, with a total of 2.6 million
people, were enumerated as being swidden cultivators." The highest
concentration of swiddeners is found in northeast India, from where
villages for this empirical study were selected. Two groups of swidden cultivators were chosen - Wancho and Digaru Mishmi. In
Wancho village swidden cultivation is the main or the only method of
agricultural practice. Although wet rice cultivation has been introduced and practised in some villages close to the plains, Wancho
never made the change to sedentary wet rice cultivation. This is
because there are no alternatives and thus no choice. In the remote
hills of northeast India, there exists no better alternative land use
system than that of swidden cultivation. Swiddening is the only
possible means of subsistence. The researcher found it difficult to
say that swidden practice had destroyed the environment. There
were no signs of air pollution; the swiddeners allow relatively long
periods of fallow; they did not destroy roots of large trees, which
helps in quick regeneration; and the Wancho people were aware of the
dangers of soil erosion and attempted to keep such dangers to an
absolute minimum.
The future for swidden cultivation, however, is not bright.
This type of cultivation provides little surplus for the improvement of the people's lives in the area. There is limited scope for
investment in agriculture. Specialisation in crops appears difficult
and no improvement in agricultural tools and instruments and
seeds has yet been m~de. Due to the very limited scope for future
development, the surplus wealth is used for purchasing luxury items
and there is little motivation for improving swidden. In addition,
there are growing pressures in terms of population increase, and
352

consequent scarcity of land which results in the reduction of the
fallow period. All these factors are forcing the Wancho to consider
possible alternatives. It is interesting to note that although the
Wancho would prefer to carry on with their present practice of
swidden cultivation, they do not want their children to become
swiddeners; their desire to educate their children is very stong.
As a possible way of solving the problems of swidden in the future,
the researchers recommended the development of scientific swidden
cultivation and forestry development with partial terracing and
horticulture. As regards the choice between in-situ development
and resettlement programmes, the villagers showed a preference for
in-situ development.
The case study of Digaru Mishmi presents a somewhat different picture. This tribal group gave up swidden cultivation some
time ago. The tribe lived on the lower slopes and could therefore
easily move down to the foot of the hills. With the help of a government agency, house sites, building material subsidies and other
infrastructural supports were made available to them. Although
their attachment to the land was strong, they gave up the practice of
swidden because the alternatives offered to them were more
attractive. In the case of Digaru Mishmi, the hypothesis that, in
primitive societies, the prime determinants of behaviour are social
rather than economical, does not hold good.
Indonesia
In Indonesia, swidden cultivation is known as Ladang and is
found to be practised in upland forests, imperata grasslands, tidal
swamp forests and in savanas on almost all of the major islands. "It
is estimated that in 1980 there were one million families practising
swidden cultivation on 34 million hectares of land." The swiddeners
are not all tribal people. Due to the Government's measures to
transmigrate people from densely populated islands to other
islands, the transmigrants to the uninhabited islands took up swidden
cultivation. Swidden cultivation in Indonesia produces not only
subsistence crops, but also cash crops. During Colonial days, the
Dutch and East India Company forced many swiddeners to grow
cash crops such as peppers and cloves. Today, the swidden farmers
in the more developed communities are often seen to be growing
such cash crops as coffee, banana and sugar cane. With respect to the
353

