Educating Muslim American Youth in a Post-9/11 Era: A Critical Review of Policy and Practice

Author(s): Sally Wesley Bonet

Source: The High School Journal, Vol. 95, No. 1, Education in a Post-9/11 Era: Remembering
Pasts and Charting Futures (Fall 2011), pp. 46-55
Published by: University of North Carolina Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41236887
Accessed: 12-03-2015 02:27 UTC
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Era:
EducatingMuslimAmericanYouthin a Post-9/11
A CriticalReview ofPolicy and Practice
Sally WesleyBonet
RutgersUniversity
sbonet@eden.rutgers.edu

Througha reviewof educationalresearchliteraturethispiece exploreshowfederalpolitics

and policieshave trickleddownintosecondaryschools,and whattheeffects
ofthesepolicies
havebeenon secondaryschools,payingparticularattention
onMuslimAmerican
totheeffects
youth.The main researchquestionsare: Whatfederaland statepolicies,specificallythose
constructed
as measuresofensuringnationalsecurity,
have affected
secondaryschools?What
are theeffects
this
on
Muslim
American
What
of
policy
youth?
pedagogicalpracticescan be
to
these
in
active
a
9/1
1
contextincluchanged engage
youth
citizenship-inpost
formeaningful
sionand participation
in theirsocieties?Thisreviewwillcritically
examinetheUSA PATRIOT
attackedof9/11,withtheaim
Act,a federallaw designedand implemented
aftertheterrorist
how
the
law
has
to
contributed
the
national
anti-Muslim
sentiment.
ofunderstanding
growing
that
this
law
has
contributed
to
the
Arabs
and
Arab-Amercan
Findingssuggest
over-targeting
of
and has had damagingeffects
on theireducationaloutcomes,psychofamiliesand students,
social well-being
and sense ofnationand belonging.
findingssuggestthatlaws
Additionally,
around
securitization
are
constructed
around
framed
problematicideologiesthatlie beneath
dominantand main-stream
discoursesaroundIslam.
Introduction:
Livingin a post 9/11America
The terrorist
attacksofSeptember11thon theWorldTrade Centerand thePentagon,though
nearlya decade ago,are stillindeliblymarkedin thelastingconsciousnessofAmericansand
people worldwide.The literaturesuggeststhatlivingin a post 9/11Americahas been an
increasingchallengeforArabs,ArabAmericans,and Muslimsas theyare oftenseen as the
and violence (Ajrouch,
"other,"a threatto the nation,and inherentlylinkedto terrorism
2004; Akram& Johnson,
2004; Jamal& Naber,2008). This challengeappearsto be especially
context(Abu
demandingforArabAmericanyouthas theynavigateeducationin thispost-9/11
2006; Zaal,
El-Haj,2006, 2007, 2009; Abu El-Haj & Bonet,2011; Bayoumi,2008; Wingfield,
Salah & Fine, 2007). As the mostvisiblehand of the stateand oftentimes
the firstone that
studentsencounter,public schools have profoundeffectson the abilityof studentsto
negotiatetheirsense ofnation,belongingand citizenship(Banks2004, 2008; Suarez-Orosco,
2001; Wingfield,
2006).
It is in lightofthegrowinganti-Arab
and anti-Muslim
sentiment,
(as evidencedby incidents
suchthebacklashagainstbuildingofan Islamicyouthcenter"near"GroundZeroin New York
toburndozens
worldwideafterthreatening
Cityand theFloridianpastorwhogainedattention
ofQurans)thatI situatethisliterature
review.1Throughthisreviewofeducationalresearch,
I pose a fewkey questions:Whatfederaland statepolicies, specificallythose constructed
1

Thoughthebulkofthisreviewis ofstudiesconductedin theU.S.,I also includeresearchfromCanada,wheremany

oftheexperiencesofMuslimyouthmirror
thosein theU.S. Thisallowsfora richer,morenuancedunderstanding
ofthechallengesMuslimyouthexperiencein NorthAmerica.

2011 The University

ofNorthCarolinaPress
46

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

EducatingMuslimAmericanYouth
as measuresof ensuringnational security,have foundtheirways into public secondary
schools?Whataretheeffects
ofthosepolicieson MuslimAmericanyouth2?
