Rural-Urban Interaction: A Study of

Burdwan Town and Surrounding Rural Areas

Thesis submitted for partial fulfillment of the Doctor of

Philosophy (Arts) In Geography to the University of Burdwan

Dr. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt

Gopa Samanta

Reader
Department of Geography
The University of Burdwan
Burdwan

Lecturer in Geography
Mankar College
Mankar, Burdwan

~untala

Lahiri-Dutt

Ph.

o.

Reader

Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan

Burdwan 713 104, West Bengal, India. Phone: (0342) 56566162549 exl. 428
Fax : (91) 342-64452
emaU: klahlrl_dutt@hotman.com
ovlmanyu@dle.vsnl.net.in
Residence : 13 Fraser Avenue, Subhashpally. Burdwon 713 101,
West Bengal, India. Phone: 0342-68459.

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Date

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: 15. Ob. Q.OOI

Dr. Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt

Place : Burdwan

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt.
Reader, the Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan, whose intellectual
companionship and lectures about our native town and surrounding region helped me to
identify and develop the research problem. The study was done under her supervision and I
was able to complete it within the stipulated time only due to her help.
Profuse thanks are also due to Dr A. Biswas (now of Visva Bharati, Shantiniketan)
and Dr N. Prasad of Burdwan University for providing valuable criticism and substantive
suggestions in the preparation of this thesis. Much help, stimulation and intellectual pleasure
was derived from other teachers. research scholars, students and non-teaching employees of
the Geography Department ofthe University.
I am thankful to Dr Hsamish Main, of the Staffordshire University, U.K .. for his
lecture and valuable suggestions regarding the rural-urban linkages and reciprocity. I also
thank Dr Mrs Barbara Harriss-White of International Development Centre, Oxford
University. U.K .. for her seminar lecture and informal discussions on market centres in
Tamilnadu and West Bengal. I thank Dr Biplab Dasgupta, former Director. Centre for Urban
Economic Studies (CUES). Calcutta University, for giving me the opportunity to attend the
seminars and \vorkshops on market centres in India and other urban issues at the CUES.
I am grateful to Dr Banshi Mukherjee of Burdwan Medical College, Dr Pabitra Giri.
Director. CUES. Calcutta University. and Dr Prasanta Kumar Jana for their helpful assistance
and valuable suggestions regarding the application of statistical techniques in the research
work. I am also thankful to the members of my family for patiently tolerating my odd work
schedules during this period. My loving thanks go to my mother and elder brother without
whose inspiration this thesis would not have materialized.
Field survey and primary data collection formed a major section of my research work.
In this respect 1 am thankful to my students especially to Uttarn, Mahuya, Enakshi, Sreeparna
and Kanchan for their co-operation during field surveys.
I also wish to thank the various otlicials in the institutions and organizations with
whom I have come into contact during the course of field work and data collection. They are
too many but mention must be made of the helping and friendly persons of the Census
OJlice, Calcutta; Zilla Parishad. Burdwan: Oflice of the Collector, Burdwan; Additional
District Magistrate, Burdwan: District Fnginecr, Burdwan; Officials of the Municipalities of

Burdwan. Guskara and Mcmari, and Block Development Offices of Khandaghosh. Burdwan1 and IL Jamalpur. Galsi-11, Memari-1 and IJ. Monteswar, Ausgram-1, Raina-! and Bhatar.

My sincere thanks also go to specially to Md. Masih. Burdwan Zilla Parishad; Dr

Dipankar Sen. Indian Statistical lmtitute; Mr K. Sarkar, Burdwan Block office, Mr Dasgupta
and Mr D. Ghosh, Bhatar Block otlice; Mr I.S. Banerjee, Khandaghosh Block oflice; Mrs.
M. Bhattacharyya, Memari-II Block oftice; Mr B.B. Dutt-Choudhury, Memari-I Block office
and Mr M. Koner. Monteswar Block oftice. Thanks are also due to Mr Prasun K.
Gangopadhyay and Mr Papan Chatterjee for their intelligent typing of the manuscript within
a rather short period.
However, in spite of the concerted effort of all these persons there may still be
limitations and inadequacies for which I alone am respomible.

Dated

!5 .Ob. ROO!

Burdwan

~opo..

't:

JCJ./Yll0-}1

Gopa Samanta

PREFACE
In our school texts, a description of Indian economy would invariably begin with
explicit statements of its ruraL agricultural nature. Yet. all around us we could sense changes
in that rural economy, and the variable transformation of social and economic space through
the impact of unseen forces. The traditional distinction between rural and urban no longer
remains valid. The millenia-old subsistence economy of India is now changing to give rise to
more and more, larger and larger villages, which stood somewhere in the middle of the ruralurban continuum.
This may have been due to the fact that we belong to the post-green revolution
Burdwan where the full impact of the high yielding variety of seeds and the Damodar Valley
Corporation (DVC) canals was felt on the rural scenario. Therefore, identifYing our study
region while remaining faithful to the empirical tradition of Geography was easy enough for
us.
Burdwan, the headquarter of the district of the same name, is a flourishing town of
about 2.5 lakh population (as per 1991 census: -rough 2001 projection

3.25 lakhs). In

recent decades it has experienced rapid growth mainly through the expansion of its
commercial base though its various agro-processing industries to serve the surrounding
I

countryside. We took up for our study eleven rural development blocks, two among which
are called Burdwan-1 and Burdwan-ll and nine have common boundaries with Burdwan
Police Station (P.S.).
Burdwan town, located in the midst of an agriculturally prosperous, near isomorphic
region, has developed a close relationship with the smaller settlements around it. These
centres located within a radius of 40 kilometres from Burdwan, encircle the town and are also
very well connected to this central urban focus. Together, they form a complete economic
region characterized by significant amount of functional coherence.
The work taken up here could best be defined, in a nutshell, as an 'urban study of a
specific region'. Our present enquiry into the spatial relationships of a medium-sized urban
centre and its even smaller satellites would hopefully provide a major foundation stone in
developing a greater understanding into the nature of rural-urban interaction in the context of
the third world, and would help to reveal that the myth of rural-urban disjunction is not valid
in its classical form any longer.

The dissertation has been presented in 10 chapters.

The first chapter provides answers for the fundamental questions that can arise in the
mind of a reader. The selection of urban geography has been justified, the region of study
defined, objectives identified and the methodology has been described. The second chapter
clarifies the conceptual basis for the research work, putting it in the longer context of third
world urbanization. This discussion is particularly relevant as in many urban studies there is
still a tendency to compare the Indian experience with the models of urbanization developed
in western countries. Furthermore, we have added a thorough review of literature on urban
geography in India and rural-urban interaction to this chapter.
The third chapter tries to put the 'forces' working behind the changing rural scenario
in West Bengal especially in Burdwan district. It describes the changes in Mughal and British
periods. especially the land tenure system developed in late eighteenth century, and the post
colonial changes in agriculture particularly the Intensive Agricultural Development
Programme (IADP) and more recently the Operation Barga.
The fourth chapter analyses the regional socio-economic characteristics at the
panchayat level using the latest available census data (1991).
Chapter tive deals with intra-regional patterns of rural development usmg
multivariate analysis technique. We used 29 variables and the data was adopted both from
primary sources such as field surveys and official statistics from panchayat offices, and the
secondary sources like census reports.
In the next, sixth chapter. we have studied the large villages and rural market centres
of the region. These intermediate places are often neglected in conventional urban literature
but in India they are now beginning to play significant roles at the local levels. However, in
this chapter we have focussed on their growth, spatial pattern of location, growth potential
and population characteristics besides their roles in the integration of rural and urban
economies ofthc region.
In seventh chapter we have described in detail the town of Burdwan as the regional
urban focus. and the two other census-identified 'towns' - Guskara and Memari. It brings out
the roles they play in integrating the regional economy and how these roles have shaped the
nature and characteristics of the towns themselves.
In eighth chapter, we have looked into the informal sector of the urban economy of
Burdwan town as a possible mirror reflecting the ties between the rural and urban sectors.
We studied the rickshaw-pullers - the most probable unskilled service that a poor rural

migrant would be absorbed in an urban context - to examine if they have originated from
surrounding rural areas or not.
The ninth chapter deals with the various linkages between the two sectors- physicaL
social, economic, technological, service, population movement and political - and the roles
they have played in integrating the region. These linkages have been crucial in helping the
rural areas shed their shroud of isolation and connecting them to the urban centres.
The last chapter concludes the study. It identifies the gaps still existing between the
rural and urban in Burdwan region, and suggests ways and means that could be explored by
decision-makers for planning of either or both.

CONTENTS
Page No.

CHAmll

amea1m1Y
1.1.
1.2.
1.3.
1.4.

1.5.
1.6.
1.7.

1.8.

Putting Our Study in Persp<xtive

The Research Problem
Objectives ofthe Study
A Profile of the Study Region
1.4.1. Physical Environment
1.4.2. Socio-Economic Environment
Why This Region '?
Methodology
Usefulness ofthe Research
Timespan and Data Sources

CIAmlll
THEUCIGRIIIID
2.1.

2.2.
2.3.

2.4.

Introduction
Third World Urbanization
Patterns, Processes and Rect::nt Trends of Urbanization
2.3.1. India
2.3.2. West Bengal
2.3.3. Burdwan District
Review of Literature on Rural-Urban Interaction
2.4.1. Theories of Rural-Urban Interaction
Lipton and Urban Bias
Rondinelli: Secondary Cities and the Diffusion of Urbanization
Stohr and Taylor: bottom-up development
2.4.2. Empirical Studies on Rural-Urban Interaction

CHAmllll
RIRAI.DmliPMEIIT IIIIIRIWIIIIEIIIII
3.1.
3.2.
3.3.

3.4.

Introduction
The Notion of Rural Development: A Review
Background of Rural Development
3.3.1. Mughal Period
3.3 .2. British Period
3.3.3. The Contribution of Burdwan 'Raj Family'
3.3.4. The Role of the Damodar Valley Corporation (D.Y.C.)
3.3.5. Intensive Agricultural District Programme (JADP)
Land reforms and Panchayati Raj
3.4.1. The Case for West Bengal
Role of The Left Front Government
Operation Barga
Distribution of Ceiling Surplus Land

1-12
1
2
3

4
6
7

8
9
10

11
13-41
13
13
18
18

21
27
30

32
33

34
35
36

42-90
42

42
44
44
46
49
51
54

55
57
58
59

60

Panchayati Raj
3.4.2. Land Reforms in the Region
3.5.

Agricultural Development
3.5.1. West Bengal
3.5.2. Burdwan District
3.5.3. The Region

3.6.

Poverty Alleviation
3.6.1. Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
3.6.2. Training of Rural Youth for SelfEmployment (TRYSEM)
3.6.3. Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA)
3.6.4. Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY)

3.7.

Infrastructural Development
3.7.1. Transport
3.7.2. Irrigation
3.7.3. Electrification
3.7.4. Market

3.8.

3. 7.5. Health and Education

Summary

CDmiiV
IEGIIIW SICII-ECIIIIMIC CHARACHIISnCS
4.1.
4.2.
4.3.
4.4.
4.5.

4.6.
4.7.

Introduction
Data and Methodology
Female-Male Ratio (FMR)
Levels of Literacy
Caste Composition of Population
4.5.1. Distribution of Scheduled Caste Population
4.5.2. Distribution of Scheduled Tribe Population
Levels of Work Participation
Sectoral Employment
4. 7.1. Levels of Primary Sector Employment
4.7.2. Levels of Secondary Sector Employment
4.7.3. Levels ofTertiary Sector Employment

4.8.

Status of Women
4.8.1. Levels of Female Literacy
4.8.2. Levels of Female Work Participation

4.9.

Summary

CIAml V
IIITU-IEIIIIW PAmiiiS IF DEVEliPMEO
5.1.
5.2.

Introduction
Methodology

5.3.
5.4.
5.5.
5.6.

Data Base
Variables
Factor Solution
Spatial Pattern of the Lcvelbof Development
5.6.1. Dimension I: Levels of Overall Development
5.6.2. Dimension II: Levels of Health Infrastructure

62
63
65
65
67
69
71
73
75
77

80
81
82
83
85
86
88
90
91-121
91
91
94
96
99
101
102
105
106
108
110
112
113
115
118
121
122-133
122
123
124
124
126
127
127
130
II

5.7.

5.6.3. Dimension III: Levels of Secondary Activities

Summary

Cllmlll
liiiE IIUACES AI I IIIII. MUm CEmES
6.1.
6.2.
6.3.

Introduction
Some Conceptual Considerations
Large Villages

6.3.1. Pattern of Growth (1971-'91)

6.3.2. Location and Distribution Pattern

6.4.

6.5.

l.ocation
Distribution Pattern: Methodology
Spatial Pattern of Distribution
6.3.3. Density Characteristics
Spatial Pattern of Population Density
Density Distribution
Growth in density ( 1981-'91)
6.3.4. Functional Characteristics
Spatial Pattern of Occupation Characteristics
Rural Transformation
6.3.5. Social Characteristics
Social Backwardness
Literacy Status
Status of Women
Female Literacy
Female Work Participation Rate
6.3.6. Overall Development
6.3.7. Growth Potential
Methodology ofGravity Model
Pattern of Growth Potential
Rural Market Centres
6.4.1. Role of Rural Market Centres in Integrating Rural with Urban
6.4.2. Rural Market Centres ofthe Region
Summary

CUPTU VII

131
132
134-168
134
134
136
136
141
141
141
142
145
145
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
156
156
157
158
160
160
161
163
164
165
168
169-196

IEIIIIAI.IIIIII FICI
7.1.
7.2.

Introduction
Role ofBurdwan Town as a Regional Urban Focus
7.2.1. Geographical Location
7.2.2. Historical Antecedent
7.2.3. Development of the Town Under Royal Patronage
7.2.4. The Changing Urban Foci of Burdwan
7.2.5. Growth of Rurdwan
7 .2.6. Present Demographic Character
Population Density Pattern
Density Gradient
Female-Male Ratio (FMR)

169
170
170
170
172
174
176
178
178
179
183
lll

7.2.7. Urban Economy

7.3.

7.4.

7.2.8. Quality of Life and its Spatial Pattern

The Other Urban Foci of the Region
7.3.1. Memari
7.3.2. Guskara
Summary

CIAml VIII
TIE IIFIIIW. SECTII IF THE 111111 ECIIIIMY
8.1.
8.2.

Introduction
Some Conceptual Issues
8.2.1. The Informal Sector of Economy
8.2.2. Third World Urbanization and the Informal Sector of Urban Economy

8.3.

The Informal Sector as A Mirror of Rural-Urban Relationship

8.3.1. Rickshaw-Puller as Part of the Informal Sector
8.3.2. Sample Selection
A Profile ofthe Rickshaw-Pullers ofBurdwan
8.4.1. Demographic Characteristics
Age Structure
Family Size and Structure
Number of Children
8.4.2. Economic Condition
income
Savings
Ownership of Rickshaw
Nature of Service
Number of Earning Members per Family
Housing
8.4.3. Social Characteristics
Religion and Caste Structure
Literacy
Unionization
Migration and Rural-Urban Linkage

8.4.

8.5.
8.6.

Summary

CIAPnR II
BIIAl-111111 UIIIASES
9.1.
9.2.

Introduction
Rural-Urban Linkages
9.2.1. Physical Linkages
Road Networks
Railway Networks
River and Water Transport Networks
9.2.2. Economic Linkages
Market Patterns
Raw Material and Consumption Goods Flows
Consumption and Shopping Patterns
Capital and Income Flows

184
186

190
192
194
196
197-215
197
197
197
199
199
200
201
202
202
202
203
204
205
205
206
206
207
208
208
209
209
210

21 1
212
215
216-256
216
217
219
219
228
230
231
231
233
236
237
lV

9.3.

9.2.3. Population Movement Linkages

Migration: Permanent and Temporary
Journey-to- Work
9.2.4. Technological Linkages: Telecommunications System
9.2.5. Social Interaction Linkages
Visiting Patterns
9.2.6. Service Delivery Linkages
Credit and Financial Networks
Education and Training Linkages
Health Service Delivery Systems
9.2. 7. Political, Administrative and Organizational Linkages
Administrative Decision Chains
Informal Political Decision Chains
Summary

CIAmll
lllllll AIEAD
10.1.
10.2.
I 0.3.
10.4.

10.5.

Introductory
Fin dings
Thinking About Burdwan
Development of Infrastructure
Transport
Rural Market Centres
Education
Health
Conclusion
References

239
239
241
241
244
245
245
246
248
249
251
251
253
256
257-266
257
257
259
262
262
263
264
265
265
267-289

LIST OF TABLES
Page No.
Table 2.1

Trends of Urbanization in India, 1901-1991

19

Table 2.2

Urbanization in West Bengal and India, 1951-1991

24

Table 2.3

Districtwise Levels of Urbanization, West Bengal ( 1991)

25

Table 2.4

Size Class Distribution of Urban Population in West Bengal, 1951-1991

26

Table 2.5

Sectoral Distribution of Urban Workforce in West Bengal, 1951-1991

26

Table 2.6

Growth of Urban Population, Burdwan District ( 190 1-1991)

28

Table 2.7

Size-Class Distribution onowns, Burdwan District ( 1901-1991)

30

Table 3.1

Progress of Land Rdorm in The Region and The District upto June 1999

64

Table 3.2

Expansion of Net cropped, Net Irrigation Areas and the Area Sown
More than once (1910-'11 to 1990-'91)

67

Table 3.3

Increase in the Area, Production and Productivity of Selected Crops

Between I 965-'66 and 1994-'95 in Burdwan District

68

Table 3.4

Trend ofRice Production in the Region, 1986-'87 to 1996-'97

70

Table 3.5

Production ofDifferent Food Crops in the Region, 1996-'97

71

Table 3.6

Transportation Infrastructure of the Region, 1995

83

Table 3.7

Public Irrigation Infrastructure of the Region, 1996-'97

84

Table 3.8

Level ofRural Electrification in the Region, 1996-'97

86

Table 3.9

Periodic Markets of the Region

87

Table 3.10

Public Health Infrastructure of the Region, 1996- '97

88

Table 3.11

Educational Infrastructure ofthe Region, 1996-'97

89

Table 4.1

Female-Male Ratio, 1991

Table 4.2

Levels of Literacy, 1991

Table 4.3

Scheduled Caste Population, 1991

Table 4.4

Scheduled Tribe Population, 1991

Table 4.5

Levels of Wok Participation, 1991

Table 4.6

Levels of Primary SC(;tor Employment, 1991

95
98
101
103
105
108

Table 4.7

Levels of Secondary Sector Employment, 1991

110

Table 4.8

Levels ofTertiary Employment, 1991

112

Table 4.9

Levels of Female Literacy, 1991

116

Table 4.10

Levels of Female Work Participation, 1991

119

Table 5.1

The EigenValues and\ the Total Percentage Variance Explained by Each of 126
the Three Factors

Table 5.2

I .evels of Overall Development

127

Table 5.3

Block wise Picture of Levels of Overall Development

128

Table 5.4

Levels of Health Infrastructure

130
VI

Blockwise Pattern of the Levels of Health Infrastructure

131

Levels of Secondary Activities

131

Table 5.7

Block wise Pattern of the Levels of Secondary Activities

132

Table 6.1

Growth Rate of Large Villages ( 1971-'91)

13 7

Table 6.2

Frequency Distribut1ion of Large Villages, 1991

139

Table 6.3

Large Villages of the Region : 1971-'91

141

Table 6.4

Nearest Neighbour Indices for Spatial Pattern of Large Villages, 1981-'91

143

Table 6.5

Distribution of Large Villages into Density Classes, 1991

14 7

Table 6.6

Growth Rate of Density of Large Villages, ( 1981-'91)

148

Table 6.7

Pattern of Primary Occupation in Large Villages, 1991

150

Table 6.8

Growth in Non-farm Activities ofRurban Villages 1971-'91

151

Table 6.9

Concentration of Backward Population in Large Villages, 1991

154

Table 6.10

Literacy Status of Large Villages, 1991

155

Table 6.11

Female Literacy Levels of Large Villages, 1991

\57

Table 6.12

Female Work Participation Rate of Large Villages, 1991

158

Table 6.13

Levels of Development of Large Vi II ages, 1991

I 59

Table 6.14

Growth Potential Index of Large Villages, 1991

161

Table 6.15

Occupation Characteristics of Rural Market Centres, 1991

167

Table 7.1

Growth ofBurdwan Town: 1901-1999

177

Table 7.2

Female-Male Ratio ofBurdwan Town, 1901-1999

183

Table 7.3

SectoralDistributionofWorkforceofBurdwanTown, 1961 to 1991

185

Table 8.1

Age-Group Wise Break-up of Rickshaw-Pullers

203

Table 8.2

Distribution of Rickshaw-pullers among Different Family Sizes

203

Table 8.3

Family Structure of Permanent Residents, Migrants and Commuters

204

Table 8.4

Break-up of Rickshaw-Pullers According to the Number ofChi1dren

204

Table 8.5

No of Children among Permanent Residents and Migrants (in per cent)

205

Table 8.6

Income Distribution

206

Table 8.7

Average Earnings among Permanent Residents, Migrants and Commuters

206

Table 8.8

Break-up of Owner and Hired Rickshaw-pullers among Permanent Residents,

Migrants and Commuters (In per cent)

207

Table 8.9

Nature of Service of Rickshaw-pullers

208

Table 8.10

No. of Earning Members per Family

208

Table 8.11

Per centage Share of Ownership and Rented Housing among Permanent

Rt:-sidents, Migrants and Commuters

209

Table 8.12

Level of Iiteracy

2 10

Table 8.13

Levels of Literacy among Permanent Residents, First Generation Migrants

and Second Generation Migrants (in per cent)

211

Table 8.14

Unionization among Rickshaw-Pullers

212

Table 5.5
- Table 5.6

Vll

Table 8.15

Nature of Residence

213

Table 8.16

Types of Migration

213

Table 8.17

Inter State Migration

214

Table 8.18

Inter-District Migration

214

Table 9.1

Rural-Urban Linkages in the Region

218

Table 9.2

Routes and Buses Operated in the Region by Private Bus Associations, 1998

Table 9.3

Routes and Buses Operated in the Region by SBSTC, 1998

222
222

Table 9.4

Route Pattern of Buses

223

Table 9.5

Town Service Network

224

Table 9.6

Number of Financial Institutions in the Rural Areas

247

Table 9.7

Educational Institutions ofthe Rural Areas, 1996-'97

248

Table 9.8

Public Health Services in the Rural Areas of the Region, 1996- '97

250

Table 9.9

Political Network in the Region, 1998

254

VII!

LIST OF FIGURES
Page No.
Figure 1.1

Location Map

Figure 4.1

location of Gram Panchayats

93

Figure 4.2

Female Male Ratio

97

Figure 4.3

Literacy Levels

100

Figure 4.4

Scheduled Caste Population

l02a

Figure 4.5

Scheduled Tribe Population

104

Figure 4.6

Levels of Work Participation

107

Figure 4.7

Levels of Employment in Primary Sector

109

Figure 4.8

levels of Employment in Secondary Sector

Ill

Figure 4.9

Levels ofEmployment in Tertiary Sector

114

Figure 4.10

Levels of Female Literacy

117

Figure 4.11

Levels of .Female Work Participation

120

Figure 5.1

Levels ofDevelopment

129

Figure 6.1

Location ofLarge Villages

140

Figure 6.2

Spatial Distribution Pattern ofLarge Villages

144

Figure 6.3

Density Pattern of Large Villages

146

Figure 6.4

Gro\\lth Potential and Gro\\lth in tre Dernity ofpopulation ofl.arge Villages

162

Figure 6.5

Location ofRural Market Centres

166

Figure 7.1

Changing Nucleus for Urban Growth, Burdwan Town

175

Figure 7.2

Density and Density Gradient of Population. Burdwan Town

180

Figure 7.3

Variations in the Quality ofUrban Population, Burdwan Town

188

Figure 9.1

Road Network of the Region

220

Figure 9.2

Network of Town Bus Service

226

Figure 9.3

Railway Network ofthe Region

229

Figure 9.4

Telecommunication Linkages of the Region

243

Figure 9.5

Network ofCPTM Party in the Region

255

IX

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
1.1.

Putting Our Study in Perspective

1

Towns and cities have always fascinated writers and researchers all over the world.
There is a great divergence regarding the points of view from which they are looked at since
the scholars themselves come from various disciplines, as also the tact that the urban
phenomena in their totality are incomprehensible to any single discipline. Thus, while
studying the urban phenomena, academicians, planners, administrators and others choose to
deal with only some particular aspect of the multi-faceted complexity. In India too, urban
centres of various sizes have attracted the attention of scholars since ancient times. At the
same time, there has been a distinct stream of opinion against urban centres.
The anti-urban bias has a ;long history whether in America (Delafons, 1969) or in
Britain (Glass, 1955). At the same time, there have been philosophers like Aristotle who
believed that to develop human faculties and raise himself above the level of barbarism to
live well instead of merely living, man has to form an actual physical city. As Collingwood
and Myres ( 1936) wrote while describing the contrast between the Greco-Roman and the
British concepts of the town, 'Man's body and animal existence might be satisfied by the
country; his spiritual needs could only be satisfied by the town.'
Perceptions of rural-urban differences in the third world, however, are not as sharp as
the ones mentioned here. There are still a lot of rural ingredients mixed in the urban society
and economy. This is due to entirely different historical forces operating in the third world.
Here, the 'Cities of Peasants' (Roberts, 1979) present quite a different picture where the
conventional western folk-urban contrasts are not validated. This is particularly true of the
comparatively smaller towns, larger villages and market centres than the metropolitan cities.
These settlements lying midway in the rural-urban continuum are neither rural nor
urban in the western sense of the terms. Therefore, they have been described as 'rurban'
(Misra, 1978). Bengal, that part of India to receive the British 'modem' influence fully, had
its primate city in Calcutta. Still, Sinha (1965) has mentioned how the impact of urbanism on
interior Bengal generally tended to create 'rural towns' since nineteenth century Bengal.
They were mainly centres of country trade and regional administration. Such centres grew up
to serve local needs as well as for S(:rving as collection and distribution outposts for Calcutta.

The Census oflndia, in its report of 1911, pointed out the difficulty of distinguishing
between an overgrown village and a small town. 'The main point of difference' remarks the
report, 'lies in the occupations of the people, for a town is a centre of trade or at lea-;t ha-;
shops catering for the wants of the inhabitants and of the surrounding villages or it is a place
where the majority of the residents are engaged in non-agricultural pursuits. In the villages,
however, the majority is devoted to agriculture. As a rule, the village is purely residential and
shops are few and far between ....... '.
After a span of nearly ninety years, the basic difference between the large rural
settlements and small market towns of West Bengal still remains in their occupational
composition. In our study area there are a large number of villages whose population cross
the minimum threshold of 5,000 designated by the Indian Census. In many cases their
densities of population also exceed the minimum value of 400 per square kilometre. Again,
there are small market centres and towns where the tertiary sector comprises well over 80 per
cent of the total workers (Lahiri, 1986). Rural-urban interaction, therefore, constitutes a very
interesting subject matter especially in those regions where recent agricultural developments
have modified the sectoral power equations significantly.
The rural-urban continuum may have two expressions. First, is the physical area
around an urban centre where the rural landuse is gradually yielding to give rise to built-up
area. The second, more abstract meaning, implies a conceivable, hypothetical scale with rural
at its one end and urban on the other. In this research, we have used the term mostly in this
second, abstract sense, though because of my training as a geographer, the spatial
manifestation has been considered too.

1.2.

