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218598731

New Minneapolis voting rules

could diminish equality
Ranked choice voting appears to discourage and confuse
the less educated.
By Lawrence R. Jacobs and Joanne M. Miller

AUGUST 10, 2013 9:49PM

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WES KILLINGBECK, KRT/SAN JOSE MERCURY NEWS

Wes Killingbeck/San Jose Mercury News/MCT

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Rankedchoice voting was introduced to expand democracy and strengthen

citizens voices. But it may widen disparities in political clout in the
Minneapolis city elections this fall.

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The proponents of rankedchoice voting (RCV) praise it for a host of virtues

encouraging third party candidates, improving the civility and substance of
campaigns, and lowering the cost of elections by eliminating primaries.
Whether RCV delivers on these promises remains unclear.
But there is no doubt that RCV is eroding the practical realization of the
principle of one person one vote. Minneapolis elections will allow voters to
choose up to three candidates. The better educated and more auent will cast
three candidate choices, while those with less income and less education are
less likely to do so.
Just after the 2009 Minneapolis election, we conducted a public opinion
survey that revealed a series of startling disparities in political voice. Among
Minneapolis voters, 61 percent earned $50,000 or more per year; only 39
percent earned less than $50,000. College graduates made up 62 percent of

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voters; only 38 percent had less formal education.

Minneapolis voters indicated that they understood RCV better than those
who did not vote, and they reported feeling more interested in politics and
more condent in participating in elections.
Any eligible U.S. citizen can vote, but gaining knowledge about a large eld of
candidates and how to use RCV requires time and some level of analytic skill.

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Although more research is needed, these results may suggest that RCV kept
people from voting who didnt feel condent about their understanding of the
complicated system. The apparent eect of RCV in depressing condence is
revealed by a comparison of the Minneapolis and St. Paul elections, which
occurred at the same time.
In St. Paul, where RCV was not used in 2009, more than 8 out of 10 voters
and non-voters alike were condent that the election gave all candidates a fair
chance of being elected. Minneapolis oered a striking contrast: Only 67
percent of non-voters were similarly condent, as compared to 85 percent of
voters.
The low Minneapolis turnout in 2009 just over 1 out of 5 eligible voters cast
a ballot reected the lack of competition as incumbent Mayor R.T. Rybak
enjoyed a large lead in polls. But some of the drop-o from 2005 may also
have stemmed from confusion among potential voters.
Put another way, the long-studied barriers to voting including the diculty
of nding time in busy days may have been aggravated by what some
potential voters found to be an intimidating system.
Our concern about RCV widening disparities in electoral participation is
echoed by the Minneapolis Charter Commission, which reported a dramatic
increase in voting error in low-income, high-minority precincts [compared
with] white, auent precincts.
Are these ndings surprising? Absolutely not. They t into a decades-old
nding from research on voter turnout: Americans enjoying higher income
and education turn out at higher rates than the less advantaged. Rigorous
studies show that these disparities are produced by seemingly innocuous
requirements such as requiring registration to vote, when most of Europe
makes registration automatic upon birth. Education and higher income
builds a comfort level and analytic skills that are helpful for comparing
candidates and deciding which candidate best represents ones values and
beliefs.
The irony of RCV is that its eorts to improve the quality of elections may
end up inadvertently erecting yet another hurdle for citizens who lack the
time, motivation, and resources to master a complicated election process.
RCV may represent another unintended discouragement of participation by
our neighbors who are in communities of color and in bluecollar
occupations.
The cumulative eect of RCV may conceivably give citizens with more
education and income three votes, compared to less advantaged citizens, who
may stay home or choose to cast a ballot for just one candidate, as was the
case with many of the 6.5 percent who committed an error on their ballots in
2009.
The 2013 Minneapolis mayoral election may be a close contest decided by our
better-o citizens. Some may nd that tting. Others may worry about a
further erosion in political equality and balance that against whatever
benets may accrue from RCV.
---------Lawrence R. Jacobs is director of the Center for the Study of Politics and
Governance at the University of Minnesotas Humphrey School. Joanne M.
Miller is an associate professor in the universitys Department of Political
Science.
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