CONCEPT OF POWER

By
Max Weber

Weber's understanding of power represents the most important point in his sociology of power.
No category cannot be seen Weber's understanding of politics, as well as its definition of the
state. Great importance has Weber's distinction between power and authority. The second part of
the text deals with issues of social division of power. As part of this exhibit is Weber's views on
class and stocks, as well as the political parties.

Key words: power, authority, legitimacy, bureaucratic power, a traditional power, charismatic
power, classes and castes, political parties

HISTORICAL CONTEXT THEORETICAL

The second half of the nineteenth century, the time of Weber's study and intellectual maturation
flows in Germany marked the historical school led by Leopold von Ranke. At the heart of this
theory is the notion of the direction of the country and that "state power" (Machtstaat). This is
one of the main reasons which could explain the rise and influence of the historical school in
Germany that time. "Power is as unifying and conquering power, obsessive subject of interest for
scientists and politicians' 2, because Germany of that time, not only on the long-awaited reunion,
but in relation to England, France and Russia, represent a kind of European periphery. So, the
obsession with the issue of power of the German historical school can be explained by a double
purpose: (a) internal, in the form of legitimate national-patriotic aspirations for unification; and
(b) outside, in terms of pretense to enter the circle of major European powers and participation in
the colonial division of the pie. For the unification of Germany is the most meritorious of
Prussia, who carried on the work pattern of "power politics" (Machtpolitik).
The next feature of the spiritual situation in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century
was a strong idealist tradition in philosophy and the social sciences, which are influenced by the
large philosophical and theoretical systems of Kant and Hegel.

SCOPE OF POWER
His theory of power, and political sociology as a whole, Weber devised the distinctive conceptions
of social action, social relations, and in particular from a single conception of politics, the state and
form of government. Let's look at its briefest form of how I Weber understands and defines the
broader conceptual frameworks within which stores and defines the concept of power as a key
concept of political sociology.

The forms of social action

There are, according to Weber, the four forms of social action:

1. Rational target: When the work (or not work) in accordance with the expectation of behavior
outside world and other people to achieve their own objectives which are rational weight;
2. Value-rational: when you consciously believe in ethical, aesthetic, religious, or other absolute
value of a certain behavior, because of the value and success of independent action;
3. Affective, especially emotionally: When the work in accordance with the current affects the
mental state:
4. Traditional: When the work in accordance with established habits and customs.1
The power by Webers concept is a form of social action in order to enforce their own will.
Obviously, each of the above four aspects of social action can serve as the basis and content of
the process of power.

Social relationship

Weber's definition of power, as we shall see later, includes the concept of social relations. The
phenomenon of power is, therefore, possible within a certain social relations. Under the social
relationship between the Weber means "behavior of a large number of people for its content of
well mutually adjusted and time-oriented. Social relationship consists, therefore, wholly and
exclusively in the outlook for social work on some (meaningful) way possible, no matter where
you are based prospects. "As he points out, Reinhard Bendix (Reinhard Bendix) power is, in the
most general sense, Weber's views, aspect of most, if not all social relations. One can manifest
the power of the market, for lecturing tenure at the evening reception, sporting or scientific
discussion in erotic or relative of charity". 2 True, he adds that the use of the concept of power in
this broad sense had little scientific benefit and usefulness.3

Max Weber, Economy and Society, 1976, Belgrade, Education, the first, with. 17

Reinhard Bendix, 1977, Max Weber, An Intellectual Portrait, University of California Press, Berkeley, Los
Angeles, London, p. 290.
3

Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber, an Intellectual Portrait, op. cit., p. 290.

