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Frank Yan
HIST 13100
Professor Boyer
Midterm, Topic #5 Discuss Quintus Ciceros Handbook on Canvassing for the Consulship
from a contemporary political perspective, with two specific questions in mind:
1) How useful would Quintus instructions be for a modern American political candidate?
2) How different is our political and electoral culture from that of late Republican Rome?
Thesis: A modern American political candidate would find Quintus Ciceros advice to his brother
Marcus in Handbook on Canvassing for the Consulship very useful because the power relations
between socioeconomic classes, the basics of public perception, and the inherent traits of human
beings are highly analogous between late Roman Republic and modern American society. In both
societies, politics revolves predominantly around a concentrated political elite, which plays a
delicate balancing role of both asserting its own will and appeasing or controlling the masses
through manipulation of public perception and opinion. The politics of the late Roman Republic
differ from modern American politics, however, in terms of the ability of common citizens to
form their own political opinions, and therefore the American electorate is comparably more
independent and powerful than the general Roman electorate.
The first and primary point discussed by Quintus is the exclusivity of the highest political
offices of the republic. Quintus first raises the issue of Marcus status as a new man or a social
outsider, in contrast to two other major candidates, Antonius and Catiline who are of noble birth.1
Underlying this contrast was the Roman norm that individuals of the noble class had a nearmonopoly on the most powerful political offices, primarily because the structure of the comitia
centuriata provided the noble Roman citizenry a majority in the assembly to select consuls and

1 Cicero, Quintus. Handbook on Canvassing for Electioneering, University of Chicago (1988), pp. 33.

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praetors of their own class and in their favor.2,3 The implication of this domination of the nobility
in politics is that a successful candidate needs to meticulously engage with the wealthy and
powerful members of Roman society. At various points in the Handbook, Quintus tells Marcus is
that he needs to obtain favor of those in the position and rank that he is pursuing, men of
eminent popularity.4 In other words, Marcus needed to make himself amenable to noble and
wealthy individuals, who can then provide him support in his campaign and more importantly
with the necessary votes in the comitia centuriata. Moreover, Quintus advises that Marcus
expend energy courting individual in proportion to the influence they hold in public affairs,
which again indicates that Marcus needs to focus primarily on the noble class, which holds the
most influence in public affairs. Overall, these comments create the impression that Roman
politics was very much an oligarchical system that revolved around a select nobility, and that all
political activity including campaigning had to be channeled through this class.
From a modern perspective, Quintus advice about being aware of the sources of political
power and winning the support of the nobility is just as useful for the American political
candidate who needs to gain the support of major interest groups, corporations, and individuals
in order to win an election. While in principle all American voters have equal voting priority and
power, unlike the inequality of the comitia centuriata, the wealthy in American politics steer
elections not through their votes but through their disproportionate influence on selecting
candidates in the first place. Candidates running for office require campaign expenditures beyond

2 McNeil, William. History of Western Civilization: A Handbook, University of Chicago Press (Chicago): 1986, pp. 135.
3 This essay does not address the origins of the Roman noble class, whether in King Romulus original Senate, domination
among ethnic groups, or early landed wealth. However, by the late Roman Republic we see that the noble class accepted new
members by wealth, appointment to the consulship, or military might (e.g. Marius).

4 Supra note 1 at pp. 34, 37.

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individual financial means in order to fund rallies, run campaign ads, conduct public relations,
etc. Since decisions in Citizens United v. FEC and McCutcheon v. FEC, the ability of interest
groups, corporations, and individuals to make virtually unlimited political contributions has
caused campaign expenditures to skyrocket.5 The only way for candidates to gain the necessary
resources to run a campaign and to remain relevant are to gain the support of interest groups,
corporations, and individuals, and in turn the wealthiest of these entities have the most influence
on which candidates can run for office.6 Because a modern American equivalent to the Roman
nobility can be found in this group of entities with the wealth required to run successful
campaigns, Romes fundamental power structure serves as an appropriate framework for modern
American politics. Therefore, Quintus advice on winning the support of the nobility translates
well into modern American politics

, so Quintus encouragement to Marcus about overcoming his status as a new man is still
applicable to modern American politics. It may be argued that in modern American politics there
is an occupational or professional elite dominating Congress and the executive branch. Nearly all
members of Congress and modern Presidents are college-educated citizens, with a majority
possessing specialized training in business or law.7 Like the barriers of a powerful family name
and wealth that defined the Roman nobility, educational prestige and the wealth required to attain
5 Total expenditures for presidential campaigns has steadily increased from $1.4 billion in 2000 to 2.6 billion in 2012. The
Money Behind the Elections, Open Secrets (2015), https://www.opensecrets.org/bigpicture/.