And finally,
what
can
be
to
these
in
active
a
changed engage
pedagogicalpractices
youth
citizenship-in post9/11
inclusionand participation
in theirsocieties?
contextformeaningful
The PatriotAct:FromFederalCourtsto Public Schools
The PatriotActis arguably
themostpervasiveofsecuritization
policiesissuedsoonafter9/11had themostnegativeimpacton Araband MuslimAmericanyouth.The
one thatindubitably
AmericabyProvidingApproUSA PATRIOTAct,an acronymfor"Unitingand Strengthening
was submittedseveraldays after
and ObstructTerrorism,"
priateTools requiredto Intercept
ofJusticeto increasethe powers
attacks.It was draftedby theDepartment
the9/11terrorist
communicaoffederalagenciesto conductsearches,use electronicsurveillanceto intercept
and detainsuspectedterrorists.
The PatriotActwas
tionsbothnationallyand internationally,
signedinto law by PresidentGeorgeW. Bush withinfourdays of its presentationto the
House and Senate.Doyle (2002),writingon behalfoftheLibraryofCongress,contendedthat
as well as
the law soughtto further
protectAmericanbordersagainstforeignterrorists
removethosefoundwithinits borders.Doyle also arguedthatthe law enabledthe creation
of new crimes,new penaltiesand facilitatedmoreefficient
proceduresto be used against
terrorists.
domesticand international
ofthelaw (Sales, 2010; Wong,2006) framedit as an
WhileDoyle (2002) and othersupporters
nationalsecurity,the law was not without
innocuousand necessarymeans ofmaintaining
criticsand opponents.Many opponentsof the act viewed it as a dangerousencroachment
on civillibertiesguaranteed
bytheBill ofRights(Vasi & Strang,2009).EvenDoyle (2002) recognizedthatcriticsofthelaw contendthatsomeofitsprovisionsgo too far.The act amended
whichprotectedcivil libertiesand privacyincludingTitleIII of
severalpreviousrestrictions
SurveillanceAct
theOmnibusCrimeControland SafeStreetsActof1968,ForeignIntelligence
forthisresearch,the FamilyEducationRightsand PrivacyAct
(FISA), and, mostpertinent
(FERPA)of1974 (Doyle,2002; Lugg& Soho, 2006; Sales, 2010).
affect
students'formerly
howthePATRIOTActmaypotentially
Luggand Soho (2006)highlight
students
and
their
FERPA
had
parentswithbroadpriformerly
provided
protectedprivacy.
records.
data
and
student
which
Accordingto Lugg and Soho, the
protected
vacy rights,
Generalto access and procurestudentrecordsif theyare
PatriotAct allows the Attorney
withouttheknowledgeofstudents
considerednecessaryfora terrorism-related
investigation,
in
these
involved
Due
to
the
or theirparents.
manypeople's records
investigations,
secrecy
weresubjectedtosearchesand subpoenawithouttheirknowledge.AccordingtotheAmerican
abuseand numerousotherswere
Union(ACLU)over7,000peoplehavereported
CivilLiberties
unawarethattheywerebeingsearcheddue to secrecyrequiredbythelaw (Vasi& Strang,
2009).
thepassing
The literature
suggeststhatthepoliticalclimateaftertheattacksof9/11facilitated
et al. (2008) contendthatcitizenssurrender
ofthisact (Sales, 2010; Wong,2006). Wray-Lake
in exchangefortheguaranteethattheirliberties
to a government
certainindividualfreedoms
will be secured.Polls (Pew ResearchCenter,8/18/2004)show thatshortlyafterthe attacks,
49% ofAmericansagreedthatit was acceptableand wise to sacrificeindividualfreedoms
As timepassed,however,Americansbecameincreasingly
critical
to ensurenationalsecurity.
ofthelaw and itseffects
on theirprivacyand othercivil liberties,
as evidencedby lowerpoll
withthelaw,whichby 2004,had droppedto 38%. Reportsoftargeted
numbersofagreement
as itbecameapparentthatthePatriotActdisproportionately
abusesgaverisetomorecriticism
affected
Arabnon-citizens,
ArabAmericansand Muslims(Salaita,2006).
2 Whiletheterm"MuslimAmerican
I intentionally
youth"encompassesstudentsfrommanyethnicbackgrounds,
use thetermin orderto includenotonlythoseofArabdescent,butthosecomingfromSouthAsian,Africanand
Caribbeanbackgrounds
who identify
as Muslim.
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The HighSchool Journal- Fall 2011

MuslimAmericans:TargetedCitizens
Anti-Araband anti-Muslimsentimentshave peaked after9/11 attacks(Akram& Johnson,
2004; Jamal& Naber,2008; Murray,2004; Salaita, 2006). This is evidencedby the violent
attackson Arabs,Muslims,SouthAsians and anyonewho "appeared"to fallintothesecategoriesin thewakeof9/11(Grewal,2003; Salaita,2006).Mosqueswereburnedand vandalized;
individualswereviolentlyattacked,mocked,spat on and even killed(Jamal& Naber,2008).