Weber's understanding of politics

When directly asked what he means by politics Weber, in his famous lecture-Politics as a
Vocation, gives the following answer: "conduct or influence the conduct of a political
organization, in our case - the state". And he adds: "The policy will, therefore, for us that means
striving for the participation in power or influence on the distribution of power between any
states or between groups of people in the state in which they live". For Weber's understanding of
politics and the political process is an important concept and political relations. The political
relationship is one of the possible manifestations of social relations. As with any social
relationship, so even in the case of political relations meaningful content can vary depending on
the circumstances. Weber is illustrated by the following example: "The political relationship
based on solidarity, can turn into a conflict of interest". 4 If it is a social relationship in general,
and in particular the political relation, function-oriented intention to conduct own will against the
resistance of one or more partners, then it is about fighting. Unlike combat, competition is
characterized by the use of peaceful means. So it turns out that conflicts of interest and fight to
impose their own will is the essential elements of Weber's conception of power. Some authors go
even further, arguing that the concept of "resistance" ("resistance") essential for the
understanding of Weber's conception of power relations. In theoretical discussions of Weber
"insufficient and inadequate price appreciates that in his analysis, power and resistance to two
distinct but interrelated aspects of power relations", says JM Barbalet. 5 Here one can point out
one interesting, and in relation to the previous, completely different interpretation of Weber's
concepts of power offered by Vladimir Gligorov. Gligorov analyzes the competitive and
cooperative dimension of Weber's concept of power. While acknowledging that the definition
already see that the power of a competitive type of political values, and that the government has
a cooperative value, Gligorov comes to the following conclusion: "The power can be acquired
even in spite of resistance from other people, a bar with their consent. So, in the opinion of
Gligorov main special feature of Weber's concepts of power comes down to his understanding of
government, because "the government is cooperative power, by definition." Therefore, concludes
that "Weber's understanding of one of the most ambitious attempts to reject competitive and to
defend cooperatively understanding of power."6 In Weber's sociological categorization important
place belongs to social formations, such as family, church, state. According to Weber's explicit
assertion of all political formations are products that use violence. 7 When we say politically
influenced or made a decision then, according to Weber, is always thinking about the distribution
of interest, i.e., the maintenance and increase of power: "Who is involved in politics, tends
power: power as a tool in the service of other goals (ideal or egoistic), or power for its own sake
': to enjoy the feeling of prestige that it provides ".8 Already from these few statements it is clear
that in Webers conception there is a deep connection between power and politics, power and
interests.

4
5
6
7
8

Weber's definition of the state

Max Weber, 1976, economy and society, and that, Op. cit., p. 19th
J.M.Barbalet, Power and resistance, The British Journal of Sociology, Volume XXXVI, Number 4, p. 531.
Vladimir Gligorov, political evaluation, Op. cit., p. 88th
Max Weber, in 1976, Economy and Society, Vol II, Education, Belgrade, with. 15th
Max Weber, Politics as a Vocation, Op. chit. s. 434th

A similar connection with a category can easily be observed in Weber's general definition of a
political community, and especially the state. The term political community Weber implies such a
community by their activities manifest willingness to use physical, and even the armed forces to
the rule stipulated its participants a subjugated territory and the behavior of people who are
permanently or temporarily located on it.9 Thus, the "political community belongs to this
community where joint action involves coercion of its kind which endanger or destroy the life
and freedom of movement to those who do not belong to such a community, as well as the
participants themselves in that community."10 The political community, and the state primarily
expected from the individual to be exposed to grave danger if it is, perhaps, in the interest of the
community.11 Therefore every political community develops specific pathos and sets its
permanent emotional ground in what is called a common political destiny.12 A special and most
important form of political community the state. The state is one of the most important social
constructs, and all political formations are products that use violence. The state is, according to
Weber, one human community and her social and political entity that for themselves, and with
success, a monopoly of legitimate use of physical force. The state is a political organization and
political institutions: "One political organization with the character of the institution should call a
state if its administrative apparatus successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of
physical force to maintain order."13 The concept of state is hardly imaginable without Weber's
categorical distinction of power and authority. For the term of government and state is important
and Weber's definition of political groups: "Political groups should call the group that has the
power in the event that its existence and validity of its orders within a particular geographic area
continuously guarantee the application of the administrative apparatus and the threat of physical
coercion".14 The political character of the state can be defined only in relation to an asset that is
power, "namely in the way in which state power is exercised without taking into account the
objective which the government serves".15 If the political character of the state can be determined
only by means of a specific and necessary for its being, then it is the violence. Webber accepts
the saying that each state based on force. The historical peculiarity of the state is what violence
as a means, under certain circumstances is, it became a goal in itself. Aware of the fact that the
concept of state fully developed only in modern times, Weber seeks to define is in accordance
with its modern type, abstracting and leaving aside its contents' goals, which can be highly
variable. As the most important formal characteristic of the modern state Weber distinguishes the
fact that it has the administrative and legal system, which can be changed through legislation.
The main function of the administrative and legal order is normative: they have been oriented
group functioning of the administrative apparatus, which is also determined by law.
Administrative and legal system claiming to apply on a large scale for all and for every action
that takes place in the bathroom government.
The modern state is a territorial institution. It has character finally, says Weber, legitimate
violence exists today only in the extent to which it allows the state order and prescribe.
Therefore, the character of a monopoly of state power is an important trait of its present position.
9