swiddeners' perceptions as to the adverse effect of swidden practice
on the environment, the group of swiddeners studied, the Buginese,
were fond to be mostly unaware of any adverse impacts of swidden
on forest ecosystems. Many of the swiddeners under study did not
recognise that swidden cultivation can cause soil erosion and floods.
However, the village heads and the district officers interviewed did
acknowledge the ill-effects of swidden on the environment, but were
unable to offer any concrete solutions to the problem. Due to the
rapid increase in population and the paucity of land available for
swidden cultivation, the fallow periods have become shorter. In
Java, swidden cultivation can no longer be practised for these
reasons. Before, when the population was still small and when
forest areas were seemingly unlimited, swidden cultivation did not
cause the harmful effect of soil erosion because the soil was continually covered by vegetation, and fallow periods were long. Swidden cultivation did not cause forest fires. However, recently, many
migrants have begun practising swidden cultivation without having
really mastered the traditional techniques, in particular those of
clearing and burning. As a result swidden cultivation has failed due
to fires and the uprooting of entire forest areas, without leaving
any roots to speed up regeneration process.
The Government of Indonesia has launched some development
programmes for swiddeners but these appear to have been unsuccessful. The projects do not take account of the diversity of culture and
traditions of different ethnic groups. Conflicts between new
residents, who were moved into the community under the resettlement and transmigration programmes, and the old residents have
been observed in many islands. A lack of experienced development
programme personnel and small budgetary allowances for big-scale
projects, together with the lack of co-ordination of different services,
have also been considered as reasons for the unsatisfactory results of
the programmes. For future programmes, the researchers of the
Indonesian case study have recommended the establishment of such
industries as wood working which, they hope, would divert the
immigrants and local inhabitants from swidden cultivation. At the
same time, they have suggested that the Government should make
further effort to improve the productivity of the soil in order that
the swiddeners may become sedentary farmers.
354
Malaysia
Swidden cultivation is practised in certain, although limited,
parts of Malaysia, i.e. Peninsular Malaysia and two states in eastern
Malaysia - Sarawak and Sabah. In fact, the government prohibits
Ladang or Swidden in many areas of Peninsular Malaysia. Thus it is
primarily found in east Malaysia. Efforts have been made through
legislation to protect the primary forests and regulate the growth of
secondary forests. It should be said that swidden is not exclusively
practised by the indigenous population. But swiddeners in
Peninsular Malaysia, "Orang Asli" in particular, are those who have
not joined the mainstream of Malaysian culture: they continue to
lead the aboriginal life style. Swiddeners in Malaysia are found in
hilly areas where the land is infertile and where swiddening is the
only feasible method of cultivation.
Research for this study was conducted in Sarawak. The ethnic
group studied is known as [ban who immigrated into Sarawak
more than four centuries ago. The Iban swiddeners tapped virgin
forests while the government encouraged the use of secondary
forests. The fallow period used to be between 15 and 20 years,
but this interval has become shorter because of the pressures imposed
by population growth and scarcity of land available for swiddening.
Swiddening for the Iban is subsistence farming. Products from
permanent cultivation, such as paddy, rubber and pepper, are
usually 'source for cash income'.
An overwhelming number of swiddeners interviewed by the
researcher felt that swidden cultivation should be continued. Interestingly enough, those swiddeners who owned large plots of land
for permanent cultivation expressed a strong desire for the continuation of swidden practice. However, like the swiddeners in other
countries, they did not want their children to be swiddeners. When
questioned on the resources that could improve their income, they
responded as follows: firstly, agricultural chemical supply; secondly,
better marketing facilities; and thirdly, mechanical farming and
credit facilities.
With regard to the needs for social amenities, health facilities
had the highest priority, followed by electricity, water and education
355

respectively. But the field staff of the development programme were
of the opinion that swiddeners would regard schooling as the most
important resource for improving their community; this would be
followed by water and health facilities.
One significant factor for the swiddeners in Malaysia is
"bejalaz"" or "institutionalized form of migration or travel to large
towns to seek jobs in search of supplementary income". Bejalaz"
has been traditional among the swiddeners: during periods of weeding or growing, that is at times when the work is mainly done by
women, the men are free to find alternative work in the village,
either doing any construction work needed by the community, or
they go on bejalaz". Permanent cultivation and bejalaz" are regarded by
the swiddeners as two alternative forms of supplementing income.
Some cases are recorded of swiddeners giving up their swidden
practice completely. These people did so mainly because neither
land nor labour were readily availabe for economic reasons, or the
men had all gone on bejalaz", and thus the villagers had to change to
permanent cultivation. This shows the supremacy of economic over
cultural factors. In some other cases, however, cultural factors
play an important role. Traditional rituals and taboos would often
interrupt farming activities, even though the main purpose of the
rituals, taboos and omens, was to ensure blessings in the form of a
good harvest.
The government is implementing an z"n-sz"tu development
programme. The government has tried to settle swiddeners who
form "the bulk of the population" and "live in more accessible
areas". "In Sarawak and Sabah several changes have taken place
such as more job opportunities for youth, the rechannelling of
swiddeners to non-swidden activities, and the acquisition of land
by Government." However, some government programmes have
failed mainly because the decision taken to introduce permanent
cultivation crops did not take account of credit and marketing facilities and failed to provide skills training. "The swiddeners have
also shown great reluctance to change their way of life and have
receded into deeper interiors for swiddening."
The Philippines
"In the Philippines, swiddeners are known as Kaz"ngz"neros
and the swidden plots as Kaz"ngz"n. A total of 164,635 families
356