These hate crimeswere committed
by thosewho saw Arabsand Muslims(and anyonewho
can be mistakenforthemsuch as Latinos,Sikhs,etc.)as the "enemywithin"and lashed out
as an attemptto pay themback for"their"treachery
2004; Grewal,2003;
(Akram& Johnson,
These
hate
a
crimes
and
sentiment
Salaita,2006).
steadilyrisinganti-Araband anti-Muslim
are indicativeofIslamophobia,definedby Zine (2004) as a fearofIslam and Muslimswhich
manifests
itselfin oppressionand discrimination,
on bothindividualand structural
occurring
levels.This fearof Islam and its followersindicatedthatafter9/11,Americahad redefined
itselfand somehow,Arab Americanshad fallenoutsidethe boundariesof the "new" post
9/11-imaginedcommunity
of America(Anderson,1983/1991).
Grewal(2003) highlights
thewaysthatAmericaas nationbecamea siteforthenew articulationsofgenderand race after9/11.He arguesthatAmerica,as a nation-state,
experienceda
new formof nationalismthatbecame overtand accepted (bothinside and outside of the
nation)post 9/11.Arabsand Muslimsseemed to falloutsidetheboundariesthispost 9/11
nationalismovernight,
whichwas articulated
byhegemonicstatepower.Grewalalso suggests
thatthetransnational
of
figure the"terrorist"
suggeststhatsuch a figureis beyondredemption
and is of such highriskto the nation/state
as to be incarceratedor destroyedimmediately.
He thenquestionsthis newlyformedracialized formof nationalismasking"how thendo
we understand
theincarceration
and criminalization
ofcertainkindsofbodieswhichareidentifiedas inclinedto commitviolence or havingtendenciesof violence essentialto them"
(2003,p. 539)?
Thisquestionarticulated
of
by Grewalseemsespeciallypoignantin lightoftheover-targeting
Arabsand Muslimsin theaftermath
of9/11by federalagencies.Wingfield
that
(2006) reports
Arabs,ArabAmericansand Muslimsweredisproportionately
subjectedto a myriadofabuses
airlineprofiling,
detentions,
includingsecretevidence,denialofdue process,indefinite
illegal
and surveillance.Vasi and Strang(2009) reportthattheFederalBureauofInveswiretapping
and Naturalization
Service(INS) tookovera thousandtigation(FBI) and theImmigration
mostlyArab and/orMuslim noncitizenU.S. residentsinto custody,mostlywithoutany
officialcharge.Human RightsWatch(2002) confirmstheseabuses of detainment,
methods
of questioningand the secrecyinvolvedin much ofthe FBI's dealings.Salaita (2006) notes
thataftertheattacksof9/11,thousandsofArabsand Muslimsweredetainedin undisclosed
locationsand manyofthemwereheld formonthsin solitaryconfinement.
ArabAmericanswerealso subjectto clearviolationsofexistingprivacyacts,even thoseleft
intactafterthePatriotActwas passed.Lynette
ClemensonofTheNew YorkTimes(7/30/2004),
that
the
Census
detailed
aboutArabAmericansto the
Bureau
information
reports
provided
of
the
Arab
AmericanInstitute(AAI) of
Homeland
When
accused
Department
Security.
by
constitutional
the
of
Homeland
Securityexplainedaway
violating
safeguards, Department
theactionas a measurewithwhichtheycan identify
whichairportsneeded announcements
of Arab Americansis often
conductedin Arabic.This illustrateshow privateinformation
resulted
from
theseabuses,including
out
as
a
of
lawsuits
"measure
singled
security."Many
one settledin Februaryof 2006, in which the federalgovernment
paid $300,000 to Ehab
in
a
restaurant
owner
New
York
who
Elmaghraby,
reportedbeingphysicallyabused while
he was held in a federaldetentioncenterforovera year(Vasi & Strang,2009). Elmaghraby
and countlessotherstell storiesof extendedsolitaryconfinement
as well as physicaland
mentalabuse. Clearly,Arabs and Muslimswere disproportionately
affectedby the easing
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EducatingMuslimAmericanYouth
ofsurveillanceand policing.Howeverunsettling
theseincidentsare,it is arguablymorediswhen
children
and
become
turbing
youth
targetedcitizens.