The Research Problem

Our area of research is the hitherto neglected topic of rural-urban interaction in the

context of a rather small city and its surrounding areas. The research problem may be put in
the form of a series of interrelated, but simple, questions:

is there a break or gap in the hypothetical and spatial continuity of the

phenomenon called 'urban' in the third world context ?

what are the social and economic characteristics of settlements that are located
midway along this continuum ?

what kind of role do the rural market centres play in integrating rural and urban
economics of the region?

what is the pattern of the level of development of the rural counterpart of the
Burdwan town and how

far

is this pattern related to the linkage with the urban

centre?

what are the linkages that have developed between an agriculturally prosperous
region and its central to\\ln ?

how far does the informal sector of Burdwan's economy bear the characteristics
ofthird world urban informal sector, and how far does this sector of the economy
ret1ect the close ties between the rural and urban areas of the region?

In the ideal situation. a town exists because of the countryside and within it. There is
a give-and-take relationship between the town and its surrounding rural areas, which enable
the continued existence and growth of the town.
lt is the process of interaction that helps to spread the impulse of urbanization around

the town itself and turns the fringe areas into urbanized peripheries.
Towns exist depending on the supply of different household materials produced in the
countryside. On the other hand, the surrounding countryside receives the facilities or supply
of finished products besides the various services. The urban centre also acts as a centralized
labour market providing opportunities and attracting the possible rural migrant.
Towns, small or large, must have complementary regions. As the town grows in area
and population, the size of this region is enlarged. Further areas become added to the
complementary region with the development of transportation links. A reciprocal relationship
develops between the town and its surrounding areas.
A thriving rural-urban interaction gives rise to 'satellite' market centres of an urban
area. Initially such centres develop

a')

larger rural settlements at the points having a higher

degree of linkage with the nearest urban centre. These settlements represent a twilight zone
in the rural-urban continuum where the urban traits gradually dissolve into more rural ones.
The research problems identified by us relate to this zone - both conceptually and in the real
physical sense.

1.3.

Objectives of the Study

Since 1960s, attention of urban geographers has shifted to the specificities of the

urbanization process in the third world. It is now more or less accepted that many urban
theories formed in the context of developed North do not apply to the ground realities of the

less developed South. One primary reason is that the historical experience of the countries of
Asia. Africa and Latin America has been considerably different from the western world.
However, a common agreement is yet to emerge even among the experts of third
world urbanization. The rural-urban disjunction and the dominance of metropolitan cities are
characteristics that have been extensively debated by the scholars. Still, the area that has not
been studied extensively and in detail at the micro-level is that of rural-urban interaction in
the locaL small town context.
Our objective of the present study is to enquire the linkages between the rural and
urban sectors of the economy in the context of an agriculturally prosperous area and to reveal
how they have led to the formation of multifaceted functional, regional relationships to
produce a complete regional identity. This region is in no way a uniform entity; we have
discussed in detail the intra-regional diversities with regard to rural development. Through
our study, we have tried to establish the importance of various kinds of interactions that exist
between the town and its surrounding region. Finally, our objective is to demolish and
invalidate the generalizing myth of rural-urban disjunction in third world countries through
the micro-level study of a small town and its surrounding region.

1.4.

A Profile of the Study Region

It has always been customary for geographers to define a study area. As Fenneman

(1919, p.7) stated' .... the one thing that is first, last and always geography and nothing else.
is the study of areas in their compositeness and complexity, that is regional geography'. This
statement was made at the height of dominance of regional concept, and much time has
passed since it. Also, geography has undergone major upheavals in its intellectual history;
upheavals that discourage us now to reiterate Fenneman's I 919 quote with some degree of
fmality. Still, we feel the geographical tradition of 'specific' studies have much to commend.
Even if such studies do not lead to theory-formulation, the insights gained into a problem
through a region-oriented study can lead to a valuable understanding of theories and models.
This research however, is not exactly a 'regional study', in this sense as it does not
intend to gather encyclopaedic or descriptive knowledge of the area chosen. The well-defined
spatial unit studied here is not a 'uniform' region in the conventional sense ofthe term.
We have selected eleven rural development blocks in the eastern part of Burdwan
District. Burdwan town is located at the centre and acts as the regional urban focus for it
(Figure 1.1 ).

LOCATION MAP
BURDWAN DISTRICT
26.
N

rz~

Study Area

10

tm

sa 130' E
23

JON

Burdwon Town
B~

~c

_ _ _ _ _ _ L ____ _

Ftgure No

J.l

There are several rural market centres (Galsi, Nar~ Banpas, Sehara, Saktigarh,
Satgachhia, Monteswar, Kusumgram, Sura, Palla, Shyamsundar, Bhatar, and Raina) having
close physical and economic links with Burdwan. These centres, nearly encircling the main
town, are all located within a radius of 40 kilometres from Burdwan, and are quite wellconnected to it. Together, the eleven development blocks comprise a total area of 2,821
square kilometre. and form our study region identified on the basis of functional coherence,
economic unity and broad similarities in agricultural development.
Located in the eastern part of Burdwan district in the lower part of West Bengal (from
1

2258 N to 23"33 N latitudes, and from 8733 E to 8815 1E longitudes), the region forms a
part of the agriculturally prosperous near-flat plain of Ganga. The Damodar river flows
through the region from the west and takes a southward bend after Burdwan town.
1.4.1. Physical Environment
The physical environment of the region is more or less uniform. Burdwan region
belongs to the 11at alluvial plain of lower Damodar valley region with very insignificant relief
variation. The area is drained by the river Damodar and three other smaller streams - Kunur.
Khari and Banka. The general elevation of the region varies from 40 to 13 metres above
mean sea level with a slight slope from northwest to southeast.
The region enjoys a typical tropical monsoon climate. The average annual rainfall
varies between 140 and 160 centimetres, and this heavy rainfall is highly concentrated in
summer months. The maximum average temperature is attained in April and the highest
maximum ever recorded was in May. Summer temperatures are quite high, varying between
26C and 42C. The lowest temperature is attained in the month of January. The winter
temperature varies between 9C and l5C.
Geologically the region is almost entirely covered by a relatively thin blanket of
Holocene alluvium. The sandy loam and clay loam soils of the region provided suitable land
for agriculture which has been utilized for millenia for intensive and efficient rice cultivation.
The region has very little of its natural vegetal cover left due to the extension of cultivation
and settlement. Only small patches of secondary growth of forest are still to be found in
Ausgram-1 (2.237 hectares). Memari-11 (330 hectares), Jamalpur (240 hectares) and Bhatar
( 130 hectares) blocks. Three blocks (Mcmari-L Raina-1 and Monteswar) are totally devoid
of any forest. The forest areas of the rest tour blocks like Burdwan-I and II, Galsi-II and
Khandaghosh vary between I 5 to 40 hectares, that is, very negligible in the practical sense.

1.4.2. Socio-Economic Environment

Burdwan, since the historical past, has been an important urban centre of lower
Bengal. During the Mughal rule it thrived as a revenue collection centre, continued to
flourish as an iron-working centre till the advent of the railways, and become a major railway
junction after 1857 when Calcutta was connected to the Raniganj coalbelt through rail lines.
Since independence, the town has flourished in population and its economic base has
become more complex. lts complementary region has also increased in size with the
development of transportation links.
The Burdwan region is economically better off in comparison to the rural areas of
other districts of West Bengal. The naturally fertile land of the region is intensively used for
agriculture with the help of successful implementation of land reforms. High Yielding
Variety (HYV) seeds, chemical fertilizers and irrigation water. The D.V.C canal network
serves the region with profuse irrigation water since 1950s. Besides these canals numerous
shallow and submersible pumps also supplement the irrigation water needed for double and
multiple cropping of the region. Agriculture in its developed form employs 78 to 96 per cent
of the workforce in the predominantly rural economy of the region.
In recent years, however, surplus generated from agriculture has provided the
stimulus for diversification of the rural economy. As a result, a number of market centres
have come up in the region at more accessible points serving their immediate rural
surroundings as lower order central places or rural service centres. The manufacturing or
secondary sector of the economy in comparison is still somewhat limited in its scope of
development within the region with only agro-processing units like rice mills, oil mills etc.
Rural society of the region with a female-male ratio of 971 and a literacy rate of
47.67 per cent is a little more advanced than the other agricultural areas of the state. The
percentage shares of scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population in the rural counterpart
ofthe region are 32.21 and 9.37 respectively.
Besides Burdwan, the central urban focus of the region, there are two other urban
market centres (Guskara and Mernari) in the region. Among them Guskara is located 32
kilometre northwest of Burdwan in Ausgram-I block, and Memari is 25 Kilomtres from
Burdwan and finds itself in the eastern part within Memari-I hlock (Figure 6.5 ).
These two urban centres are primarily market centres for local agricultural produce.
In addition they also perform the role of higher order service centres for their relatively
smaller complementary region. But both of these towns and their complementary regions are

again merged into the functional region of the higher order urban centre, Burdwan with a
high degree of economic

1.5.

coherenc(~.

Why this Region?

One more question that ne<::ds discussion before we go into the actual study is - why

have we chosen this particular spatial unit?

Traditionally, geographers have specialized in a systematic branch of knowledge as
well as a specific regional unit. It is common to find geographers saying 'this is my study
area'; this study area could be of any size and have any political/social attribute, but the
empirical nature of our discipline ensures that we must work on the real world or at least a
parcel of it. Attempts to break away from this tradition, set by the ancient Greeks, have not
been happy for geographers, but that is beyond the purview of our present discussion.
The question is regarding the justification of our choice of Burdwan: do we see our
region as a representative of the third world or as an exceptional one? In other words, is our
region an exemplar, a case in hand showing all the characteristics, on the basis of which
generalization or theory formulation will be possible. Alternatively, the case may be studied
as an anomaly to the general situation. Clearly. an answer to the question will reveal our
conceptual standpoint. We began with the hypothesis that our study region is a
representative, albeit in a microcosmic way, of the emerging scenario of urbanization in the
developing countries of the world. We expected to be able to see some similarities between
the conditions existing here with that, say any other countries, of the third world.
During the course of our study we, however, began to feel that such generalizations
are valid only at a broad level. There are some undeniably unique characteristics - such as its
history of agricultural prosperity - which give the region a separate identity and personality
of its own. The answer, therefore, is not simple and direct; in certain cases we have treated
the Burdwan region as a microcosm of the third world, whereas in others we have
highlighted its individuality as evident through the hightened rural-urban interactions.
The very basis of our selection of Burdwan region for study was subjective, as we
have mentioned before, we grew up in this region and know it a<> the palm of our hand.
Therefore, when the problem of selecting an area came up, we naturally chose Burdwan with
which we are familiar. The case of collecting data, doing the field work, obtaining base maps
because of our proximity to the study region were also important factors.

1.6.

Methodology
This dissertation is based on the empirical study of a specific regional unit where we

have tested the models and theories of urbanization as conceptualized by scholars of both the
developed and developing world. We collected data through intensive field surveys since
1994. Data collation continued well into 1999 with cartographical work and report-writing in
successton.

The steps followed in the study can be organized in the following manner:
Identification of Research

Problen~
....

Selection of Study Region

Literature Survey

./

./

-......

Pre Field Stage

-------------------------------------------- -------------------------------------------\I!

I Secondary Data Collection

IField Work & Primary Data Collection
~~ld_~!~---------------------------------~--------------------------------------------[ Collation of Data

~alysis and Mapping

ISeminar Lectures & Open Discussions

\I!

~:;'inal Report Writing

~
[

Presentation

Post Field Stage

1.7.

Usefulness of the Research

A bulk of research has been devoted to the analysis of urban and rural 'development'

as separate issues (Potter, 1985; Harriss, 1982; Gilbert and Gugler, 1982; Roberts, 1979). But
there has until recently been a dearth of material published on the wider interactions and
linkages between urban and rural areas (Unwin, 1989). Studies of interactions between urban
and rural areas have much usefulness, particularly in the context of a third world country.

It is essential to view rural-urban interaction as being the outcome of a series of

underlying economic, social, political and ideological processes. These find particular
expression in flows and linkages between rural and urban areas.
As we know that a development programme of rural areas can never be properly
executed without a well-articulated marketing system of agricultural produce. To articulate a
proper marketing system, the rural economy must be integrated with its urban counterpart.
This integration can be done through micro level regional planning. Thus planning should be
done at the same time for urban and rural areas treating them as components of a single
functional region or unit.
To develop a successful planning model, planners must have an understanding of the
roles of large villages and local market centres as well as the knowledge of existing patterns
of linkages between rural and urban areas of a region. In this context, this study will have
much relevance to the district-level and state-level planners. In the dissertation we have
analyzed in detail the following aspects of the region:
i)

rural development of the region in the last three decades;

ii)

role ofBurdwan town in the rural-urban interaction of the region;

iii)

rural-urban

linkage

and

its multifaceted

aspects

like

transportation,

telecommunication, social, political etc;

iv)

pattern of rural market centres linking rural with urban and developing a
regular hierarchy of marketing system;

v)

pattern of rural to urban migration in the urban informal economy; and

vi)

gram panchayat wise levels of development and infrastructure.

From this study on above lines planners can derive a large amount of information
currently existing untapped at the ground level on infrastructure and linkages. We have also
tried to identify the gaps in the rural-urban linkages. Removing these gaps planners may be
able to develop a micro-level plan for the region. The analyses of transportation linkages and
their limitations will be useful in planning micro-level development by providing the

10

decision-makers with information to prepare growth incentives and marketing infrastructures.

The analysis of the panchyat level data will be useful for planning the infrastructure in those
panchayats which have lagged behind. This will help them to diffuse development evenly
over the entire region and to remove the intra-regional disparities.
Finally, it can be said that this study will also encourage other scholars to turn their
attention away from specially urban or rural issues and to concentrate instead on rural-urban
interaction in their exploration of change in developing countries.

1.8.

Time Span and Data Sources

The datum line for the secondary data used in this study is 1971; this year roughly

denotes the conditions existing in the time immediately succeeding the IADP years and can
be suitably used as a starting point of recent history. However, we have often looked into

historical data sources as at a partial explanation of the present conditions.

Since the most recent census data relates to the year 1991, we have referred to that
year as 'present' whenever dealing with secondary data.
The entire work was done over a period of six years, from 1994 to 2000. Field work
was initiated early in 1994. The data on gram panchayats relate to the year 1994. The survey
of the rickshaw-pullers was done in 1996.
Both primary and secondary data were used in the study. Secondary data include the
census figures as well as official information, and maps provided by various government
offices.
Survey oflndia topographical sheets (No. 73 M/10, 73 M/11, 73 M/12, 73 M/14, 73
M/15, 73 M/16, 73 N/9, 73 N/13, 79 A/2, 79 A/3, 79 A/4 and 79 B/1) covering the entire
region have been collected from

th{~

Calcutta Regional office. District Land Revenue office

and the 1971 census reports provided us with mouza level maps of the region to demarcate
the gram panchayat boundaries. The transport map of the region was collected from the
office of District Engineer, Zilla Parishad, Burdwan. Municipal ward maps (pertaining to
difh~rent

years) were collected from the oftice ofBurdwan Municipality.

Data related to linkages were also collected from official sources especially those on
bus service and telecommunications.. Data related to bus service (number of routes, number
of buses, number of trips) were collected from the office of Regional Transport Authority
and the Central Bus Terminus (Tinkonia) of Burdwan. The Subdivisional Telephone

II

Exchange, Burdwan, provided us with the location of sub-exchanges and their coresponding
number of connections in difterent areas of the region.
Other data sources on different aspects of the study are the Bureau of Applied
Economics and Statistics, District Planning Cell, Zilla Parisad, District Agricultural Office
etc.
A series of interviews wert: taken with different officials and resource persons from
the Regional Transport Office, Zilla Parishad and Municipality in the context of linkages and
levels of development.

Note
I keeping aside semantic discussions, these two words will be used interchangeably without any implied
difference.

12

CHAPTER II
THEBACKGRIIND
2.1.

Introduction
Third world urbani?..ation process is different from that of the developed world in

many ways. These intricacies need a closer look to understand our study and put it in context.
In this chapter we will briefly discuss the third world urbanization process as examined by
previous scholars. We will also look into the patterns, processes and recent trends of
urbanization in India, West Bengal and Burdwan District based on existing literature and
available census data.
Finally, in this chapter we will make a survey of literature problematizing rural-urban
interaction in third world countries. The objective is to provide the conceptual background of
our research. The aim is to establish that whereas the conventional literature on third world
urbanization has explored the existence and causes of rural-urban disjunction, more recent
literature looks at the third world urban phenomena in more innovative ways. This chapter,
therefore. will prepare us for and lead into our study of rural-urban interaction in Burdwan
town and surrounding rural areas.

2.2.

Third World Urbanization

In the present day world, urbanization patterns and natures vary over time and space.

An understanding of urbanization of the third world 1 countries is thereby necessary before

going into the examination of rural-urban interaction in the Burdwan region.

Settlements of a country or region develop in response to its political-economic
system and level of economic development. Rural-urban differences exist in varying degrees
in practically every nation today (McGee, 1971 ), but they are more prominent in third world
than elsewhere. Such a dualism existing in the economic structure of a country breaks the
historical continuity of its evolving settlement system This gap is evident as wide interregional disparities in levels of development and inadequacy of linkages between the urban
centres and their surrounding rural

area~.

Consequently, there occurs a malfunctioning of the

supply and distribution system. haphazard development of services in the urban and rural
settlements, and ill-conceived development strategies and policies. Poorly conceived
planning policies in tum tend to disrupt and distort the evolution of the whole system of
13

settlements, thereby preventing spatial integration and optimization of production. These

phenomena arc prevalent in almost all the third world countries due to their similarities in
past politico-economic development patterns, and as a result they tend to have comparable
urban economies in the present era.
Urbanization is an indication of modernization, the sign of economic growth and
progress. Large-scale urbanization has started to sweep over the less-developed countries
only in recent years. increasing urbanization is now occurring throughout the developing
world, unfortunately, however, at a pace far in excess of economic advances, and the third
world is now undergoing a great urban crisis on a scale unknown to the advanced countries
during their main period of growth (Mountjoy, 1978 ).
It is often argued that the: 'industrial urban development in the west and in the

underdeveloped countries today is the same process although greatly separated in time and
place' (Reissman, 1964 ). The adherents of this view believe that the third world urbanization
is only a repetition of the western experience and the process especially of Western Europe
and North America in the nineteenth century although in a radically ditTerent framework
(Dickenson. et a/., 1983). Herbert and Thomas (1982) while discussing along this line of
thought have shown that many third world countries have still remained relatively
'unurbanized', and there are great differences even among them. He also believes that while
all countries show some trend towards increasing urbanization, it is important to note that the
process has no global inevitability'.
It is now generally recognized that the historical process of urbanization in the

developing countries is fundamentally different from that in advanced industrial societies,

and that the ecological and class structures of third world cities are, therefore, quite different
from those in western industrial om:s. Bruner (1961) noted early that the social concomitants
of the transition from rural to urban life are not the same in Southeast Asian countries as in
western societies. Increasing urbanization is now taking place throughout the third world and
this has triggered off a whole chain of phenomena of modernization and social change.
Urbanization in the majority of these countries has two interesting characteristics. First, cities
have grown at a very fast rate during the last two/three decades, and second, this growth has
not been associated with a rate of economic growth fa-;t enough to provide employment
opportunities for the rapidly increasing populations of these cities. Towns of substantial size
have doubled or even trebled their populations within a decade. Such is the magnitude of
urban growth in these countries that it has been equated to a great 'urban crisis' (Mountjoy,
1978).
14

In the period following the World War ll, third world countries grew so rapidly that,
between 1940 and 1975 their urban populations double~ and in some countries half or more
of the population is now living in towns of20,000 and more. Moreover, this urban population
is concentrated in a few large urban centres having high rates of growth, intense poverty and
sharply contrasting 'traditional' and 'modern' lifestyles coexisting together. These large
cities often with a population of one million or over, are increasing faster in size than the
smaller cities. The largest of them - the super-cities of five million or more - are growing
fastest of all (Dickenson, et a!., 1983 ).
Urbanization - wherever it takes place - implies a process of social and economic
transformation reflecting an occupational change from agriculture to manufacturing and then
to tertiary or the service sector. As more people begin to live in urban centres, agriculture
becomes a less direct source of livelihood, functions become more specialized, and a
territorial division of labour takes place increasingly. In a survey of forty countries, Gibbs
and Browing (1966) have shown fairly close correlations between an index of urbanization
(expressed as a percentage of population in metropolitan areas), and the dimensions of the
division of labour in terms of industrial diversification. technological development and the
territorial dispersion of the somces of consumer goods imported. Specialization and
interdependence are thus products of industrialization and leads to patterns of urbanization
which are distinguished from one another.
The growth of third world cities is much faster 'than the expansion of manufacturing
employment, resulting in a direct shift out of agriculture into services' (Moore, 1966). Due to
this peculiar tertiary nature of the urban economy, it has been termed hyper-urbanization
(Safa, 1982), over-urbanization (Sovani, 1964) and even pseudo-urbanization (McGee,
1971 ). According to Mountjoy ( 1978) the flood of migration into the to\Vns does not bear any
relationship to expanding economies and opportunities: under-employment in the village is
being exchanged for unemployment in the towns.
Employment in third world cities, in addition, is heavily reliant on petty services and
manufacturing on a small scale- what has been variously called the 'bazaar economy', the
informal sector or the lower circuit (Dickenson eta/., 1983). This has largely been caused by
unchecked population growth. rurall-urban migration and weak non-industrialized economies
or capital-intensive industries unable to absorb an ever-growing labour supply. Therefore.
employment in the third world cities tor the rapidly expanding labour force hinges upon the
absorptive capacity of small industries with high labour requirements but low productivity.
Manufacturing activities such as shoemaking, traditional and modem handicrafts, metal work
15

and machinery repatr; trade, especially selling or hawking of food and clothing in
makeshift/temporary markets and on streets; services including domestic service, shoeshining, rickshaw-pulling, car wa<>hing; and casual labour of all kinds. The cities are
structurally weak and, because of their inadequate economic bases, are more 'formal' than
junctional' entities. Consequently, they often tend to be parasitic on the rural societies
within which they are placed.
However, according to Castells ( 1977), the problems of hyper-urbanization in third
world cities are not causes but symptoms of' dependent' or 'peripheral' capitalism. The late
entry of these countries into the global capitalist economy led to their dependence on
advanced industrial societies for

~capital,

technology and export markets. This dependence

started during the colonial period and has led to the increasing penetration of capitalism in
the third world in a later period. The prevailing economic structure was destroyed and
brought in fundamental changes in the modes of production.
Some third world scholars are not willing to accept that over-urbanization exists in
their countries. For example Bose (1978) suggests that these countries in the late twentieth
century are comparable to weste:m societies at similar stages of development. He also
believes that urbanization is an essential element in the process of economic growth and
social change in south and Southeast Asia. This view looks at the third world cities as
'beach-heads' centres for modernimtion which act as catalysts for economic growth, centres
from which the benefits of modernization flow outwards to revitalize the stagnating
agricultural sector (McGee, 1971 ). In the same line of thought, Noble and Dutt ( 1978) argue
that the process of urbanization will trigger off a transformation process of the traditional
rural, agricultural economies and turn them into modern, urban industrialized economies.
Berry (1973) views the cities of the third world as 'main centres of social and political
change' and explains their rapid growth by the attraction of rural poor to this new form of
centrality. This, however, is explicitly a matter of ideological orientation.
Barke and O'Hare ( 1984) with a positive outlook towards third world urbanization
explains the advantageous role of towns and cities in the development of the economies of
these countries in the following way:
I. economically. towns provide the market and exchange centres which are

necessary in the conversion of a predominantly subsistence economy to a cash

economy;
2. industrially, towns may provide a stimulus for development as they are large
agglomerations of population and therefore of low cost labour;
16

3. socially, the mixing of people in the urban centres exposes them to a diversity of
ideas :md stimuli. These may be important in the change of attitudes, beliefs and
values, which constitute a part of the modernization process.
Many of the initial criticisms of third world urban development appear to be criticism
of excessive primacy. At the same time, it was beginning to be noted that while the primate
city still dominated third world urban scenario, not all urban development is necessarily
centred in the largest city (Barke and O'Hare, 1984). Smaller intermediate centres in the vast
rural areas have beneficial and positive effects on the region's development. They possess
economies of scale for serving the needs of the population in their, albeit smaller, regions.
Such intermediate and smaller urban centres develop through the perfurmance of commercial
and administrative functions and contribute positively to the development of both these
centres and their hinterlands.
Differences of opinion stilll exist among scholars regarding the role of the urban
centres in the development of the third world countries. However, there ts consensus
regarding the remarkable demographic changes that characterize urbanization in the third
world countries (I Ierbert and Thomas, 1982). These countries, in general, are now
experiencing an unprecedented rate of population growth. There has been little change in the
relative rural-urban ratios and thus the continuing increase of rural population has masked the
relative impact of urban growth. This is because there is not yet a sharp difference between
the rates of natural increase in rural and urban areas of these countries. Thus urbanization in
the third world is to be viewed within the demographic framework of the countries
concerned.
This vtew, however, is debatable as the report of the UNESCO seminar on
Urbanization in Asia and the Far East clearly stated that economic pressure or 'push' from
the countryside rather than the demand for labour by developing economic activity in the
towns and cities, that is, their 'pull' spurs on the urbanization process in the region. Seen
from this point of view, the rapid urbanization ofthird world countries is attributable to large
scale rural-urban migration, almost a mass exodus, from the poverty-stricken rural areas.
Whether these rural migrants are evenly absorbed in the labour markets or swell the ranks of
the unemployed is another matter. The UNESCO seminar report also noted that the recent
rapid rate of urbanization in Asian countries docs not speak of a corresponding growth of
industry in towns and cities. Instead, it stands for a shift of people from low-productive
agricultural employment to yet another section marked by low-productive urban employment
such as handicraft production, retail trading, domestic services etc. Designating this process
17

of direct shift out of agriculture into services as 'tertiarization'. MeGee (1971) traces its
origin to capital-intensive industriali71ltion of these countries.
Although towns and cities of the third world have always got more attention both
from the academicians and planning decision-making authorities (see Alam and Gopi, 1976;
Cohen. 1979), the time is not yet ripe for the formulation of a theory. Discreet subtypes often
seem to exist within the third world itself, and there is an immense variety of urban types. In
1960, Sjoberg commented that 'much of what has been written on the subject is the product
of premature generalization based on limited observation of the western experience'. This
comment no longer holds true. ln recent years, there has been intense scrutiny of the urban
process of the third world countries and many of the older notions that used to be held as
sacred have now been demolished.

2.3.

Patterns, Processes and Recent Trends of Urbanization

After this brief discussion on third world urbanization, we shall now move into the

discussion of the patterns, processes and recent trends of urbanization in India West Bengal
and Burdwan district. This analysis will provide the broader context to understand the nature
of interaction between rural and urban areas of the study region. The terms 'process of
urbanization indicate here the transformation of rural areas, societies and economies into
urban. By pattern' we mean both the spatial and temporal dimensions ofurbani71ltion in the
context of the third world. We have also made a distinction between the rate of urbanization
be.

and the level of urbanization. Following Bose (1974) it cank said that the former indicates
percentage decadal increase or decrease in the urban population, the latter signifies
percentage decadal increase or decrease in the proportion of urban population to the total
population. In discussing the recent trends, we have used census data pertaining to the year
1901 onwards. However, we have given special emphasis on the data since 1951 as they
reveal the post-independence and post-industrial urban trends.

2.3.1

India
Like several other developing countries, India is undergoing massive urbanization. In

the first 40 years of this century, lthe proportion of urban population was less than 12 per
cent. The proportion has steadily increased from 17.29 per cent in 1951 to 25.72 per cent in
1991 (Table 2.1 ). In 1991 the urban population of India was just over a quarter of the total
population. However, in absolute numbers, India's urban population is very high, that is, 217

18

million. According to some scholars (Mohan, 1996; Drakakis-Smith, 1987 etc.) Indian urban
experience is repeating the same historical trajectory followed by Europe and North America.
Drakakis-Smith, ( 1987) attributed the recent growth of large urban centres to the shifting of
production tacilities to developing countries like India by multinational conglomerates
resulting in a new international division of labour.

