Contemporary South Asia

ISSN: 0958-4935 (Print) 1469-364X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsa20

BR Ambedkar and the history of

constitutionalizing India
Bidyut Chakrabarty
To cite this article: Bidyut Chakrabarty (2016) BR Ambedkar and the history
of constitutionalizing India, Contemporary South Asia, 24:2, 133-148, DOI:
10.1080/09584935.2016.1195338
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1195338

Published online: 19 Aug 2016.

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Date: 20 August 2016, At: 06:40

Contemporary South Asia, 2016

Vol. 24, No. 2, 133148, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1195338

BR Ambedkar and the history of constitutionalizing India

Bidyut Chakrabarty*
Department of Political Science, University of Delhi, Delhi, India
BR Ambedkar is usually projected as a protagonist of social justice. But equally
important was his role in constitutionalizing India, evident rst in his witness to the
1919 Southborough Committee on Franchise, followed by his intervention in the
1930 Round Table Conference in London, where he defended compensatory
discrimination for the untouchables in opposition to the Gandhi. The article argues
that in so doing Ambedkar was evidently inuenced by his teacher at the University
of Columbia, John Dewey, who taught him the ner principles of liberalism. By
comparing the views of Gandhi and Ambedkar on separate electorates and
reservation, the article pursues the argument that unlike the former, Babasaheb sought
to transform society through politics which, to him, meant the consolidation of
constitutional values or endosmosis, or, to borrow George Grotes expression,
constitutional morality. On the basis of a thorough analysis of the principal arguments
that he made to defend constitutional protection for compensatory discrimination, this
article provides valuable insights showing the analytical basis of Babasahebs notion
of social justice. Furthermore, his defence of liberal constitutional values also laid the
foundation of a unique moral and political framework for public reasoning, a
contribution that has not been adequately recognized in contemporary scholarship on
Dalits, BR Ambedkar or social discrimination.
Keywords: constitutional morality; caste hierarchy; social endosmosis; separate electorate;
social justice; untouchability

The aim of the article is to understand Ambedkars distinct contribution to constitutionalizing India since the 1919 Southborough Committee, where he strongly argued for universal
adult franchise and reservations for untouchables and other religious communities. On the
basis of an analysis of the arguments that Ambedkar put forward before the 1919 Southborough Committee and 1931 Round Table Conference the article makes the argument that
Ambedkar, true to his liberal faith, upheld constitutionalism as a form of protection
against caste-driven social discrimination. As an avowed supporter of equality, he rejected
liberal amnesia about the dogma-based-birth-driven social segregation which, in his view,
was contrary to the fundamental ethos of liberalism. He strongly felt that the social order of
caste was antithetical to the political institutions of democracy. Hence, so long as this hierarchical social structure existed, equality, in its substantial sense, would remain elusive.
This was a powerful theoretical critique of the Gandhi-led dominant nationalist discourse,
in which varnashrama was defended, debateably in order not to weaken the multicultural
anti-British political platform. The article argues that Ambedkar fullled a historical role,

*Email: sanchitabidyut.chakrabarty@gmail.com
2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

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B. Chakrabarty

along with other Congress stalwarts, in creating a space for liberal constitutional values to
take root in India long before 1946 when the Constituent Assembly met for the rst time to
produce the 1950 constitution for independent India.
Even a cursory look at the provisions of independent Indias constitution and the debates
in the Constituent Assembly reveals that constitutional liberalism prevailed over other ideological considerations. It is therefore not surprising that the 1950 Constitution of India contains provisions which draw on the Western Enlightenment and liberal traditions. Being the
chairman of the drafting committee, BR Ambedkar had a critical role, unconditionally supported by his colleagues who were equally keen in casting the Constitution of India in
liberal mould. His arguments in favour of constitutional liberalism can also be read as an
endeavour to promote social endosmosis in a context of well-entrenched caste prejudices
against the untouchables. On the basis of his arguments, the article makes the point that
the Constitution of India also drew on the ideas that Ambedkar developed while defending
what Galanter calls compensatory discrimination (1984, 551559). The aim here is to
understand how BR Ambedkar created and also expanded normative spaces involving not
just equality, liberty and rights, but also self-respect and dignity for the historically disadvantaged segments of the population. There is a caveat here, because Ambedkars notion of constitutional liberalism can be said to have redened its basic thrust by insisting on the group
autonomy and dignity (and not merely individual autonomy and dignity) against coercion,
whatever the source the state, society or any other institution. The idea was codied in
the 1950 Constitution of independent India, which created a template for liberty, equality
and fraternity regardless of class, clan and ethnicity.
In order to understand Ambedkars contextual constitutionalizing role, the paper draws
on his testimony before the 1919 Southborough Committee and his written intervention in
the 1931 Round Table Conference, besides innumerable texts that he prepared in his
defence. By focusing on these relatively less publicized textual defences, the article
seeks to ll a gap in our understanding of Ambedkars critical role in constitutionalizing
India, following the well-established ethos of liberalism of the western variety.