6 In what is labeled as the Green Primary by Professor Lawrence Lessig, 132 Americans contributed 60% of total funds spent
by political action committees (PACs) in the 2012 election. Lawrence Lessig on Institutional CorruptionCongress, Berlin
Family Lectures at the University of Chicago, Oct 16, 2015.

7 Manning, Jennifer. Membership of the 113th Congress: A Profile, Congressional Research Service, (2014), pp. 3.

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it are parallel barriers to political entry in modern America. In this context, Quintus advice that
personal ability and characteristics can trump nobility still applies to modern American politics,
since we see members of Congress and Presidents who prior to entering office were farmers,
retired football players, and firefighters, all apparently without professional degrees.8
Furthermore, not only is there an American occupational elite parallel to the Roman
political elite, but there is also a wealthy class of individuals and corporations in modern
America that exercises disproportionate political power comparable to that of the nobility in the
comitia centuriata. In modern America, while in principle all voters have equal voting priority
and power, the wealthy steer elections not through their votes but through their disproportionate
influence on selecting candidates in the first place. Candidates running for office require
campaign expenditures beyond individual financial means in order to fund rallies, run campaign
ads, conduct public relations, etc. Since decisions in Citizens United v. FEC and McCutcheon v.
FEC, the ability of interest groups, corporations, and individuals to make virtually unlimited
political contributions has caused campaign expenditures to skyrocket.9 The only way for
candidates to gain the necessary resources to run a campaign and to remain relevant are to gain
the support of interest groups, corporations, and individuals, and in turn the wealthiest of these
entities have the most influence on which candidates can run for office.10 Just as Quintus
emphasizes that Marcus should gain the favor of men of eminent popularity, referring to those

8 http://blog.constitutioncenter.org/2012/02/by-the-numbers-the-jobs-jobs-jobs-of-the-first-congress-vs-the-112th-congress/
9 Total expenditures for presidential campaigns has steadily increased from $1.4 billion in 2000 to 2.6 billion in 2012. The
Money Behind the Elections, Open Secrets (2015), https://www.opensecrets.org/bigpicture/.

10 In what is labeled as the Green Primary by Professor Lawrence Lessig, 132 Americans contributed 60% of total funds spent
by political action committees (PACs) in the 2012 election. Lawrence Lessig on Institutional CorruptionCongress, Berlin
Family Lectures at the University of Chicago, Oct 16, 2015.

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of the noble class who have primary power in the centuriate assembly, modern American
politicians also need to gain the support of entities with plenty of money.11
Apart from these analogies between the late Republic and modern America on power
relations and their implications for candidates and campaign strategy, the usefulness of Quintus
advice for modern American politicians on how to win political support indicates that the two
societies are also similar in essential motivations of its citizens. Quintus argues that Marcus
should call in debts and make as many promises as are requested, even when he may feel that
some promises cannot be kept or conflict with his own interests.12 Quintus comments are
indicative of the intricate web of clientelism dominant in Roman politics. The relevant
relationship in the hierarchical system was one where patrons, usually of higher social class or
greater wealth, provided electoral support and resources to political candidates (clients) in
exchange for political favors in the future.13 In this respect, Roman political culture was entwined
with arguably selfish motives, with the system of patronage as one indication of these motives.
While modern American relationships between political candidates and interest groups
and corporations are not formalized and bound by contract like those of Roman clientelism, there
is an unspoken system of exchanging favors in American politics essentially equivalent to
Roman clientelism. Modern American candidates need to make campaign promises on a very
wide range of issues to gain the support of various interest groups, such as issues of supporting
gay marriage, recognizing the Armenian genocide, establishing family visitation rights with