Table 2.1: Trends of Urbanization in India, 1901-1991

--

r~

o-

"

'

. --

--

Len sus No. ofUAs Total pop. (in Urban pop.

year
and towns
millions)
(in millions)

Urban pop. a.
% of total pop.

Decada/ growth of
urban pop. (%)

1901

1,827

238.40

25.85

10.84

1911

1,815

252.09

25.94

10.29

0.35

1921

1,949

251.32

28.09

11.18

8.27

1931

2,072

278.98

33.46

11.99

19.12

1941

2.250

318.66

44.15

I3.86

31.97

I95I

2.843

361.09

62.44

I 7.29

41.42

196I

2,365

439.23

78.94

17.97

26.41

1971

2,590

548.16

I 09.11

19.91

38.23

1981

3,378

683.33

159.46

23.34

46.14

1981

3,768

844.32

217.18

25.72

36.19

Source: Misra 1998

The number ofurban agglomerations and towns has more than doubled in India since
the beginning of this century (from I ,827 in 1901 to 3, 768 in 1991 ). Among these urban
centres the highest growth rate is found in the class I cities (Misra, 1998). The total urban
population in 1901 was 25.85 million only, which has increased 8 times by 1991 (Table 2. I).
From the decadal growth rate of urban population between 190 I and 1991 it is clear
that urban growth in India has acce:lerated after the independence in 194 7. Up to 1931 the
decadal growth rate was below 20 per cent. In 1941 the growth rate increased to 31.97 per
cent. Later on, it started to fluctuate between 26.41 per cent in 1961 and 46.14 per cent in
1981.
The pattern of urbanization in India has also changed considerably smce the
beginning of the 20 1h century. This changing pattern and recent trends are highlighted in the
size-class distribution of towns (fable 2.2). The relative proportions of class L class II. class
III and class IV towns in the total urban centres of India have increased considerably. The
proportion of class I towns has increased more than 6 times from 1.33 per cent in 1901 to
19

8.20 per cent in 1991. The proportion of class II towns has increased nearly 4 times from
2.37 per cent in 1901 to 9.45 per cent in 1991. The class 111 towns have experienced increase
of about three and half times. The proportion of class IV towns has increased from 21.59 per
cent to 3 1.4 5 per cent.
About 65 per cent of the total urban population of India is concentrated in these class
I towns. Again within class I cities, 23 cities with a million or more population claim 51 per
cent ofthe population. This indicates a high concentration of urban population in large cities.
This has further aggravated the urban-rural divide (Misra, 1998).
On the other hand, the relative significance of smaller towns in the Indian urban
scenario has decreased considerably. Both the number and the proportion of class V and class
VI towns have lessened between I 90 I and 1991. The proportion of class V town has declined
from 41.08 per cent in 1901 to 20.09 per cent in 1991. Again the proportion of class VI town
has declined five times from 26.45 pt:r cent to 5.13 per cent during the same period.
From the size-class distribution of towns a few remarkable trends of Indian
urbanization can be highlighted. These are as follows:
1. the shares of all categories oftowns except class III between 1901 and 1991 have

experienced considerable fluctuatia";

2. remarkable changes in the percentage share of all categories of towns have taken
place after 1951, that is, after independence and inception of planned
development in India;
3. highest growth in the proportion of urban population is found in class I towns
(more th<m six times); and
4. remarkable decline in the proportion of urban population has been experienced by
class VI towns (from 26.45 per cent in 1901 to 5.13 per cent in 1991).
Experts have continually noted the highly polarized and unbalanced nature of the
spatial pattern of urbanization in India marked with sharp regional variations, core-periphery
dichotomy and strong rural-urban divide (Badshah, 1996; Bose, 1993; Mohanty, 1993;
Prakasa Rao, 1983; Mohan and Pant, 1982 etc.). Significant urban concentrations especially
around million cities are also found in India at the state level (Mohan, 1996). Urban patterns
too are diverse; if it is monocentric in West Bengal, then pluralism and diffusion rule in
Punjab, and in Kerala we have a pattern that has no parallel in any other state (Dasgupta,
2000).
The development of urban corridors' is another important characteristic of the recent
urban pattern in India. A signiticant number of the million cities in Jndia lies in the already

20

established urban corridors (Roy, 1993). These urban corridors are strongly interacting linear
urban developmt"'rts and have grown up along strategic transportation links having a higher
level of infrastructure (Dutt and Parai, 1999).
The economic basis of Indian urbanization is also interesting in nature. Nearly half
(47.50 per cent) of the towns of India are based on agriculture. Even though they contain
only 15.85 per cent of the total urban population, they forman important link between rural
areas and large cities (Dikshit, 1997). The number of industrial towns and service towns are
the same in 1991. However, the proportion of urban population in industrial town is nearly
double the proportion of service towns (Misra, 1998). Primary activities are dominant in the
towns of size class III to V. On the other hand, industrial functions are concentrated in class I
towns, although the percentage of towns dominated by this function is more in class III and
IV categories.
Contemporary urbanization in India is marked by slowing down of the rate of
urbanization and the declining growth rate of metropolitan cities. Declining rate of n.rral to
urban migration in the last decade ( 1981 to 1991) is one of the main reasons of slower rate of
urbanization. Bose (1993) has attributed this lessening flow of rural to urban migration to the
.rur.al development programmes under the five-year plans improving the economic condition
in rural areas. Whatever the reason behind the declining trend of India's urbanization, it is a
good one indeed . This trend can check the 'million cities' (Misra, 1978) from becoming
'super conurbations' (Dutt, 1993) in near future. These million cities, later termed
'metropolitan agglomerations' by Misra (1998), occupy a special place and perform a
remarkable role in Indian urbani2'.ation (Dikshit, 1997). They are more connected to the
economic trends and processes in the advanced capitalist world than their respective rural
hinterlands (Gugler, 1996; Diddee and Rangaswamy, 1993). These cities have accentuated
the disparities in regional economic development of the country (Patil, 1998) and intensified
the rural-urban dichotomy in India. However, the economic reforms and structural changes
that the Indian economy is undergoing will have significant impacts on Indian urbanization
(Badsha, 1996). What role the emerging information technology will play in reshaping Indian
urban patterns and reduce rural-urban divides is yet to be seen. Till now physical linkages of
various kinds, especially roads, have affected a more tangible and positive impa

. B. \:J. "LTR'R. -. .

----------. -
2.3.2. West Bengat

\';..--d.~~~.
s- ~. 'C)'S

! ) . p - '\

The history of urbanization in West Bengal dates back to ancient period when urban
life was primarily restricted to the few seats of Royalty. Such royal seats of ancient urban
21

growth were Gangaridai mentioned by Ptolemy. However, better known are the later ports
and trading centres of Tamralipti and Saptagram in lower Bengal. During the medieval
period. developing inter-regional trade and human movements contributed much to the
expansion and growth of urban ce:ntres (Sarkar, 1998).
The base of modern urbanization in West Bengal, however, was initiated by the
colonial powers especially the British, with the introduction of capitalistic mode of
production (Munshi, 1968). During the colonial period, centres of collection and distribution,
mining and plantation. civil lines. transport nodes, periodic/permanent market places, forts,
centres of administration, cantonments, railways colonies etc. formed the general embryonic
nuclei of towns in West Bengal (Sarkar, 1989). In this period, towns were the foci of
modernization suited to the colonial interest; they accentuated the internal spatial
heterogeneity and could hardly provide stimuli for national development.
In pre-independence West Bengal, urbanization pattern that gradually developed can
be called unicentred. Calcutta was by far the topmost urban centre, the only giant of an urban
centre among dwarf-sized towns spread around in districts as their headquarters, the
metropolitan seat of colonial administration, and the centre of international trade. The
permanent settlement system of land tenure, introduced by the British, led to the
concentration of agricultural surplus in hands of absentee zamindars residing in Calcutta.
Subsequently, industrial growth based primarily on export oriented jute industry took place
around Calcutta. In the late colonial phase, urban growth and industrial growth were
synonymous in West Bengal (Sarkar. 1995). With the colonial legacy urbanization in West
Bengal has become truly 'enclave type' (Zevelyov, 1989) showing very little structural
change in income distribution and occupational pattern (Mills and Becker, 1986).
The historical perspective suggests that in the pre-independence period the
urbanization process in West Bengal was determined largely by the exogenous factors rather
than being a part of the endogenous development of the region (Dasgupta, 2000). This has
resulted in an excessive concentration of the urban population in Calcutta-Hooghly and
Asansol-Durgapur industrial belts. These two major urban complexes continued to account
for the Lion's share of new and high-growth towns (Dasgupta, 1988).
Sarkar ( 1998) has identified four distinct phases of the 20th century urbanization
process in West Bengal. These are:
1. period of slow but steady urbanization ( 1901-'31 );
2. period of fast urbanization ( 1931-'51 );
3. period of sustained urhani7.ation (1951-'71); and
4. period of rapid urbanization ( 1971 onwards).

!!

In the period, 190 I~' 31 the areas around Calcutta with expanding road and rail
networks and a few coal mining areas began to attract people and bloomed into large towns.
Their urban economy was steadily improving through the opening up of coal mines, iron and
brass foundries, oil mills, paper mills, potteries, sugar factories, tanneries and tea plantations.
The period between 1931-' 51 was one of huge urban growth due to the factors of massive
rural push, lure of city life as the rural-urban amenity gap increased, agricultural
deterioration, and above all the partition of india leading to an influx of refugees. Since 1951,
that is, during the planned development ofboth agriculture and industry, urbanization process
in the state received a boost. The period of 1971 onward also experienced rapid urbanization
especially due to the proliferation of new urban centres based on mainly tertiary activities
and rapid transformation of rural landscapes around existing towns and cities into urban ones.
At the time of independence West Bengal was well advanced in urbanization
compared to India as a whole (Giri, 1998). However, at that time urbanization in the state
was highly concentrated in the Calc:utta region, while the interior districts had very low levels
of urbanization (Giri, 1988). After independence large-scale immigration from neighbouring
states especially Bangladesh, plarmed development of agriculture and industry together
brought remarkable changes in the urbanization pattern of the state.
In 1951, shortly after independence, the level of urbanization in West Bengal was
23.88 per cent, which gradually increa<>ed to 27.39 per cent in 1991. Although the state
maintained a higher level of urbanization than all India average, the decreasing gap between
the two indicates a slackening of the rate of urbanization in West Bengal (Table 2.2). In 1951
the rate ofurbanization was 2.38 percent which increased to 3.48 per cent in 1991. However.
during the same period, all India rate of urbanization increased from 3.93 to 10.20 per cent
(Table 2.2). The increasing gap between the rates of urbanization of West Bengal and India
again supports that urbanin1tion rate in West Bengal has been decreasing. In 1951 West
Bengal had a lcvd of urbanization (23.88 per cent) which was fourth in rank preceded by
Maharashtra, Gujrat and Tamilnadu. By 1991, the state was relegated to the sixth position
(27.39 per cent) because of its relatively slower rate of urbanization. However, this slower
rateofurbanization in West Bengal since 1951 can be explained partly by lower rate ofruralurban migration within the state and partly by relative industrial stagnation since 1960's
(Giri, 1998). The rate of urbanization in West Bengal since 1951 has not only become slower
but also unsteady and fluctuating (Table 2.2).

23

Table 2.2: Urbanization in West Bengal and lndia, 1951- 1991

Urbanization Level
West Bengal
All India
23.88
17.29

Year

-------------

1951

---

----

---

f!_a_{e_of u,.~a_niz(ltjon
West Bengal
All India

1961

24.45

17.97

2.38

3.93

1971

24.75

20.22

1.23

12.52

1981

26.47

23.34

6.95

15.43

1991

27.39

25.72

3.48

10.20

Source: Giri 1998

Dasgupta (2000) has divided the state West Bengal into four regions on the basis of
the level ofurbanization:

region I comprising the five most developed districts

111

and around Calcutta

metropolis:

region II containiing only one district. Burdwan, with a high level of urbanization
and industrialization:

region III consisting of six backward districts of North Bengal: and

region IV located on the western part of the state covering tive districts.

A significant feature of urbanization in West Bengal is the widely varying levels of

urbanization across the districts. Besides Calcutta Metropolitan District (totally urbanized).
North 24-Parganas (51.22 per cent), Howrah (49.57 per cent), Burdwan (35.08 per cent),
Hooghly (31.18 per cent), South 24-Parganas (30.8 per cent) and Darjeeling (30.46 per cent)
have higher level of urbanization as per 1991 census (Table 2.3). The rest of the districts
have lower level of urbanization ranging between 22.63 per cent (Nadia) and 7.07 per cent
(Maida). This varied level of urbanization can be attributed to the factors like historically
evolved uneven development of infra.<>tructure, industrial concentration in Calcutta-Hooghly
and Asansol-Durgapur region. the higher growth rate of large urban centres, uneven
development of agriculture e1tc.

24

Table 2.3: Districtwise Levels of Urbanization, West Bengal ( 1991)

Districts

Percentage of
urban population

Calcutta

100

Ranh

North 24-Parganas

51.22

Howrah

49.57

Burdwan

35.08

Hooghly

31.18

South 24-Parganas

30.80

Darjeeling

30.46

Nadia

22.63

Jalpaiguri

16.36

West Dinajpur

13.33

10

Murshidabad

10.42

\\

Midnapur

9.85

12

Purulia

9.44

13

Birbhum

8.98

14

Bankura

8.28

15

Coochbchar

7.80

\6

Maida

7.07

17

West Bengal

27.39

Source: Lahiri-Dutt, 2001

Another feature of urbanization m West Bengal in the la<>t three decades is the
growing importance of the large urban centres, mostly urban agglomerations. consisting. of a
number of adjacent urban units. The share of urban population living in class-1 cities has
increased from 75.12 per cent in 1951 to 81.71 per cent in 1991 (Table 2.4). On the other
hand. low proportions of urban population live in class IV (2.59 per cent), class V ( 1.35 per
cent) and class VI (0. I 1 per cent) towns (Table 2.4 ). The proportions of urban population of
class II and class III towns an: 6.58 per cent and 7.66 per cent respectivdy. The wide gap
between the proportion of urban population of class I (81.71 per cent) and class II towns
(6.58 per cent) indicates a high degree of urban primacy which is an import<mt characteristic
ofthird world urbanization.

25

Table 2.4: Size-Class Distribution of Urban Population in West Bengal, 1951-1991.

Size class of
towns

Percentage of urban population

--------------

1951

1961

1971

/981

75.12

72.14

74.02

77.04

1991
8 I. 71

II

5.29

7.91

10.40

10.74

6.58

III

9.38

11.12

9.02

7.45

7.66

IV

7.44

5.52

4.13

3.57

2.59

2.18

3.08

1.76

1.04

1.35

0.59

0.23

0.07

0.16

VI
-

- --- ----- - - - -

--

-~-----------

100

100

Total

100

0.11
---------

-----~--------~

100

100

Source: Giri, 1998

Like many other less developed countries, urbanization in West Bengal is more
related to tertiary sector development. In the urban workforce of West Bengal the tertiary
sector's share moved in the range of 61 per cent (1951) and 52 per cent ( 1981) wherea.'> the
share of the secondary sector varies in the range of 41.06 per cent (1981) and 34.78 per cent
( 1991) (Table 2.5). However, both the shares of secondary and tertiary sector in the urban
workforce arc fluctuating since 1951. On the other hand, the share of primary sector has
gradually increased from 4.28 per cent in 1951 to 8.22 per cent in 1991 (Table 2.5). Though
the share of the secondary sector in the urban workforce was less than that of the tertiary
sector in all the decades, the rate of urbanization in West Bengal was closely associated with
the change in the proportion of workforce engaged in manufacturing as well as secondary
sector (Giri, 1998). Therefore, it can be said that the tertiary sector may be an important
component of the urban economy in Wet Bengal but, the leading role in the urbanization
process is still played by the manufacturing sector.

Table 2.5: Sectoral Distribution of Urban Workforce in West Bengal, 1951-1991

--

-- -

--

'

....- .

.,

--~

.. - -

....

'

--'

- .. -

-----~

---

1961

1971

1981

1991

4.28

3.37

5.64

669

8.22

Secondary

34.99

39.35

38.32

41.06

34.78

Tertiary

60.73

57.28

56.04

52.25

57.00

100

100

100

100

Sectors
Primary

1951

Total

----_.,. --- -Source: Giri. 1998

"".- ....

-~-

--~

-~

100
-~r.

- -

26

2.3.3. Burdwan District

Urbanization is not a new phenomenon in the history of Burdwan district. The rich
alluvial soils of the region facilitating development of agriculture had always produced
considerable surplus to sustain a high proportion of non-agricultural population. As a result
urbanization spread early in the region with scattered urban centres where non-agricultural
people especially artisans and traders clustered. All the early urban centres of the region
flourished as centres of trade and commerce in the eastern part of the district whereas the
western part with its undulating relief, thick forest cover, and lateritic soil remained the land
of different tribal groups who subsisted on the forest products. Burdwan, Kalna, Katwa and
Dainhat were famous urban centres of the district, all located on the various river banks
especially due to the popular river-borne trade. The vast un-urbanized tract of the district was
dotted with occasionaljanapada and garlj (nodal point large settlement). The chief function
of these settlements was to act as transfer points for goods, such as foodgrains from the east
and timber from the west and people (Lahiri-Dutt, 2001).
Lack of systematic data is a major problem to trace the early urban growth of the
region. Regular census data are available only since 1872. The reliability of these early data
has often been questioned by scholars (Mitra, 1977) due to their erratic nature. However.
there is consensus among S<:holars that the process of rapid urbanization in the district has
taken place with the initiation of coal mining activities in 1774 and laying of railway lines in
1853. In the post-independence period, planned development of industries especially the
creation of Durgapur as a growth pole, enhanced the process of urbanization in the western
part of the district. In the eastern part, the development of agricultural economy since the
1970s have accelerated the spread of urbanization in the form of market centres. The
emergent scenario of urbanization in the district since the 1970s has been a sprawling urban
growth (Lahiri, 1984) with two distinct patterns. Whereas small and medium towns have
grown rapidly because of the comparatively faster agricultural improvements in the eastern
half of the district, they have grown because of a stagnant/decaying agricultural sector and
mining-industrial expansion in the western half.
Burdwan itself is one of the 82 districts of India that has recorded highest level of
urbanization a<; per 1991 census (Roy, 1992). The level of urhani7_1ltion in the district is 35.09
per cent, that is, higher than both the Indian (25.71 per cent) and West Bengal averages
(27.48 per cent). In the levd of urbanization, Burdwan occupies the fourth rank among
districts of West Bengal following Calcutta (I 00 per cent), North 24 parganas (51.22 per
cent) and Howrah (49.57 per cent) as per 1991 census (Table 2.3). Again a strong dichotomy
27

in the level of urbanization exists within the district. The western part is more urbanized
whereas the eastern portions of the district are either non-urbanized or poorly urbanized
(Lahiri. 1984). As for example. Raniganj coal belt in the western part has a level of
urbanization of 68.26 per cent whereas the level of urbanization of our study region in the
eastern part is only 15.33 per cent. Another difference also exists in the growth and
functional nature between the towns located in the eastern agricultural tract and those of the
western industrial belt (Lahiri, 1985a). The small and medium sized towns within the regions
of agrarian prosperity register only moderate but persisting growth rates. Located in the
agricultural parts of the region, these towns have large percentages of their working
population in tertiary activities. The negligible percentage of the workforce of such towns
engaged in secondary activities is made up of tiny informal units using low technology
(Lahiri. 1986). On the other hand, urban centres of the western part are based on mining and
industrial activities. This difference can be attributed to the physical character of land and to
the nature of predominant economy ofthe regions.

Table 2.6: Growth of Urban Population, Burdwan District (1901-1991)

Growth rate of urban

populaton

Year

Number of urban
centres

Total urban
population

1901

86,728

1911

94,186

8.60

1921

95,741

1.65

1931

129,888

35.67

1941

10

223,160

71.81

1951

13

326,099

46.13

1961

16

539.426

65.42

1971

19

885,274

64.11

1981

47

1,346,385

52.09

58

2,060,773

53.06

1991
---- - .

~--

_.-

- -

...

Source Lahiri-Dult (2001)

The above table graphically shows the rates of urban population growth in Burdwan
district between 1901 and 1991. Up to 1921 the rate of urban population increase was lower.
that is. much below 10 per cent. In 1931 the rate increased to 35.67 per cent. Since 1941
onwards the growth of urban population has become rapid thus marking 1941 as the major
divide in the growth of urban population in the district.
28

Among the towns and cities of West Bengal Durgapur occupies the third rank in size.
Other urban centres of the district with relatively higher ranks are Asansol, Burdwan and
Burnpur occupying seventh, eighth and twelfth ranks respectively (as per 1991 census). All
other towns/cities occupying ranks in between these are located in the Calcutta Metropolitan
District.
The urban system within the district has gradually changed to give rise to Durgapur as
the largest city. The predominantly agricultural-rural economy of the district centred on
Burdwan town in the east has shifted to an industrial-urban one, with the focus of
urbanization showing a distinct move towards the west. Apart from Durgapur, many other
towns of western Burdwan, such as Asansol, Burnpur, Chittaranjan, Kulti and Dishergarh haw
emerged as important urban centres.
Between 190 I and 1921 there were only six urban centres in the district, of which
Burdwan ranked first. The other centres were Raniganj, Asansol, Kalna, Katwa and Dainhat.
In 1941, the number of centres increased to ten with Kulti, Burnpur, Ondal and Barakar as
the new additions. It is also observed that between 1921 and 1941 Asansol has rapidly grown
in size, although Burdwan has remained the top ranking town.
The year 1961 saw an increase in the number of urban centres to 16. Of the six new
additions, Durgapur, Chittranjan, Niamatpur, Ukhra, Memari and Guskara, the first four were
in the western part of the district. Further, Asansol has emerged as the first ranking city with
Burdwan slipping to the second position. Thus 1961 marks the beginning of the rapid
urbanization phase in the western part of the district.
In 1971 Durgapur, which appeared as a town only in 1961 census, had moved far
ahead of the rest of the urban centres of the district. Asansol was relegated to the second
place whilst Burdwan moved down to third. This census year also saw the number of urban
centres increase to 19.
In 1981, the number of urban centres increased to 4 7 and of the 10 largest towns in
the district, seven were located in the western part and only three, Burdwan, Kalna and
Katwa were in the eastern part. Further, most of the new urban centres that have come up,
such as Kenda, Pariharpur etc. too are located in the western part of the district. Therefore,
the rank-size distribution of 1981 shows a clear change in the urban focus to the western part
of Burdwan district where mining-industrial activities arc located.
As per 1991 census, the number of urban centres of Burdwan district has increased to
58, most of which are located in the western part. The rapid economic changes of the mining

29

area and the emergence of an industrial-urban economy in the western part had led to the
growth of several large towns close to each other (Lahiri-Dutt. 200 I).
Besides this spatial concentration the uneven distribution of urban units into different
size classes may be viewed also from the point ofthe distribution of urban population among
different size-classes of cities. The following table (Table 2. 7) reveals the distribution pattern
of urban units among different size classes. The highest concentration of urban units is found
in class V and class IV categories.

Table 2.7: Size-Class Distribution of Towns, Burdwan District (1901-1991)

- .. -

Year

Total urban
population

~--

Category of towns
I

II

III

IV

VI

VII

1901

86,728

1911

94.186

1921

95,741

1931

129.888

1941

223.160

1951

326,099

1961

539,426

1971

10

13

16

885,274

19

1981

1,346,385

13

20

47

1991

2.060.773

14

25

58

Source: Lahiri-Dutt (200 I)

From the above discussion it is quite clear that the pattern of urbanizaion in Burdwan
district is characterized by dichotomous nature between its eastern and western parts.
Urbanization in the western part is related to mining and industrialization. Most of the urban
centres of the district are concentrated here to form a continuously urbanized sprawling
region (Durgapur-Asansol industrial belt). On the other hand. the scattered urban centres of
the eastern parts have developed due to the accumulation of agricultural surplus over a long
period oftime since the 191h century.

2.4.

Review of Literature on Rural-Urban Interaction

Despite a long tradition of geographical research into settlement analysis and rural-

urban migration. there has until recently been a dearth of material published on wider

30

interactions and linkages between urban and rural areas (Unwin, 1989b). To date, most
development theory and practice have focussed on either 'urban' or 'rural' issues with little
consideration of the interrelations between the two (Tacoli, I 998). The hulk of research has
been devoted to the analysis of urban and rural development as separate issues (for urban
examples see Potter, 1985; Chambers, 1983; O'Connor, 1983; Gilbert and Gugler, 1982;
Harriss, 1982; Roberts, I 978. Rural examples are given in chapter III). However, since 1980
there is a growing awareness of the importance of rural-urban relationships especially due to
the dissatisfaction with urban-based centralized models of 'development' like 'growth pole'
(Dixon, 1987). Several empirical studies of third world countries have shown that the
linkages between urban centres and the countryside including movement of people, goods,
capital and other social transactions, play an important role in processes of social, economic
and cultural change in both rural and urban areas (Tacoli, 1998).
In spite of a growing interest on rural-urban relationships, empirical studies on
different aspects of rural-urban interaction have not been able to exert considerable impact on
development policy and

pra<~tice

in most of the countries of the developing world. This is

reflected in the prevailing division of policies along spatial and sectoral lines. Whereas urban
planners concentrate on urban nodes, with little attention to agricultural and rural-led
development, rural development planners define rural areas as consisting only of villages and
agricultural land and exclude urban centres from this landscape (Tacoli, 1999). Spatial
policies like regional development planning have traditionally been an important tool of the
planners of the developing world. Sectoral developments give high priority to rural and
agricultural development in order to reduce rural poverty as well as rural to urban migration
to large cities and to encourage balanced development of urban centres and countryside.
However, long experiences in developing countries show that these sectoral development
policies have failed to reduce the dichotomy in development between rural and urban areas
due to the lack of recognition of the complexity of rural-urban interactions that involve
spatial as well as sectoral dimensions. As a consequence, the integration of rural and urban
areas through interactions and linkages have gained importance in the processes of change
and as a corollary a vast array of literature has emerged on rural-urban interactions in the
context of developing countries in recent years.
In this review of literature on rural-urban interaction we discuss in the first section the
theories of rural-urban interaction, and highlight the empirical studies on different aspects of
rural-urban interaction in the second section.

31

2.4.1. Theories of Rural-Urban Interaction

Three basic and interrelated ideas have dominated much of the literature on ruralurban interaction in development planning since the late 1950s: the growth pole concept, the
distinction between top-down and bottom-up development, and the conceptualization of
cities as being either parasitic or generative (Unwin, 1989b).
The concept of growth pole conceived by F. Perroux and later reworked as the
concept of growth centre by J.R. Boudeville is based on the idea that by investing heavily in
capital intensive industries in the large urban centres, a government can stimulate economic
growth that will spread outward to generate regional development. This concept expects that
the emphasis on urban initiatives will in tum generate rural development at both regional and
local scale (Hansen, 1981; Parr, I 973; Thomas, 1972). The principle of growth pole concept
as observed by Rondinelli (1985) is that the free operation of market forces would create
'ripple' or 'trickle down' effects that would stimulate economic growth throughout the
region. Investment in the urban industrial sector would enhance spontaneous and sustained
growth of agricultural and commercial activities, influencing the economic fortunes of
surrounding areas. Stohr and Taylor (1981) have related the growth pole concept to top down
planning. Development here is driven by external demand and innovation impulses, and that
from a few dynamic sectoral or geographical clusters development would, either in a
spontaneous or induced way trickle down to the rest of the system (Stohr and Taylor, I 981 ).
The experience of the adoption of growth pole policies of development in Latin
American and African countries has shown that the beneficial 'trickle down' influences have
on the whole failed to materialize (Conroy, 1973; Santos, 1975). In some cases they have
increased the inequality between the core and the periphery, and between urban and rural
areas (Unwin, I 989b).
The concept of top down development is the most prevalent concept of development
especially in developing countries. This concept holds the view that development will spread
through trickle down effects from certain nodes, that is, urban centres or centres of
investment to the surrounding areas. The growth pole concept of development is also based
on top down approach. However, the main characteristic of growth pole concept is the
planning of concentrated and centralized pattern of investment. The top down planning

a<;

perceived by Rondinelli ( 1983) can also be done through the creation of 'a deconcentrated,
articulated <md integrated system of cities' which provides potential access to markets for
people living in any part of the country or region.