(624,967 people) are estimated to be practitioners of swidden on
6,055 sq. km. of land. The concentration of swiddening is in
northern Luzon and in Mindanao where 24 per cent and 40 per cent
of the total swidden families are located, respectively". The study
for this project was carried out in an area northeast of Metro Manila,
adjoining the provinces of Bulacan, Rizal and Quezon. Numerous
rivers are found in this area. "Swidden cultivation in the Philippines
is divided into two major types: partial system and integral system.
The partial system has two subtypes - supplementary swidden
farming and incipient swidden farming; similarly, the integral system
consists of pioneer swiddeners and established swiddeners." Soil in
the Philippines is relatively infertile. This problem of infertility is
further compounded by soil erosion in the hilly areas which is
largely caused by heavy rains. The fallow period used to be three
to four years and anybody from the settlement, not necessarily the
previous owner, was free to cultivate the open ground. However,
things have changed. Swidden-at-fallow is now referred to as "owned
by its previous cultivator". Due to the increasing population pressure, even steep land is cultivated.
Besides swidden cultivation, the Dumagat in the research area
are engaged in various subsistence activities to meet their material
requirements: these constitute fishing, hunting, and food gathering.
As a source of cash income, rattan gathering has become a
major activity during recent years. This is not so much for local use
as for the export market. The rattan export market has increased
due to greater demand by foreign furniture makers.
The gravity of these supplementary activities is very great.
Hardly any measures to prevent soil erosion and ensure conservation
have been taken. This is mainly due to the amount of time and
labour required, which the swiddeners felt could be better used for
such activities as rattan gathering which brings immediate cash
returns. For the same reason, they no longer have time to produce
their traditional handicrafts. "They no longer sing and dance to
their own music as they used to. Their swidden rituals, so expressive
of the unity of the world of nature, of people and of the spirits, are
already being neglected. "
Logging is also becoming a problem. Forest devastation in
recent years has been very rapid. Precedent forest-cover loss (eg.
357

440,000 ha per annum) has been attributed to increased demand for
logs for export. Such intensive logging has given swiddeners greater
and easier access to the forest areas.
Despite government efforts to resettle the swiddeners on
permanent farming land and direct them to other economic activities, the problem continues to be intractable. Under a revised
forestry code, the government has developed a programme of agroforestry development, which would limit the areas for swiddening
and regulate its practice.
The future of swidden in the Philippines cannot be predicted.
To the poor, what matters most is survival, and for the poor in the
forest areas, swiddening seems to be the only available method of
survival. A Daumagat rightly said: "If we get lost in the city, we
will surely die. But we will never get lost in the hills and forests
which could provide us with everything".
Thailand
Swiddening in Thailand was originally believed to be practised
by the hill tribes in the north. In fact, swidden cultivation is also
found in many parts of southern, central, and northeastern Thailand.
However, swidden is most actively carried out in the northern region
by both lowlanders and the hill tribes. The lowlanders take up
swidden cultivation as a supplement to their permanent wet rice
cultivation or they move up to the hill areas because of the pressures
of population growth in the lowlands, as well as the scarcity of land.
The hill people practise swidden for their subsistence. In some areas,
lowlanders have become major swidden cultivators. It is estimated
that 4 to 5 million of the rural poor (out of a total population of 11
million) have practised some form of swidden cultivation at one time
or the other.
Some hill tribes, such as the Karen, have turned to permanent
cultivation. It is interesting to note that these tribal groups who
usually inhabit the higher land and who produce opium, were never
expected to change to permanent cultivation practices.
There are three types of swiddening, according to the length
of fallow period. The first type is short cultivation and short fallow,
which is practised in north Thailand where the population is dense;
358

the second type is short cultivation and long fallow, practised
primarily by the Karen and Lua tribes who grow rice mainly for
their own consumption; and the third type is long cultivation and
long fallow, practised by the Meo, Yao, Laku, Lisa and Akha tribes
who grow poppy as their cash crop. In addition, there are three
types of swidden farming, categorized by pattern of land use. The
first type is permanent or settled which is carried out by rural
lowlanders and some Karen tribe people who are engaged in wet
rice cultivation: the second type is rotation, mainly practised by the
Karen as dry rice cultivation: and the third type is 'abandoned',
mainly practised by other hill tribes who produce opium.
Swidden cultivation in Thailand has very specific national
problems. These problems are opium production and border
security. Resettlement and welfare programmes for hill tribes are,
therefore, closely linked to national security and the problem of
narcotics.
A case study was conducted in four villages among the Monya,
located about 85 km west of Chiangmai. The majority of the white
Meo in this area believe in animism. They are illiterate and suffer
from relatively poor health. Their economy is based on the production of opium poppy.
The tribal people in this area have been exposed to various
types of development programmes during the past decade. When
interviewed, the tribal people responded that the deVelopment
programmes have contributed to the welfare of the swiddeners, in
particular in the field of education. Communication between them
and the lowlanders has also improved. They also felt that the
development programmes would succeed in converting them from
swidden to permanent cultivation. While acknowledging government's effort in introducing new cash crops, the swiddeners, the
White Meo, felt that the development programmes have not been
successful in providing a market for their goods. The majority of
the tribal people disagreed that development programmes will
eventual~y cause the swiddeners to move away from their present
communities.
Deforestation by extreme logging and forest devastation by
mining are also seen in swidden cultivation sites in Thailand.
359