MuslimYouthin America'sSchools:TargetedStudents
themanyinjusticesand hatecrimesArabsand Muslimswere
The researchabove highlights
thesecrimes,who
subjectedtoafter9/11.The lineswereblurredfortheaggressors
committing
Arabnon-citizens,
ArabAmericansand Muslimsfromthefundawereunableto distinguish
mentalistterrorists
who attackedthe WorldTrade Centerand the Pentagon.In fact,Arabs,
America
ArabAmericansand Muslimswereassociatedwiththe"axis ofevil" thatthreatened
and all it standsfor.The rhetoricand politicalclimateofnationalism(as evidencedby the
spike in the displayingof Americanflagson buildings,businessesand homes) seemed to
excludethosewhomightbe "associated"withterrorism
(Grewal,2003).As Islamophobiacontinuedto rise,theraciallychargedcrimesagainstArabAmericansand Muslimsfoundtheir
way intothe schools,and ArabAmericanand Muslimyouthbecame targetsof all typesof
abuse. Wingfield(2006) reportsthatafter9/11,Arab Americanstudentswere subjectedto
as well as physicalviolenceand even death
includingmockery,
manyformsofharassment
and studentsas well.
but
from
teachers
not
from
other
students
threats, only
The literature
by
suggeststhatArab,ArabAmericanand Muslimstudentsare over-targeted
and investigation.
securitization
measuresofsurveillance,
Luggand Soho (2006) suggestthat
theprivacyofstudents'records,whichcan be requestedand acquisithePatriotAct affects
In Abu
ifitis deemednecessaryfora terrorism
tionedbythefederalgovernment
investigation.
the discriminaEl Haj's (2007) workwithPalestinianhighschool-agedyouth,she highlights
tionArab and Muslimstudentsexperienced,particularlyin the wake of the 9/11 attacks.
Muslimyoungwomenwhoworethehijab (head scarfwornas a symbolofreligiouspropriety)
were especiallyvulnerableat theirschools. Abu El-Haj (2007) reportsthatseveralMuslim
veiled femalestudentswere harassed in theirneighborhoodschool, being told by their
withdisteachersthatthey"look like a disgracein thatthing,"while some werethreatened
was
discia
student
their
scarves.
not
remove
if
did
sanctions
Additionally,
they
ciplinary
"terrorist."
was
heard
his
teacher
as
which
the
word
for
"tourist,"
by
plined mispronouncing
This studenthad to resortto legallychallengingthe school districtto have the incident
record.Anotherstudentwas senttotheprincipalfordisciplinary
removedfromhispermanent
thetwintowers,despitethefactthatcountlessstudents
actionafterdrawingtwoplaneshitting
ofall ethnicities,
racesand religionswerereportedas havingdrawnsimilarpictures.A particularlydisturbingeventoccurredon the day of September11th,when an angryteacher
stormedintotheprincipal'sofficeand demandedthatall thePalestinianand Arabstudents
be "roundedup". To thistheprincipalmockingly
replied,"Andwould you likeme to puttargetson theirbacksas well?" (Abu El-Haj,2007, p. 303). In thewake oftheangeragainstthe
9/11culprits,some teachersand school personnelwere unable to distinguishbetweenthe
fanaticand radicalIslamistswho attackedthetwintowersand theirown Muslimstudents,
school.
causingtheirstudentsto feelalienatedand unsafein theirown neighborhood
In her researchwithhigh-schooledaged studentsand parentsin a Sunni communityin
the difficulties
studentsexperienceas a resultof theiridenCanada,Zine (2001) highlights
tificationas Muslims.While Islamophobiawas presentbefore9/11,and Muslim students
have longbeen subjectedto racializedtreatment,
theseexperiencesbecamemoreacute after
9/11.The studentsshe interviewed
and observedcame froma wide cross-section
ofMuslim
studentswhosereportedethnicities
wereSouthAsian,Arab,Somaliand Caribbean.Students
withteacherswho before
wearingthe hijab reportedexperiencingpatronizinginteractions
them
seem
to
their
difference
this
case
in dress)to foreignness.
difference
(in
knowing
equate
One studenttellsofhow teacherswho do notknowherspeak slowlyto heruntilshe replies
in fluentEnglishat whichtimetheteachersseemrelievedthatshe is "OK". Anotherstudent
speaks of the messagesshe receivedabout "whiteness"and how it is equated to all things
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The HighSchool Journal- Fall 2011

good and beautiful.Her darkskinas a PakistaniMuslimwas in starkcontrastto thisideal of
ideas thatbeing"brown"and
beauty.An Indianmotherspeaksofherdaughters'entrenched
the
was
a
barrier
in
with
Caucasians
who
are more respectedand
wearing
hijab
dealing
"listenedto". Youngwomenwho worethehijab had particularly
difficult
experienceswith
discrimination
as theyhave oftenbecome the metaphorof Muslimoppression.Despitethe
factthatmanywomenwear thehijab out ofa sense ofreligiousidentification
and modesty,
the dominantculturecontinuesto interpret
this as a symbolof coercion.Young women
wearingthe hijab have been exposed to harassmentin public schools by administrators
and teacherswho have said ignorantcommentsfrom"Are you bald?" and "Do you have a
head injury?"to askingthemto removetheirhijab or go home.