32

The bottom-up development policies, on the other hand, considers development to be

based primarily on maximum mobilization of each area's natural, human and institutional
resources with the primary objective being the satisfaction of the ba<>ic needs of the
inhabitants of that area (Stohr and Taylor, 1981). It must be motivated and initially controlled
from the bottom. Chambers (1983) has analyzed this bottom-up development planning
process. Richards (1985) has also emphasized the need for development beginning with the
rural poor and with indigenous, local practices and belief systems.
The conceptualization of cities as being generative' or 'parasitic' dominates the ideas
of rural-urban relationships since the 1950s. Hosclitz ( 1957) gave a classic distinction
between 'generative' and 'parasitic' cities: 'generative' cities are those which arc responsible
for beneficial influences whe:reas 'parasitic' cities are those that give rise to adverse effects in
the surrounding rural region.
Harvey (1973, p. 223) defmed 'generative' city as a city which 'will allocate a
considerable amount of the surplus value accumulated within it to forms of investment that
enlarge production . . . in the city or in the surrounding rural area'. On the other hand,
Chattopadhyay ( 1969, p. 22 I -222) defined a parasitic city as a sink of unproductive capital,
its population the 'excreta of a consumption system' rather than a production system. Harriss
and Harriss (1988) too in their study of south India, made a distinction between these two.
Based on the above mentioned concepts there are some urban-based models and ideas
to explain the linkages and flows between the countryside and towns. Three among those are
important. Lipton, Rondinelli, and Stohr and Taylor have developed these. Taken together,
they provide a range of theoretical standpoints from which to view rural-urban interaction
(Unwin, 1989b).

Lipton and Urban Bias

Lipton's (1977) theory of urban bias is based on the concept that the rural poor arc
dominated and exploited by powerful urban interests. In his view, the most important class
conflict in the developing countries of the world today is between the rural classes and the
urban classes. This is so because the rural sector contains most of the poverty and most of the
low cost sources of potential advance but the urban sector contains most of the articulateness,
organization and power. Lipton argues that urban people arc able to direct a disproportionate
share of resources towards their own interests and away from the rural population. He also
asserts that inequalities within rural areas also owe much to the urban-biased nature of
development policy (Lipton, 1982).
33

Lipton's theory of urban bias was intensely criticized by Corbridge ( 1982). He

criticized mainly on the grounds of Lipton's criticism of undifferentiated urban and rural
societies which does not take into account the existence of urban poor and rural rich. Another
point of criticism is the Lipton's reductionist conception of politics. According to Corbridge
(1982) in reality there are rarely such clear-cut urban versus rural political allegiances. Dixon
(1987) questioned the whole edifice of 'urban bias' predicted upon the existence of specific
urban and rural classes.
On a descriptive and empirical level, Lipton provided a useful account of the relative
flows of surpluses between mral and urban areas (Tacoli, 1998). However, what he has failed
to do is satisfactorily to explain why these flows occurs (Unwin, 1989b).

Rondinelli: Secondary Cities and the Diffusion of Urbanization

Rondinelli (1983) in his concept of development and rural-urban relationship
emphasized the geographically dispersed pattern of investment, growth of small towns or
'secondary cities' and the development of efficient system of linkages, which together help to
achieve widespread development in both social and spatial terms especially in developing
countries. The positive roles of small towns as centres of innovation, modernization and
diffusion were also highlighted in the development of the concept of 'urban functions in rural
development' (Rondinelli and Ruddle, 1978; Belsky and Karaska, 1990). In their view, the
most effective and rational spatial strategy for promoting rural development is to develop a
well-articulated, integrated and balanced urban hierarchy. The location of more service
supply points providing a variety of services, agricultural inputs and consumer goods to the
rural areas is seen as playing a significant role in rural development (Tacoli, 1998).
Rondinelli (1983) suggests that linkages between rural and urban areas are crucial
because the major markets tor agricultural surpluses are in urban centres. Most agricultural
inputs come from organizations in cities, workers seck employment as rising agricultural
productivity frees rural labour, and many of the

socia~

health, educational and other services

that satisfy basic human needs in rural areas are distributed from urban centres. It is the
concentration of Rondinelli's approach on linkages and in particular on linkages both
between rural areas and small cities, and on those between smaller and larger cities, that
makes it of such interest in any consideration of rural-urban interact ion.
In Rondinelli's (1983) approach the development of 'secondary cities' relieves
pressure on the largest city and reduces regional inequalities. Diffusion of the benefits of
urbanization takes place uniformly over any region through these secondary cities. It also
34

stimulates rural economies through the provision of services, facilities and markets for
agricultural products as well as absorbs surplus labour from labour-efficient agricultural
sector.
Rondinelli has been criticized on the ground that there is no real evidence that the
classical rank-size distribution does indeed provide the context for 'successful development'.
Rondinelli's view that it is the urban settlement structure, rather than the underlying mode of
production, which is of particular significance in influencing the equitable distribution of
resources has also been questioned. His approach has also been criticized on the grounds that
low rural consumption is caused by social inequality and low incomes rather than by difficult
access to supply (Hardoy and Satterthwaite, 1986; Morris, 1997; Pedersen, 1997; Simon,
1992).
Southall (1988) supported Rondinelli's model of development and argued that small
towns contribute to rural impoverishment as they are 'vanguards of exploitation' of the rural
poor by external forces which according to the case, may be colonial powers, multinational
enterprises, central national government, local administrator and elite. However, Rondinelli's
classification of linkages in spatial development provides a broad framework for the
consideration of rural-urban interaction.

Stohr and Taylor: bottom-up development

The model of Stohr and Taylor ( 1981) is based on the concept that top-down
development policies need to be fundamentally integrated with bottom-up approaches if
development is to become more equitable. They argue the bottom-up development involves
selective growth, distribution, self-reliance, employment creation, and above all it respects
human dignity. This is, therefore, a very different type of defmition of development from that
used by Rondinelli and Lipton (Unwin, 1989b).
Turning more directly to the implications of these arguments for the linkages between
rural and urban areas, Stohr ( 1981) has identified four key areas where changes need to be
introduced in the balance between the two if development from below is to be successful:

rural areas need to be given a higher degree of self-determination so that the flow
of political power becomes less directly urban to rural in nature;

national pricing policies should be introduced which offer terms of trade more
suitable to agricultural and other rural products;

35

productive activities m rural areas should be encouraged to exceed regional

demand so that a pattern of export flows is generated; and

the whole transport and communication network should be reorganized. both

between urban and rural areas and also at a village to village !eve I.

Bottom-up approaches, therefore, seek to change the balance of a perceived

inequitable flow of resources from rural to urban areas through 'integrated regional resource
utilization at different spatial scales' (Stohr and Taylor, 1981 ).
From the analysis of these models concerned with the ways in which rural-urban
relationships influence the nature of development, two broad issues emerges:
i)

How do different people and classes benefit from different types of ruralurban interaction, and consequently how the flows or linkages between the
two types of area related to broader social and economic transformations? and

ii)

Whether urban centres are exploitative or developmental in a third world

context?

2.4.2. Empirical Studies on Rural-Urban Interaction

The issue of rural-urban interaction received a momentum since the 1980s following
the failure of various developmental strategies especially in third world countries. A number
of empirical studies highlighting different aspects of rural-urban interaction in specific areas
of third world countries have come into focus recently.
Unwin (1989b) considers Preston's (1975) Rural-urban and inter-settlement

interaction: theory and

ana~ytical

structure as the pioneer work on rural-urban interaction.

He identified five main categories of interaction: movement of people, movement of goods,

movement of capital social transactions, and administrative and service provision.
Gould ( 1982) studied rural-urban interaction in the context of third world. He
considered rural-urban interaction as the two-way flow of people, goods, money, technology,
information and ideas between rural and urban areas. Gould ( 1985) further suggested that
these flows are not only symptoms of the 'development process' but are themselves active
features in the transformation of rural and urban places.
O'Connor ( 1983) analyzed the nature of rural-urban interaction in the context of
Africa. According to him the most important rural-urban linkages involve movements of
people, transmission of ideas, flow of goods and transfer of cash.

36

Dixon analyzed the importance of rural-urban interactions in promoting development

as well as social change of both rural and urban areas in 1987. His edited volume RuralUrban Interaction in the Third World explores the nature ofrural-urhan interaction in various
parts of the developing world with a number of case studies.
Potter and Unwin (1989) in their edited volume The Geography of Urhan-Rural
Interaction in Developing Countries highlight both the conceptual development of ruralurban interaction and a number of empirical studies.
In this book Unwirt ( 1989b) analyzes the theoretical perspective of urban-rural
interaction. In another study (1989a) he explains the rural-urban food flows in the Arabian
peninsula and its changes with recent urbanization and industrialization to understand the
changing nature of rural-urban relationship there. Several studies on different aspects of these
rural-urban relationships, fo<:ussing on a range of countries from the Caribbean, Africa and
Asia are focussed in this volume.
Potter (1989a) reveals clear differences between rural and urban areas in Barbados of
Caribbean island in terms of their provision of retail, commercial, health and other key
facilities. He identified parasitic or dependent interaction on the line ofLipton's (1977) urban
bias and noted colonial legacy and plantation economy behind this type of rural-urban
interaction. In another study Potter ( 1989b) analyzed a number of arguments concerning
rural-urban linkages, flows, interaction, spatial polarization and overall paths to development
in third world countries.
Morgan (1989) studied the role of energy flows in rural-urban interchange in tropical
Africa. High levels of rural-urban linkage have been identified by Simon ( 1989) in his study
of reduced labour migration in Southern Africa. Barker ( 1989) in his study of rural-urban
relations in Jamaica emphasized the rural-urban differential and the importance of limited
size of the island in influencing competition for scarce resources, the critical role of
migration and the significance of the environmental reciprocity between the rural interior and
the coastal urban centres. In a comparative study of Tamil Nadu in South India and
Hausaland in West Africa Harriss (1989) explores food flows in the context of grain
commercialization and the emergence of marketing systems.
Later, Potter and Unwin (1995) jointly analyzed the physical form of rural-urban
interaction and the political processes operating behind their development in the third world
countries.
In his article on rural- urban interaction Tacoli ( 1998) has analyzed the issue from a
theoretical standpoint. She correlates the issue of rural-urban interaction with the processes
37

of developmental planning and analyzes a number of empirical studies on this issue. In

another study Tacoli ( 1999) outlined the main linkages between urban centres and their
surrounding regions. She also described the changing patterns of internal migration, in
understanding rural-urban relationship and summerized the contribution of rural-urban
interactions to the understanding of urban poverty.
Baker has edited ( 1990) a number of papers on rural-urban interaction especially in
the African context of the role of small town in developing rural-urban linkages. ln most of
these papers small towns are seen as playing a key role in linking their rural hinterlands with
both domestic and international markets as well as in providing the rural population with
non-farm employment opportunities and thus broadening the local economy's base. In
another edited volume (Rural-Urban Dynamics in Francophone Africa) Baker (1997)
collected a series of publications emerging from Scandinavian Institute of African Affairs on
Urban Development in the Rural Context in Africa. Small towns are an important focus of
the collection. although several other issues within the framework of the interrelations
between urban centres and rural areas are also examined.
Main (2000) has explained how economic linkages between city and countryside can
make important contributions to the sustenance of both rural and urban environments. He
studied the changing rural-urban relationship in Kano region of Nigeria and argued that this
sort of rural-urban symbiosis might well be the rule rather than the exception in many third
world regions. Hataya ( 1992) has analyzed the nature of rural-urban linkage of the labour
market in the coffee-growing zone in Columbia. Jamal and Weeks (1988) observed the
vanishing rural-urban gap in sub-Saharan Africa.
A number of case studies on different aspects of rural-urban interaction were
published in the Environment and Urbanization (April, 1998 issue). Several papers focus on
the most visible form of rural-urban interaction, that is, migration. Kruger ( 1998) describes
how the inhabitants of a low--income settlement in Botswana maintain strong links with rural
home areas where many also own assets. A similar case is highlighted by Smith ( 1998) in the
context of Durban in South Africa, where a number of low-income migrant households keep
homes in both the city and the rural home area. Fall (1998) shows that the migrants' loyalty
to their rural homes becomes increasingly difficult to maintain with time and that in order to
gain access to employment and some sort of security in the city, they need to become part of
new urban solidarity networks, often at the expense of the old ties with rural home (Tacoli,
1998).

38

Potts and Mutambirwa ( 1998) analyze how the strength of rural-urban interactions
and the interdependence between the two does not allow the impact of structural adjustment
programmes to be geographically defined despite the policy's strategic aim to decrease
imbalances and income gaps between rural and urban areas. Chant ( 1998) discusses the
importance of differences in migration flows and shows how gender and household
organization have an important influence on the rural-urban linkages in the form of
movement towards the cities.
Kamete ( 1998) describes different types of interactions between a small town and its
surrounding rural area in Zimbabwe, focussing on flows of goods and livelihood channels.
He shows that the direction of these flows are far more complex than usually thought and that
rural and urban populations have developed mutually beneficial survival strategies in the face
of debilitating economic reforms. Kelly ( 1998) highlights a relatively neglected aspect of
rural-urban interaction, that is, political dimension in the context of land conversion process
in Manila's extended metropolitan region in Philippines.
Besides researchers, policy-makers have also paid considerable attention to the study
ofrural-urban linkages in rec1~nt years (see UNDP/UNCHS, 1995; Gaile, 1992; Evans, 1990).
This renewed interest to the rural-urban linkage is associated with the increasing prevalence
of market-based development strategies and their emphasis on export-oriented agricultural
production which rely on efficient economic linkages connecting producers with external
markets (Tacoli, 1998). Evans (1990) has studied the changing nature of rural-urban linkages
with structural transformation. Gaile ( 1992) has analyzed the potential of improving ruralurban linkages through small town market-based development. The immense importance of
rural-urban linkages in rural development has been outlined by the UNDPIUNCHS (1995).
From the above literature on empirical studies of rural-urban interaction it is found
that in many areas of third world countries there is much interaction between rural and urban
areas. This studies together helps us to challenge the traditional notions of rural-urban
disjunction in third world countries.
In India the study of rural-urban interaction has been done mostly in the form of
urban impac:t/inf1uence, migration, hinterland/umland and sectoral linkages. Up to the 1970s,
delimitation of hinterland or umland and the rural-urban relationship within the hinterland
areas of cities dominated the studies of rural-urban interaction in India (Dixit, 1977; Krishnan
and Agarwal, 1970; Misra, 1977; Singh, 1956; Bradneck, 1974: Alam, 1965 etc.). Most of
these studies were based on large city regions. Delimitation of hinterlands rather than
interrelationship between the city and surrounding region was emphasized in these studies.
39

However, Sundaram and Tyagi ( 1972) studied the overall rural-urban interaction in the
context of an urban village. Singh ( 1975) has studied the impact of rural development
strategies on the changing pattern of rural-urban relations.
Urban influence on surrounding rural areas was also studied in India (Prasad and
Mahato, 1989, 1990a; Singh, 1980). In these studies the approach was one way that is of
urban centres on rural areas. The reciprocity/interaction in the form of two-way traffic was
not highlighted in these studi<::s.
Sectoral linkages between rural and urban areas also dominate the literature on ruralurban interaction in India. Basu and Kashyap ( 1992) have studied rural-urban employment
linkages in different agro-climatic regions of India. Harriss (1987, 1989a) has studied
linkages between agriculture and non-farm economy, especially industry, in the context of
South India. Shaw (1990) has studied industrial linkages in the Thane-Belapur industrial
region in Maharashtra. In this study she highlighted the complex interdependencies between
large scale, small scale and informal sector industries. In another study on industrial linkage
in Dhampur area of Bijnor district in Uttar Pradesh, Pathak (1993) identified strong backward
and forward linkages between small towns and their neighbouring countryside. The
relationship between rural-urban linkages and the behaviour of the labour market has been
studied by Krishnan ( 1990a, 1990b, 1990c) in different districts in India.
Roychoudhuri (1993) has studied rural-urban linkages in the form of migration. Jain
( 1989) studied the rural-urban relationship in the context of local government structure. He
emphasized the problems of disparate government structure for urban and rural areas in their
integration.
However, m the decade of 1990s, rural urban interaction in its totality has
received considerable attention by different scholars in India. Shafi ( 1988) studied
different aspects and prospects of rural-urban

interface

in India.

Rural-urban

interdependencies in India with particular reference to small and medium towns have
been studied by Kundu ( 1992). Moreover, the studies on rural-urban interaction in India
prove that this interaction is better developed in case of small and medium towns rather
than large and metropolitan urban centres. Therefore, we place our study in this context.

40

Notes
I. These countries are designated variously as backward', 'underdeveloped', 'undeveloped', 'less developed',

'developing' or 'solllh' (Dickenson, eta/., 1983). The tenn 'Third World' was first used in france in the 1950's
and by the early 1960's formed part of a threefold division of the world on principally political and economic
grounds. The term 'south' has come into use particularly since the publication of North South: A Programme

for Survival. Report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, more generally
known as Brandt Report.
We have used the term 'Third World' though the 'Second World' of centrally planned, socialist economies have
virtually ceased to exist today except in tiny patches. The word is used to acknowledge the commonality of
historical experience and the economic reality of the less affluent countries mostly located in Asia, Africa and
Latin America. Many of these countries have become independent from colonial powers since the World War
II.

41

CHAPTER Ill
RURAl DEVElOPMENT IN BURDWAN REGION
3.1.

Introduction
Burdwan's agricultural prosperity goes back to historical times. Located on a rich

alluvial plain, the region was always agriculturally better off than the rest of Bengal. Part of
the rural prosperity also came from village-based small crafts and industries as well as from
the riverbome trade along the Damodar, Ajay and Bhagirathi-Hooghly.
This chapter looks into historical evidences of rural prosperity and tries to reconstruct
the various periods on the basis of secondary sources.
The objective ofthe chapter is to examine how much ofthe present prosperity can be
traced back to the historical times, or is to attributed to the recent reforms and various
government plans for rural and agricultural development.

3.2.

The Notion of Rural Development: A Review

Rural development has been a catchword ever since planning began in India. Since

independence, the government had started to develop its rural economy and society with the
help of a succession of programmes of agricultural development and poverty alleviation. It
will be pertinent to discuss the very definition of rural development and its characteristic
elements with reference to India at the outset.
There is a vast array of literature on the concept of rural development as there is no
universally accepted defmition of it. Lele (1975) defined rural development as 'improving
living standards of the masses of the low-income population residing in rural areas'.
According to Chambers ( 1983) rural development is a strategy to enable a specific group of
people, poor rural women and men, to gain for themselves and their children more of what
they want and need. Turner and Hulme ( 1997) mentioned that all sorts of development either
rural or urban must have five dimensions namely economic, sociaL political, cultural and
ecological.
According to Kar (1998b), 'in India the term "rural development" is often used to
defme a government-aided strategy to enable a specific group of people - poor rural men and
women- to gain for themselves and their children, more of what they want and need'. The

42

process of rural development, therefore, involves the entire gamut of change by which a
social system moves towards: an all-round 'better' quality of life.
Todaro (1977) identified three aspects of rural development. According to him 'it
encompasses: 1. improvements in levels of living , including employment, education, health
and nutrition, housing and variety of social services; 2. decreasing inequality in the
distribution of rural incomes and in rural-urban balances in incomes and economic
opportunities; and 3. the capacity of rural sector to sustain and accelerate the pace of these
improvement'.
The concept of rural development has acquired a wider connotation in India through
the integrated rural development. The term 'integration' has much broader implications than
the spatial and functional linkages referred to in the literature in regional economics
(Parthasarathy, 1981). C. Subrahmanyam, the former Finance Minister, viewed it (1977) as a
'systematic scientific and integrated use of all our natural resources and as part of this
process enabling every person to engage himself in a productive and socially useful
occupation and earn an income that would meet at least the basic needs'. Anker ( 1973)
defined integrated rural development as 'strategies, policies and programmes for the
development of rural areas and the promotion of activities carried out in such areas
(agriculture, forestry, fishery, rural crafts and industries, the building of the social and
economic infrastructure) with the ultimate aim of achieving a fuller utilization of available
physical and human resourc<;:s, and thus higher incomes and better living conditions for the
rural population as a whole, particularly the rural poor, and effective participation of the
latter in the development process'.
Sen (1973) identified twin aspects of integrated rural development - functional and
spatial. According to him, 'integration refers to the appropriate location of social and
economic activities over a physical space for the balanced development of a region'.
Integrated rural development calls for greater flow of resources into rural areas
decreasing

inequalities

in

rural-urban

imbalance

income

and

socio-economic

opportunities. An early World Bank publication (Development Digest, 1975) suggested a

number of economic policies for integrated rural development. These are:
1. shifts in terms of trade in favour of rural people;
2. resource reallocation in favour of rural centred production activity, v1z ..
agriculture, household industry and small scale industries etc.
a. through appropriate intervention in the credit market:
b. through greater allocation of public investment to rural centred activity;
c. through an appropriate industrial location policy;

43

3. a system of quotas and reservations by which the production units of the poor are
sought to be protected against unhealthy competition of large scale industry;
4. consumption transfers through a network of public distribution system;

5. application of science and technology which is geared to the production needs of

small units;
6. redistribution of wealth, particularly land in favour of the poorer people in the
rural sector and;

7. resource development through use of idle labour in the rural areas.

From the brief discussion on rural development and its different aspects we have
selected four critical elements of rural development as relevant for our study region. These
are land reforms, agricultural development, poverty alleviation and infrastructural
development. To analyze the role of these elements in the development of rural areas of the
region, we shall focus our discussion of rural development on these four elements. For a
better understanding, we shall start with the historical background of rural development.

3.3.

Background of Rural Development

In this section we discuss the historical periods under the Mughals and the British.

We have also examined the Raj family's contribution in rural development. Finally, the role
of D.V.C and the IADP programme have been separately studied because of their
tremendous role in maintaining agricultural prosperity of the region.

3.3.1. Mughal Period

There is no recorded history of Burdwan's economy of the old period of historical
age. From literature, it is kno\VIl that during the older period of historical age, that is, during
Pal dynasty or the period of Sasanka and Sen dynasty, ( 1095-1206 AD) the economy of the
district was totally dependent on agriculture. The land revenue was then about one-sixth of
the total production.
During the Mughal period Burdwan continued to remain famous for its agricultural
production and economic prosperity. In those times the farmer was the actual owner of land.
The rural economy was self-sufficient with agriculture and handicrafts. Surplus from rural
production used to support the urban centres. But the rural production system and economy

44

was totally under the control of zamindars, mahajans. marchants and large and rich farmers
Uotdars).

Land revenue in Mughal period was between one-third and half of the production.
However, even the most oppressive rulers with the help of local zamindars tried to maintain
good relations with the farmer in order to improve agricultural productivity. Land revenue
was collected either in cash or in crops. Under the Mughal rulers there were mainly three
methods of revenue assessment - estimation, measurement, and contract or revenue funning.
The machinery of revenue collection in Burdwan under the Mughals consisted of
several layers of intermediarie:s, bearing different names and designations. lbese are Rajahs,
Talukdars, Zamindars, Jagirdars, Chaudhuries etc. According to Irfan Habib, the imperial

territory wa5 divided into two distinct parts - khalisa and jagir. In khalisa, the assessment
and collection of revenue was made directly by government officers, while lands in jagir
were assigned to persons designated as jagirdars (Bhattacharyya, 1979).
Up to the period of Akbar Burdwan retained its agricultural prosperity because of the
favourable land revenue system of Mughal rulers. Sher Shah was the first ruler of Mughal
period to plan the land survey. During his regime, Burdwan was under Su/emanabad. one of
the revenue regions (subah) of Bengal. Except the western part, the whole district was
agriculturally prosperous. Another important favourable factor, besides the fertility of the
land, behind the development of agriculture during this period was the right of fu.rmer to selL
mortgage and transfer the land after the timely payment of revenue. Akbar planned to collect
the revenue directly from the farmers. He divided the Bengal subah into nineteen revenue
regions called sarkars. Burdwan district was then under three sarkars, the western part under
sarkar Madaran, the middle portion under sarkar Sarifabad and the eastern part under sarkar
Sulemanabad.

From the period of Emperor Jahangir, the condition of peasants and agriculture
started to deteriorate. He introduced a new system called a/at magha by which the collection
of revenue directly from farmer stopped. To collect the revenue a class of local zamindars
emerged. They started to exploit the farmers, which affected badly the agricultural
production ultimately.
Aurangzeb divided the Bengal suhah into thirteen chuck/as among which chuck/a
Burdwan was a famous one because of its highest amount of revenue. The highest rate of
revenue collection of Akbar became the lowest rate of collection in the period of Sultan
Aurangzeb and Prince Shah Shuja. Even in the period of Aurangzeb and his successors, both
the Bengal and the Mughal rult~rs favoured Burdwan. In each chuckla diwan was the chief in45

charge of revenue. Only the zamindar of Burdwan had the right of collection and deposit
revenue directly from farmer to the government without any intermediaries. The district's
agricultural economy could prosper to a significant extent because of this favourable attitude
ofMughal rulers to the zamindar ofBurdwan.

3.3.2. British Period

Previous discussion reveals that the prosperity of Burdwan district especially in
agriculture during the Mughal period was beyond doubt. This prosperity was to last till 1742
when the Marathas began to raid Bengal. During the first invasion the district actually
became the very cockpit of small skirmishes between the raiders and the Bengal Army. The
marches and counter-marches of Alivardi's troops and the lightning attacks of Bhaskar
Pandit's cavalry (bargis) reduced the district's economy to ruins (Guha and Mitra, 1956).
Several Bengali authors of the 18th century have recorded the loss of lives and
plunder of resources in their writings. Among them are Vaneshwar Vidyalankar (the courtpandit of the Raja of Burdwan) and Gangaram (the poet of Maharashtra-Puran). In the
decades of 1750s and 60s Burdwan gradually started to regain its lost agricultural prosperity
and peasantry began to be rehabilitated. However, distress again began to pervade the district
with the great famine in 1770. Hunter described: 'Bardwan no less than Birbhum suffered
from the full measure of its impact' (Hunter, 1877, reprinted in 1973). Burdwan was least
liable to famine among all Bengal districts due to its benign climate and fertile soils. Guha
and Mitra (1956) put forward the opinion that canals and river embankments brought
additional sense of security in face of natural disasters. Before the Eden canal was built, the
district was defenceless against drought. Burdwan could not fully recover from the effects of
the famine until the beginnmg of the next century because of several reasons, the most
significant of them being

tht~

introduction of permanent settlement by Lord Cornwallis the

then Governor of Bengal.