Summing up
In all five countries, there are still pockets of swiddening communities which are mainly located in remote hill areas who have
hardly benefitted from "civilization", from the introduction of
industry and technology. In recent years, however, effects from the
lowlands, particularly in terms of economy, have increased. Nontribal lowlanders have moved up into these hill areas as incipient
swiddeners or as a new kind of "exploiters" of forest resources
(logging and mining), or as government officers or religious missionaries. Thus an intricate relationship between indigenous swiddeners and a more modern or industrialized segment of lowland
people has developed. The swiddeners' existence is still very
marginal, but it is no longer totally excluded from wider society. In
a wider global context, swiddeners are placed at the junction where
different modes of production
from primitive to postindustrialized - meet. Integral swiddening has bem incorporated
into the larger economic system and the communities have been
assimilated into a national society. Such integration, with a wider
system, is a threat from the swiddeners' point of view. It requires a
drastic change in their lives, resulting even in their uprooting from
their native soil and requiring adaptation to a different social environment. Swiddeners will become peasants, agricultural workers and
hired labourers. They will encounter new ideas, new values and new
philosophies. Their traditional culture will collapse.
Swidden cultivation first caught government attention because of its impact on the forest eco-systems, i.e. forest destruction
and soil erosion. Government policy on swidden, therefore, was
initially legalistic and punitive. The newer tone is more reformative
and developmental. Reforestation, agro-forestry and resettlement
or in-situ development have become new elements of official policy.
In the meantime, development planning in recent years has begun to
emphasise the importance of socio-cultural factors and the need for
an integrated approach.
Land and land tenure are other problems which include a
fear of land-preemption by government and other concerned
agencies, the absence of clear programmes leaning towards land title
and fragmentation of land which does not favour the use of modern
360

agricultural technoglogy. The land problem is a very difficult and
sensitive issue because the land areas used for swidden are, in most
cases, in remote hill areas where access is difficult, and more
importantly, they are in border region.
The five studies are an attempt to look at the totality of
swidden cultivation and communities with emic view, that is, from
the viewpoint of the indigenous people, taking into account the
wider, national and global, socio-economic aspects. The studies
avoid extremist positions favouring either environment or culture.
Societies and cultures do not exist in a vacuum; these swidden communities are no exception to this. Man's interaction with the
environment is an important human activity which can be seen in
any society at any given time in history. And this interaction
inevitably involves "exploitation" of nature which is unavoidable
and, in some cases, necessary for survival. Today, natural resources
are exploited, in different ways, by many different kinds of people,
from swiddeners to multinationals. One can no longer attribute all
the responsibility of destruction of forest eco-systems to the swiddeners. Thus, the destruction of forest eco-systems should be
examined more carefully, taking into account all these elements in a
wider context.
Finally, questions regarding the future of swidden and alternative ways of cultivation in hill settings, should be raised for further
discussion. "Is swidden not the best and most rational way of cultivation in a hill setting? What kind of swiddening practices should
be treated as dangerous and what kind may be acceptable, if any?
To what extent should regeneration potential be the determining
factor for the continuation of swidden?" How can the conflicts
between development and the protection of the environment, and
development and indigenous peoples' identity and cultural heritage
be reconciled? What kind of development programmes may be
considered as effective? Or will this "primitive" form of cultivation
eventually die out in the face of the progress of society?
Search for answers to these and similar questions stillcontinues.
361
Researchers in the field, a relaxing moment.
362
APPENDIX
Research Design: A Comparative Study on Swidden
Cu Itivation in Asia*
Statement of the problem
Despite a long tradition of research on swidden cultivation in