Researchhas establishedthattrackingis inherently
tied withrace and class (Oakes, 2005;
Rubin,2006). Zine (2001) reportsthatmanyMuslimyouthreportneverbeingacademically
students
challengedby theirteachers.When asked what theyattributeto this treatment,
reportedthattheybelievedteachershad lowerexpectationsofthemdue to theirminoritized
status.Many of themwere on lower and non-collegebound tracksdespitetheiracademic
worethehijab),had an excelpromise.Karima,a Pakistaniyoungwoman(who incidentally
lentacademicrecord,reportedfeelingthatteachersand counselorsdismissedheracademic
aspirationsdue to the misconceptionthateducationforMuslimwomenis not valued. Her
to graduatefromhighschool in threeyearsratherthanfourwere foiledby a guidattempts
ance counselorwho was unhelpfulin assistingher. He latertold her that"she surprised
him"withherpersistenceand that"she was verystrong-headed,"
displayinghis stereotypical
notionsofMuslimwomen.She also reportsbeingdiscouragedfromtakingmathand science
courses and being steeredtowards,general,non-academictracks.OtherMuslim students
trackdespitetheiracademic
reportbeingrecommendedto the general-level,
non-collegiate
achievement.
Zine (2001) also reportedthatMuslimstudentshavebeen placed in ESL classes,
regardlessoftheirknowledgeand commandof English.Sajjad, a Guayanesestudentwhose
firstand onlylanguagewas English,was placed intoESL upon his arrivalto his neighborhood school.He speaksofthedifficulties
thisposed upon his academicssincehe was "forced
outof"math,scienceand French,withno abilityto makeitup due to his presencein theESL
classroom.Similarly,
a Pakistanistudentwas placed in ESL classes withoutherknowledgeor
consent,despitethe factthathe was bornand raised in NorthAmerica.When his mother
wentto theschoolto questionthisdecision,she was toldthatherson had troublefollowing
directionsand understanding
instructions.
Whilethismightbe warrantacademicaccommodationsor even interventions
forone student,theschool deemedit necessaryplace a native
Englishspeakerin ESL classes. Beyondbeingquestionablepractice,theseplacementdecisions have significantly
negativeeffectson students'abilityto participatein college-bound
tracks,whichhave profoundly
negativeeffectson theirfuturelifeoutcomes.
Genderand Islam: ProblematicIdeologies
One ofthethemesthatbecameapparentthroughout
thisreviewwas thediscrimination
female
Muslimstudentsexperiencedin theirschools,especiallyforthoseyoungwomenwho wore
thehijab.Undergirding
severalofthedisturbing
interactions
betweenfemaleMuslimstudents
withtheirteachers,school staffand otherpersonnelwere assumptionsabout Islam as an
sexistreligion,one thatis oppressiveto womenand discourageseducationand
inherently
equal rights.The dominantpublic discoursearoundIslam and genderframesit as a product
ofoutmoded,backwards,and historicculturaltraditions.
thesediscoursesframe
Importantly,
Muslimwomenas silent,passive,invisibleand victimizedand contrastthemto "Western"
oftheirownagencyand destiny(AbuEl-Haj& Bonet,
women,who arefreesubjects,mistresses
Zine
that
this
discourse
is undoubtedlyhistorically
based on Orientalist
2011).
(2006) argues
that
cast
Muslim
women
as
backward
and
victims
(Said, 1978).
representations
oppressed
Haddad et al. (2006) further
of subjugatedMuslimwomen
arguethattheserepresentations
are closelytiedto thefamiliarportrayal
ofthe "violentnature"ofthereligionofIslam,and,
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EducatingMuslimAmericanYouth
ofIslamas a religionthatsupofcourse,itsfollowers.