Intellectual genealogy
It is difcult to cast BR Ambedkar in a specic intellectual mould because he, despite being
appreciative of Western liberal values, seemed to have reinvented its texture in the changed
environment of Indian nationalism; an environment which was, he believed, deeply fractured along caste, class and ethnic axes. This is also true of other nationalist leaders, including Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, because signicant liberal elements were present in
their ideas, including
an emphasis on the individual as the basic unit of the political community; on moral universalism that transcended differences of race, nationality and religion; and a belief in progress
through individual self-development, as well as in a limited state that respected the civil and
political liberties of citizens. (Bajpai 2012, 68)

Contrarily, BR Ambedkar, just like his mentor, MG Ranade, argued for greater state intervention for economic and social advancement because he felt that a strong state was needed
for safeguarding the interests of the downtrodden castes (cited in Bajpai 2012, 65). This
stands in contradiction to the basic liberal principle advocating the idea of a restricted state
as a guarantee for individual freedom. A radical liberal, as Ambedkar is dubbed by Bajpai
(2012, 70), he justied the importance of a strong state because unless the state was roused

Contemporary South Asia

135

to and empowered to intervene, liberal ends would not be achieved, and individuals would
remain trapped in oppressive traditions and exploitative relations (Bajpai 2012, 74). Unlike
classical liberals, Ambedkar defended an interventionist state as perhaps the only tool to
realize liberalism in its true form. He diverged, argued Chris Bayly, from classic liberalism
in his concern to make the state work for the underprivileged (2012, 305). But wherever
such a pivotal role for the state is alluded to, it is based on the premise of a regime of rights
that suggested the reasons and limits of state intervention (Rodrigues 2004, 22). So, it was
not an absolutist state that he favoured. He made this argument in conjunction with his suggestions for checks and balances for a majoritarian state with partisan goals. One discerns
here his commitment to the institutional parameters of liberalism. Hence he qualied majoritarinism with strong grids of the rule of law, special privileges to minorities and the existence of a civil society which could nurture [equality regardless of class, caste and ethnicity]
as a civic virtue (Rodrigues 2004, 22). The description of Ambedkar being a radical liberal
seems apt given the fact that he reinvented liberalism in a radical way by privileging the role
of the state, which was contrary to the basic liberal ethos. His main concern was to create a
social environment in which discrimination which is feared shall not take place (Ambedkar [1930] 2013, 23). And the state, which is sensitive to the conditions that he laid out,
appeared to be the only available instrument for change.
Ambedkar was heavily inuenced by his teacher at Columbia University, John Dewey, in
terms of his approach to change as a fundamental facet of life, and that there was nothing in
life which was sacrosanct. Ambedkar acknowledged his debt to Dewey by quoting extensively from his text Democracy and Education (Dewey 1916) in the nal section of the
Annihilation of Caste, and reected his views when he advised caste Hindus to discard
much of what they considered as their heritage since it dehumanizes a large section of
their brethren. As he stated, the Hindus must consider whether they should conserve the
whole of their heritage or select what is helpful and transmit to future generations only
that much and no more (Ambedkar 1936 [2007], 11). He also questioned the tendencies
towards worshipping the past as inherently retrogressive. Following Dewey, he argued that
an individual can live only in the present. The present is not just something which comes after
the past; much less something produced by it. It is what life is in leaving the past behind it. The
study of past products will not help us to understand the past. A knowledge of the past and its
heritage is of great signicance when it enters into the present, but not otherwise. And the
mistake of making the records and remains of the past [a determinant of the present] tends
to make (sic) the past a rival of the present and the present a more or less futile imitation of
the past. (Ambedkar 1936 [2007], 53)

Hence, an uncritical dependence on the past makes the present look empty and future
distantly connected. Instead of inculcating healthy practices, such an endeavour was inimical to progress and [was] a hindrance to a strong and a steady current of life (Ambedkar
1936 [2007], 51).
So what was the alternative that Ambedkar sought to build on the basis of his understanding of Deweys critique of dependence on the past? Ambedkars answer was to
create space for social endosmosis to strike roots, because he believed that without
holding an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellowmen substantial equality
remained distant (Ambedkar 1936 [2007], 51). This sentiment was echoed in his address
to the Constituent Assembly in 1948 when he said that
it is for the majority to realize its duty not to discriminate against minorities. Whether the minorities will continue or will vanish must depend upon this habit of the majority. The moment the

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B. Chakrabarty

majority loses the habit of discriminating against the minority, the minorities can have no
ground to exist. They will vanish. (Ambedkar 1948, 39)

Here too, Ambedkar echoed Deweys understanding of democracy which, in the latters
perception, was more than a form of government [because] it is primarily a mode of
associated living, of conjoint communicated experience denoting a greater diversity
of stimuli to which an individual has to respond (Dewey 1916, 101). He reproduced
the Dewey formulation verbatim in his defence by saying that democracy is not
merely a form of government, [but also] a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience [with] an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellowmen
(Ambedkar 1936 [2007], 81). This was not possible because Hindus and the Untouchables are divided by a fence of barbed wire [which] is actually a cordon sanitaire which
the Untouchables have never been allowed to cross and can never hope to cross(Ambedkar 1945 [1991], 187). So, there is no scope for social endosmosis to evolve,
simply because the social reality is alarmingly fragmented. In these circumstances, political freedom meant liberty to the strong and powerful to suppress the weak and the
down-trodden [because] what a caste or a combination of castes regard as their own
interests as against other castes remains as sacred and inviolate as ever (Ambedkar
1945 [1991], 101). How to guarantee political freedom regardless of castes? Here
Ambedkar responded in the language of Dewey by saying that the paper rights (codied in the constitution) were futile because 99 percent of the people in India are not
going to allow me to exercise those rights (Ambedkar 1930 [2011], 538). Hence he
was insistent on constitutional safeguards in the form of stern punishments once his
rights were infringed and violated.
Even this was not enough though, because of the prejudiced mindset of the caste
Hindus. In his presidential speech at the Mahar Satyagraha Conference in 1927, he elaborated his point by saying that
constitutional provisions are not adequate to remove the sources of prejudices; it will remove
Untouchability in the outer world, but not from inside the house; for that, the ban on inter-caste
marriage will have to be removed; only then, Untouchability will vanish from inside the house.
(Ambedkar [1927] 2013, 97)