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, Op. cit. p. 7th
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, Op. cit. p. 9th
11
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, Op. cit. p. 9th
12
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, Op. cit. p. 9th
13
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op. s. 38th
14
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op. s. 38th
15
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op. s. 39th
10

The basic functions of the state are, in Weber's view, the following: (a) the establishment of law
(legislative function); (b) protect the personal safety and public order (police); (c) protection of
acquired rights (justice); (d) fostering hygiene, pedagogical, social-political and other cultural
interest (the various branches of the administration); (e) and, in particular, organized violent
protection from the dangers of the outside (military government).16 Weber's definition of power
Weber's definition of power is one of the most influential and widely cited definition in texts
dealing with the analysis of the phenomenon of power. This famous definition is: "Power is a
prospect that within a social relationship will conduct its own despite resistance, regardless of
base in these prospects."17 In this definition, the concept of power, which in Weber's terminology
marks the German word Macht, there are several important points. First, the power to determine
the plausible manner, as set looks or probability, not as a strict causal link. Second, power is
established and implemented within a social relationship, and not in a social vacuum, or in the
case of an isolated individual. Third, the main contents or purpose of the power to impose and
enforce their own will. Fourth, the implementation of our own will take place despite the
resistance. And fifth, the power is established regardless of base in the prospects for its
realization. Unlike power, "the rule should call likely to be a certain person to obey commands
specific content". Here the term power denotes the German word Herrschaft, which has two
meanings: the rope, in terms of political or administrative authority or authorities of the State;
and beyond in terms of governance and management, powers and dominacije.28 Hence, as noted
above, often lucky score that is the core of Weber's political sociology of his government, and
sociology of domination.18

Weber Sociology AUTHORITIES

As for the government, as opposed to diffuse the notion of power, relationship management and
subordination has institutional framework, or in other words, "it means that the government
institutionalized power".19 The concept of government Weber used "in terms identical to the
authoritarian power of command".20 The excellent study of the sociology of Max Weber, Mihailo
Djuric shows the following basic elements of Weber's conception of government: First, the
power exists only within the framework of social organization. Where there is no organization
has no authority. Second, the government has institutionalized relationship management and
submission; it is the relationship between social position and not between personalities. Third,
there where there is a relationship of power, the distribution of rights and duties of both sides.
Fourth, unlike the power which is spread diffusely specific characteristic of power is to move
within certain limits. Fifth, social organization is the one that imposes, maintains and protects the
government, which means that the government punishes disobedience by a certain procedure.
If we want to express synthetically the way these elements, then we would have the following
Weber, could we say that the government most closely associated with the administration. "Every
government is expressed and functions as administration. On the other hand, each administration
16

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, op. p.10.

Max Weber, Economy and Society, and this, Op. cit., pp. 37th
18
Reinhard Bendix, 1977, Max Weber, An Intellectual Portrait, (first izdanje1960) and Mr
Wolfgang J. Mommsen, 1992, The Political and Social Theory of Max Weber, (first edition
1989).
19
Mihailo uri, Sociological Max Weber, op.cit. s. 147.
20
Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, op. s. 50th
17

needs an authority, because the management of administration must always someone at hand to
give any power of command ".21