Depopulation of Burdwan villages took place on a mass scale during the period of
famine badly affecting the agricultural economy of later times. The Raja of Burdwan made
significant contribution to the recovery of the economy from the impact of famine with
generous grants and several rehabilitation programmes. Grants of haze zamin (rent-free
tenure) were made to willing settlers even by the local landlords (zamindars) to promote
agrarian enterprise in countering the effects of the famine. The East India Company,
however, attempted to prohibit such alienation since it made dents in their revenue base. As a
result of the measures taken by the Raja and the local zamindars cultivation spread in
46

Burdwan and its rich trade began to prosper once agam. The distinct patronage of the
Government was of course a major factor since it entered the market as the single biggest
purchaser.
Of all the ancient districts of Bengal Burdwan alone survived, economically, the
plunder of early British rule. The East India company's fiscal policy was incompatible with
the old zamindari system (B~merjee, 1980). The company's policy was to appropriate an ever
larger share ofthe zamindari revenue. As a result of this policy both zamindars and the Raja
of Burdwan faced inextricable difficulties and a series of conflicts arose between them and
the East India company (Guha and Mitra, 1956). But the zamindars ofBurdwan unlike those
of the other districts, survived with an amazing degree of resilience and was able to make the
changeover from the old zamindari system to the new order introduced by Lord Cornwallis
(regulation 1 of 1793 commonly known as permanent settlement) with but a few cuts and
scratches.
The permanent settlement act affected the agricultural economy in mostly negative
ways. It was the cause of a great flux creating a new pattern of proprietorship at the cost of
old and traditional tenurial system. As a result, estates changed hands from one group of
zamindars to another. At the same time, this gave landed property a wider base by an ample

distribution within the land-owning class itself and by absorbing the capital which might
otherwise have flown into non-agrarian channels (Bhattacharyya, 1985). Permanent
settlement initiated a process ofsubinfeudation unlike leading to the development ofEnglishtype capitalist furmers or the tenants shaping themselves similar to Frenchfermiers. It created
a sprawling class of landed gentry earning farm revenue by virtue of tenancy rights. While
other zamindars also played the same game, the Burdwan raj initiated the process, almost
perfected the structure before others could even collectively conceive and, therefore, the
Burdwan raj model of subinfeudation under permanent settlement has been described as sui
generis, the best specimen, the leading species of what developed to be a large genus

(Bhattacharyya, 1985). Under the Burdwan raj model, hierarchical layers, there were only a
few layers, and the model was very defmitive. Eventually, the East India Company had to
legalize, through Regulation VIII of 1819, the creation of intermediary formations as layers.
Diffi~rentiation

of the zamindars into various subjects as patnidar, dur-patnidar, se-

patnidar and further under-tenure holders as also the peasant (ryot) set into various layers of
under-ryots began from the day of the Settlement and went on continuously. This possibility

was ingrained within the Settlement Regulations and it became real from the early days as
the Zamindars were not given enough time or capital to invest. Pressures of high land-tax
47

from the beginning left no option other than sub-letting, quick and immediate. The process
was slower in the later years, but throughout the 19th century the economic structure of rural
Burdwan was in continuous evolution and the land-revenue relationships were in constant
flux (Bhattacharyya, 1985). Major changes took place in this time: a rise in the production,
prices and exports of food grains; in the rentals; in production, prices and exports of each
crops; tenancy legislation; coal mines; railways expansion and growth of the market in
general; expansion and growth of the market centres; and decay of river borne trade and a set
of settlements along it with the rise of railways.
Another aspect of agriculture, constituting irrigation and embankment to combat the
drought and flood situations respectively was seriously affected during the British Period.
Burdwan had its own natural overspill channels from the Damodar. Since the historic past,
Burdwan had an indigenous system of irrigation and flood control. This system consisted of
an interdependent network of small dams and overflow channels to combine the double
purpose of protection against f1ood and irrigation by the rich silt-bearing floodwater itself.
The old zamindars of the district used to maintain low embankments along the river course
as a personal responsibility to protect the loss of agricultural production of farmers. But
during the British period these embankment works began to be seriously neglected as an
indirect result of permanent st:ttlement. The old zamindari system was also committed to the
charge of irrigation works. The fiscal demands of the government of the then zamindars were
moderate enough to permit them to spend on these social responsibilities to increase tillage
and enhance agricultural production in a way of competition among them. But the British
rule in Bengal with its higher pressure of revenue and through the creation of intermediaries
destroyed such old and traditional systems.
Due to the negligence of British rulers of old system of irrigation and embankment
the accumulation of silt completely blocked up the mouth of old channels of the Damodar.
They did not take any action to clear up the passage by excavating the mouth of the old
Damodar. As a result, a series of floods started to hit the district. Another important step of
the British was to stop the breaches in the so-called zamindari banks to arrest flood. English
rulers missed the point that many of these breaches actually served as safety valves
conducting the accumulated pressure of a rising f1ood into the overflow channels. Therefore,
the stopping of breaches was the final blow (Willcocks, 1930) which definitely killed
overflow irrigation in Burdwan as well as Bengal. The threat of inundation hung over the
district every year when the rivers rose in spate (Guha and Mitra, 1956).

48

In spite of all the problems set by the British rulers, it is clear from Bukanon
Hamilton's description of 1822 that Burdwan was first in agricultural production in all over
India just preceeding Tanjore of Madras (Halder quoted in Choudhuri, 1990).
The rent act of 1859 was the initiation of land related law to preserve the interests of
peasantry. In this law there was clear cut distinction between the right of zamindar and
peasantry regarding revenue collection (Ray and Palit, 1986). The issue of patta to the
peasants became a must for the zamindars to protect farmers from displacement. 'Ibis law
totally banned any kind of increase in revenue (Dawn, 1992).
Another positive step of the British in the development of agriculture of the district
was the survey and records of the ownership of all the agricultural and non-agricultural land
under the supervision ofK.A.L. Hill between 1927 and 1931.
The agricultural economy of the district again started to regain its lost prosperity
since the beginning of 19th century with the help of limited welfare approach of British like
rent act of 1859, survey and records of the ownership of land etc.

3.3.3. The Contribution of Burdwan 'Raj Family'

Burdwan Raj family came into power as a local landlord (zamindar) with the
responsibility of revenue collection and local administration during the Mughal period. Late
Abu Rai was the first person of this family who occupied a high post of government and
received the title of 'Chowdhury', a revenue collector, in 1657. Abu Rai was the one to
improve the position of the family from mere merchants and moneylenders to the Raja of
Burdwan. He was able to keep the family in the good books of the Mughal rulers as a result
of which Burdwan attained prosperity, which was incomparable with other areas ofBengal.
The contribution of Krishnaram Rai (1675-'96) was also significant in the
development of Burdwan region. He was in charge of revenue collection of as many as fifty

parganas. The Mughal emperor Aurangzeb awarded him the firman of zamindari and the
title of Chowdhury in 1694. He used to help the peasants during famines by providing them
with work.
During the regime of Kirti Chand Rai (1702-'40) the revenue settlement of 1722
ensured that the Burdwan chuck/a expanded over a larger area and attained a higher level of
prosperity than before (Ray, 1979). He was a man of adventurous spirit and great valour
(Hunter, 1868, Reprinted in 1996). He was also famous for his kindness to his ryots. To
combat famines he excavated several large dighis (water storage tanks) all over the Burdwan
region. During his time, Burdwan became famous for the production of rice, sugar cane,

49

cotton and indigo. Kirti Chand achieved the title of 'Raja' from the Mughal ruler of Delhi
because of his large and prosperous zamindari. He was also able to maintain a good
relationship with the then ruler of Bengal, Murshid Kuli Khan.

Raja Chitrasen Ra~ the son ofKirti ChandRa~ was in charge ofBurdwan chuck/a for
a period of four years (1740-'44). He tried to develop the agricultural economy of the region
by keeping good relation with both the Mughal rulers and the peasants. However, during his
regime Burdwan fuced serious political-economic crisis and lost its prosperity due to the
repeated invasion of bargis ( Choudhur~ 1991 ). He tried to obtain help from the Mughal
rulers to combat these attacks. He was a kind-hearted raja and shared with his subjects the
pains inflicted by the Maratha raiders.

Maharaja Tilak Chand Rai (1744-'70), his successor, was another famous Raja of
Burdwan during whose regime Burdwan region experienced its last welfare attitude of the

Raj family. As we have seen the resultant prosperity under feudal rule was to suffer greatly
later on during the colonial mle under the permanent settlement. Tilak Chand received the
title 'Maharajadhiraj' from Mughal ruler Ahmmad Shah in 1753. He initially tried to prevent
the East India Company from expanding its trade and consequent encroachment over the
administration and revenue collection by banning their trade centres in Burdwan chuckla. As
a consequence, he had to fight a direct war with the Company in 1760. However. he was
defeated completely by Major White of the East India Company. The Company then divided
the zamindari to increase the revenue continuously, which was beyond the capacity of the

Raja to collect. In the last part ofthe 18th century Burdwan lost much of its prosperity due to
the combined effects of the famine of 1770, the dual administration of Nawab and the East
India Company, and the revenue law of the company.
After Tilak Chand Rai, the Rajas of Burdwan, did not really care any more for the
economic condition of the pt;:asants of the region. The permanent settlement multiplied the
misery of the peasants. Maharaja Tcj Chand Rai (1770-1832) developed the intricate patni
system for the collection of revenue, which ultimately destroyed the agricultural economy of
the region. Maharajadhiraj Mahatab Chand (1832-'79) divided his entire zamindari in the
hands of several patnidars and dar-patnidars, which increased the exploitation and misery of
poor peasants to an unbearable level.
The enactment of the Patni Taluk sales act helped the British by facilitating the
transfer to the hand from patnidars to themselves. Ibe immediate effect of the transfer of the
district to the British thus resulted in the further impoverishment to the ryots and the near
ruin of the most powerful and influential authority of Burdwan, Raj family. As a result of the
50

powerlessness of the Burdwan Raj family, the district could not recover its past economic
prosperity throughout the 19th century. Traditional systems of irrigation gradually broke
down

a<;

the British initiated modem, engineering-based canal systems; river-borne trade

gradually decayed as road and especially rail transport took ofT; older village-based industries
and prosperous rural economy began to stagnate as patnidars' and darpatnidars' only
interest became revenue colkction and not the maintenance of agricultural prosperity.

3.3.4. The Role of the Damodar Valley Corporation (D.V.C.)

The Damodar, flowing through the region, has played a vital role in the development
of agricultural economy of the region. Since the remote past, people of Burdwan tried to tune
their agricultural economy with the successful utilization of the water resources ofDamodar.
There was an integrated system of overflow irrigation during the flood (Willcocks, 1930)
through inundation channels. Floods occurred every eight to ten years and the river also used
to deposit very rich silt enhancing the natural fertility of the soil used for cultivation. Low
embankments and breaches along the riversides were regularly maintained by local landlords
to protect the crops from floods. But all these ancient, time tested methods of irrigation and
flood control collapsed entirely due to the negligence of English rulers, the invasion of
bargis, and the lack of concern of local landlords, since the latter part of the 18th century. The

sources of inundation channe:ls were blocked by the construction of embankments in 1853.

As a result, floods that were normally manageable became devastating in the years of 1913,
1927, 1935 and 1943. The flood of 1943 was the last major flood before the inception of the
Damodar Valley Corporation causing very great damage to private and public property.
The 'modem' canal inigation system of the area dates back to 1881 when Eden Canal
was constructed (1873-'81) to use the water resource of the Damodar for agricultural
purposes. The canal takes water from the Damodar river at Jajuti (30 kilometres west of
Burdwan town) and flows through the Banka river for about 7 kilometres to Kanchannagar
where it is held by a weir across the Banka river and admitted into the canal over an anicut.
The canal runs parallel to the left bank of the Damodar for about 32 kilometres to Jarnalpur
where the flow is divided into two branches of the Damodar viz. the kana Nadi and the kana
Damodar. This canal irrigates I 43 villages of the district located in Burdwan (2 I villages),
Memari (63 villages) and Jamalpur (59 villages) police stations.
The second major step to modernize the irrigation system to ensure the agricultural
production of the region was lthe construction of Anderson weir on the Damodar at Rhondia
and the Damodar canal between 1926 to '33. The Damodar Canal system includes a 42
51

kilometres long Main canal, the Branch canal connecting Damodar with the Eden canal at
Kanchannagar and the Duistributory canals of 342 kilometres together commanding an area
of I ,68,83 7 acres. The major part of its command area belongs to our study region.
The agricultural economy of the region received a significant thrust with the inception
of Damodar Valley Corporation (a multipurpose river valley project) immediately after
independence. An American Engineer's (Mr. Voorduin of TVA) brainchild D.V.C came
formally into existence on the 7th July, 1948 through the formation of the D. V.C Act. The
barrage on the Damodar at Durgapur and a vast network of new canals, under whose direct
command area our study region belongs, were constructed between 1952-' 55 creating
immense opportunities for the development of agriculture. Among the multiple objectives of
the project, flood control and irrigation received top priority.
In West Bengal, the D.V.C command area (3,770 sq. miles) sprawls over four
districts namely Burdwan, Hooghly, Bankura and Midnapur. About 57.64 per cent of the
total command area, that is. 2,173 sq. miles belongs to the jurisdiction of Burdwan district.
Our study region with an area of2,821.05 square kilometre falls entirely within the command
area ofD.V.C, especially the Durgapur barrage. The region has a total canal network of 879
kilometre. The canal network of the region includes both old systems of Eden Canal and
Damodar Canal and the new D.V .C canal system as the old systems have been merged in the
D.V.C irrigation network. The canal density of the region is 0.32 kilometre per square
kilometre, higher than many other parts of the country.
The D.V.C canal system is effective in providing water to the distant fields of the
region because of the siting of canals on high lands. In considering irrigation efficiency we
can make a comparative analysis of the old (Eden and Damodar canals) and the new canal
systems. The choice of canal site in the old system was more efficient than the new D.V.C
canal system. From the standpoint of the proportion of farms benefited by irrigation, the old
system is in a little better position (Basu and Mukherjee, 1963).
Besides, there are some inherent problems faced by cultivators while taking the
irrigation fucility ofthe D.V.C. Time lag between the availability of water and its utilization
is a problem which is due to some physical and technical difliculties. The problem is more
acute in the new system than the old one. The D.V.C has not been able to supply water more
regularly on account of certain technical and administrative difficulties. Basu and Mukherjee
(1963) in th~ir study ofthe irrigation benefits of the D.V.C observed that about 50 per cent
farms of the old zone and two-thirds that of the new zone suffered from irregular supply of
irrigation water.
52

A specific drawback of the D.V.C is the lack of developing integrated network of link
channels to carry water to every field. This link channel method was considered to be
superior to the traditional overflow method since it can avoid pao;sing of water continuously
over the fields adjacent to the canals carrying fertilizers to the distant fields and can pay
attention to the individual Jfields (Basu and Mukherjee, 1963). The construction of link
channels was the responsibility of West Bengal Government in association with the ryots.
Effective link channels can only be cut with the help of ground level knowledge of furmers.
Mutual understanding and co-operative spirit of peasants to solve the problems - such as
choosing the fields over whkh channels should pass, who will contribute the land necessary
for cutting the channel and at whose interest -are necessary to evolve a system for plot to
plot distribution of canal water. Sometimes farmers themselves pose the problem by illegal
obstruction of the water midway between the canals and the fields.
In spite of all the problems, the impact of the D.V.C irrigation network on the
agricultural economy of the region is beyond any doubt. The production and productivity of
agriculture of the region have improved dramatically since the implementation of the
irrigation projects undertaken by the D.V.C. Among different crops of the region most
remarkable improvement has been achieved by paddy, which generates larger income of the
farmers. The higher income has increased the demand for both producer and consumer
goods. Associated economic activities like agro-processing (husking units and rice mills),
trade and transport have developed in the region in association with the agricultural
development bringing economic prosperity to the region.
Another important aspect of rural development of the region is the dichotomy in
irrigation and flood control system between North and South Damodar region. In our study
region two blocks namely Khandaghosh and Raina-1 belong to the relatively neglected South
Damodar or right bank area. Since the historic past right bank area has been neglected by the
administrators. For a long pt::riod up to the middle of 19th century the embankments were
maintained on both left and right banks of the river. Between 1843 and 1863 embankments
were breached every year at one place or another resulting in heavy economic loss. In order
to relieve stress on the left bank and to make its strength adequate to withstand the onslaught
of the turbulent stream, British rulers removed the embankment on the right bank for a length
of about 32 kilometres in 1863. Later on, in 1889 a further length of 16 kilometres was
removed from the same embankment. As a result, instead of North Damodar, South Damodar
region began to be affected by flood regularly (Choudhuri, 1991). Again in pre-independence
period irrigation system developed in North Damodar region with the Eden and Damodar

53

Canal whereas no such attempt was taken to develop drainage in South Damodar region.
Before the advent ofthe D.V.C canals, the South Damodar region was entirely deprived of
irrigation facilities. Because of the long neglect the agricultural-cum-rural economy of the
right bank region has remained more backward than the left bank region. In our study region,
the two blocks located in South Damodar region have an average productivity index of 153
against the index of 189 ofthe blocks located in the left bank region.

3.3.5. Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP)

The development of agricultural economy of the region in post-independence period
was also favoured by the implementation of IADP in Burdwan as one of the sixteen selected
districts in India This prognunme was inaugurated in the district in 1962. It was a package
programme including the use of high-yielding variety of seeds, chemical fertilizers and
pesticides, more sophisticatt::d and mechanized implements, and scientific soil and water
management methods based on latest research. The programme was meant to demonstrate
the potentialities of increasing food production through a multipronged, concentrated and coordinated approach to agricultural development in areas, which can quickly respond to such
production efforts. The main objective ofthis programme was to provide a good agricultural
base for more rapid economic development and improved community life (Choudhuri et a/.,
1994).
The IADP package programme was also an educational process, which helped
cultivators and their families, villagers and agricultural labourers in learning modem
agricultural techniques and improving their skills as well. The programme also intended to
help the development of co-operative organizations to ensure the supply of essential inputs
like fertilizt."TS, pesticides, improved farm implements and other equipments as well as the
market for agricultural products. Participation of cultivators in farm planning and the
utilization of local manpower are other vital aspects ofthe programme.
Till 1970-'7 I, 24 blocks out of 33 of the district were covered under this programme
and the package of agricultural practices have since been developed for all the important
crops. A soil testing laboratory for giving recommendations for better cropping and fertilizer
use and a se:ed-testing laboratory to ensure farmers the supply of quality seeds have been set
up in the district.
The development of two-tier co-operative wcieties (fertilizer co-operatives,
marketing co-operatives etc) has also been remarkable in the region, and contributed greatly
to the growth of agricultural activities. While the primary societies are functioning at thana
54

(Police Station) or village level, the thana level societies are attached to two zonal societies
located in Burdwan and Memari. The entire region is thus covered by these societies. ln
addition, there are co-operative banks providing agricultural credit as well as rural cooperative credit societies and grameen (rural) branches of nationalized banks.
Still the co-operative societies could not make much progress in the matter of outright
purchase and sale of paddy or rice (Kar, 1998a). Presently, the co-operative societies are
experiencing a lot of difficulties in handling perishable goods like potato. The cold storages
of the region are inadequate to store the large amounts of potatoes (7 ,4 78 million tonnes in
1996-'97) produced in the region. As a consequence, several tons of potatoes were dumped as
garbage and farmers did not get the opportunity to keep their product in cold storages
because of the remarkably high production of 1997. This led to a high amount of loss in
potato production, which ultimately affected the production of the region in the following
year.

3.4.

Land reforms and Panchayati Raj

Agrarian structure has long been recognized as one of the most important

determinants of rural development. An agrarian structure characterized by a highly skewed

distribution of land, widespread share of tenancy and interlocked fuctor markets is the major
constraint in the development of the agricultural economy of rural areas (Ghosh, 1998).
Several authors like Bhaduri ( 1973 ), Ckakraborty (1984 ), Bandopadhyay ( 1986), Prasad
(1987) etc. have argued that a semi-feudal agrarian structure is the cause of agricultural
backwardness oflndia even after a few decades of planning.
Before analyzing the progress of land reforms and its resultant impact on agricultural
as well as rural development it would be pertinent to define 'land reform' and 'agrarian
reform'. Tht:se two terms are often used rather loosely as being synonymous. These are
actually two different measures for bringing agricultural progress. Land reforms in the form
of redistribution of land holdings and land tenure systems, is the necessary precondition for
meaningful agrarian retorm.
There: are, however, differences of opinion among scholars on what is exactly meant
by land reforms. In its narrow sense land reforms implies a restructuring of the tenurial
system so that the landless people get land. In its wider sense, on the other hand, land reforms
indicate a c:omprehensive programme directed towards the upbringing of the entire
agricultural economy and society. Land reform is an equalizing policy which reduces

55

inequality and social injustic:e and enhances agricultural production (Mukhopadhyay, 1994).
On the other hand, agrarian reform is an integrated programme that aims at reorganizing the
institutional framework of agriculture in order to facilitate social and economic progress. It
includes the redistribution of land, adjustment to tenancy conditions, regulation of rents and
wages, institution of farm credit systems, co-operative organization and agricultural
education. Agrarian reform is limited without the support of successful land reforms.
The importance of 1changes in the agrarian structure through redistributive land
reforms as a significant aspe:ct of rural development was realised in India since long before
the independence. In pre-independence period significant anti-feudal and anti-imperialist
movements took place in different isolated parts of the country through the active
participation of hundreds of peasants between 1936 and 1947. The All India Kishan Sabha
and its various units played a significant role in directing these movements. Among these
movements the Tebhaga movement of Bengal, fought in 1946-'47 was a significant one
focussing on the two-thirds crop demand of the sharecroppers. The West Bengal Bargadar
Act of 1950 was the major outcome of this struggle (Surjeet, 1992).
Immediately after independence the Congress government took necessary steps to
change tht:: agrarian structure through several land reform measures. According to
Mukhopadhyay (1994) land reforms was a ideological compulsion for the post-independence
ruling elite not only because it had made a commitment of 'land to the tillers' to the Indian
peasantry in the days of the anti-colonial struggles, but also because it was an important precondition for a total restructuring of the national economy. A series of bills and amendments
were passed to remove the constraints posed by the agrarian structure on agricultural
productivity. All the land reform measures taken up by the Government of India can be
categorized under the following heads (Surjeet, 1992):

abolition of intermediaries (viz. Zamindars, Jagirdars etc.) between the state and
the ryot (tiller of the land);

tenancy reforms in the form of regulation of rent, security of tenure and

ownership rights;

fixation of ceiling on holdings and distribution of surplus land among the landless
agricultural labourers and other rural poor; and

consolidation ofholdings.

In spite of recognizing the need of land reform and passing several laws to implement
it during the early years of planning, the all India scenario of agrarian structure did not

56

change remarkably because of the lack of initiative to actually implement the land reform
measures (Konar, 1978). Still, some notable successes were achieved especially in respect of
abolition of intermediaries and ceiling on land holding in some states especially in West
Bengal and Kerala.

3.4.1. The Case for West Bengal

The state of West

B{~ngal

deserves special mention among the Indian states in the

successful implementation of agricultural land reform measures. In West Bengal, the land
reform measures have a long history since 1859 when the Bengal Tenancy Act was passed. In
pre-independence period the anti-feudal movement was also quite strong in comparison to
other states. In post-independence period a series of acts were passed on different aspects of
land refonns. According to Ghosh (1986), the important acts among them in chronological
order are as follows:

West Bengal Bargadar Act, 1950;

West Bengal Land Acquisition Act, 1953;

West Bengal Land Reforms Act, 1955;

West Bengal Estate Acquisition Act, 1956;

West Bengal Land Reforms Rules, 1965;

West Bengal Land Reforms (Amendment) Act, 1970;

West Bengal Restoration of Alienated Land Act, 1973;

West Bengal Acquisition ofHomestead Land for Agricultural Labourers, Artisans

and Fisherman Act, 1975; and

Circular ofthe West Bengal Board ofRevenue on Operation Barga, 1978.

Of the several govermnents in power since independence, the two United Front
governments (1967 -'68 and 1969-'70) took enthusiastic measures to implement land reforms
in spite of limitations imposed by the Constitution of India. These United Front governments
while enacting several legislations and implementing other measures to meet the immediate
problems of peasantry, involved the kishan (peasant) and their organizations in a massive
way in the implementation of land reforms (Konar, 1976). Most notable advance was made
on the question of acquiring the surplus land after imposing land ceiling and the distribution
of it. In 1969 about 2.3 lakh acres of land were distributed by the United Front government to
about 2.38 lakh landless and land-poor peasants (Dey and Jana, 1997). Dwing the period

57

1967-'70, more than one-fourth of the total surplus land distributed all over India belonged to
the state of West Bengal (37:5 thousand hectares out of I 255.8 thousand hectares in India).

Role of the Left Front Government

Immediately after coming into power in 1977, the Left Front Government (LFG)
initiated several measures of land reform. According to Surjeet (I 992) the major thrust of
LFG, the most stable government among all the state governments being in power since
independence, on land reform measures was on the following aspects:

formulation and passing of a land reform (amendment) bill plugging the loopholes
in the earlier acts;

Operation Barga md the recording of sharecroppers as the of beneficiaries;

further acquisition and distribution of surplus land;

providing necessary infrastructure and support to assignees of land and

sharecroppers;

democratic decentralization and institutions in the administration of land reforms:

.and

permanent titles to homestead land to landless agricultural labourers, artisans and

fishermen.

The role of LFG has been assessed by different scholars and observers which
essentially cover a wide spectrum. In assessing the rural development policy of LFG, Lieten
(I996) mentioned 'In its rural development policy, the LFG since I977 has focussed on three
interrelated types of intervention: modification of the relations of production and the forces
of production, reconstitution of the political power structure through the revival of the
panchayat bodies, elected along party lines, and playing its political cards expediently so as

to maintain a stable and orderly regime for a period unsurpassed in Indian history. After
approximatdy two decades, :md four consecutive panchayat elections, the direction of that
intervention contains important lessons for development policy' (Lieten, I 996; p. 222). He
also observe:s 'The revitalisation and democratisation of the panchayat system was one of the
first initiatives taken by the LFG after it was voted into office in I 977. More consequentially,
the LFG coordinated the constitution of the new panchayats with a massive campaign of land
distribution and tenancy reforms. The axiom informing the pleas for land reforms, in addition
to considerations of social justice and efficiency, has been the strategic necessity of breaking

58

the socio-political as well as economic power block of landlords-cum-moneylenders' (Lieten,

1996; p. 51).
On the other side, there is a number of arguments made by different scholars against
the role of LFG. Mallick (1993) claimed that the LFG could not be credited with successful
implementation of land reforms. The list of policy failures that ultimately emerged from his
research was unedifying in not providing any positive examples for development
programmes. Strong criticism of LFG was also done by Atul Kohli ( 1987), Mukherjee and
Bandopadhyay (1993) and Rudd (1994).
However, there are a number of publications (Bandopadhyay, 1995; Dasgupta, 1995;
Bhaumik, 1993; Chandrasekhar, 1993; Nossiter, 1988; Ghosh, 1986 etc.) who have credited
LFG to bring the economic benefits in terms of agrarian process and the discontinuation of
the feudal relations of production.

Operation Barga

The most successful component of land reforms implemented by the Left Front
government in West Bengal were tenancy reforms and the redistribution of land. Operation
Barga (recording of the names of bargadars or sharecroppers). a programme of tenancy

reform was launched in October 1978. The programme achieved the dimension of a
movement in the countryside within a few months of its launching with the active support of
different peasant's organizations. Ghosh ( 1986) observed that there were six peasant's
organizations supported by different political parties, who actively participated in the
implementation of Operation Barga in West Bengal. Quick recording of the names of
bargadars, preventing the eviction and granting legal rights to cultivate land were considered

to be major incentives for the marginal and small peasants to raise production (Sanyal,
Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). David Grigg (1978) has explained the reason behind this.
According to him, the farmers who own the land is more likely to adopt new methods than
the farmer who has to give half of his harvest to the landlords and much of the rest to the
local money-lenders.
Under this programme, about 12 lakh bargadars were recorded in West Bengal till
December, 1984. In districtwise performance Burdwan ranked third with the recording of
1.04 lakh bargadars after Midnapur (2.11 lakh) and 24-Paraganas ( 1.64 lakh) up to this
period. The West Bengal figure of recorded bargadars increased to 13.94 lakh in 1988 (out
of which 5.84 lakh belonged to the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe communities). By
1990, the names of 14.5 lakh sharecroppers were registered in the land records (Lieten,
59

1992). This registration created new rights for tenants like rent payments and access to credit
from formal banking sectors (Ramachandran, 1997). The provision for institutional credit to
the sharecroppers gave these small operators access to technological inputs. With the
removal of tenurial insecurity the small operators started taking viable production decisions
(Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). In some areas (for example the eastern part ofBurdwan
district and Hooghly), the cropping pattern of even small farms changed from labourintensive subsistence crops to commercial crops in response to market forces. Boyce ( 1987),
however, observes that broadly the smaller farms' cropping pattern stilll favours valuable
labour intensive crops in West Bengal.
In studying the effects of tenancy reforms on aspect of production, Ghatak (1995)
observes that Operation Barga had a significant positive effect on the rate of expansion of

boro (winter rice) cultivation as well as output, adoption of HYV seeds and investment in
private irrigation. In another similar study in the Midnapur district for the year 1986-'87,
Bhaumik ( 1993) found that registered or recorded tenants were better off than unrecorded
tenants in terms of the share of output retained by the tenant. He also observes that the
tenants in West Bengal have begun to challenge the age-old exploitative character of tenancy
relationship.