In order to bolster his argument, he further mentioned on another occasion that

nothing can do this more effectively, in my opinion, than the admission of the Depressed
Classes to the houses of the caste Hindus as guests or servants. The live contact this established
will familiarize both to a common and associated life and will pave the way for that unity which
we are all striving after. (Ambedkar 1945 [1991], 138)

The primary purpose of Ambedkar was to create conditions for social endosmosis as a key
to the removal of the sources of untouchability. He was committed to this purpose even
when he presented the 1950 Constitution of India to the nation. Here too it was Dewey
who provided him with ideological support in favour of his argument for social democracy,
perceived as a broader and more resonant aspiration than political democracy.
Like his academic mentor, Ambedkar also believed in the supremacy of constitutional
values in democratic political systems. Mere codication of laws was not enough. Ambedkar argued that it was of primary importance that there is public conscience to behave in
accordance with Constitutional provisions [which] is more important that the Constitution
itself. In continuation of the argument, he further stated that

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137

The principles of democracy are for the people to respect the system of formation of Government, observance of laws, habit of independent thinking and respect for observance of laws of
the majority. (Ambedkar 2013, 537)

Ambedkar cited civility as critical for the survival of democracy, and this was another
concept he drew from Dewey. Civility called for tolerance, restraint and mutual accommodation in public life. Civility was thus a moderating inuence which acts against the
extremes of ideological politics (Beteille 2008, 42). In his perception, without civility,
democracy becomes defunct, and he argued that the lack of a living democratic tradition
in India was a serious impediment in the context of rigid caste hierarchy. To transform a
society of caste and communities into one of citizens was not an easy task. What was
thus needed, he emphasized, was to create a sense of constitutional morality, without
which liberalism would become vacuous (Mehta 2010b).
Here Ambedkar was indebted to a classicist, George Grote,1 who he quoted extensively
in his Constituent Assembly speech of 4 November 1948. Institutions of governance in a
democracy, felt Grote,
lose salience [unless] there is diffusion of constitutional morality, not merely among the
majority of any community, but throughout the whole since any powerful and obstinate minority may render the working of a free institution impracticable, without being strong enough to
conquer ascendancy for themselves. (Ambedkar 1948, 38)

By constitutional morality, Grote meant

a paramount reverence for the forms of constitution, enforcing obedience to authority acting
under and within these forms, yet combined with the habit of open speech, of action subject
to denite legal control and [obeisance for] authorities as to all their public acts combined
too with a perfect condence in the bosom of every citizens amidst the bitterness of party
contest that the forms of the Constitution will not be less sacred in the eyes of his opponents
than in his own. (Ambedkar 1948, 38)

By quoting Grotes denition of constitutional morality, Ambedkar evolved a strong argument in favour of a liberal democratic framework of constitutional governance in India. The
task was difcult because democracy which complements constitutional morality is
only a top-dressing on an Indian soil which is essentially undemocratic (Ambedkar
1948, 39). In the absence of constitutional morality, the functioning of the constitution,
no matter how carefully written, tends to become arbitrary, erratic and capricious (Beteille
2008, 36). How to make the constitution an effective instrument of governance in such circumstances, asked Ambedkar? He was in favour of detailed provisions designed to combat
efforts at derailing the constitution and challenging the fundamental constitutional values
from which it derived its sustenance. In his defence, he thus argued that one can take
the risk of omitting from the Constitution details of administration and leaving it for the
Legislature to prescribe them if the people are saturated with constitutional morality
such as the one described by Grote (Ambedkar 1948, 38). As is evident, Grote provided
Ambedkar with an intellectual justication for a liberal constitution in a context in which
basic liberal values of human dignity were conveniently bypassed to justify the most ruthless form of social segregation. So, the idea of constitutional morality was a powerful
device which allowed Babasaheb to knit together liberal constitutional principles despite
strong opposition by the Gandhians in the Constituent Assembly, who insisted that
instead of incorporating Western theories the new Constitution should have been built
upon village panchayats and district panchayats (Ambedkar 1948, 41).

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B. Chakrabarty

While discharging his historical role, then, Ambedkar seems to have been inspired by
the philosophy of the British Enlightenment, privileging social virtues such as benevolence, compassion and tolerance. His academic training in the USA and later in
England gave him an opportunity to experience how the ideas of the Enlightenment
might govern human actions. By challenging caste prejudices as completely untenable,
Babasaheb also appears to have upheld the fundamental canons of the French Enlightenment, emphasizing scepticism and reason. In his political thinking, there is thus a ne
blending of the principles of the British and American Enlightenment with those of the
French (Himmelfarb [2007] 2008, 313). Ambedkar pursued his ideological critique of
Gandhi-led nationalism in a language that had clear roots in these three different forms
of Enlightenment thinking.