anthropology, the existing literature has not adequately responded
to the new questions being raised today. Initially, swidden cultivation was studied (under the popular title of shifting cultivation) as a
form of primitive economy practised by tribal people in far-flung
places, living an exotic culture. While the philanthropists, who found
the lives of swiddeners to be hard and their standard of living lower,
were motivated by the desire to modernize them, the anthropologists
have largely been associated with "save the culture" movement. The
recent concern with the degradation of environment has, in a way,
strengthened the cause of the administrators and philanthropists by
getting an additional reason for shifting the "shifting cultivators"
from their traditional economy to some other modem form. It is
argued that not only the "Quality of Life" (QOL) of the swidden
cultivators is poor, they are also degrading the Quality of Environment (QOE). Several measures have been contemplated by the
governmental and non-governmental agencies to tackle the twin
problem of improving the quality of life, and saving the environment.
In the process, difficulties have been encountered: swidden cultivators resist the externally induced programmes of change; and some
scholars, including anthropologists, have argued that the decision to
change the way of life of the people practising swidden cultivation is
a hasty one and is ill-informed. The governments are gradually
coming round to the view that in many areas swidden cultivation
Reproduced from the Report on the Meeting of Researchers held in Bangkok from
19 to 23 April 1979. (Unesco RASSAP, 1979: pp. 25-39).
363
Swidden cultivatz"on z"n Asia

may not be totally stopped, may even have to be improved upon, as
all this' population cannot be rehabilitated in plain lands, where
population pressure is already very high.
Such a situation calls for a fresh investigation of the problem
in a social scientific interdisciplinary perspective. The proposed
project will attempt to respond to this new challenge. It will endeavour to do the following:
1.
A consolidation of the existing knowledge about the

people practi~ing swidden cultivation.
2.
A systematic empirical investigation of the process of

development in the area where swidden cultivation is the
predominant mode of subsistence.
Monograph and research articles are available on swidden cultivation. But these are discrete studies, and are largely discipline
bound: anthropological studies have focused on the customs and
practices and have followed the tradition of ethnography (of describing the eternal present); environmentalist studies have generally
ignored the people and concentrated only on the nature - made part
of the environment. The present study will attempt to fuse the two
perspectives and study the problem in a holistic frame.
As an initial step towards evolving a more accurate and a
common language for comparative purposes, the term swidden,
instead of the more popular terms shiftz"ng cultz"vation and slash-andburn cultivatz"on will be used in this research. The terms shifting cultivation and slash-and-burn cultivation, while describing cultivation
techniques, have acquired "disparaging connotation(s) which misrepresent the system".!
The term swidden specifies a farming
technology as well as a lifestyle based on a particular adaptation to
forest and hilly environments.
The adoption of swidden as the common or generic term does
not preclude, however, the use of the local terms not so much for
their ethnographic flavour as for clarity.
Each country study will have three distinct components, each
constituting a phase, and resulting into a separate monograph. The
three parts of the study will be the following:
1 G.L. Barney,1970. An Analysis of Swidden Cultures in Southeast Asia, Ph D
Dissertation University of Minnesota. (Micro mm), p. 2.
364
Appendix
Part I
Content Analysis of the Existing Literature on Swidden Cultivation: A Stock-Taking Exercise
Part 11
Country Profile of Swidden Cultivation
Part III
Holistic Study of an Area under Swidden Cultivation
Part I
Content Analysis of the existing Literature on Swidden

Cultivation: A Stock-Taking Exercise
It is proposed to survey the existing literature relative to swidden cultivation in the country.
The survey will address to the following questions:
1.
Which particular ethnic groups, geographical areas have

been researched and by whom?
2.
How old (or new) are the data relative to different ethnic
groups?
3.
Are there any shifts in the interest in terms of topics, or

tribes?
4.
What has been the volume of publications in different

time periods, and how many scholars have been involved?
5.
Who carried out the studies (in different periods)?

1.
ll.
lll.
which disciplines?
which nationalities? (locals - foreigners)
which professions? (scholars - administrators)
6.
What methodologies have been employed in the study of

the swidden cultivation, and what problems have been
encountered?
7.
What hypotheses/generalizations have been thrown by

previous studies and are they corroborated by other
studies?
8.
What gaps exist, and what priorities can be established?