Theyfurther
arguethattheseportrayals
used
to
of
women
have
been
the
by Americanadministrations
repeatedly
ports oppression
stimulatesupportforAmericanimperialistventuresoverseas.Haddad et al. highlightthat
oftheseerroneousand stereotypical
theunfortunate
conceptsofIslam has been
by-product
difficult
for
Muslim
womenlivingin the
life
more
and
misunderstanding prejudice,making
Westwho mustfightthe dual battleof dealingwithanti-Islamicsentimentsas well as the
assumptionthatIslam oppresseswomen.
prominent
Researchalso pointstothefactthatthebodiesofwomenhave oftenbeenthesitesuponwhich
battlesofnationalismhave been fought(Abu Lughod,2002). Zine (2006) contendsthatthe
Muslimveil [hijab]is arguablyone ofthe mostprovocativeformsof dressas it is oftenthe
ofIslamicgenderprejudices,like genderoppressionand
symbolofWesterninterpretations
bodies of veiled womennot onlyrepresentdifference,
to
how
the
She
subjugation. points
Westernnotionsof feminism
but also allude to loyaltyto a patriarchalorder,threatening
Haddad et al. (2006) contendthatthehijab is seen by Americansas symbolic
and liberation.
as well as a dangerto dominantperceptionsof secularity.They argue
ofculturaldifference
thatthesenotionsframetheMuslimfemalebody as a symbolofthe "clash of civilizations"
been used as a meansby
betweenWesternand Islamicnations.This symbolismhas further
Muslim
withtherhetoricof"liberating"
war in Araband Muslimcountries,
whichto justify
involveU.S.
around
the
discourse
of
the
Much
male
womenfromtheir
military
oppressors.
forinstance,has been about"saving"womenfromthetyrannical
mentin Afghanistan,
gripof
with
U.S.
that
the
the Taliban regime,ironicallythe same regime
militaryarms
supported
how
the discourse
This
to expel the Sovietsout ofthe country.
whenattempting
highlights
when
administraaroundIslam's oppressiveways is used selectively,specificallyat times
tionsneed to drumup supportforwars.
to thebeliefthatthehijab is an undeniablesymbolofoppression,Muslimwomen
Contrary
a means
haveused theveil as a formofpoliticalprotest(Mushaben,2008).The veil represents
means
of
and
a
bodies
of
women's
the
Euro-centric
ofresisting
norms, objectification
protecstatement
tionfromthemale gaze. It is also an anti-imperialist
gendered
markingalternative
norms.ManyMuslimwomenview thehijab as a way ofmaintaining
modestyand warding
with
in
accordance
women's
offthe sexualizingof
(Haddad
bodies,
religiousprescriptions
thatthehijab,whichis understoodby manynon-Muslimsas a
et al., 2006). This highlights
is in factformanywomena liberatory
formofoppressionand subjugation
practice,wherethey
statements.
make
faith
and
can statetheiridentities,
anti-imperial
openlypracticetheir
of"Othering"MuslimAmericanYouth
Discussion:Effects
The researchreviewedhere suggeststhatdominantand widespread anti-Araband antiMuslim sentiments,fueledby the discriminatory
practicesof agencies representingthe
whichled to the disturbing
These
arena.
school
infiltrated
the
have
sentiments,
state,
public
to students'educational
destructive
have
been
detailed
discrimination
of
above,
practices
of
and
sense
belonging.Wingfield(2006)
aspirations,outcomes,psychosocial abilities,
of Arabcontendsthatnationalsecuritypolicies have resultedin the civic marginalization
Americans.Wray-Lakeet al. (2008) arguethatyouth"learnwhat it means to be a citizen
througheverydayexperiencesof membershipin theircommunitiesand opportunitiesto
exerciserightsand fulfillobligations"(p. 85). When youthfeel subjugatedby harassment,
violence,and constantattackssuggestingthattheyare the ultimate"other",and outside
the boundariesof the collectiveimaginedcommunityof the Americannation-state,
they
are likelyto feelless obligatedto thisnationand are less apt to become civicallyengaged
and colleagues(2008) warnthatthe implicationsof these "othering"techhere.Wray-Lake
dire
for
are
citizenship;when ArabAmericanand Muslimyouthfeelexcludedfrom
niques
the polity,it mighterode allegiance to the United States and increasesallegiance to the
families'nativecountriesof origin.
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The HighSchool Journal- Fall 2011

This was clear in the case of Abu El-Haj's (2007) workwithina Palestiniancommunityin
theNortheastern
regionofthe UnitedStates.In herworkwithPalestinianAmericanyouth,
themselvesand negotiatetheir
Abu El-Hajstudieshow thesehighschoolstudentsunderstand
and the
the PalestinianAmericancommunity
identitiesas membersofthe US community,
Palestiniancommunitytheycontinueto be membersof remotely.These youthidentified
Due to theirfamilytravels,rangingfromshortvacations
as Palestiniansfirstand foremost.
identoextendedtrips,betweentheU.S. and theirhometownsin theWestBank,theystrongly
tifiedas Palestinian.Abu El-Haj statesthateven thoughthe Palestinianyouthare all U.S.
citizens,theywere also transnational
migrants.Many ofthe youthrespondedto questions
"I am Palestinian,"despitethe factthatall were
abouttheirnationality
withthe statement,
born in this countryand were childrenof Palestinian immigrants.When asked by the
researcherswhy theyidentifiedas Palestinian,and not American,theiranswersrevolved
aroundthe suffering
of theirfellowPalestiniansin the WestBank and Gaza.