Sources and manifestation of constitutionalism

Ambedkars approach to constitutionalism is both context-driven and derivative. He was
persuaded to accept the signicance of a codied rule of law to address social-imbalance,
perhaps because of the experience of being born a Mahar in the absence of meaningful legal
protection for untouchables. For him, the liberal ideologies associated with British colonialism created normative spaces in which historically disadvantaged sections of Indias
population were given opportunities for self-actualization. This is evident in a statement
defending colonial rule, because it was meant to provide equal opportunities for all, and
that in transferring a large share of the power to popular assemblies, arrangement should
be made whereby the hardships and disabilities entailed by the social system should be
entirely removed (Ambedkar 1919, 13).
This raises the question as to whether Ambedkar was supportive of colonialism? He
himself responded to this question in a very subtle manner in his 1945 text entitled What
the Congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchables. There are three points that he
made in his defence: rst, he seemed to be reluctant to take part in the Congress-led nationalist movement since he believed that the Congress ght for freedom is for the freedom of
nobody except that of the governing class. Hence, he further argued that not to make a
distinction between the freedom of the country and the freedom of the people is to allow
himself to be misled, if not deceived (Ambedkar 1945, 183). Secondly, according to
him, India cannot be conceptualized as a nation in the European sense, given its wellentrenched socio-cultural diversity. So, the freedom of the nation, if it was to be a
reality, Ambedkar argued, must vouchsafe the freedom of the different classes comprised
in it, particularly those who are treated as servile classes (Ambedkar 1945, 181). Furthermore, a mere constitutional form of government would never succeed unless it was supported by the habits of constitutional morality (Ambedkar 1945, 181). Finally, his
opposition to the nationalist struggle led by the Congress was an outcome of the Congress
failure to take the untouchables on board in its campaign for freedom, presumably because
of the fear that they would claim their rights as equal partners when the government was
formed. As he argued,
in India, the governing class is a close corporation in which nobody, not born in it, is admitted
[and] since it is a close corporation, tradition, social philosophy and social outlook remain
unbroken and the distinction between masters and slaves, between privileged and unprivileged
continues hard in substance and fast in colour.

In these circumstances, the untouchables

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who are advocating additional safeguards in the constitution, are more worthy of support for
their anxiety to make India safe for democracy than the Congress which opposes such safeguards and which aims to place free India in the hands of the governing class. (Ambedkar
1945, 211)

So, nationalism and national unity, Ambedkar stated, were perhaps the most effective way
[s] of side-tracking and also fooling the servile classes [by driving them to misconstrue that]
the Congress platform is the only platform that can most effectively safeguard their interests (Ambedkar 1945, 211).
His opposition to the Congress and the freedom struggle that it had steered provoked
some leading Congressmen, like C. Rajagopalachari and K. Santhanam, to even
condemn him for his pro-colonial and anti-nationalist voice (Rao, 2010, 147148).
Despite such attacks, Ambedkar hardly wavered because he strongly felt that there
existed a fundamental and deadly antagonism between caste Hindus and untouchables
which could never be resolved because deprived classes derived their status as an exceptional community dened by social exclusion being nurtured by the prevalent social norms
and endorsed by the available political tools which were heavily tilted in favour of the
Hindus (Rao 2010, 148). Hence, besides insisting on his demand that untouchables be
treated as a distinct minority, he exhorted the British government to provide them with
far greater political protection than any other minority in British India for the simple reason that
it is educationally backward, that it is economically very poor, socially enslaved and suffers
from certain grave political disabilities from which no other community suffers. (Ambedkar
1928, 465)

What explains Ambedkars proclivity towards the British government was his belief that
the state, via law as habit-changing technology could effectively transform social relations
and behaviour and thus help build a new social contract between Hindus and untouchables
(Rao 2010, 274). In other words, his demand for mandatory constitutional reservation for
the socially underprivileged in administration, in the legislature and in the executive can be
read as an attempt to [develop] social endosmosis through the use of state power (Mukherjee 2009, 361).
As argued above, Ambedkars faith in the colonial government was strategically governed because he strongly felt that the nationalist project of the Congress was clearly
vitiated by its deliberate policy of civic exclusion of the untouchables, which was unlikely
to change given the privileging of a castist mindset among its leaders and followers. The
denial policy that the Congress had reportedly practised to deprive the untouchables of
their dues as members of a free society seems to have pushed Ambedkar to pursue arguments which are likely to be misconstrued as an endorsement for colonialism. His main
concern was to promote social endosmosis among groups which makes possible a resocialization of once socialized attitudes [thereby creating] new likemindedness, essential for an
harmonious life (Ambedkar 1919, 11). This was the crux of the arguments that he consistently made in favour of a constitution-driven political arrangement as one of the most effective mechanisms to create social circumstances in which civic exclusion was perceived as
an aberration.
Rather than being a supporter of colonialism as such, Ambedkar looked for support
from the British government because he perceived it as rooted in the philosophy of the
Enlightenment, with its emphasis on constitutional liberalism and universal adult franchise.
For Ambedkar, universal adult suffrage consolidated the foundation of liberal democracy
because this is a mechanism to regularly change the governing elite (Ambedkar 1945,

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B. Chakrabarty

211). To make democracy a successful form of governance, Babasaheb thus insisted on

regular changes of political authority through suffrage; otherwise, democracy was likely
to lose its vitality. The principal aim of [democratic] constitution, he argued, must be
to dislodge the governing class from its position and to prevent it from remaining as a governing class for ever (Ambedkar 1945, 211). Besides insisting on regular replacement of
the governing elite, he also talked about one man one vote in his 1919 submission to
the Southborough Commission because a popular government is not only Government
for the people, but by the people as well (Ambedkar 1919, 13).
He attributed the rise and consolidation of a healthy democracy to a specic kind of
morality that upheld the spirit of democracy in its true and substantial form. So democracy,
in Ambedkars conceptualization, is not merely procedural, but an ideology-driven political device challenging the sources of socio-economic discrimination. For Babasaheb,
representation was a mechanism for articulating multiple voices which were contextual
as well. So, social conditions remained an important determinant in conceptualizing representation in socio-culturally divided Indian society. Hence, he did not insist on territorial
and separate electorates which must be avoided, he argued, in any scheme of representation that may be devised for the introduction of a democratic form of government in this
most undemocratic country. The golden mean is, in his opinion, the system of joint electorates with reserved seats for Depressed Classes (Rodrigues 2004, 91). His argument for
joint electorates which he made before the 1928 Simon Commission was also defended by
the strong claim that he made for adult universal suffrage for the Dalits. In his witness
before the Sub-Committee No. III on Minorities of the Round Table Conference, he thus
forcefully argued that
[a]s to the question of joint or separate electorates our position is this that if you give us adult
universal suffrage, the Depressed Classes will be prepared to accept joint electorates with
reserved seats; but if you do not give us adult suffrage, then we must claim representation
through separate electorates. (Ambedkar [1930] 2013, 9)