11 Supra note 1 at pp. 37.

12 Supra note 1 at pp. 38, 44.
13 Everitt, Anthony. Cicero, Random House (New York): 2001, pp. 30.

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Cuba, supporting internet neutrality, and so on.14 In line with Quintus advice, modern candidates
must make endless promises.
And while not all promises are kept, there is still a strong system of patronage between
candidates and the wealthiest political donors. In certain issues like corporate tax reform and gun
regulation, there are powerful interest groups who obstruct the passage of certain types of laws
such as increased tax rates or more rigorous background checks on gun buyers. Interest groups,
corporations, and individuals cannot directly ask for favors, but it is implicit that if politicians do
not act in accordance with the interests of these entities, such politicians will not receive
contributions for future campaigns, and consequently will not be able to continue serving in
political office. In this cycle of contributions and favors, the American political system is also
embroiled in implicit patronage, similar to the formalized clientela of the late Roman Republic.
To shift gears, the previous discussion on paying attention to political structure, political
powers, and methods of gaining support of the powerful provide candidates in both the late
Roman Republic and modern America with the essential tools to win elections, but this is not to
say that neither societys political culture did not value common citizens perceptions of
candidates.

In addition to the importance of interest groups, basic tactics regarding interaction with
the public continue to ring true for modern Americans politicians, because humans continue to be
inherently open to praise rather than rejection. Quintus specifies that even for the least dedicated
supporters, Marcus must contrive to make them feel that they are known, heard, and

14 Tracking politicias promises, Politifact (2015), http://www.politifact.com/truth-ometer/promises/.

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appreciated.15 Additionally, Marcus should not reject any requests for political favors, because no
one wants to feel underappreciated or rejected.16 This advice calls to timeless basic traits of
human nature that we inherently desire social attention, and that no individual wants to feel
inferior or underappreciate relative to others. Candidates in modern America continue to
remember these human traits, and Obama proved to be skillful at this during 2012 election, fistbumping supporters at rallies. This was a simple yet effective friendly gesture to show supporters
that they were being noticed and appreciated by the president, improving the presidents
connection with supporters on a personal level.17 In this sense, human traits have been constant
from ancient Rome to modern America, and Quintus advice continues to hold true.
Finally, public perception is important in both Roman and American elections, on the
fronts of public image and public oration. Quintus argues that when walking to the Senate,
Marcus should be accompanied by as many people as possible.18 This action provides a public
image of being popular, showing strength of the campaign as well as strength of the candidate. In
modern American politics, not only are images of large campaign rallies important, but the
manipulation of public image by political consulting firms has been so intricately developed that
every text post, picture, or video posted publicly is used in some strategic manner to paint the
candidate in a certain light. In other words, public relations is one aspect of modern American
campaigns that has progressed into even more of an art form in modern politics.

15 Supra note 1 at pp. 41.

16 Supra note 1 at pp. 44.
17 The Best Obama Fist Bump Images From the 2012 Presidential Campaign, The Huffington Post Nov. 14, 2012.
18 Supra note 1 at pp. 42.

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Public perception is also influenced by the speaking ability of candidates, as emphasized
by Quintus as a strength of Marcus and an important trait for modern politicians. The redeeming
quality that Quintus argues to trump over the nobility of Marcus opponent is Marcus notorious
oratory ability, proven through his years defending famous individuals in Roman courts.19
Quintus wants Marcus to use his oratory ability to charm people, to make them think that he is a
genuine and kind person.20 In modern American politics, oratory ability is especially useful
because of the speed of communications technology. Television stations constantly air clips of
candidates at rallies and interviews, and over time exposure to these clips impacts voters
perceptions of the candidates.21 Televised debates have been particular influential in presidential
campaigns, as candidates are known to significantly gain or lose popularity following them.22
Because of this constant monitoring of candidates, candidates need to be constantly mindful of
what they say, and being a skilled orator certainly helps.
One aspect that Quintus does not advise Marcus on but is an important aspect of modern
American politics is the substance of a candidates policy platform, which is in turn is also
connected to political parties. Even though politicians were divided among populares and
optimates, these were not political parties in the modern sense, and moreover membership was
restricted only to the noble class.

19 Everitt?
20 Supra note 1 at pp. 45.
21 Citation?
22 Richard Nixon sweat too much on television, made him look anxious and weak, leading him to lose the 1964 presidential
election against John F. Kennedy. The Kennedy-Nixon Debates, The History Channel (2015).