Distribution of Ceiling Surplus Land

Another big success of the Left Front government in West Bengal was the
implementation of ceiling laws on land holdings including vesting of land and consequent
redistribution of land among the rural poor. In respect of statewise achievement in land
ceiling the performance ofwest Bengal is much higher than the other states. In West Bengal,
12.63 lakh acres of land out of 73.28 lakh acres in India declared surplus, of which 11.43
lakh acres were acquired by the government by 1991 (source: Proceeding of the conference
of Revenue: Ministers, 14th March, 1992). Out ofthe 11.43 lakh acres of acquired land, about
9.13 lakh acres were distributed among l9.94lakh landless households the majority ofwhich
belonged to the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes communities. West Bengal having
only 3.58 per cent ofthe country's cultivated land, has contributed 20.77 per cent ofthe total
ceiling-surplus land distributed in the entire country (Kar, 1998a).
In addition to these land reform measures the Left Front government of West Bengal
has made remarkable progress in fixing and implementation of minimum wages for
agricultural labourers. There has been substantial increase in agricultural wages in West
Bengal since 1980s. Compound rate of growth of real daily wage of male agricultural
60

labourers between 1979-'80 and 1992-'93 was highest in West Bengal, that is, 280 per cent
among all the states of India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998). Another important effort of
West Bengal government is supporting the assignees of surplus land and share croppers with
provision fi)r loans, inputs, bullocks through widely expanding network of commercial banks
in rural areas.
According to a number of scholars (Kar, 1998a; Tornquist, 1991; Baruah, 1990;
Westergaard, 1986 etc.) the land reforms in West Bengal is incomplete. Baruah (1990)
mentioned that land reforms in West Bengal, instead of being a programme capable of
bringing about a regime of viable peasant proprietorship, has amounted to the de facto
abandonment ofthe concern with viability. He further claims that the allocation of tiny plots
was done not with view to creating viable farms, but to large number of landless a limited
amount of economic security and survival capability. Westergaard (1986) made the argument
that in its focus on land reforms, the LFG has not paid sufficient attention to technological
changes and has not tackled the problems of a stagnant agricuhure. Tornquist observes 'the
communist emphasized the struggle for political power while immediate popular efforts to
develop production would have to wait' (1991, p. 69). Harriss believes there has not been
brought about 'any really significant change' in the agrarian structure (1993, p. 1246).
However, Kar (1998a) has noted that land reforms in West Bengal, though
experienced remarkable initial success, have failed to achieve the desired targets because of
the inability to provide non-land inputs to poor peasants who are the major beneficiaries of
this programme. Such non-land inputs are as follows.
l. Irrigation water - Inspite of constructing the D.V.C canals, the government has

failed to supply cheap irrigation water to the farmers of the region. The use of
ground water is beyond the reach of poor peasants as it costs high. Therefore, a
considerable proportion of land in the hands of small and marginal peasants cannot

lx: utilized for double and multiple cropping enhancing production.

2. Co-operative movement - Distribution of surplus land to the poor have created
numerous small land holdings even below the size of 0.5 acres, which are
uneconomical in their scale of production. The use of sophisticated implements is
also restricted by the small and fragmented size of lands. To make these
uneconomic holdings into an economical one, the government should encourage
th(~

peasants to form co-operatives for better management and increased

production. In Burdwan region, co-operative movement has remained rather

limited with fertilm!r and marketing co-operatives.
61

3. Financing

- On an average, the agricultural community's exposure to

technological innovation is still marginal owing to financial constraints.

Sometimes poor landholders are compelled to transfer their land to those owning
pumpsets, power thrashers and such other non-land inputs. Commercial banks in
the rural areas are engaged in providing loan for non-land inputs to individual
farmers. The poor farmers cannot use that finance properly for production and
repay the loan to the banks. lbeir poverty compelled them to use that money for
their basic needs.
Unless the state adopts a comprehensive programme of changing these
uneconomic holdings into economic ones by forming co-operatives, land reforms
will remain an incomplete dream for the poor peasants.
4. Storage and marketing

- Storage and marketing facilities are also not yet

adequately developed to the extent to cater to the need of the development in

agriculture. Storage infrastructure must be upgraded to enable a farmer to derive
the maximum return from his field. Lack of proper marketing infrastructure and
well-integrated road network compelled the farmers sometimes to depend on
middlemen.

To achieve maximum benefit of land reforms all these loopholes should be mended
with more initiative to providing non-land inputs to the small and marginal farmers.

Panchayati Raj
Besides land reforms, West Bengal experienced another important socio-political
change in its rural landscape during the left front rule. This is the reorganization and revitalization of democratic institutions of local governance at three levels - gram panchayat
or GP at the: village level, the panchayat samiti at the block level and the Zilla Parishad at
the district leveL With this reorganization, a new system of democratic and decentralized
planning and administration was established. Panchayati Reg system attempts not only
political decentralization but e:nsures the representation of poor and underemployed sections
ofthe society in local institutions (Alagh, 1994). The ruling LFG has played a significant role

in rcactivizing success in this area.

Under the West Bengal Panchayat Act 1973, the panchayats already had a vast range
of responsibilities. Their activities, in addition to the traditional mandatory functions such as
the maintenance of village road, the provision of drinking water and the responsibility for
62

sanitation, relate to an increasing variety of delegated and discretionary functions (Lieten,

1996 ). They include irrigation, tree planting, promotion of cooperative farming, promotion of
sports and literacy, the planning and implementation of developmental and infrastructural
works etc.. Besides that in West Bengal Panchayats were closely involved in the
implementation of land reform measures among which Operation Barga was the top priority.
The successful implementation of rural development as well as poverty alleviation
programmes in West Bengal was largely due to the active participation of panchayat bodies.
Panchayats have also played a significant role in the implementation of other rural
employment programmes. Another important feature of the panchayats in West Bengal is the
increasing participation of persons from socially backward and economically weaker
communities over the years (Lieten, 1996).
Assessments of panchayti raj do, however, vary considerably. Some researchers
(Mallick, 1992; Williams, 1999; Rudd, 1999 etc.) have been far more critical of the
effectiveness of the programme. The efficient functioning of panchayats in West Bengal has
also been questioned by Mukherjee and Bandopadhyay (1993). They observe many
unfmished tasks in the areas of land distribution, barga registration, and agricultural
marketing and cooperative credit. They again credited panchayats for successful
implementation of rural development schemes. According to them panchayats have brought
about a churning of the submerged humanity in the rural areas and created a high degree of
social and political awareness among all sections of people. Williams ( 1999) again finds that
panchayati raj has helped to produce positive changes in the livelihoods of labouring
families in rural West Bengal.

3.4.2. Land Reforms in the Region

Burdwan remained ahead of other districts of West Bengal in the implementation of

land reform. The movement of Krishak Sabha was strong enough and provided generous
voluntary help to panchayats and government institutions to acquire vested ceiling surplus
land, distribute those lands and to record the name of bargadars. An eminent Marxist leader
of Krishak Sabha, Mr. Harekrishna Konar had led the Operation Barga in the region.

63

Table 3.1: Progress of Land Reform in The Region

and The District up to June 1999

>

-"-

. ~

..

,.

.... --

Vesting of
ceiling surplus
land (acres)

Blocks

Vested nonVested nonagricultural agricultural/and .-.et

land (acres) for agriculture (acres)

Number
ofpatta
holders

Number of
recorded
bargadars

I. Burdwan- I

2,747.36

699.12

224.8

4,356

3.038

2. Burdwan - II

2,761.62

574.18

144.58

5,814

3.866

3. Bhatar

8,533.31

953.57

153.74

14,289

6.823

4. Memari- I

2,179.84

192.47

124.56

8,070

4.798

5. Mernari- II

2,780.85

63.93

9.82

3.665

1 L053

6. Khandaghosh

4,537.86

980.11

49.60

10,243

7.450

7. Jamalpur

2,568.62

595.22

52.03

5,273

8,349

8. Aus gram - I

10,223 ..53

I ,135.96

175.44

9,487

3.736

9. Galsi- II

4,285.28

1,230.85

127.94

8.891

3.047

10. Raina- I

3,310.38

654.88

5.18

7,234

4.809

11. Monteswar

5,884.08

492.01

121.87

12,071

3.942

49,812.73

7,572.30

1,189.56

89,393

60,911

1,86,480. 41
.. -

31,319.34

5,081.92

1,91,059

1,28,000

--~------

Region (Total)
Burdwan District

----

----

-----

---- -
Source: District Land Revenue Department Burdv>an
-

-Y

'""'"._--

"'

Table 3.1 clearly states the progress of ditTerent aspects of land reform both in the
region as well as the district up to June, 1999. About 1.86 lakh acres of ceiling surplus land
have been

vt~sted

in the district of which 49.81 thousand acres belong to our region. These

ceiling surplus lands have been distributed among 1.91 lakh and 89.39 thousand beneficiaries
in the district and the region respectively. The amounts of total vested non-agricultural land
in the district and in the region stands to 31,319.34 acres and 7,572.30 acres respectively up
to June'99. According to the survey done by District Land Revenue Department, about 16
per cent of the total vested non-agricultural land was found fit for agriculture. The conversion
ofthis non-agricultural land into agricultural one can be a positive step in the present time of
fast reducing agricultural land because of the rapidly expanding urban areas.

64

The beneficiaries of the distribution of ceiling surplus land have been provided with
patta (the legal recognition of land-ownership). But the recording of patta-holders is yet to

be complete. The recording of patta-holders ha<> been done for 57.98 per cent of the pattaholders in the district. The achievement is slightly higher in the region with 59.81 per cent of
patta holders recording their names in the government register. The recording of bargadars

has also been done efficiently in the district (1.28 lakh up to June, 1999). Up to June'99 there
are 60,911 bargadar in the region who have recorded their names in the government register.
Memari-II block has the largest number (II ,053) of recorded bargadars besides the lowest
(3,038) in Burdwan- I block (Table 3.1 ).
Liet,~n

has done a village level study in Memari blocks of the region in 1996. In his

study he observes that agricultural labourers and poor peasants have gained form the
measures of land reforms and the consequent improvement in agrarian production. He noted
a fair improvement in the economic conditions of landless population and poor peasants in
Memari. He credited implementation of land reforms and efficient functioning of panchayat
institutions for this improvement of poor people's socio-economic condition.

3.5.

Agricultural Development
Rural development can never be isolated from agricultural development especially in

a country like India. This is true of our region as well, with its geographical advantages and
long history of agricultural prosperity. Burdwan received in full measure all the postindependence initiatives for agricultural development - DVC canals, IADP and the 'new'
technology package, and land reforms. These have undoubtedly transformed much of the
rural scenario by breaking the isolation of sleepy villages with farmers toiling for
subsistence.
Let us now take a brief look at the emerging agricultural situation in the state of West
Bengal and in Burdwan.

3.5.1. West Bengal

In the post-independence period the state of West Bengal has passed through an
eventful period in the history of agriculture - from a situation of low and less than the all
India avcrag1~ gro\\-th, the state has moved to a high agricultural gro\\-th path (Rawal and
Swaminathan, 1998). ln the last two decades, there has been a major institutional change in
agricultural economy of the state which are closely linked to the observed changes in
production and productivity (Banerjee and Ghatak, 1995). In a landmark study of agricultural
65

performance in West Bengal, James Boyce estimated that the growth rate of agricultural
output between 1950 and 1980 was only 1. 74 per cent per annum (Boyce, 1987). The cause
of such low growth rate of production wa<; studied by the Reserve Bank of India ( 1984)
which identified the chief constraints (behind low production) as the lack of adequate and
controlled supply of water, inadequacy in the supply of fertilizers, modern varieties of seeds.
electricity, credit facilities and infrastructure for market. A noteworthy change occurred in
the 1980s in both the production and productivity of all crops specially rice and potato, which
marks the end of 'agrarian impasse' in West Bengal (Saggar and Raghavan, 1989). However,
there is a debate regarding the various effects of institutional reform as factors explaining this
agricultural take off in West Bengal (Gazdar and Sengupta, 1999). Both Sen and Sengupta
( 1995) and Banerjee and Ghatak (1995) find some evidence of a positive correlation between
tenancy refi:>rm and agricultural growth. Lieten ( 1996, p. 78) observes that the agricultural
productivity in West Bengal started to climb sharply only after the ascent ofLFG in 1977.
Between 1981 and 1991, rates of growth of agricultural production increased in all
the eastern states and among them West Bengal grew fastest (Dun Ray, 1994). The
compound annual growth rate of food grain production between 1981-'82 and 1991-'92 in
West Bengal was 6.5 which was much higher than the all-India average that is 2.7 (Saha and
Swaminathan, 1994). This unprecedented rate of growth of food crops was chiefly due to the
increase in both the production and productivity of rice specially boro. Traditionally, the
aman crop has been the most important of the three rice growing seasons (aus, aman and

bora) in terms of output and acreage. Over time, the bora crop has grown in significance and

the production of total rice produced in the bora season doubled during the 1980s. The
exponential growth rates of bora crop between 1977-'78 and 1993-'94 in West Bengal were
8.37, 9.38 artd 2.86 per cent JX~r annum in area, production and productivity respectively.
John Harriss (1992, 1993) argues that the remarkable growth of agricultural
production in the 1980s was based on an expansion of irrigation by private shallow tube well.
Between 1976-'77 and 1985-'86 the total increase in net irrigated area in West Bengal was
74.0 per cent against the all-India average of 19.7 per cent. In this expansion of irrigation the
area irrigated by tubewells dming the same period increased by as much as 575.4 per cent in
West Bengal as compared to about 59.7 per cent in India (Rawal and Swaminathan, 1998).
The role of land reforms measures in accelerating agricultural production was also immense
in West Bengal in the last two decades (Sanyal, Biswas and Bardhan. 1998). The measures
intensified state intervention in defining property rights in a more meaningful manner, thus
narrowing the gap between ownership and operation and widening the access of the small

66

cultivators to technology and other inputs. Since the small and marginal cultivators constitute
the largest share of the total holdings, the land reforms were extremely significant from the
point of view of growth in production and productivity in recent times (Mukherjee and
SanyaL 1997). Several studies (Rawal, 1997; Sengupta and Gazdar, 1996) have shown that
the institutional changes

hav~~

had a variety of direct and indirect positive effects on recent

agricultural development in West Bengal, and especially Burdwan district.

3.5.2. Burdwan District

Burdwan, with a cropping intensity of 169 per cent, is the pioneer one among the
districts of West Bengal in the agricultural development. It is known as the 'granary of West
Bengal' because of its agricultural prosperity (Barman, 1982). At present the net cropped
area occupies nearly 66 per ct~nt of the total area of the district.
About 88.25 per cent of the gross cropped area is irrigated annually taking three seasons
(kharij: rabi and summer) together. The relative percentage shares of irrigated area to the netcropped area are about 75. 40 and 35 per cent during the khar{f, rabi and summer seasons
respectively.

Table 3.2: Expansion of Net cropped, Net Irrigated Areas and the
Area Sown More than once (1910-'ll to 1990-'91)
Year

Net cropped area in

'000 hectares

Net Irrigated area in

'000 hectares

Area sown more than

once in '000 hectares

1910-'11

343.72

N.A

1930-'31

221.58

N.A
N.A

85.71

1950-'51

470.8:5

131.06

27.72

1970-'71

458.89

322.59

107.40

348.15

345.42

1990-'91

464.49
--

- -

Source: Season and Crop Reports. Statistical Abstracts

Table 3.2 clearly expl.ains the trend of areal expansion under different aspects of
agriculture and irrigation in the decades of20th century (1910-'11 to 1990-'91). The increase
in the district's net irrigated area has been quite high in the post-independence period.
Between 1950-'51 and 1970-'71, the net irrigated area increased at the rate of about 10.000
hectare per annum. This expansion of irrigation facility is chiefly due to the development of
canal irrigatiion under the D. V.C. The rate of expansion decreased to 1,200 hectares per

67

annum between 1970-'71 and 1990-'91. However, if we consider the gross irrigated area
(total of irrigated areas during kharif, rabi and summer seasons), as 693.57 thousand
hectares, then the rate of expansion becomes nearly double ( 19,000 hectares per annum) of
the previous two decades and the total credit goes to the development of deep and shallow
tubewells. Most of the tubewell irrigation, again, is owned privately by individual farmers,
and the government's role is insignificant. Therefore, the recent irrigation development is not
only non-canalized, it is also in the private domain as against the 1960s.
However, in response to the expansion of irrigation, the net-cropped area of the
district has increased from 343.72 thousand hectares in 191 0-'11 to 464.49 thousand hectares
in 1990-'91. The most remarkable increase is also found in the areal expansion of double and
multiple cropping ( 12,000 hectares per annum) which is a consequence of expansion of
irrigation during rabi and summer seasons.

Table 3.3: Increase in the Area, Production and Productivity of

Selected Crops between 1965-'66 and 1994-'95 in Burdwan District
Crops

Area ('000 hectare!))

Production ('000 tonne!))

Yield (Kg/hectare!))

65-'66

80-'81

96-'97

65-'66

80-'81

96-'97

65-'66

80-'81

96-'97

Rice

456.4

493.0

626.2

657.3

708.8

1.741.4

1.514

1,438

2.781

Aus

23.6

23.8

32.4

27.5

43.5

79.9

I ,059

1,824

2,470

A man

429.9

435.3

423.8

626.2

585.0

1.082.1

1,382

1,344

2.553

Boro

2.9

33.9

170.0

3.6

80.3

579.4

1.390

2,371

3.407

Wheat

3.8

8.3

4.4

2.9

17.6

I 0.4

760

2,118

2.347

Oil Seeds

3.6

54.6

40.3

1.5

4 I. I

35.3

417

753

876

Potato

16.2

26.1

41.1

192.2

548.7

1,243.2

12,779

20,993

30,233

No~r

we can analyze the developmental trend of agriculture in the district with the

help of the data on the increase in area, production and yield of some selected crops of the
region (Table 3.3). Rice is the predominant crop of the district which is cultivated intensively
in three seasons (kharif, rabi, summer). Therefore, we shall analyze the trend of three types
of rice (aus, aman, boro) individually besides the total of them. Potato crop is gaining
importance in the region besides the decreasing trend of wheat and oil seeds. So, we shall
analyze production of these three crops too.
The temporal trend of areal expansion, production and yield for the selected crops is
analyzed for a period of 30 years (1965-'66 to 1996-'97). Between 1965-'66 and 1996-'97,
68

rice producing area has increased by 37.20 per cent whereas the production has increased by
165 per cent. Therefore, a remarkable increase (1,267 kilograms/hectare) has taken place in
the productivity of rice (Table 3.3). While, aman yields have increa<;ed with improved seeds
and fertilizer use, it is the dry season boro paddy cultivation enable by shallow tube wells
which has been the real base for the rapid growth in foodgrain production in the district in the
1980s and ,early 1990s (Webster, 1999).
Among the three rice: crops remarkable increase in area and production has occurred
in case of boro. During the period of 30 years, the production of boro has increased by 576
thousand tonnes on the areal expansion of 167 thousand hectares. The productivity of boro
(3,407 kilograms/hectare) is also highest among the three rice crops. Therefore, a very high
rate of growth of boro production has made a significant contribution to the growth in rice
production in Burdwan

(Sanya~

Biswas and Bardhan, 1998). Wheat and oilseeds are loosing

their importance in the agricultural economy of the district which is clear from the very slow
growth of their both area and production. However, the yield is high for both the crops.
Potato is another important crop of the region which is characterized by the very high
rate of increase in both the production (18 per cent per annum) and productivity (582
kilograms/hectare per annum). A phenomenal rise in productivity from 1982- 83 induced the
cultivators to grow potato more on the lands previously not used for this crop. At present
Burdwan occupies the second position among the states of West Bengal in the production of
potato.
In a nutshell it can be said that agricultural development of the district has progressed
much due to the IADP programme in the 1960s, adoption of new technology in the 1970s,
successful land reforms in

th(~

late 1970s and early 1980s, and lastly the expansion of private

irrigation by deep, shallow and submersible tubewells in the late 1980s and early 1990s
together.

3.5.3. The Region

Our study region.. located in the eastern part of the district, is a major contributor in
the agricultural production of the district. Its physical environment including plain land,
fertile soil, sufficient surface and underground water and the favourable climate provided the
ideal basis fiJr the development of agriculture in the region.
The adoption of technological inputs assisted by the extension of irrigation (under
both public and private ownership) has brought remarkable increase in both the production
and productivity in all agricultural crops especially rice in the region since 1980s. Extension
69

of private shallow and submersible pumps has made extensive cultivation of horo crop
possible. As a result, rice production ofthe region increased to a large extent. At present. the
region has a cropping intensity of 183 per cent which is much higher than the district average
of 163 per cent. Food crops like rice, potato. wheaL oil seeds etc. are predominant!!
cultivated in the region. Among the different food crops. rice is the most significant one
because of its major share in the production scenario of the region.

Table 3.4: Trend of Rice Production in the Region, 1986-'87 to 1996-'97

(Area in '000 _hectar_e,

Pro~uc.tiOJ!

in Mi!lion tonnes and

Pr~ductiv_ity

in

~ilogram/hectare)

1996-'97

1986-'87

Area

Production

Productivity

Area

Production

Productivity

Rice

252.71

755.43

2,555.79

3,116.0

8,874

2,850.3

Aus

12.86

22.02

1'751.35

208.8

5,21.5

2.531.2

Aman

180.34

565.06

3.101.21

1.945.8

5,103.1

2.697.2

Boro

59.51

168.35

2,814.81

961.4

3.249.4

3.322.5

Source: District Statistical Handbook. Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics

Table 3.4 explains the agricultural performance of the main crop. that is. rice in the
region over a period of ten years ( 1986-'87 to 1996-'97). Both the area and production of rice
have increased spectacularly over the last ten years. The gross area of rice cultivation has
become 3.116.0 thousand hectares in 1996-'97 from 252.71 thousand hectares in 1986-'87.
As a consequence of areal increase the production of rice has increased from 755.43 million
tonnes in 1986-'87 to 8.874 million tonnes in 1996-'97. The productivity of rice has also
increased by 295 kilograms per hectare during this period.
Now we can analyze the blockwise pattern of production in the region (Table 3.5). In
the production of rice. aman has the major share (5.1 03.1 million tonnes) followed by boro
(3,239.4 million tonnes) and aus (521.5 million tonnes). Among the eleven blocks in the
region Monteswar, Burdwan and Memari-Il occupy first, second and third rank in the
production ofrice. (Table 3.5)

70

--

--------

Table 3.5:Production of Different Food Crops in the Region, 1996-'97

(Production in million tonnes)
.,.._....,-..-..------_...,.__
.....
...._,__
.____ ... --- .
.-.
----Oil seed
Wheat
Potato
Boro
Blocks
A us
A man
Rice

_______

-~~~---

.,.,._

....

~-

Q-

~-~,-- -~~ ~--J~-

--

Burdwan

1,311.8

58.2

762.3

491.3

443.2

53.7

Ausgram-I

423.5

8.5

340.5

74.5

53.2

0.4

17.6

866

59.6

481.7

324.7

145.5

3.5

9.8

Memari-I

561.6

84.8

268.0

208.8

1,473.0

10.9

Memari-IT

1,088.2

97.8

517.0

473.4

873.8

0.8

20.0

Jamalpur

584.9

165.5

314.6

104.8

3,764.5

2.3

42.5

Raina-I

862.5

657.1

205.4

105.7

0.8

7.1

Khandoghosh

848.7

34.5

521.8

292.4

363.2

0.2

4.9

Gals i-II

702.6

559.1

143.5

119.6

0.3

9.6

1,614.2

12.6

681.0

920.6

127.0

10.7

521.5

5,103.1

3,239.4

7,467.9

8.3

186.8

Bhatar

Monteswar
Region

8,864

, ..
-
,.
---- - ------ -- .. -
Source: District Statistical Handbook. Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics
"-

- . . . . ~--- ~ . . . . - .

---~

~w

b - Less than 50 tonnes of production

Potato, with an annual production of 7467.9 million tonnes, has become the second
most important crop in the region. Wheat production in the region has been replaced with the
increase in the cultivation of potato. Only 8.3 million tonnes of wheat are produced in the
region annually (1996-'97). Oil seed production too is very limited (186.8 million tonnes) in
the region with slightly higher level of production in Burdwan, Jamalpur and Memari-II
blocks than the others. In the production of potato Jamal pur block is the highest contributor
with 50.41 per cent ofthe n::gion's production. Memari-I and Memari-II block occupy the
second and third ranks in the production of potato in the region.

3.6.