365

For answering these questions, a comprehensive bibliography
will be compiled and annotations will be made on each study, covering the points mentioned above. The technique of content analysis
will be employed for trend analysis.
The bibliography will include following material:
1.
11.
books
research reports, monographs
lll.
Ph.D. and Masters level dissertations
IV.
official reports
v.
research journals.
(Popular articles published in newspapers and magazines will

be excluded.)
Writings of both native and foreign scholars .on the swidden
cultivation of the country will be included. However, if the native
scholar has also written on swidden in other countries, they will also
be included.
Part 11
Country Profile on Swidden Cu Itivation
The review of the existing data base on swidden has brought to

the attention the fact that none of the five countries has a comprehensive and analytical overview of swidden cultivation. Existing
anthropological and official reports are basically biased accounts
given by the outsiders. Therefore, they give us a far from adequate
account of the system in an integrated and pan-country perspective.
The country profiles will bring into perspective, the geographical and environmental zones in which swidden cultivation is practised; the demographic structures, the economic system and the
social organization; the areas in which swidden cultivators are considered to occupy a marginal position. It is beyond doubt that
endemic areas, practising ethnic groups and modes of swidden cultivation have changed, shrunk or expanded, through time. The dynamics of this changing process has to be studied and analysed. The
extent to which swidden cultivation has become part and parcel of
the exploitative capitalist economy has to be determined. How the
inter-ethnic relations and the new economic relations have affected
366
Appendix
the rights and position of the swidden cultivator? To what extent in
each country the conflicting demands of the ecological balance and
human happiness have been reconciled?
This study will essentially be a macroscopic one with historical
depth. And it will be based on secondary sources. A brief outline
of how the study will be structured is shown below:
Tentative Chapterization
Chapter I
Introduction, including an account of methodology

followed in the work. Brief summary of the previous
work done (resume of report on Phase I of the Project). Evaluation of available data from the point of
view of reliability, adequacy, and recency of information.
Chapter 11
Brief introduction to the country in terms of its

geography, demography, diversity 0 f cultures,
economy, polity, and the country's development
strategy.
Chapter III
The practice of swidden cultivation

1.
Areas where it is practised
2.
People (ethnic groups) who practise
3.
Typology of swidden
4.
Brief cultural profiles of the swidden cultivator

communities.
Chapter IV
Governmental policy towards swidden cultivation: A

historical review of the various measures taken by
central, state, and local governments to improve the
Quality of Life of the people practising swidden cultivation.
Chapter V
The present position: Analysis of the causes of continuance of the practice. Problems associated with
Chapter VI
Summary and conclusions
Bibliography
367

Part III
Empirical Study of an Area
Following an overview of the national situation, it is proposed

to carry out an intensive and comprehensive empirical study of
swidden cultivation and its impact on the people and their environment in a selected region. This study will:
(i) attempt to integrate the natural science and social science
perspectives,
(ii) evaluate and assess the contention of environmental
conservationists that this form of cultivation brings
irreparable damage to the existing ecological balance and
environmental quality as against the contention of some
social scientists that swidden cultivation is not necessarily
more pernicious, ecologically speaking, than settled agriculture, and
(iii) seek to evaluate policy and programmes of economic
development, such as, resettlement colonies, agricultural
incentives and co-operative credit and marketing facilities.
There may even be a fourth focus. For example, in
areas of swidden cultivation, mining, industrial production, and irrigation dam construction, etc., are taking
place, ostensibly for the development of the tribal area,
and in the interest of the country at large. Large scale
displacement of the swidden cultivators in the development process has created pauperization besides increasing
population pressure on the much reduced size of the
swidden zone. These problems will also be studied and
their impact, on the one hand, on the mode of swidden
cultivation and its ecological load, and on the other, on
the deterioration of the quality of life of the people concerned, determined.
Selection of Area
It may be left to the researchers to select the area of swidden
cultivation. However, the following criteria may be kept in view:

(a)
a sufficiently large eco-system,
368
Appendix
(b) population, predominantly practising swidden cultivation,

(c)
a more or less homogeneous culture, ethnic group, and

social organization adapted for generations to swidden
cultivation, and
(d)
admitting of variations, in the patterns of swidden cultivation, or as between swidden and other forms of settled
cultivation, mining or industrial sectors in the swidden
zones, and
(e)
admitting of evaluation of a governmental development

programme, implemented for at least five years.
All these above parameters may be taken care of by selecting

about five village communities for intensive investigation.
The area study will have the following parts:
1.
Overview of the area
2.
Swidden cultivation in selected villages
3.
Review of a programme of development
4.
Perception of the environment.
The overview of the area will be prepared on the basis of