Legitimacy COUNTRY
One of the key issues of Weber's theory of power is a question of ways and forms of social
legitimation of power. Weber's sociology of government is best known for the analysis of three
types of legitimate authority. These three types of power, and three bases of legitimacy of power
of command, are: affordable government bureaucracy, traditional patriarchal authority and
charismatic authority.
A certain minimum common agreement of members of a society and all significant social classes
in it, especially the underprivileged, is a prerequisite for stability and duration of each, even the
best organized government. This approval represents the essence of the legitimacy of each order.
Participants in social action, especially in the social relation, can be oriented towards the show
the existence of a legitimate order. The legitimacy of an order can be, according to Weber, is
guaranteed in two ways: (a) internal motives; and (b) the expectations of specific external
consequences, that is of interest situation. Legitimacy guaranteed inner impulses is based on
three grounds: (1) purely affective, the feelings-based support; (2) value-rational or belief in the
validity of the order on the basis of moral, aesthetic and other values that are binding; and (3)
religious, belief in salvation dependence of maintaining order.
Important pillars of legitimacy of each, and especially political order, conventions and law.
Convention or customs of ensuring that any deviation from normal behavior be disapproved or
boycott a certain circle of people. The right turn guarantees the chances of physical or
psychological coercion to punish violations of order and force its maintenance. Therefore, the
existence of the apparatus of coercion essential to the concept of rights. Those who can act
socially, according to Weber's opinion, attributed to legitimate validity of an order on the
following grounds: (a) tradition, as the validity of what has always existed; (b) the feelings or
affective beliefs; (c) a value-rational beliefs; (d) positively established order and belief in its
legality on that basis; (e) the agreement of all those who are not interested; (f) when the
legitimacy imposed on the basis of the authority which already holds over people and demands
obedience.
Thus, the existence of each order, and especially the governing order, must be justified by
reference to the principles legitimacy and authorities, or order. The need for legitimacy that is the
justification of political order exists in both positive and negative in the privileged group of
people and layers. "Each very privileged group develops, myth 'of its natural, especially about
his, blood' superiority. Even negative privileged layers accept this myth in terms of a stable
distribution of power ".22
Weber believes that there are three pure types of legitimate authority. The basis of the validity of
their legitimacy is based on: (1) the rational character of the force, that the belief in the legality
of legally based orders and the rights of the persons on the basis of them called to exercise
authority (legal authority); (2) the traditional character or the common belief in the sanctity of
tradition and the legitimacy of the people who are on that basis invited to exercise authority
21

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op. s. 51st

22

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op. s. 56.

(traditional authority); and (3) charismatic character, which is based on the extraordinary
commitment of sanctity, heroism or exemplary qualities of a person and order the person who
personifies (charismatic authority).
The main features of rational authority are continuously regulated by the rules of performance of
official duties; within clearly defined competence (jurisdiction); principles based on hierarchical
relationships of control and supervisory authorities; with officials who are professionally trained.
According to Webers analysis, the purest type of legal, rational authority is the authority which
is done through the bureaucratic administrative apparatus.
The primary types of traditional authorities are situations when there is a personal master of the
administrative apparatus, namely: a) gerontokratija b) patriarchies. Gerontokratija means a state
in which power in a group or community carry out the oldest, the best experts in the sacred
tradition. Patrijarhalizam means a state in which power in any economic group, primarily in the
household, is an individual who is determined to strict heritage.
Weber called charisma characteristic of a person on the basis that it applies to outstanding,
thanks to which it is considered that the person endowed with supernatural and superhuman, or
very specific and not all available powers and abilities. For such figures are believed to be Godgiven or that are exceptional and therefore these figures from the masses perceive as natural and
historically great leaders.

Social sharing power

Every legal system, especially the state, directly affects its shape on the distribution of power
within a particular social and political community. Weber shows how economic, like any other
power, distributed within a community. The real distribution of economic power, or wealth, takes
place in the economic order. In addition to the power and wealth Weber has in mind and social
reputation (prestige). Thus, Weber sees a connection between wealth (economic power), political
power and social prestige, but does not equate.
The way in which social prestige is distributed among the typical social groups in a community
Weber called social order. Following his logic can be a way of allocating power in a particular
political community called political order, or even narrower and more precise order of political
power. The function of the legal order that guarantees that power (political and economic) and
reputation (prestige). Weber key finding is that class stocks and the party most prominent
appearance of the distribution of power within a community.

CLASS, STOCKS AND POWER

The starting point in Weber's definition of class is the definition of class position. Under class
positions he means the typical outlook for supply of goods; gaining position in life; and achieve