Poverty Alleviation
Poverty appears to be the most conspicuous characteristic of rural India. It forms the

subject matter of core concern in several studies and reports in India especially since 1970s
(Minhas, 1970; Dandekar and Rath, 1971; Lal, 1973a; Mellor, 1976; Chakraborty, 1987:
Singh, 1994; Kumar and Yadav, 1994; Rao. 1994: Eswaran and KotwaL 1994 etc.) being
treated as a major cause and effect of many crucial problems.
In the early years of planning in India, rural development was viewed from an
integrated perspective in which the objective of agricultural development was interwined
71

with the goals of poverty eradication and reduction of social and economic inequalities. In
the first five-year plan the major thrust was on the programmes of agricultural development
with a view that a sustained process of agricultural growth could lead to a decline in the
incidence of rural poverty through significant changes in the product and labour markets in
favour of the poor (Ghosh, 1998). The Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP)
was introduced in Burdwan in 1960s when it was selected as one of the sixteen IADP
districts in India.
After a period of 10 to 15 years it was realized that the programmes of agricultural
development have failed to make a sizeable dent on poverty. The rise in farm employment
has been very slow in relation to the growth of agricultural output in the period leading to the
insufficient percolation of benefits to the poor from agricultural growth (Rao, 1994). To
improve the situation, priority was given to the strategy popularly called 'direct attack' on
poverty through beneficiary-oriented programmes. Thus a clear dichotomy was established
between programmes of agricultural development and those for poverty alleviation since the
mid-sixties especially with the launching of the new technology in agriculture.
Adoption of this new technology in agriculture has helped to aggravate the social and
economic inequalities leading to the marginalization of people, centrali?11tion of decisionmaking process and human suffering (Sharma and Malhotra, 1977). The new HYV seedfertilizer-irrigation-pesticides-improved implements package was only adopted by large and
rich literate farmers because of its higher level of knowledge requirement and high capital
investment (Eswaran and Kotwal, 1994). Therefore, full benefits oftechnological progress in
agriculture were only gained by rich farmers who became wealthier. On the other hand, the
poor and illiterate small and marginal farmers have continued with the traditional techniques
for longer periods of time, because it took longer for them to familiarize with the workings of
the new technology. Poorer farmers were less willing to adopt new technology also because
it was perceived by them to be more risky. A crop failure with a new, capital-intensive and
unfamiliar technology may be devastating to a poor peasant, while it would merely be a
temporary and minor setback for a rich farmer (Eswaran and Kotwal, 1994). Higher amount
of capital investment was thus another important fuctor inhibiting poorer farmers to adopt the
new technokgy.
Thus owing to the insufficient percolation of benefits to the poor from agricultural
growth and to the prevalence of widespread poverty in rural areas. a number of poverty
alleviation programmes were launched since the late seventies through centrally-sponsored
schemes. These poverty alleviation programmes can be put into two categories - wage
72

employment programmes and self-employment programmes. Important wage employment

programmes like National Rural Employment Programme (NREP), Rural Landless
Employment Generation Programme (RLEGP) were in operation in the first four years of the
Seventh Plan ( 1985-'89). In 1989 these two programmes were merged into a single wageemployment programme called Jawahar Rozgar Yojona (JRY). On the other hand, selfemployment programmes

like Integrated Rural

Development Programme (IRDP),

Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) provide productive assets
and employment to the poor for enabling them to attain permanently higher incomes and a

better standard of living. The: self-employment programmes assume greater significance for
they alone can provide income to the rural poor on a sustainable basis.
In Burdwan. the District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) is the central authority
to implement all sorts of rural development programmes especially those meant for poverty
alleviation all over the district. The DRDA started functioning since 1981. According to the
1991 census 43.46 per cent ofthe total rural households in the district are below the poverty
line. Following the central government guidelines numerous poverty alleviation schemes
have been adopted and imple:mented by the DRDA to reduce the percentage of households
living below poverty line (BPL). Here we shall analyze a few important schemes, their
progress and roles in the reduction of rural poverty in the district as well as in the region.
3.6.1. Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP)
IRDP, introduced in 1978, is the single largest scheme for providing direct assistance
to the rural poor and is meant for the poorest among the poor. Under this scheme. those
living below the defmed poverty line in rural areas are identified and given assistance for
acquisition of productive assets of appropriate skills for self-employment. which in turn
should generate enough income to enable the beneficiaries to rise above the poverty line
(Eighth Five Year Plan, Yo I. II). The small and marginal farmers, scheduled castes and tribes
(backward class population) rural artisans, landless agricultural and non-agricultural workers
and unemployed young people mostly constitute the target groups of IRDP. The DRDA has
introduced numerous schemes including 45 principal schemes and 82 subsidiary assistance
schemes under IRDP. There are separate schemes tor craftsmen, landless labourers, small
and marginal farmers (farmers owning up to 1.25 acres of irrigated land), women and
children, recorded barKadars and patta-holders, physically handicapped, scheduled ca~tes
and schedulc~d tribes and other sections of population with annual income up to Rs. 11,000
(as per the VIII plan). DRDA is running all these schemes successfully all over the district
73

with the help of a wide network of panchayat samitis, gram panchayats and several other
government departments like Animal Resource, Agriculture, Irrigation, Fishery, Small and
Cottage industry and so on. The latest addition in the long list of IRDP schemes is the
scheme for land purchase which is an important step in eradicating poverty. Here the
objective is not the mere purchase of land. The fulfilment of the objectives of any land-based
IRDP scheme is the main concern.
lnspite of the successful implementation of lRDP programmes during the last 20
years, the overall progress is much below the desired level. According to a recent report
prepared by Deepa Narayan, Giovanna Prennushi and others on behalf of Reserve Bank, the
rate of poverty reduction in India has dramatically slowed down in the last decade. The
fmdings of different evaluation studies of IRDP, programmes done by independent research
institutions also suggest that the IRDP was quite successful in terms of providing incremental
income to poor families. However, its operational deficiency could not yield the expected
resuhs (Kuriyan, 1989) and the number of households able to cross the poverty line was
relatively small (Kumar, 1994). Gaiha (1991) suggests that in general the incremental
incomes are not large enough to enable the poor to cross the poverty thresholds.
Swaminathan ( 1990) claimed that in terms of allocation of resources, there is a significantly
higher degree of leakage to persons outside the target group. The experience in the
implementation of this programme has shown that provision of assets in itself cannot
guarantee income unless the asset matches with the traditional skill and other endowments of
the household on the one hand and demand, supply, and infrastructural characteristics of the
area on the other (Alagh, 1994). Greater attention

wil~

therefore, have to be paid on the

selection of viable schemes, meeting the credit and raw material requirements and marketing
needs of the beneficiaries.
In Burdwan district, the main factors lying beneath the relatively higher level of
progress of IRDP programmes in comparison to other districts are: higher level of literacy,
higher level of awareness and information of different development schemes extended by
Continuing Education Centres, a well-organized panchayat system and relatively developed
banking infrastructure including 22 banks with its 254 branches involved in IRDP. During
the period of 1980 to 1998 about 3,81, 946 beneficiaries from 61.43 per cent of families lying
blow poverty line have been assisted by the different schemes under IRDP in the whole
district among which 70,611 (21.41 per cent) are women. On the other hand, out of the total
beneficiary families from diflerent IRDP schemes, the percentages of scheduled caste and
scheduled tribe families are 52.72 and 8.10 respectively (out of a proportional representation
74

of 27.44 and 6.22 per cent respectively in the total population of the district). Average
'

government investment per family has steadily increased from only Rs, 2,330 in 1980-'81 to
Rs. 12,700 in 1997-'98 (DRDA, 1998).
However, in spite of the success of IRDP schemes it should be mentioned that the
DRDA has never achieved their annual target of development projects since its introduction
in 1980 in the district. A huge number of cases remain pending for disbursement with the
banks each year. ln the year of 1996-'97 the number ofundisbursed cases were 9,538 which
increased to 9,882 in 1997-'98. The major causes behind the slow progress ofiRDP schemes
in the district as outlined by DRDA are as follows:

lack of proper knowledge and training of the beneficiaries;

inadequate financial support;

lack of marketing infrastructure;

lack of workshed for the craftsmen;

lack of price prote1::tion and demand ofthe products;

poor recovery of bank-loan from the beneficiaries;

various leakages and flaws in the execution of these programmes; and

selection of non-viable scheme to both the beneficiary and the area.

In spite of these drawbacks, the contribution ofiRDP programmes in the assistance of

poorer people is rather significant in the district. To provide the maximum benefit of IRDP
schemes to them, further integration and co-ordination among different government
departments and officials and the generous help and motivation of panchayat bodies have to
be sought.

3.6.2. Training of Rural Youth for Self Employment (TRYSEM)

Lack of proper training of the beneficiaries to develop the skill necessary for
successful implementation of IRDP programmes has been noted to be a significant drawback
of the IRDP. To ameliorate this lacuna TRYSEM was introduced in 1979, just following the
introduction of IRDP to provide technical skills and to upgrade the traditional skills of rural
youth belonging to families below the poverty line. Its aim was to enable the rural youth to
take up self-employment ventures in different spheres across sectors by giving them
assistance under the IRDP. Later, in 1987,

L ._

ope of the programme was expanded to

include wage employment for the trained beneficiaries (Kumar and Yadav, 1994 ). As a

75

supplementary training programme of IRDP, TRYSEM has an initial target to train at least
40 youths per block of

th(~

country every year. In this scheme, priority was given to

scheduled caste, scheduled tribe communities and women.

In the district of Burdwan TRYSEM was introduced as early as 1980. However, the
formalization of TRYSEM was done by DRDA in the year of 1993 when a number of
training institutes run by lx>th government and other reputed private organizations came
forward to impart training under different sectors of activities in the district. At present 21
government institutions and 5 other private training centres are actively engaged in providing
training to the poor rural youth in the age group of 18 to 35 years. In our study region, 8 out
of 21 in the district training institutes are providing training to the rural youth. Among these
8 centres, three are located :at Burdwan town, one at Guskara Municipality, one in Bhatar
block, one in Burdwan-I block, 1 in Monteswar block and the last one in Khandaghosh block.
The recently established Rural Technology Centre ofthe University ofBurdwan has begun to
extend its generous help in organizing TRYSEM, which can be considered as an important
advancement of this scheme. All these activities have some positive impact on the everyday
life of rural communities.
The types of activities on which training programmes run in our study region include
mushroom cultivation, poultry farming, knitting, sewing, kantha stich (embroidery),
carpentry, electric waring, raido, tape and T.V. repairing, repairing of pumpset, bicycle, and
motorcycle, bakery and electrical welding.
Since the introduction of TRYSEM in 1980 the district authority has been able to
provide training to 16,956 rural youth up to 1997-'98. Among the total trained beneficiaries
22.58 per cent belongs to scheduled caste, 3.89 per cent to scheduled tribe and 29.25 per cent
to the women group. During the last two years, that is, 1996-'97 and 1997-'98, DRDA has
been able to achieve and in fact exceed the desired targets. However, in 1994-'95 and 1995'96 they could achieve 54 per cent and 97 per cent of their targets respectively (DRDA
1998).
In spite of its grand success the DRDA, is facing some problems to run the TRYSEM
m Burdwan region. Some of these problems are inherent to the nature of government
developmental initiatives, and can be outlined as follows:
:severe shortage of funds to run the training programmes (as mentioned by the
DRDA);

lack of motivation of unemployed people and hence sufficient number of trainees

(at least ten) to rw1 training programmes;

76

lack of initiative of the panchayats to encourage rural youth to join this training.
Poor people of the rural areas of the region are not properly informed about the
opportunities through this training programme;

each training centre is rWl by the candidates from several panchayat samitis. The
list of candidates could not reach the training centres due to the lack of coordination among the panchayat samitis.

high rate of drop out among the trainees;

lack of care and initiative of the panchayats to recommend the name of the
TRYSEM trained persons to help them avail ofiRDP schemes; and

lack of integration between IRDP and TRYSEM.

Inspite of the above-mentioned problems TRYSEM is running better in Burdwan than

other government-initiated programmes (in that it has been able to achieve the target). Much
more initiative from the DRDA, panchayat samitis and gram panchayats and better coordinations among them is required to make the programme an ultimate success to alleviate
poverty.

3.6.3. Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA)

A gender perspective was added to the IRDP with DWCRA in the year 1982-'83 with
its introduction as a pilot project in 50 districts of India. The criteria for selection of those
districts were general backwardness, low female literacy and high

inf~mt

mortality (GOI,

1996). As Burdwan district is comparatively advanced, it was not chosen for DWCRA
projects at that time.
DWCRA aims at income generation for women living below poverty line through
group economic activities. Apart from the economic objectives, DWCRA encompasses
health and educational aspects of women and children. They aim to bring about a sense of
common awareness and oneness of purpose, thereby minimising the opportunity for
exploitation. No individual enterprise is entertained under the programme of DWCRA. By
their very nature, health and education are community endeavours. In emphasizing the need
to build up women organizations at the grass root level, DWCRA hopes to integrate women
into the cow1try's development process. The development of awareness of environment and
society, and knowledge of the laws for women among the poor women is another important

77

aspect of DWCRA. The basic objectives of DWCRA can be outlined as follow (GOWB,
1997):

to organize rural poor women in order to improve the quality of life of the women
and children lying below poverty line:

to make the rural women aware of the legal assistance specially meant for
women;

to make them aware of the different developmental schemes;

to improve the economic condition of poor women by enhancing their skill and
extending self-employment schemes; and

to improve health and environmental awareness among poor women.

The DWCRA scheme,. in spite of its early introduction in West Bengal (in 1983-'84 in
the districts of Bankura and Purulia), was launched in Burdwan as late as 1991-'92. In the
initial stage only 10 rural blocks of the district were arbitrarily selected to extend this
scheme. Khandaghosh, Raina-I, Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Ausgram-I blocks of our study
region are among those 10 blocks chosen in the district. In the year of 1997- '98 the
programme covered 24 blocks of the district including the 11 blocks covering the entire study
region. The total number of DWCRA groups formed in the district up to 1997-'98 is 260
including 3,524 women. According to a survey done by the DRDA in 1996 on 117 DWCRA
groups, 46 per cent, six per cent and seven per cent of the total DWCRA members are from
scheduled caste, scheduled tribe and rural craftsmen families. Among these 260 DWCRA
groups 82 have been trained by the TRYSEM programme to develop their skill. The
construction ofworkshed for the DWCRA groups is complete for 63 groups (DRDA, 1996).
In our study region 99 DWCRA groups have been formed with a number of 1,424
members. The highest number of groups, that is, 18 is found in both Raina-1 and Jarnalpur
blocks. Ausgram-1 and Khandaghosh blocks have 16 and 15 number of groups respectively.
The rest seven blocks have on an average four or five groups due to their late introduction of
DWCRA programme. The types of activities running successfully by the different DWCRA
groups are kantha stich, poultry farming, bidi (indigenous cigarette) making, mushroom
cultivation, jute-based fancy product-making, bamboo works, weaving, puffed rice making,
and making of paper bags and other handicrafts. Each and every group is consisted of at least
10 to 15

me~mbers

living in the same village and having same socio-economic status. The

gram sebilw (a female employee of the block office) motivates the rural poor women to form

78

a group and start making a thrift fund through their limited capacities of saving. The leader of
the group is elected by the members of that group. After creating a substantial thrift fund they
get the revolving fund ofRs. 15,000 from the DRDA and start the chosen economic activity.
The other sources of capital necessary for the activities of the group are matching grant from
DRDA (the same amount of self-deposit fund), bank loan and the government grant. The
selection of activity is done by either the gram sebika or the project officer of Women
Development (P.O., W.D), DRDA through discussions with the group members on raw
material availability, skill of the member, financing, marketing and other infrastructure.
In spite of its initial success the progress of the DWCRA scheme in the district of
Burdwan is still far from satisfactory. Though the number of DWCRA groups formed is
rising steadily, the DRDA has never been able to achieve the target. The chief problems
associated with the DWCRA schemes are lack of initiative among the panchayat members to
motivate rural poor women to form groups, lack of marketing infrastructure, lack of
workshed, lack of cohesion among members of the groups, inability to identify activities that
could generate sustained incomes, and above all of all non-viable fund. According to the
1996 report of DRDA., about 20 per cent of the total groups have become non-operational.
There are aL'io records of members leaving the group.
For providing marketing infrastructure to the consumer products of DWCRA groups.
a shop called 'Sathi' has been started in 'Spandan' complex of Burdwan town. However,
marketing infrastructure for pt:rishable food items like milk produced by the DWCRA groups
is yet to develop. Lack of access road especially in the rainy season is another severe
problem restricting their connection to the market faced by some DWCRA groups.
Therefore, further attention should be paid to the development of infrastructure under the
IRDP. The causes of groups becoming defunct and withdrawal of membership should be
analyzed to check such trend. The integration of DWCRA with associated schemes like
IRDP and TRYSEM should lx: improved further.
In the absence of requisite integration and co-ordination among the different
governmental agencies engaged in poverty alleviation with their different and often
conflicting objectives, there is a lot of unnecessary overlapping, duplication and wastage of
resources (Singh, 1986). Moreover, the expected increase in assets formation through poverty
alleviation programmes did not materialize due to various leakages and inefficiencies in the
execution of these programmes (Rao, 1994). However, despite these inefficiencies, the
contribution of poverty alleviation programmes such as IRDP, DWCRA, TRYSEM etc. to
the observed reduction in poverty in Burdwan region has been more or less significant.

79

3.6.4. Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY)

The multiplicity of programmes, being viewed as separate programmes in themselves,
resulted in a lack of proper social intermediation. in rural India. There was an absence of
desired linkages among these programmes, and the implementation was more concerned with
achieving individual programme-targets rather than focussing on the issue of sustainable
income generation (GOI, 1999). To rectify the situation, the government oflndia has decided
to restructure the self-employment programmes. A new programme known as Swarnajayanti
Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY) has been launched from April, 1999. This is a holistic
programme covering all aspe,cts of self-employment such as the organization of poor people
into self-help groups and their training, credit, technology, infrastructure and marketing.
The beneficiaries of the SGSY can be either individual or groups. But SGSY lays
emphasis on the group approach, under which the rural poor are organized into Self-Help
Groups (SHG). A self-help group is a collection of rural poor who have volunteered to
organize themselves into a group for improving the standard of living ofthe members.
SGSY puts more emphasis on the observed drawbacks of the prior poverty alleviation
programmes especially the IRDP. Lack of proper infrastructure and marketing support were
noted to be the significant inefficiencies faced in the progress of self-employment
programme. Although provision had been made for expenditure on infrastructure. the
investments did not necessarily correspond to the needs of the self-employed. Therefore,
development of proper infrastructure and marketing support is highly emphasized in the
SGSY. The choice of activity must be governed by the possibilities that exist on the resource
of the area, the available skill and the market.
Proper infrastructure is essential for the success of micro-enterprises. The
infrastructure may be either fiJr production, processing, quality testing, storage or marketing.
SGSY will seek to ensure tha1t the infrastructure needs for the identified activities are met in
full, so as to enable the swarozgaris (sclf-employcds) to derive the maximum advantage from
their investment.
Besides the general infrastructure SGSY puts thrust on marketing support which is
observed to be essential f(>r any goods or services produced by the beneficiaries.
Traditionally, the self-employment programmes concentrated on the inputs rather than the
outputs and their marketing. The recommendation of an activity was not proceeded by the
much needc~d market survey. However, experience shows (GOI, 1999) that the poor
beneficiaries cannot sustain the loss arising out of a lack of market even for short periods.

80

Therefore, SGSY considers that the selection of key activities must be on the basis of an
assured market.
The survey of the market opportunities should be done both in rural and urban areas.
Rural haats (periodic markets) can also play a significant role. In the urban areas, consumer
tastes and demands are more changeable and elastic than rural. An analysis of the urban
markets would reveal the consumer preferences and the potential for the rural enterpreneurs.
in genera~ there can be a good potential for value-added items such as cleaned and packaged
food items, processed fruit and vegetables etc. in urban areas. The provision of marketing
infrastructure in urban areas can go a long way in enabling the rural poor to market their
goods in Burdwan. In addition, it can strengthen rural-urban linkage thus giving the urban
centre and its surrounding rural areas a nature of well-integrated functional region.

3.7.

Infrastructural Development
The development of infrastructure is an essential component of rural development.

According to a number of recent mainstream economics research reports on infrastructure

and public investment (see for example Shah, 1992; Krugmann, 1991; Porter, 1990;
Aschawer, 1989; Lucas, 1988; Elhance and Lakshamanam, 1988; Costa, Elison and Martin,
1987) the impact of infrastructure on growth is substantia4 significant and frequently greater
than that of investment in other forms of capital in India.
Infrastructure includes all things provided by the government which directly or
indirectly promote productive activities (Kumar, 1994). Depending on the nature of input
services, in1rastructure can be: broadly divided into two types: physical and social (Ghosh and
De, 1998). The former consists of transport (roads, railways, aviation, waterways and ports)
electricity, irrigation, telecommunication, housing and water supply. They work as direct,
intermediate inputs to production, and improvement in these inputs in any geographical
location attracts flows of additional resources. On the other hand, social infrastructure
broadly includes education, health, nutrition, sanitation, child care, recreation and banking
and various forms of financial assistance/fucilities. Their contribution in improving
productive activity, although indirect in some cases, is no less important. Transport,
irrigation, power, water supply, market, health, education and urban services are considered
important elements of infrastructure. Among the different aspects of infrastructure, transport
is the most vital element as it plays a crucial role in the development of any region. Without
the expansion of transportation network no development can take place in isolation. Now we

81

can analyzt: the level and role of some infrastructure in the development of rural areas of our
study region.

3.7.1. Transport
Transport network for rural development is constituted of three elements waterways, road networks and railway lines. Among these three, road network plays the most
significant role in agriculture as well as in rural development. ln fuct, the farmers of a region
with good infrastructural fu(:ilities may be in a better position to utilize their limited land
resources than those of region where infrastructure is inadequate (Ram, 1994). The role of
transport infrastructure in agricultural development has increased several times especially
after the introduction ofHYV technology in the 1960s (Bajpai, 1984).
Our study region has :a well-integrated road network. The road density of the region is
0.24 kilometre and 0.25 kilometre per square kilometre for surfaced and unsurfaced roads
respectively. The region has an average bus route of 7 per each rural development block
(Table 3.6) -quite a high figure for India. The Eastern Railway main line passes through the
central part of the region in an east-west direction, and the Damodar river, major waterway in
the past, still provides ferry services at 27 points (Table 3.6) across it over the region. The
Ajay river also provides ferry service at two places in Ausgram and Monteswar blocks.
Owing to the physical uniformity of the plain, a high density of population, relative
agricultural prosperity and such other factors, Burdwan has gradually become well-connected
by buses with other parts of the state. Among these highways, the singlemost important is the
G.T. road running from southeast to northwest across the region. The arterial roads of the
region have formed a radial pattern with the Burdwan town at a nodal point providing ideal
urban market for agricultural surplus. To serve the numerous villages located in between the
arterial roads, an integrated system of town bus network has been developed recently. This
town bus network \\-ith 28 routes and 41 buses is operating efficiently to provide a significant
infrastructure for development of the rural counterpart of the region (Samanta and LahiriDutt, 1996) .

82

""-

""

Name of
block

Table 3.6: Transportation Infrastructure of the Region, 1995

. -. -- -------- .... ..
------- Density of roads per
Number
Road length (kilometre)
Number of
square kilometre
of bus
ferry services
route
Surfaced Unsurfaced Surfaced Unsurfaced
...

-~

~-

-~ ~--

"""~--

---~---

~----~ ------~-

-~-------

Ausgram-I

16

68

0.07

0.29

Galsi-11

69

99

0.33

0.47

Khandaghosh

88

62

0.34

0.24

Raina-I

65

63

0.25

0.25

Jamal pur

51

119

0.19

0.45

12

Memari-1

70

55

0.34

0.27

Memari-11

70

51

0.41

0.30

Burdwan-I

103

23

0.43

0.10

Burdwan-II

10

23

0.06

0.13

Bhatar

59

25

0.07

0.06

10

Monteswar

48

61

0.16

0.20

649

649

0.24

0.25

Region

--

.. -. -- -- .. ...... -- .,. ....

---- --
---- - . .,
Source: District Statistical Handbook, Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics
-

----

-,-----~

--~-~-----

29

Table 3.6 gives the detailed blockwise transportation infrastructure of the region.
Among the eleven rural development blocks, Burdwan-1 has the highest (0.43 kilometre per
square kilometre) and Burdwan-II has the lowest (0.07 kilometre per square kilometre)
density of surfaced road. The density of surfaced road of the other nine blocks varies between
0.07 and 0.41 kilometre per square kilometre. On the other hand, Galsi-II block has the
highest (0.47 kilometre per square kilometre) and Bhatar block ha<> the lowest (0.06
kilometre per square kilometre) density of unsurfaced roads. The rest nine blocks have an
unsurfaced road density varying between 0.10 and 0.45 kilometre per square kilometre of
area.

3.7.2. Irrigation
Irrigation is a significant aspect of rural infrastructure as it has become the prime
factor of the development of agriculture with the introduction of new technology. The
productivity of any crop now directly depends on the availability of irrigation water at the
right time.

83

In Burdwan district, irrigation infrastructure has always been better developed in

comparison to other districts of West Bengal since the historic times. The proportion of net
sown area under irrigation was relatively high in the pre-plan period. During the Mughal
period the region had a well-developed indigenous system of overflow irrigation. The
introduction of modem canal irrigation took place in the region in 1881 with the construction
of Eden Canal. In the Post-independence period Damodar Valley Corporation with its
integrated <:anal network started to serve the region. Since the 1970s, private means of
irrigation in the form of shallow and submersible pumps have started to proliferate in the
region specially to facilitate the cultivation of boro crop in winter. Burdwan district has the
highest length of canal network in West Bengal providing irrigation water to 79.33 per cent
of agricultural fields.

Table 3.7: Public Irrigation Infrastructure of the Region, 1996-'97

~~

-~-~->-v.,-..~---

Blocks

...

-,..-~-~~~""

_., ..

....,.~-~~-<>-,.-~-.~----~-~-"'-~

Percentage of net cropped

area under i"igation

'" --

---r"~--

"

----~

Percentage of irrigated area by different sources

Kharif

Rabi

Summer

Canal

Tank

Ausgram-1

76.31

26.67

19.51

93.84

1.35

Gals i-II

94.54

40.12

58.15

90.86

0.43

Khandaghosh

91.10

32.01

26.19

73.81

1.21

Raina-!

90.77

48.46

6.92

78.06

Jamalpur

80.99

74.28

78.71

Memari-1

85.58

34.60

Memari-11

85.25

River lift
irrigation

Deep
tube-well

SRW
4.81

0.20

8.51

0.44

2.79

21.75

0.59

0.58

2.59

18.18

66.86

1.02

1.73

2.71

27.68

44.08

89.69

0.65

0.15

0.58

8.93

33.38

33.87

80.86

1.05

0.75

0.97

16.37

92.92

46.73

60.07

75.25

0.53

0.50

0.62

23.10

93.82

36.46

32.18

89.31

1.31

0.22

9.16

84.82

41.86

30.77

54.74

0.42

1.90

3.21

39.73

79.33

0.81

0.92

Burdwan-1
Burdwan-ll
Bhatar
Monteswar
------

Region

----

-------

87.61

41.46

--------

39.05

&;~iCC:-oistric:ist.itiS!icai-i1~<fuOOCs~;ca;~ff.:Wiied-&o~~;~;Ic;sam1siatisti~ ~--

1.54

--- -

---

17.82
..

The above table gives a detailed picture of the public irrigation infrastructure existing
in the region. About 87.61 per cent, 41.46 per cent and 39.05 per cent ofthe net-cropped area
are irrigated during khar!f. rabi and summer seasons respectively. Galsi-II block has the
highest level (94.54 per cent) of irrigation in kharif season and Jamalpur has the highest level
of irrigation for both rabi (74.28 per cent) and summer (78. 71 per cent) crops. In other blocks
84

irrigation for rabi crop varie:s between 26.67 and 48.46 per cent of the net cropped area
whereas irrigation for summer crop varies between 6.92 and 60.07 per cent of the net
cropped area.
Among the different sources of public irrigation, canal network occupies the prime
position with 79.33 per cent of the total irrigated area in the region. Tank and river lift
irrigation have lost significance and provide only 0.81 and 0.92 percent oftotal irrigated area
respectively. Deep tube well irrigates only 1.54 per cent of the irrigated area whereas the
share of SRW becomes 17.82 per cent. At the block level, share of canal irrigation varies
between 54 . 74 and 93.84 per cent. From the percentage share of different sources irrigation
(Table 3.7) it is quite clear that the public irrigation infrastructure of the region is still
dominated by canal irrigation .
Besides the public irrigation infrastructure, numerous shallow and submersible pumps
have developed in the region under private enterpreneurship. This trend of using
underground water has developed to a large extent specially in the 1980s. This huge
extension of private irrigation has resulted in a remarkable increase in the rice production and
productivity.
However, this extension of private irrigation has developed a water monopoly of
submersible owners who either sell water or take others' (mainly small and marginal
farmers) plots of land in the command area on a thika contract. Webster thinks this
'waterlordism creeps onwards, increasingly affecting the distribution of benefits occurring
from higher agricultural production and eroding small producer's basis of that success of
which the LFG is justifiably so proud' ( 1999, p. 350).

3.7.3. Electrification
The importance of electrification as a significant infrastructure of rural development
was not given much priority in the early years of planning. During the first three plans the
programmes of rural electrification were severely neglected (Ram, 1994). In the year 1966,
the National Development Council reviewed the role of rural electrification and directed the
rural electrification programmes should be oriented towards providing electric power to
pumpsets with a view to assisting the programmes for augmenting agricultural production
(Daya , 1971 ). Since then, rmal electrification has acted as a catalyst in helping the farmers
to adopt more HYV seeds to intensify the cropping pattern and also to shift towards cashearning crops (Surupa, 1989).