He consistently maintained this position that if adult franchise was introduced, he would
favour a joint electorate with reservation for the depressed classes, and if limited suffrage
was allowed to continue he would insist on separate electorate. By privileging ones social
conditions for representation, Ambedkar introduced a new logic of discerning constitutional
principles by looking at the designs for socially disprivileging one community against
another.

The Southborough Committee on Franchise

When the Southborough Committee toured India in 19181919, Ambedkar got an opportunity to advance his arguments for representation for untouchables in the decision-making
processes. Interestingly, besides Ambedkar, there was another Mahar, G.A. Gawai, who
made a strong plea on behalf of the Depressed India Association for three seats in the
Bombay Legislative Council, to be elected by adult suffrage. This suggests that Mahars
were probably the most politically alert section among the untouchables. While challenging
the demand for these three seats, a former Congress president of Bombay, R.N. Mudholkar,
argued that since not all of the untouchables were so intelligent as the Mahars not more
than one seat for the depressed classes is justied (Mudholkar [2004] 2013). Ambedkar,
who testied to the Committee without any organizational support, spoke as an advisor
to the British on issues of franchise in India, and also as an exponent of the rights of the

Contemporary South Asia

141

untouchables. This was his rst well-argued discourse on untouchability as a system of discrimination that could never be wiped out without providing adequate legal-constitutional
protection to those socially victimized as untouchables.
Ambedkars testimony before the Committee conrms his faith in liberal democratic
institutions. According to him, the responsibility of the government was to provide each
and every individual the opportunity of actively participating in the process of government (Ambedkar 1919, 18). The Westminster form of democratic government rested on
this fundamental principle. In India, the principle was violated because non-untouchables
were authorized to represent the untouchables, since the latter were denied representation
in the seats of power. So long as this continued, Ambedkar argued, the untouchables
would remain politically peripheral, for all practical purposes. Hence he collated facts
and gures to justify the demand for representation for the untouchables in the legislative
council, as perhaps the most effective step to give voice to the voiceless in a caste-ridden
society based on discriminatory social stratication.
On the basis of his experience in the USA, he was persuaded to believe that social diversity was not an impediment to a constitutional bond. The desire to come together and
remain as one among the migrants, who were different in terms of every conceivable
socio-cultural parameter, was reinforced by meaningful and sustained communication,
and out of this emerged like-mindedness. He elaborated his point by saying that
[t]o cultivate an attitude similar to others to be like-minded with others is to be in communication with them or to participate in their activity. Persons do not become like-minded by
merely living in physical proximity, any more than they cease to be like-minded by being
distant from each other. Participation in a group is the only way of being like-minded with
the group. (Ambedkar 1919, 13)

Conceptually, this is a valid position: the more the communication, the stronger the bond.
But in a socially diverse situation like India, each group tended to create its distinctive
type of like-mindedness due to well-entrenched caste identities which would invariably
lead to conict among the differently like-minded groups (Ambedkar 1919, 11). So
long as the groups remained isolated and failed to appreciate certain common grounds
for togetherness, the conict is bound to continue and prevent the harmony of action.
Since isolation of the groups is the chief evil (Ambedkar 1919, 13), Ambedkar prescribed strong constitutional arrangements to create and sustain bonding principles
which would act towards generating what he dened as endosmosis (Ambedkar 1919,
13).2 In endosmosis, Ambedkar had found a psycho-analytical idea which could be
applied to human existence. While pursuing his argument, he thus stated that endosmosis
was a perfect tool to redesign human interactions [f]or endosmosis among groups brings
people together; in place of the old, it creates new like-mindedness which is representative
of the interests, aims and aspirations of all the various groups concerned (Ambedkar
1919, 11). In other words, endosmosis, by setting in motion a process of being appreciative of differences, was a perfect shield against the tendencies towards self-centric, if not
self-absorbed, human existence.
Despite the conceptual validity of his formula of endosmosis, Ambedkar also knew that
caste prejudices were not likely to disappear so quickly, given their historical root. The
untouchable Hindus, argued Ambedkar, were usually regarded
as objects of pity, they are always ignored in any political scheme on the score that they have no
interest to protect. And yet their interests are the greatest. Not that they have large property to
protect from conscation. But they have their very persona conscated. The socio-religious

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B. Chakrabarty

disabilities have dehumanized the untouchables and their interests at stake are therefore the
interests of humanity. (Ambedkar 1919, 12)

In view of the visible sources of dehumanization, untouchables ceased to be human beings

in Indian society. What was unfortunate was the fact that even under British rule the same
social bondage was being perpetuated to deny the untouchables their legitimate claim as a
British subject, because they were not even citizens in the constitutional sense of the term.
To develop his point, Babasaheb referred to the denial of untouchables right of representation and right to hold ofce. His principal aim was to have citizenship rights bestowed on
the untouchables to enable them to represent their grievances which are their interests, and
also to enable them to develop adequate numerical strength to constitute a force sufcient
to claim redress (Ambedkar 1919, 15).
In spite of Ambedkars persuasive argument and Gawais passionate plea for the granting of elected representation to the depressed classes in the newly constituted legislatures,
the Southborough Committee did not seem persuaded. Two nominated seats for untouchables were allowed in the Madras legislative assembly, and one each in the provinces of
Bombay, United Provinces, Bihar and Central Provinces. Nonetheless, what was unique
was Ambedkars determination to argue for social justice through the demand for constitutional rights. Ambedkars insistence on a legal guarantee of rights to the untouchables
was governed by his rm belief that suffrage and political rights are a guarantee for
active and direct participation in the regulation of the terms for associated human existence
in a civilized way (Ambedkar 1919, 13). This was clearly a liberal defence of political
rights in which human beings were self-dening subjects, with the capability to chartout self-fullling designs.