inner satisfaction. These prospects are "the result of the degree and kind of be able to dispose of
(or lack of that power) resources or abilities and given the ways you can use to achieve income
or revenue in a given economic order".23 Unlike Marx's conception, Weber on class not seen as a
real community, but for him they represent only a possible and frequent basis of joint action.24
The concept of class he used to indicate the common and specific outlook on life more people who share
similar economic interests for possession of goods or income subject to the conditions of the market, as
commodity and labor markets. Weber says: "The class should call each group of people, which is located
in the same class position". He distinguishes the following classes: a) possessory class, which should be
called a class when differences in possession are primarily determined by the class position; b) the
business class, which should be called a class when the odds on the market use of goods and services are
primarily determined by the class position; and c) social class, which should be called the totality of class
position among which is usually very easy Possible and the typical way trade is conducted, either in
person or in a series of generations.
Possessory class Weber parts to positively privilege (whose typical representative of stockholders) and
negatively privileged, which is called, middle-class estates' (living of its assets or skills acquired
education). The same kind of division applies to business class, distinguishing positive privileged
business class which are typical representatives of entrepreneurs (merchants, ship owners, industrial and
agricultural entrepreneurs, etc.) And negatively privileged business class, which are a typical example of
workers of different qualifications (skilled semiskilled, unskilled). Social class consists, according to
Weber, workers in the process of automated operation, the petty bourgeoisie and not wealthy intelligence.
The essence of Weber's notion of class, therefore, does what he defines as a specific class position. Class
position is essentially the position in the market, more precisely the kind of looks like the market which
represents a common condition in the fate of individuals. Unlike classes, stocks are at Weber's opinion,
the real community, although often very amorphous. "Classes should call the multitude of people who in
one organized group successfully monetize your request to enjoy (a) special estates reputation, and
possibly (b) special feudal monopolies.25 Stocks are formed on three grounds: primarily as a result of the
feudal way of life (professional estates); secondarily, hereditary charismatic (hereditary estates); and
feudal political appropriation or high government (political and high stocks). Thus, in the formation of the
stock is heavily influenced by caste positions, which are based on the distinctive lifestyle, formal mode of
education or prestige on the basis of origin or occupation.

Political System I HAVE LOTS OF POWER

The third aspect of the social division of power make political parties. Weber parties called
associations based on free membership recruiting. Their main goal is that within an organized
group of its managers provide power, and thus its participants likely to achieve some objective or
goals to gain personal benefit.26 Party, according to Weber, can be relatively permanent
23

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, Op. cit. s. 241

24

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume II, Op. cit. s. 31st

25

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op.cit., P. 245th

26

Max Weber, Economy and Society, Volume I, op.cit., P. 228th

organization, but ephemeral and transient phenomena. Many, however, significant Weber
division on patronage, feudal control-class and ideological parties. Patronage parties are those
that are exclusively oriented to gain power for their leader and to ensure positions in the
administrative apparatus of its own members. Of class and class parties are mostly conscious and
oriented in the interest of certain stocks and class. Ideological parties are oriented towards
specific objective goals or abstract principles.
It seems less significant and not consistent its division game on the charismatic, traditionalist,
religious and party-oriented appropriation. Weber notes that the parties can apply all means to
achieve power. He is noted that the basis of political parties in principle voluntaristic, as it is
based on attracting free membership and support. The existence of the party confirms that
politics primarily business stakeholders, both economically and above all politically and
ideologically oriented towards power as such. Basically this means that political work and
activity in the hands of a few laps actors. First, there is the party leadership and the party
apparatus. Then comes the circle of active party members, who usually support the leadership by
acclamation. The widest circle make inactive combined mass of voters and voters, facilities, or to
be concluded by the target group to win in the time of elections and voting.
Finally, there is a relatively small and usually invisible circle made up of party patrons and those
who significantly financially support political parties. "Financing party for its importance central
to the division of power and determination of the substantive direction of the party of
action".27Although his analysis of the game very, critical, Weber correctly assessed that the
modern Democratic Party "the fruits of democracy, the electoral rights of the masses, the
necessity of winning over the mass and the mass organizations, the development of the greatest
unity of the leadership and the strictest discipline."28 Political parties in modern states, according
to Weber's insight, or are based on the principle of the organization with the patronage of the
services, or as ideological organizations that want to serve the exercise of certain political ideals.
In practice, however, most often on the part of the hybrid model, ie parties are both one and the
other. Thus, the party struggle are not only fighting for the objective goals, but also fight for
specific interests, and above all the patrons of services in the state apparatus. Weber notes that
because the party in modern times exceed the bureaucratic organization. In his opinion, the
strengthening of bureaucratization in the parties do not differ significantly from strengthening the
bureaucratization of the economy and state administration. In this respect, he accepts estimates
Ostrogorskog on strengthening plebiscitary form of democracy.
Parties, their leaders and their machines appear as actually plebiscitary dictator standing above
Parliament.
In terms of the social distribution of power can follow Weber's conclusion that the birthplace of
the parties in the sphere of power, that is in the political order. In contrast to the party, the
homeland of the class is an economic order, a division of spheres of reputation that is the
birthplace of the stock, the social order.

27

Eisenstaedt S.N., 1968, Max Weber on Charisma and Institution Building, Chicago and London: The University
of Chicago Press.
28

Mommsen Wolfgang, 1992, the Political and Social Theory of Max Weber, Cambridge: Polity Press.