Abu El-Haj(2007) suggeststhattheimmigrant
students'Palestinianidentitieswerereinforced
through
everyday practicesin theirAmericancommunities.
Youngmenand womenwentto
thelocal mosqueto prayeveryFriday;cross-gender
interactions
wereextremely
limitedand
closelymonitored;
youngwomenworethehijab;youngmenpassed timein local coffeeshops
withtheirfathers,
uncles and othermale familymembers;Palestinianyouthwho had immias well as theirU.S. borncounterparts,
gratedtotheU.S recently,
spokeArabicforthemajority
oftheirday,exceptwhentheywerein school;in laterspring,whichwas theweddingseason,
weekendsare bookedwithweddingfestivities
lastingseveraldays at a time.In theseways,
theseyouthexperiencedlifeas membersofan extendedvillage.In otherwords,theseyouth
were livingin a seeminglyalternateworld,one thatis quite possibly out reach fortheir
educatorsand otherschool personnel.
Accordingto Abu El-Haj {2007), studentscreatedalternateidentities,ones thatwere more
transnational
in naturethatdistancedthemfromthoseof main-stream
"Americans".While
is
identities
not
it
is
the
reason
negotiating
multiple
inherently
problematic,
whystudentsfelt
a need to identify
as "Palestinian"ratherthan"American"thatposes problems.Some ofthe
factors
thesestudents'abilityto experiencethemselvesas membersofthe"imagined
affecting
of
the
UnitedStatesare theirtreatment
community"
post-9/11in school by teachers,classand "enemies
mates,and otherschoolpersonnelwhichincludesimagesofthemas "terrorists"
of the state."These interactionscoupled withthe students'feelingsof being Palestinian
(despitethe factthatmanyare Americancitizensand manyare bornhere) complicatethe
citizenshipeducationofthesestudentsand how theycome to envisionthemselvesas active
civicmembersoftheU.S., as well as memberoftheirAmericanschools.
The researchofWray-Lake
etal. (2008) withseveralArabAmericanstudentsin publicschools
students'understanding
oftheirpositioningin the U.S. ArabAmericanstudents
highlights
reportedthatArabAmericansare perceivedas an "enemyofAmerica."In open-endedquesand enemies
tions,studentsmentionedstereotypical
imagesofArabsin themediaas terrorists
of
ofthe state,such as the filmTrueLies and in the countlessothermedia representations
Arabsas backwards,violent,dangerousand a threatto the "democraticand secular"West.
Wray-Lakeet al. (2008) note thatthissense of alienationfromAmericahas dire effectson
youth'ssense ofbelongingand citizenship;as Arab and Muslimyouthcontinueto be conbetween
sideredand treatedas the"enemywithin"and theultimate"other",therelationship
citizensand Americanpolitywill becomestrained.Youthlearnfromdailyexperienceswhat
it means to be citizensand Arab Americanyouthmustdo this learningin the contextof
negativeimagesofArabs,ArabAmericansand.Muslims.
taleofan Iraqistudentwhowas continuously
harassed,
(2006)recountsthedisturbing
Wingfield
who eventually
had his armbroken,and who was threatened
with
his
a
by
peers
beatingifthe
U.S. wentto war withIraq. The same child was oftencalled manyracial slursas well as a
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EducatingMuslimAmericanYouth
and "LittleLaden".In thislight,one mustwonderhow ArabAmericanstudentscome
"traitor"
theirplace in Americansociety,and how theyaremadeto feel"othered"in real
tounderstand
further
contendsthatthethreatofemotionaland physical
and oftendangerous
ways.Wingfield
who mightotherwiseexpressconcernabout
Arab
students
silence
can
violence
effectively
ArabAmerican
native
homelands.Accordingly,
in
their
involvement
dangersposed by U.S.
with
U.S.
to
or
seem
silent
studentsmightfeelobligatedto remain
foreign
policy,while
agree
in
this
herresearch
addresses
here.