The Round Table Conference

What was initiated by Ambedkar in his testimony before the Southborough Committee was
forcefully argued further in the 1931 Round Table Conference. Appreciative of the British
government for the support it had extended in ghting caste atrocities, he mentioned that
the depressed classes welcomed the British as their deliverers from age-long tyranny though the
existing administration is not adequate to solve the problems [because] the problem of the
depressed classes will never be solved unless they get political power in their own hands.
(Ambedkar 2013, 111)

The British authorities seemed to have been persuaded, as indicated in the policy announcement by Ramsay McDonald, the British Prime Minister. It was agreed that there would be a
number of special seats for the depressed classes, which would be lled by election from
special constituencies in which only members of the depressed classes who were qualied
to vote would take part (although they would also be entitled to vote for general constituencies). The main purpose of this transitional arrangement was, as McDonald highlighted,
to place them in a position to speak for themselves (Baxi and Parekh 1995, 131). It was a
victory for Ambedkar because he nally got what he had been asking for. The untouchables
thus became politically equipped to ght their own battle both within the legislature and
also outside.
Gandhi expressed his resentment by arguing that while the Congress will always accept
any solution that may be acceptable to the Hindus, the Muhammedans and Sikhs, Congress
will be no party to special reservation or special electorate for any other minorities. He was

Contemporary South Asia

143

perfectly comfortable with the communal award for the Muslims, but he never approved of
separate electorates for untouchables because it meant a clear division amongst Hindus,
which he would never tolerate. He passionately defended his position by saying that
[w]e do not want on our register and on our census Untouchables classied as a separate class.
Will untouchables remain untouchables in perpetuity? I say that it is not a proper claim
which is registered by Dr. Ambedkar when he seeks to speak for the whole of the Untouchables
of India. It will create a division in Hinduism. I do not mind Untouchables, if they so desire,
being converted to Islam or Christianity. But I cannot possibly tolerate what is in store for
Hinduism if there are two divisions set forth in the villages if I was the only person to resist
this thing, I would resist it with my life. (Gandhis Press Statement of 9 May 1933)

In view of this attitude, the possibility of a rapprochement with Ambedkar was remote.
Ambedkar regarded Gandhis position as a ploy to ensure a Hindu majority in India. As
he argued in his speech before the Round Table Conference,
[w]e have been called Hindus for political purposes, but we have never been acknowledged
socially by the Hindus as their brethren. They have taken themselves all the political advantage
with our numbers, with our voting strength in return we have received nothing. (Ambedkar
2011, 131)

Hence he demanded a complete partition with the Hindus. In the context of Congress acceptance of the principle of separate representation for Muslims in the 1935 Government of India
Act, Ambedkar argued that Dalits must be allowed to constitute a separate electorate and elect
their own representatives to the central and provincial legislatures. In order to substantiate his
contention, he further stated that the Hindus had much to lose by the abolition of untouchability, though they had nothing to fear from political reservation leading to this abolition (Baxi
1995, 145). The matter was economic rather than religious. In an unambiguous way,
Ambedkar brought out the economic dimension of untouchability by stating that
the system of untouchability is a gold mine to the Hindus. In it the 240 millions of Hindus have
60 million of Untouchables to serve as their retinue to enable the Hindus to maintain pomp and
ceremony and to cultivate a feeling of pride and dignity betting a master class, which cannot
be fostered and sustained unless there is beneath it a servile class to look down upon. (Ambedkar 1943, 83)

Gandhi declined to accept that untouchables were a community separate from the Hindus;
but he was prepared to concede reserved seats for them in general constituencies. For him,
the matter was highly religious because, the question of these classes is predominantly
moral and religious. The political aspect, important though it is, he further added, dwindles into insignicance compared to the moral and religious issue (Gandhis Press Statement 1933, 2). He reacted strongly when a charge was levelled that the upper-caste
Congress leaders could never properly represent the untouchables in view of their
entrenched prejudices. According to Gandhi, the effort to create a division within the Congress was unfortunate because it always remains a united platform for the nationalist cause
irrespective of socio-cultural differences (Gandhis Press Statement 1933, 8). Ambedkar
felt that this argument was without substance (Ambedkar 1946, 18) because the ageold social prejudices that the upper-caste Congress leadership had nurtured were too
deep to be rooted-out so easily.
Gandhis protest against the extension of separate electorate to Dalits was doubleweighted. He sincerely believed that separate electorates would split Dalits from Hindu

144

B. Chakrabarty

society. In addition, he felt that such a split would absolve the latter of its moral responsibility to ght against the practice of untouchability. Ambedkar was equally assertive, insisting on separate electorates as the best device to protect the social, economic and political
interests of the outcastes. Ambedkar stated,
I trust [that] the Mahatma would not drive me to the necessity of making a choice between his
life and the rights of my people. For I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and
foot to the caste Hindus for generations to come. (Ambedkar 1945, 283)