available aggregate data. Beginning with the general description of
the area in terms of its topography, demography, economy, and administrative system, the study will attempt to assess the Quality of
Life (QOL) and Quality of Environment (QOE) in the different
zones of the area under investigation. The details of these indicators
still remain to be worked out.
It is suggested that quality of life must be seen not simply as a
state of affairs or as an end point but as a process: by this is meant,

that the levels of quality of life as well as people's perception of
these change over time. People's subjective perception of the quality
of life is of particular importance as this is often subject to pressures
from accultunitive forces which in turn could induce actual changes
in the quality of life. The interplay of subjective perceptions and
actual conditions examined within the framework of systems exchanges (between and among countries) will be investigated.
A pragmatic part of this phase of the research could be the
choice of parameters or social indicators that would lend themselves
369

to comparison between and among the selected areas within one
country and across countries. It is suggested that some lay indicators
such as levels of nutrition, mortality rates, housing education, income, health may be employed.
As indicators of the environmental quality, the following may
be considered:
1.
Erosion and soil fertility
2.
Hydrological characteristics:
3.
Natural resource depletion
4.
Diversity of flora and fauna
5.
Natural beauty, uniqueness
- run off
- suspended load
- water debit (fluctuation)
Village Studies: Scope and Method

About 5 villages are proposed to be selected for each country
case study, all within the same ecological area characterized by swidden cultivation as pre-dominant mode of livelihood. The villages are
to be such units for which adequate secondary data are available in
administrative records. The villages will be purposively sampled
representing major variations of swidden practices, different ethnic
groups of the area, and covered by a resettlement or other programme of crucial importance to swidden cultivators.
The proposed holistic intensive field study will seek to find
out:
(a)
the population and resource bases,
(b) the comparative productivity of various types of land use,

(c)
the extent of subsistence and cash crop farming and of

other means of livelihood,
(d)
the household resource management and village resource

management,
(e)
the quality of life for the swidden cultivators in the

villages,
(f)
the quality of environment in the village.

370
Appendix
So that, we may assess
(a)
the effectiveness or otherwise of government development programmes, especially, resettlement programme

for swidden cultivators;
(b) impact of the government policy on swiddens, forests and

area development in general and on the swidden cultivators and swidden cultivation in particular;
(c)
the opportunities for viable and acceptable alternatives to

swidden cultivation; and
(d) the reactions and perceptions of the swidden cultivators,

their immediate neighbours, development administrators,
at the various levels and state policy makers, in regard to
the viable alternatives to swidden cultivation, feasible improvements on the existing mode of productivity and
technology of swidden cultivation.
This intensive, systematic, comprehensive study will be undertaken by social scientists, aided by natural scientists. Observation,
interviews, participation where feasible, group discussions, survey
with schedules and involvement of the leaders and educated youth
among the swidden cultivators will be the major field techniques. It
is to be noted that involvement of the community leaders and other
knowledgeable sections in the research will not only guarantee the
validity and reliability of the studies, but also will give the swidden
cultivators an opportunity to gain a heightened self-awareness and
sense of responsibility for their future generations.
Case Studies
Since resettlement programme is common to all countries in
the region, case studies on resettlement will provide excellent material for comparison. The main purpose of these studies will be to
study the entire process right from the planning stage up to the implementation and evaluation of the programme.
Each case will cover the following items:
1.
Feeling the need for adopting such programme

How did the need arise?
371

What are the objectives and goals?
The variations from one area to the others
2.
Implementation of the programme

How is the organization in terms of:
structure (national, regional and local)
function
institutions involved (leading institution and
others)
decision-making process?
Budgeting system: sources and allocation
Description of the participation of the swiddeners
in the planning stage as well as in the execution of
the programme
Detailed description of the execution (government
support, selection of sites, etc.)
3.
Narration of the results:

Success, failure, and problems encountered
Modification made (if any)
How does evaluation process take place:
information system
effectiveness of the control measures
Perception Studies
For the investigatioB of perception of the role of the self, as
that of others involved in one's role-set related to swidden cultivation, interview - schedules will be used. It is proposed to construct
four interview schedules.
372
CONTRIBUTORS
INDIA
Professor Sachchidananda
Head of Sociology and Anthropology Division
A.N. Sinha Institute of Social Studies
PATNA 800-001, INDIA
INDONESIA
Professor Soetrisno Hadi

Rector, Department of Education and Culture
Universitas Mulawarman
P.O. Box 68, Samarinda
KALIMANTAN, TIMUR, INDONESIA
Dr. Satyawati Hadi
Mr. Rachmat Hidayat
MALAYSIA
Dr. Zuraina Majid