Sarroub
theirownpositioning
to negotiate
(2002)
struggling
she intermembers
the
of
in
U.S.
witha YemeniAmericancommunity the
community
Many
them.
that
followed
anti-Islam
viewedfeltsilencedby the9/11attacksand thewave of
They
at
feltthatin thatclimate,especiallyforArabsand ArabAmericanswho becamehyper-visible
American
with
was conflatedwithagreeing
thetime,beingAmericanand "patriotic"
foreign
membersarguedthatone oftherightsofAmerican
policy.Sarroubstatesthatmanycommunity
citizenshipwas thefreedomofexpressingcriticismsofU.S. foreignpolicywhile remaining
safe.WhileArabAmericanadultssee beingcriticalofU.S. policiesas a righttheyattain,the
forAraband Muslimyouthwho are surrounded
case mightbe moredifficult
by teachersand
who at bestlooktheotherwaywhenstudentsare attackedor harassed.This mayresult
staff,
civicdisengagement.
and ultimately
in thesilencingoftheseyouth,disillusionment
Implicationsand FutureResearch
The researchreviewedhere strongly
practicesof policing,
suggeststhatthe discriminatory
Patriot
the
informed
as
federal
Act,which dissurveillanceand searchingby
by
agencies
for
theviolence,
the
tone
and
Americans
Arab
Muslims,setting
targetArabs,
proportionately
Federal
in
schools.
theseyouthexperience
and discrimination
harassment
agencies,oftenthe
wherestudents
the
site
which
is
punitivearmsofthe state,set the toneforpublic schools,
therealmof
within
is
are socializedintothenorms,beliefsand practicesofthestate.It here,
the
publicschooling,whereyouthlearnwho is deemedworthyand fallswithin boundaries
and school
of"citizen"and who is excluded.Teachers,staff,
ofthis"imaginedcommunity"
and sanctioning
wayspersonneldeal withMuslimAmericanyouthin oftendiscriminatory
as well as theircivic inclutheiracademicand psychosocialwell-being,
affecting
negatively
In the process,clear messagesare sentaboutthosewho are deemed
sion and engagement.
pushingtowardsexcellence,and thosewho are not.It is clearfromthe
worthyofprotecting,
abovethatMuslimAmericanstudentsare assumedto be suspect,less capable acaliterature
somehow"less American".The literature
paintsa bleak pictureof
demicallyand ultimately
how MuslimAmericanyouthcome to understandtheirpositioningin Americansociety.A
fewunsettling
questionsremainafterthisreview:Ifyouthfeelsilencedby theviolencethey
in
experience schools,how can theythenbecome activelyengagedin the social and civic
how will theyenvisphereswithintheirschools,communitiesand country?Furthermore,
of
are
surrounded
when
sion theirfuturelifeoutcomes
by images membersof their
they
and
to
national
security, ones to be feared?
groupas theultimate"other",a threat
Whilethe answersto thesequestionsare complexand requiremoreattention,I believe a
ofschoolpoliciesand pedagogicalpracticesmightplace us on theright
criticalexamination
that
track.As suggestedby Abu El-Haj(2007),educatorsmustcreateclassroomcommunities
in values,relithecapacityto speak and listenrespectfully
nurture
regardlessof differences
and politics.She specifically
opportusuggestscreatingcurricular
giousbeliefs,perspectives,
nitiesto discusstheeventsbywhichArabsand Muslimsbecamepositionedas a threatto the
nationstate.Safe spaces need to be createdin classroomswhereteachersand studentscan
eventin American
discusstheeventsofSeptember11, notmerelyas a tragicand devastating
in America's
and
Muslim
of
Arabs
the
redefined
events
that
as
the
but
positioning
history,
racialand nationalhierarchy.
Althoughthehighschoolis butone ofthespaces Araband Muslimyouthoccupy,itscentral
makesit an
a sense ofnationand belonging,
theirforming
rolein theirlives,and specifically
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The HighSchool Journal- Fall 2011

important
settingforfutureresearch.Additionalresearchneeds to be done withinsecondary
schoolsto examinesuccessfulmodelsofclassroomand schoolpracticesthathave facedthese
challengeshead on. Specifically,as suggestedby Abu El-Haj and Bonet (2011) we need to
examineeducationaldiscoursesand practices,specifically
analyzinghow youthactivelytake
the
of
inclusion
and
within
school
contexts.If we wish to create
up
challenges
citizenship
schoolsthataremoreinclusive,wherewe build diverse,engagedcitizens,itis imperative
that
we listento minoritized
and marginalized
their
narratives
and
youth,bringing
experiencesto
thecenterofclassroomdiscourse.In a post9/11America,it is essentialto listento Araband
Muslimyouth,criticallyanalyzeschoolpoliciesand policiesaffecting
them,and understand
how to ensuretheirmeaningful
inclusionand participation
in all realmsofAmericansociety.
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