No solution was visible. For Gandhi, separate electorates for untouchables would divide
Hindu society further, perpetuating untouchables inferiority. Ambedkar denounced this
as a strategic argument, because of the untouchables value as weightage for the Hindus
against the Muslims (Embree 1989, 171).
When the British government endorsed separate electorates in the 1932 Communal Award,
Ambedkar appeared to have won the argument. Gandhi responded by declaring a fast unto
death, which has been represented as Gandhis spiritual coercion over Ambedkar (Baxi
1995, 128). Gandhi, who was in Yeravada prison in Poona, began the fast on 20 September
1932. Ambedkar knew the signicance and magnitude of the crisis arising out of Gandhis
fast. The Mahatma had hurled a most dangerous and fatal weapon at him (Keer [1954]
2009, 206). Once Gandhi began his fast, a campaign was launched against Ambedkar, who
was identied as a monster (in Illustrated Weekly of India, June 14, 1936; cited in Keer
[1954] 2009, 183), capable of killing Gandhi to full his narrow and partisan interests. To
Ambedkar it was a shock, and he failed to fathom why Gandhi singled-out special representation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal Award as an excuse for his self-immolation
(Keer [1954] 2009, 207). If separate electorates to the Muslims and Sikhs did not split the
nation, Hindus could not be said, Ambedkar argued, to be split up if the Depressed
Classes were given separate electorates (Keer [1954] 2009, 207). Nonetheless, Gandhi continued his fast, only breaking it on 24 September once Ambedkar, in view of the massive
nationalist mobilization against him, agreed to accept the reservation of seats for the untouchables within caste-Hindu constituencies. The agreement known as the Poona Pact was signed
in 1933, and the depressed classes were given a substantial number of reserved seats but within
the Hindu electorate (Kumar 1985, 7).
Despite the fact that Ambedkar failed to full his demand for separate electorates for the
untouchables, the Pact, for the rst time, placed the backward classes at the forefront of
Indian politics. From then on, this group invariably gured in any discussion of nationalist
consequences. Nonetheless, mere constitutional guarantee was not adequate unless there
were supplementary institutionalized social measures to that effect. Ambedkar felt that
what was critical was a change of the prevalent mindset supporting religious prejudices
for social segregation. He thus suggested that
we should go beyond the political arrangement and devise ways and means whereby it
would be possible for the Depressed Classes not only to be part and parcel of the Hindu community but also to occupy an honourable position, a position of equality of status in the community. (Das 1993, 595)

At the Round Table Conference, Ambedkar lost an ideological battle to Gandhi, since his
demand for separate electorates for Untouchables was not conceded. But his strong arguments for their electoral protection amidst relentless opposition from the Congress-led
caste Hindu leadership, including Gandhi, established Ambedkars image as a vocal participant who fought against social segregation in a typical liberal fashion.

Contemporary South Asia

145

Ambedkars commitment to constitutional liberalism was codied in the Constitution of

India, which he drafted along with other members of the Drafting Committee. As is shown
above, the twin inuences of John Dewey and George Grote remained critical to Ambedkar
as he defended his distinctive liberal approach to democratic experimentalism in India. It
was possible for Ambedkar to pursue liberal values when he was involved in the drafting
of the constitution since neither Gandhi nor his staunch followers in the Constituent Assembly posed any threat to the formation of a liberal state. This was presumably because (a)
they were outnumbered by opponents and (b) they seemed to have endorsed the idea of
creating an inclusive society. This also means that in the changed circumstances of the
post-independence period, they had different kinds of ideological priorities, more in line
with the liberal principles expressed by Ambedkar. The 1950 Constitution of India was
thus not merely a text, but an endeavour to produce a Deweyan form of robust democratic
liberalism, by evolving an inclusive public space for effective political participation, regardless of caste or any other socio-economic criteria; and also to instil Grotes constitutional
morality as a guarantee towards fullling Ambedkars liberal dream. According to Babasaheb, what prevented India from achieving democracy in its unalloyed form was the absence
of equality and fraternity. Ambedkar was suspicious of caste society, held together by a
Hindu order which he understood as a clear impediment to a liberal society based on individual freedom. Because the socially marginalized subject was also politically weak, a constitutional resolution to the caste question was required. As Rao argues, questions of social
inequality need to be addressed through political means, [and] strategies of equalization
were thus conceived as capable of transforming social practice in addition to rendering subjects into citizens (2010, 274).
Unlike Gandhi who argued that the transformation of modern India had to be effected
through change in society, what was unique in Ambedkars constitutional project was that
he sought to transform society through politics, because, according to him, as Uday
Mehta emphasizes, it was only through politics and the specic kind of power it sanctions
that the nation can be imagined, administered and made just (Mehta 2010a, 27). It was not
therefore surprising that in the rst Round Table Conference, Ambedkar insisted that we
must have a government in which the men in power will not be afraid to amend the
social and economic code of life which the dictates of justice and expediency so urgently
call for, and, he further added, that we feel that nobody can remove our grievances
unless we get political power in our hands.3 The implication of such a claim is very signicant. For Gandhi, social discrimination was necessarily a social evil which could be
easily mitigated through moral re-education of the upper castes; while, for Ambedkar,
it was embedded in the structured violence and coercion that could be effectively addressed
by stern political action, including legally endorsed compensatory discrimination (Galanter
1984). Ambedkars perception thus enables us to conceptualize various challenges to
homogeneous national identity posed by struggles around various markers of identity
(caste, gender, region and so forth) which have contributed to a differentiated entry into
the domain of citizenship (Rao 1997, 428). By strongly defending differentiated citizenship as perhaps the most effective means to establish equality and fraternity in the liberal
sense, Ambedkar thus argued for a political scheme whereby [u]niversalist ideas of rights
had to give way to positive discrimination in favour of the oppressed (Bayly 2012, 305).
He was the rst of the Indian thinkers to have advocated group-differentiated rights by
seeking to institute special cultural rights for religious minorities, legislative quotas or
the downtrodden castes and tribe, and preferential treatment in education and government
employment for backward groups (Bajpai 2012, 75). The idea gained ground in the Constituent Assembly when it discussed reservation for the historically underprivileged