School of Social Sciences,
Universiti Sains Malaysia
MINDEN, PENANG, MALAYSIA
PHILIPPINES
Professor Ponciano L. Bennagen

Chairman, Department of Anthropology
University of The Philippines
QUEZON CITY, THE PHILIPPINES
THAILAND
Dr. Narong Srisawas

Vice-Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences
Kasetsart University
BANGKOK, THAILAND
Dr. Manat Suwan
Department of Geography
Chiang Mai University
CHIANG MAl 5002, THAILAND
OVERVIEW
PAPER
EDITOR
Ms. Koto Kanno

Associate Expert
RUSHSAP, Unesco
BANGKOK, THAILAND
Dr. Yogesh Atal
Regional Adviser for
Social and Human Sciences
in Asia and the Pacific
Unesco
BANGKOK, THAILAND
373
RUSHSAP SERIES ON
OCCASIONAL MONOGRAPHS AND PAPERS
1. The Social Sciences in the Man and the Biosphere Programme:

Report on Seven Seminars held in Asia, 1979.
2. Studies on Women in Southeast Asia: A Status Report by

Leela Dube, 1980.
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Volume Three, Empirical Studies

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UNESCO, UNEP, &#39;Swidden Cultivation in Asia&#39; (Whole Book, 3 Vols)

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Social Sciences in Asia and the Pacific

Unesco. Office of the Regional Adviser for Social Sciences

1. SHIFTING CULTIVATION - RESEARCH - ASIA.

Social Sciences in Asia and the Pacific

UNESCO REGIONAL OFFICE FOR EDUCATION IN ASIA AND THE PACifiC

The designations employed and the presentation of the material

Swidden cultivation was one of the several research themes

Swidden cultivation in Asia

Swidden cultvation in Asia

Define the scope of the study and identify researchable

Establish a common methodology of research, to ensure

Evolve a commonly agreed format for the presentation of

Review practical arrangements for the carrying out of the

Discuss other related matters.

Scholars from five countries of Asia were invited to join the

Despite a long tradition of research on swidden cultivation in

Swidden cultivation in Asia

A systematic empirical investigation of the process of

Monograph and research articles are available on swidden

Barney, George L. 1970 An Analysis of Swidden Cultures in Southeast Asia

Content Analysis of the Existing Literature on

Country Profile of Swidden Cultivation

Holistic Study of an Area under Swidden Cultivation

This is the first monograph in the series of three to be brought

Which particular ethnic groups and geographical areas have

Are there any shifts in the interest in terms of topics, or

What has been the volume of publications in different time

Who carried out the studies (in different periods),

What methodologies have been employed in the study of

What hypotheses/generalizations have been thrown by

What gaps exist, and what priorities can be established?

Swidden cultivation in Asia

Swz"dden cultivation z"n Asz"a

Swidden cultivation in Asia

There are two major areas in India where swidden cultivation is

Swidden cultivation in Asia

With the simple technology and division of labour based on age

Swidden cultivation in Asia

zation of work, swidden cultivation has been found to be highly

Land for swidden cultivation was village or lineage-owned and

3. Capital iqvestment was minimum and within the means of each

Deployment of labour beyond the household strength was avai

A large variety of crops is grown-at least six varieties of cereals

Same practice different names

Swidden cultivation in Asia

Kolam, Hill Reddi, Khond, Samantha,

Garo, Naga, Khasi, Mizo, Mikir, Meri

Kharia, Male, Souriya, Pahariya

Kunbi, Kokna, VarH, Mavchi, Bhii

Irula, Muduga, Kurumba, Kurichiyar,

Baiga, Madia/Maria, Gond, Mawasi,

Thakur, Katkari, Kunbi, Konkani,

Kuki, TangkhuI, Hmar; Mao, Maring,

Khasi, Garo, Jaintia, War, Pnar

Sema, Ao, Lohta, Konyak, Rengma,

Bhuiyan, ] uang, Erenga Kol, Kondh,

Sahariya (scheduled caste)

Tripuri, ]amatia, Kuki, Garo,

Aka, Miji, Bangro, Bangni/Dafla,

Mizo, Kuki, Hmar, Lakher

Swidden cultivation in Asia

The earliest writings on swidden cultivation in India go back to

UNESCO, UNEP, 'Swidden Cultivation in Asia' (Whole Book, 3 Vols)

UNESCO, UNEP, 'Swidden Cultivation in Asia' (Whole Book, 3 Vols)