146

B. Chakrabarty

sections because of well-entrenched social prejudices. The most revealing of the comments
was made by A. Ayyangar in his address to the Constituent Assembly, when he stated that
the rst requisite is that all appointments shall be made in the interests of public administration
on merit alone. But, having regard to the conditions of our country, there must be some provision in favour of those persons who may not be able to come up to the mark. There
must be some limitation to it. (Constituent Assembly Debate, IX 1949, 1546)

Ambedkars argument for differentiated citizenship was appreciated by his colleagues in the
Constituent Assembly, particularly when he insisted on provisions for reservation in public
jobs for the scheduled castes and tribes. Ambedkar was in this sense a powerful voice in
favour of a liberal egalitarian framework for addressing group-based inequalities
(Bajpai 2012, 75), advocating constitutional governance as the most useful tool for levelling
prevalent socio-economic imbalances.

Concluding observations
The article argues that Ambedkars views of the nation and nation state drew on his liberal
activist position, and that this position clearly corresponds with that of John Dewey, who
was also known for his emphasis on social endosmosis as perhaps the only antidote to isolation
and exclusion in society. There are two important features that stand out. First, in Ambedkars
perception, reasoning and rationality were two major pillars in public discourse. He was sceptical of any arguments based on heritage, since these were normally constructed to full partisan aims, as with arguments which legitimized caste by reference to varnashrama dharma.
He saw such arguments only as a means by which upper castes justied their insistence that
untouchables undertake menial tasks for them. His arguments for separate electorates were
made at a specic juncture of Indias constitutional development, when they were emphasized
as a logical step to protect the constitutional rights of the minorities. Once a separate electorate
was conceded to the Muslims in the 1935 Government of India Act, Ambedkar found it appropriate to argue for the same for the Untouchables. But in the end, his argument for this distinct
constitutional status for the untouchables was tempered by his strategic retreat, when he gave
up the demand for a separate electorate in view of Gandhis vehement opposition. The second
important point relates to the centrality of human agency in Ambedkars effort at constitutionalizing India. As a rationalist to the core, Ambedkar questioned the relevance of god and
superman. By interrogating the foundational values of Hinduism that tended to justify
social inequality, Babasaheb gave a voice to the critique that subjected the sociologically justied caste divisions to a thorough scrutiny. In his conceptual framework, human agency
remained central, again reecting a Deweyan emphasis on the role of human beings in the
making and unmaking of the world that we live in. It was thus perfectly compatible with
his overall ideological position when he declared that
do not depend for the abolition of caste slavery upon God or Superman. Your salvation lies
in political power and not in making pilgrimages and the observance of fasts. Devotion to scriptures would not free you from bondage, want and poverty. (Ambedkar 2013, 422)

Central to his argument was a belief in human efforts in re-conceptualizing social mores and
values which were contrary to liberal interpretations of human civilization.
He evolved his ideas rst out of his engagement with his experience as a Mahar, and
later through his training as a doctoral student at Columbia University with John Dewey

Contemporary South Asia

147

as his academic mentor. By rejecting tradition and holy texts endorsing blatant discrimination, Ambedkar set in motion a critique that, despite being ridiculed at the outset, had
created an ambience in which the ideas of social justice gained ground. This was most explicit in the 1950 Constitution of India, which became a cornerstone of a nation that sought to
establish equality and fraternity as signicant constitutional values, in opposition to the
well-established birth-driven social discrimination. Recognizing group-differentiated
rights to a signicant extent, the Constitution defended special cultural rights for religious
minorities, legislative quotas for the downtrodden castes and tribes and preferential treatment in education and government employment for backward groups (Bajpai 2011, 75).
Ambedkar expected that the Indian constitution, as a moral text, would create spaces
that would enable the Dalit to acquire self-description as subjective agents, and liberal institutions would help them reject the negative description of servile objects that had long been
imposed on them (Guru 2011, 101). It is not therefore surprising to nd that there are elaborate provisions in Indias constitution for state protection of minority rights, reinforcing the
idea that in order for constitutional liberalism to strike roots against the odds, institutional
protection was a necessity. Ambedkars contribution to the formatting of the Constitution in
a liberal mould was then reective of a sustained endeavour aimed at making a caste-ridden
society sensitive to the basic liberal values of equality, fraternity and the codied rule of law
as supreme principles governing inter-personal relations.

Acknowledgements
I am thankful to Dr Rochana Bajpai of School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
for sharing her article on liberalism which I had difculty in procuring in Delhi.

Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes
1.
2.
3.

George Grote (17941871), an English radical who wrote a history of Greece (four volumes)
between 1846 and 1856, was inuenced by liberals like Ricardo, James Mill and Jeremy
Bentham.
A fundamental concept of Biochemistry, endosmosis refers to a process of the inux of substance
from an area of lesser concentration to one of greater concentration. Endosmosis is usually
referred to as a mechanism for stable bonding among cells.
Proceedings of the Indian Round Table Conference 12 November 1930 19 January 1931,
Government of India, Calcutta, 1931, p. 125.

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