85

Table 3.8: Level of Rural Electrification in the Region, 1996-'97

Percentage of villages
electrified

Ausgram-1

58

Number of villages
electrified
42

Galsi-11

73

73

100

Khandaghosh

106

103

97

Raina-I

1I I

11 1

100

Jamalpur

121

118

98

Memari-1

114

114

100

Memari-11

103

101

98

148

141

95

Bhatar

104

104

100

Monteswar

136

136

100

1,074

1,043

97

Blocks

Burdwan-I
Burdwan-Il

Region (Total)

Number of villages

72

The above table describes the level of rural electrification in the region as very high
(97 per cent of villages). This can be considered as an important factor in the rural
development of the region. Among the eleven rural development blocks of the region five are
totally electrified and five are 95 to 98 per cent electrified. The only exception is Ausgram-I
of which 72 per cent villages are electrified.
A high level of rural electrification has opened up immense facilities for the
development of minor irrigation specially shallow and submersible private tube wells. With
the help of this extension of irrigation the agricultural production and productivity has
increased. Rural electrification has also facilitated the development of agro-processing units
like rice mills and cold storages and different trade and servicing activities which together
have accentuated the rural development ofthe region.

3.7.4. Market
The development of fitcilities for marketing the agricultural crops is an important
constituent of the rural infrastructure. With successful introduction of the 'new technology'
in agriculture, the farmer has recognized the importance of the market to sell their increased
surplus produce. Increased accessibility in the region has extended the marketability of
agricultural products to a large extent. However, the lack of marketing infrastructure for the
86

different products made by different DWCRA groups continues to remain a major hindrance
(GOI, 1999). Marketing infrastructures like marketing co-operatives, government institutions
to sell consumer goods is still very limited in the region.
Besides poorly developed public infrastructure, the region has quite a large number of
rural haats (periodic markets) and rural market centres which play significant roles in
providing marketing facilities in the region. Thirteen rural market centres (Galsi, Nari.
Satgachhia, Monteswar, Kusumgram, Saktigarh, Banpas, Seharabazar, Sura, Palla, Raina,
Bhatar, Shyarilsundar) are more or less distributed uniformly over the region (Figure 6.5),
and provide marketing infrastructure.
The periodic markets,. popularly called haats are also significant centres providing
numerous opportunities for marketing the rural products. The marketing efficiency of
periodic markets depends on its pattern of distribution in any region (Tamaskar, 1979;
Webber and Syamansk~ 1973 ). Rural periodic markets also play significant role to bridge the
wide gap between rural and urban economies by extending urban amenities into the rural one
(Eighmy. 1972).
Tabh~

Blocks

3.9: Periodic Markets of the Region

Number of total
periodic markets

Vegetable
market

Ausgram-1

Galsi-1

Khandaghosh

Raina-1

Jamal pur

Memari-I

Memari-II

Burdwan-1

Burdwan-II

Bhatar

Monteswar

13

12

Region

74

68

Cattle
market

Once a
week

Twice a
week

II

10

64

sOurce: Pnmary official Statistics

The Burdwan region has a total of74 periodic markets ofwhich 6 arc cattle haats and
the rest 68 are engaged in vegetable marketing (Table 3.9). Vegetable haats are usually held

87

twice a week with a few exception of once in a week. Cattle haats are usually held once in a
week. Besides vegetables and cattle nearly all sorts of local rural products and external
consumer goods are also sold in these periodic markets. These periodic markets often act as
centres of diffusion' as they provide al1 sorts of information related to village life (from new
job opportunities, opening for higher education, vocational courses, marriage contacts,
migration possibilities to local politics) to the villagers (Tamaskar, 1984) and thus play
important roles in rural-urban interaction.

3.7.5. Health and Education

Health and education together constitute significant social infrastructures for the
development of any region. These are not directly related to economic development but their
indirect impact on the rural areas is immense. The improvement of these two infrastructures
has played a significant role in bringing a new perspective in the region.
Table 3.10: Public Health Infrastructure of the Region, 1996-'97
(Number of centres per 20,000 population)
.

-~ ~--~-- -~- --~

- ----- --- . . .

.._ ....

-~

-~-----~~-~-~

"~

_,. .....
~

~~-

.,.

--~

- -

Health
centres

Number of
beds

Number of
doctors

Veterinary
centres

Family welfare
centres

Ausgram-I

0.64

5.33

1.07

0.21

4.26

Galsi-II

1.00

7.35

0.67

1.50

3.51

Khandaghosh

0.41

3.92

0.81

2.30

3.51

Raina-I

0.56

4.33

0.84

1.54

3.63

Jamal pur

0.47

4.06

0.76

0.57

3.59

Memari-1

0.24

2.40

0.60

1.32

3.84

Memari-II

0.67

5.53

0.67

2.35

4.19

Burdwan-1

0.41

3.17

0.69

2.48

2.76

Burdwan-II

0.51

2.71

0.68

1.19

3.39

Bhatar

0.57

7.79

0.95

0.76

3.61

Monteswar

0.43

4.01

0.54

1.30

3.47

0.54

4.55

0.75

1.41

3.62

Blocks

Region

--Source: Calculated from Official Ddta

.

---

.,,.,.,.

The above table gives a blockwise picture of the level of health facilities in the
region. The region has only one rural hospital located in Bhatar block. The average number
of health centres per 20,000 population is 0.54 in the region with the highest of 1.00 in Galsi-

88

II block. The average number of beds per 20,000 population is 4.55. The highest number of
beds, that is, 7.79 per 20,000 population is found in Bhatar block because ofthe existence of
the rural hospital there. Doctor-population ratio is 0.75 per 20,000 population on an average
in the region with a highest of 1.07 in Ausgram-I block. The levels of veterinary treatment
facilities are relatively higher in Khandaghosh, Memari-II and Burdwan-1 blocks (above 2
per 20,000 population) than the other blocks. The development of family welfare centres is
more or less uniform along the all blocks of the region with an average of 3.62 centres per
20,000 population.
The educational infrastructure, including 1,347 primary schools, 80 middle schools,
172 secondary schools, 38 higher secondary schools, 3 degree colleges, 68 public libraries
and 3,659 literacy centres, caters to the higher level educational attainment in the region.
Table 3.11: Educational Infrastructure oftbe Region, 1996-'97
(Number of institute per 20,000 population)

Middle
schools

Ausgram-I

18.74

1.70

2.13

0.21

50.48

1.07

Galsi-II

16.70

0.17

2.67

0.33

38.57

0.67

Khandaghosh

18.51

0.68

2.16

0.27

52.01

0.81

Raina-I

17.31

0.56

2.23

0.42

39.78

0.70

Jamalpur

15.29

1.23

1.79

0.57

39.91

0.94

Memari-I

12.59

0.36

1.92

0.24

43.03

0.84

Memari-II

20.12

0.67

3.02

0.50

58.17

0.67

Burdwan-I

14.89

1.10

2.48

0.69

34.88

0.41

Burdwan-II

11.01

1.02

1.36

0.51

65.71

1.02

Bhatar

15.78

0.95

2.00

0.48

38.58

0.95

Monteswar

18.65

1.95

1.52

0.65

37.40

0.87

0.95

2.12

0.44

45.32

0.81

Region
~

Higher
secondary
schools

Primary
schools

Blocks

___

_....

~-~

'~

-.

--

16.33

....,.__-,..~ ~

-~

........._

-~~-

... -

-~

,.

Secondary
schools

Literacy
centres

Public
libraries

~~

Source: Calculated from Official Da1ta

The average number of primary schools per 20,000 population is 16.33 in the region.
The highest level of primary education facility (20.12 primary schools per 20,000 population)
is found in Memari-II block and the lowest level (11.01 primary schools per 20.000
population) is found in Burdwan-II block. The average number of middle schools, secondary
schools and higher secondary schools per 20,000 population is 0.95, 2.12 and 0.44 in the
89

region (Table 3.11 ). Public libraries with an average of 0.81 per 20,000 population are also
an important element of educ:ational infrastructure of the region. Three degree colleges are
also located in rural areas ofMonteswar, Raina-! and Burdwan-II block besides four (three in
Burdwan and one in Guskara town) degree colleges of urban centres.
Mass literacy programme with an average 45.32 literacy centres per 20,000
population (Table 3.11) in the early 90s added an important dimension of the educational
infrastructure of the region. This programme has extended educational awareness among the
poor and illiterate folk of the: region to a large extent. At present post-literacy Continuing
Education Centres (CEC) ar~! efficiently running the literacy programme among the poor
nco-literates ofthe region. These CECs, besides providing educational facilities, also develop
general awareness about health and environment, various poverty alleviation programmes,
health and educational facilities for the poor and backward classes, legal assistance for the
women etc.

3.8.

Summary
In conclusion we can say that owing to favourable physical and historical factors rural

development in the region has raised to a high level. The agricultural economy of the region
has also been developed with the help of successful land reforms and adoption of technology
package. Poverty alleviation progranunes have been run quite successfully in alleviating the
lot of the rural poor and backward classes. Infrastructural developments, which form the very
basis of development of any region, have also taken place to a significant e:x.1ent. All these
aspects of d~!velopment together have brought economic prosperity to the rural areas of the
regiOn.
The development of rural areas has increased the need for market accessibility and
urban amenities among the rural people. The surplus generated from the rural economy has
also started lo flow towards urban areas. The rural-urban linkage in the region has become
strengthened following expanding rural-urban accessibility and consequent mobility of both
goods and people. Therefore, it can be said that the rural development of the region has led to
a higher degree of rural-urban interaction in the region.

90

CHAPTER IV
REGIONAl SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS
4.1.

Introduction
In the preceeding chapter we had discussed the different aspects of development such

as agrarian reform, agricultural and infrastructural improvement, poverty alleviation etc. as

they have taken place in the region since late 1970s. The question that arises now is: has the
impact of these measurers lx::en even over the entire region? In this chapter, we will enquire
if the

whol(~

region has been the recipient in equal measure of the benefits of development.

Development often does not spread evenly over a region especially when an urban
centre acts as its focus. It is commonly assumed that the areas closer to the central urban
point will have, due to some sort of spread effect, a higher level of economic development
(Myrdal, 1957; Hirschman, 1958; Friedmann, 1966).
ln a micro-level study like ours, it is important to examine such spatial differences to
help us reach a better understanding of the urban centre's role in regional economy. If the
theories of core-periphery contrasts or rural-urban disjunction in third world are valid, then
the expected spatial pattern would reveal a distinct petering off of the values of the indicators
of development and/or an increase in the values of the indicators of backwardness.
In this chapter, we will try to map the spatial patterns created by some socioeconomic indicators of development/backwardness. The data used here is exclusively taken
from census oflndia reports and handbooks pertaining to the year 1991, the latest available
date.

4.2.

Data and Methodology

The first point to note is the variables themselves. We have used both the social and

economic indicators of development/backwardness selectively depending on the availability

of the census data. The social indicators of development used here are female-male ratio and
literacy level, in general as they bear the impact of development and advancement of a
society. In a specific study on the status of women in the society we have used social
indicators like female literacy and female work participation. The pattern of backwardness of
the region has been studied with the help of indicators like percentage share of scheduled
caste and scheduled trioc in the total population. Besides such social indicators, we have
91

studied the regional pattem of econormc variables like work participation, level of
employment in primary, secondary and tertiary sectors of economy etc.
Next point to note ic; the level of spatial/administrative units to which the data
pertains. In the previous chapter, we have used block-level data collected from various
secondary sources as well as some official data. In this chapter we will go down to the gram

panchayat (village council) level. This calls for a little bit of explanation.
ln India, rural areas are administered by a complex system of local self-governments.
Article 40 of the Constitution of India directs the state to organize village panchayats as
'units of self government', based on the principle of democratic decentralization. The system
comprises three-tiers of local self-governments with gram panchayats for the village level,

panchayat samiti s at the blo<:k level, and the zilla parishads at the district level. Each tier is
organically linked to the next higher tier by indirect election.
The census data pertains to individual mouzas, which are revenue survey units set up
in the long process of cadastral mapping during 1857- 1930 by the colonial administration.
Each village can conogist of a part of, one full, or parts or the wholes of several

mouzas. Therefore, the bow1dary of a village is not necessarily cotem1inous with the
boundaries of one mouza.
This gives rise to the problem of data handling and manipulation. Since the Stateinitiated developmental efforts refer to administrative boundaries, we have chosen to use

gram panchayats - the lowest of the three-tier system of local self-government - as our unit
of study in this chapter (Figure 4.1 ). To enable us to do this, we had to adjust and match the
census data to gram panchayat boundaries. The base mouza-level map was collected from
1971 Census Handbook ofBurdwan District.

lnf01mation on gram panchayat boundaries was collected from block and panchayatlevel elected representatives and officials. Personal surveys to these offices and to the field
were made to fmd out the exact demarcation - which mouzas comprised which gram

panchayats - of the gram panchayat boundaries. It was surprising that neither the
government offices at various levels nor the elected representatives (or the political parties
they belonged to) had a map showing the boundaries. Therefore, we had to make such a map
from the scratch on the ba<>is of information gathered by us through surveys.
The methodology used here to show the patterns in the spatial distribution of different
socio-economic indicators is a simple one of isopleth. Isopleth is a line that represents a
quantity or t::numeration assumed to be constant, pertaining to certain areas through which it
passes, such as lines of equal density of population (Mackay, 1951 ). Here, following

92

LOCATION OF GRAM PANCHAYATS

23

23

ae

10 E

Monkhouse and Wilkinson (1952). we are using the term 'isopleth' in its broadest sense to
embrace all lines of quantity. We have also used the method of simple interpolation in
drawing the isopleth lines.

4.3.

Female-Male Ratio (FMR)

Conventionally, geographers have widely used this kind of measures in their studies,

but the measure was called 'sex ratio'. It is only in recent years it has come to be
acknowledged that 'sex ratio' is an inadequate measure, as it does not reflect gender
positions within society. Therefore, Female-Male Ratio (FMR) is now more widely used than
sex ratio to represent the proportion of women and men in society.
The Female-Male Ratio (FMR), measured in India as the number of female per
thousand males, is considered to be an important indicator in the socio-economic analysis of
any region. Franklin (1956) rightly observed that the ratio of females to males is an index of
economy of an area and is a useful tool for regional analysis. The balance of sexes affects the
social and

c~conomic

relationships within a community. Trewartha (1953) considered the

analysis of such measures as fundamental to the regional analysis as it influences the other
demographic elements significantly besides providing an additional means for analyzing the
regional landscape. Shryock ( 11976) has also recognized the profound effect of the proportion
of the two sexes upon the other demographic elements like population growth, occupational
structure, female labour participation etc.
In

FMR the number of females mcreases with the increase in the level of

development of any country. In contrast to the balanced FMR of the developed countries,
India is marked by an unbal<mced FMR (927 females per thousand males in 1991) with
strong regional variations. Another alarming feature of the FMR in India is its continuous
decline in the proportion of females since 1901. The FMR in India has practically declined
from 972 in 1901 to 927 in 199 I. If we assume as the census does, that a FMR of 950 or
above indicates a position of rdative equality, then every single state in the northern region is
below this ideal and every single southern state is above it (Basu, 1991 ). Even the state of
West Bengal with the higher status of women in terms of literacy and work-participation
among the northern states have a FMR of 917, much lower than the India average (927) in
1991.
Quite an array of studies (Bhutani, 1995; Chandna, 1986; Krishnan and Chandna,
1973; Siddiqi and Ahmad, 1971; Gosal, 1961 etc.) has been done to explain the various

94

factors underlying the unbalanced FMR of India and its regional variations. However, here
we are going to analyze the pattern of FMR in our study region in the context of both India
and West Bengal.
The rural areas of our study region have an average FMR of943 (as per 1991 census)
which is much higher than both the India and West Bengal average. It is also higher than the
average urban FMR of the region (904 in 1991 ). This rural-urban difference in FMR is a
universal phenomenon (Davis, 1951 ), but the rural-urban differential in FMR in the
developed countries is just the opposite of what prevails in the developing world. In
developed countries, males are more in number than the females in the countryside because
of the technology-oriented farming practices which are masculine an occupation whereas
females outnumber the males in urban areas (Chandna and Sidhu, 1979). ln the developing
countries like India the urban FMR is relatively lower than the rural one favouring male
because of the economically motivated and male-dominated rural-urban migration pattern.
Thus, the rural-urban differential in the FMR of our study region bears the characteristic of a
developing t:conomy.

Table 4.1: Female-Male Ratio, 1991

Females per thousand
males

Number of gram
panchayats

Percent of gram
panchayats

Above 990

0.90

960-990

16

14.41

930-960

76

68.47

900-930

16

14.41

Below 900

1.81

With the help of above table (Table 4.1) we can explain the distribution pattern of
FMR in the rural counterpart of our study region. The majority of gram panchayats (68.47
per cent) have a FMR varying between 930 and 960 which is fairly higher than both the
national and state averages. Higher level (960 to 990) ofFMR is found in 14.41 per cent of

gram panchayats. Only one gram panchayat in Aus gram block has a FMR of 1002 favouring
females. On the other hand, lower level of FMR (between 900 and 930) is noted in 14.41 per
cent of gram panchayats. Another two gram panchayats have very low level (below 900) of
FMR (Table 4.1).

95

To analyze the spatial pattern ofFMR over the entire rural area of the region we have
prepared an isopleth map showing FMR values (Figure 4.2). The highest level of FMR that
is, above 990, is noted in Guskara-11 gram panchayat of Ausgram-1 block. This high FMR is
associated with a higher level of literacy (51.86 per cent), higher level of female literacy
(43.10 per cent) and a relatively higher female work participation rate (11.53 per cent) in the
area. Relatively higher leve:l of FMR (From 930 to 960) is found in 16 gram panchayats
namely Berenda and Dignagar in Ausgram-1 block; Sankari-II in Kha.ndaghosh block;
Banpas and Eruar in Bhatar block; Panchra, Paratal-1 and Jarogram in Jarnalpur block;
Debipur and Daluaibazar in Memari-I block; Nabastha-I and Bohar-II in Memari-II block;
Natu in Raina-1 block; Bhuri and Sanko in Galsi-11 block; and Bandul-II in Burdwan-II
block. Some of these 16 panchayats are located near the Burdwan town whereas others are
located at a distance from the town. On the other hand, lower level ofFMR (between 900 and
930) is noted in 16 gram panchayats of which one is located in Ausgram-1 block, one in
Khandaghosh block, one in Bhatar block, one in Memari-11 block, three in Raina-1 block, two
in Galsi-II block, two in Burdwan-1 block, four in Burdwan-II block and one in Monteswar
block. Again, very low level of FMR (below 900) is found in Ausgram-I and Barapalasan
gram panchayats located in northwestern and eastern part of the region respectively. The rest

of the gram panchayats mentioned above have a FMR varying between 930 and 960 which
can be considered relatively higher in respect of national and state average.
No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution ofFMR in the region (Figure
4.2). The high or low level of FMR is found scattered over the entire region without any
pattern of distribution on the map.

4.4.

Levels of Literacy
Literacy is considered as a fairly reliable index of socio-economic and cultural

advancement of any region (Kar, 1996; Chandna, 1986). As a matter of fact, the quality of
human population of any soc:iety can be judged through its educational attainment (Kar and
Sharma, 1994). Literacy plays a crucial role in eradicating poverty besides influencing
several demographic factors like fertility, mortality, mobility, occupations etc. The trends in
literacy are

l~onsidered

an index of the pace at which the socio-economic transformation of a

society is taking place (Chandna and Sidhu, 1980).

96

FEMALE MALE RATIO

23'
30

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

1991

NUMBER

OF FEMALES

PER THOUSAND MALES

.Above 990

FilL] 960- 990

U930-96o

[!]9oo- 930
[l]Bdow 90
Figure No

-S..t

23

Before going to discuss the literacy pattern existing in the region we have to define
literacy. Here we are dealing entirely with the census data. The Indian Census has adopted
the definition of literacy from the Population Commission of United Nations ( 1949-'50)
which

US4:!S

literacy to mean the ability to both read and write a simple message with

understanding in any language (GosaL 1964). In our study region we have used the same
defmition of literacy, that is, the ability to both read and write with understanding. The
literacy mte is calculated by dividing the literate population with the total population of a
gram panchayat.
Our study region as a whole (taking both the rural and urban areas together) has a
literacy rate of 57.59 per cent, which is well above the national average of 52.11 according to
the 1991 census. The rural counterpart of the region also has a literacy rate (48.72 per cent)

much higher than the average literacy for rural India (44.69 per cent in 1991 ). However, the
urban literacy rate of the region is lower (60.56 per cent in 1991) than the urban literacy rate
of India, that is, 73.08 per

Ct~nt.

Therefore, the very high rural-urban differential in literacy in

India, that is, 28.39 per cent is not applicable in the region. The rural-urban differential in the
region is only 8.87 per cent (in 1991) which indicates a high degree ofrural-urban linkage.
The higher the impact of urbanization on literacy, the lower the rural-urban differential
(Tripathi, 1993). In our study region too the higher impact of urban centres has lowered
down the mral-urban differential ill literacy.

Table 4.2: Levels of Literacy, 1991

Percentage of literate to
.. total population
Above 55

Number ofgram
_panclt_ayats
14

Percent of gram
panchayats
12.62

50-55

23

20.72

45-50

38

34.23

40-45

31

27.93

Below 40

4.50

Table 4.2 clearly indicates the distribution pattern of literacy over the rural areas of
the region. The highest numbers of gram panchayats (34.23 per cent) have a moderate
literacy level between 45 and 50 per cent. Around 12.62 per cent of gram panchayats have a
literacy level well above 50 per cent, 5.41 per cent of which again have above 60 per cent of
literacy. On the other hand, 27.93 per cent of gram panchayats have a literacy level between

98

40 and 45 per cent. Very low level ofliteracy, that is, below 40 per cent is found in five gram

panchayats.
With the help of the isopleth map showing the zones of different literacy levels of the
region (Figure 4.3), we can explain the spatial pattern of literacy. Above 55 per cent of
literacy is found in 14 gram panchayats among which six gram panchayats namely Ukhrid in
Khandaghosh block, Nabastha-II in Memari-II block, Narugram, Shyarnsundar and Mugura
in Raina-! block and Rayan-ll in Burdwan-1 block have above 60 per cent of literacy. The
rest eight of these 14 gram panchayats namely Sagrai, Barabelun-II, Sehara, Raina, Palasan,
Barsul-II, Monteswar and Jamna (Figure 4.3) have literacy rates varying between 55 and 60
per cent. All the gram panchayats with higher degree of literacy are facilitated either by
nearness to urban centres or by high degrees of accessibility with the urban centres and better
levels of educational infrastmcture including schools and colleges. The literacy rate of 50 to
55 per cent is noted in 23 gram panchayats of which one is located in Ausgram-I block, two
in Khandaghosh block. three in Bhatar block, two in Jamalpur block. two in Memari-I block.
one in Memari-II block, two in Raina-1 block, two in Galsi-11 block, three in Burdwan-I
block, two in Burdwan-11 block and three in Monteswar block.
On the other hand, lower level of literacy ( 40 to 45 per cent) is found in thirty one

gram panchayats, the majority of which are located in Jamalpur (8), Galsi-II (3),
Khandaghosh (3), Ausgram-I (3), Bhatar (4) and Monteswar (4) blocks. Five gram

panchayats of the region namely Dignagar-11 in Ausgram-I block, Sasanga in Khandaghosh

block, Emar in Bhatar block, Gohagram in Galsi-11 block and Bamunpara in Monteswar
block have very low levels of literacy, that is, below 40 per cent. The rest 38 gram

panchayats have a moderate level of literacy, that is, between 40 and 45 per cent occupying
major part of the region.

4.5.

Cast Composition of Population

The Planning Commission of India had in the past formed several committees like

Panday Committee, Wanchoo Committee etc to identify backward areas of India. A number
of indicators or measures have been outlined by these committees to identify the levels of
backwardness in the country. Some examples of such indicators are: (i) the percentage of
scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population, (ii) the ratio of population to the cultivated
land, (iii) the percentage ofthe working force in agriculture, (iv) the ratio of urban to rural
population, (v) availability of transport, communications, and other services, (vi) level of

99

10'E

LITERACY LEVELS

23.
JO'

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

1991

Z3
N

Pc:rcentage of Llterates
to Total Population

~Above

60

~55- 60

50- 55

04s- so
[1] Be Iow

23"

45

ssw'E

Figure No -lt.l

\00

literacy and so on (Chand and Puri, 1983 ). Among them, the percentage of scheduled caste
and scheduled tribe populations are the most significant social indicators of backwardness
(Taher, 1979; Taher, 1977). These are also used as indicators of backwardness under the
Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP).
Among the many indicators of backwardness. here we have taken only the percentage
of

schedul1~d

backwardnt~ss

indicator

caste and scheduled tribe to the total population to study the levels of
and their spatial patterns in the region. We could not use any economic

bt~cause

of non-availability of data at the gram panchayat level. In this chapter, we

have dealt completely with census data. Therefore, with the help of census data on scheduled
caste and scheduled tribe population. we are analyzing the spatial pattern of the levels of
backwardness in the region.

4.5.1. Distribution of Scheduled Caste Population

Sche~duled

caste population constitutes 33 per cent ofthe total population in the rural

areas of the region. This proportion is much higher than both the Indian (16.48 per cent) and
the West Bengal (23.62 per cent) averages. The urban centres of the region have a lower
proportion (22.49 per cent) of scheduled caste population than the rural areas. This high
proportion of scheduled caste population in the rural areas indicates the relative
backwardness of the region, in spite ofthe recent agricultural improvements.

Table 4.3: Scheduled Caste Population, 1991.

Percentage of scheduled
caste to total population
Above 45

Number of gram
panchayats
7

Percent of gram
panchayats
6 31

35-45

36

32.43

25-35

49

44.14

15-25

18

16.22

Below 15

0.90

The above table shows the classification of gram panchayats of the region according
to their scheduled caste population. The majority of the ~ram pandwyats (44.14 per cent)
have a scheduled caste population varying between 25 and 35 per cent of the total population.
About 35 to 45 per cent of scheduled caste population is found in 32.43 per cent of gram

panchayats. Very high level of scheduled caste population is found in seven gram

101

panchayats indicating very high level of backwardness. On the other hand, 16.22 per cent
gram panchayats have relatively lower proportion_ that is, 15 to 25 per cent of scheduled
caste population. Only one gram panchayat have low level of scheduled caste population,
that is, below 15 per cent.
With the help of figure 4.4 we can explain the spatial pattern of the distribution of
scheduled 1;;aste population over the region. Very high level of scheduled caste population,
that is, over 45 per cent, is found in Sasanga and Gopalbera gram panchayats in
Khandaghosh block, Daluaibazar-II and Nimo-II gram panchayats in Memari-1 block, Bhuri
and Gohagram gram panchayats in Galsi-II block, and Kurrnun-II gram panchayat in
Burdwan-Il block. About 35 to 45 per cent of scheduled caste population is noted in 36 gram

panchayats among which two are located in Ausgram-I block, four in Khandaghosh block,
six in Bhatar block, five in Jarnalpur block, one in Memari-I block, two in Memari-II block,
three in Raina-I block, four in Galsi-II block, four in Burdwan-I block and five in Burdwan-II
block. On the other hand, lower level of Scheduled Caste, that is, between 15 to 25 per cent is
found in 18 gram panchayats namely Sankari-1, Balgana, Amadpur, Barapalasan-1,
Barapalasan-II, Bijur-II, Bohar-1, Bohar-II, Satgachhia-II, Hijalna, Kusumgram, BhagraMulgram, Mamudpur-1, Mamudpur-Il, Putsuri, Piplan, Bamunpara and Jamma. Very low
level of scheduled caste population, that is, below 15 per cent is noted in Mamudpur-1 gram

panchayat of Monteswar block. The rest 49 panchayats have 25 to 35 per cent of scheduled
caste JXlpulation.
The spatial distribution reveals no distinct pattern in the region. However, it can be
said that in general the proportion of scheduled caste population decreases towards the north
and eastern part and increases towards the south, west and northwestern part from the central
urban focus (Burdwan town) of the region. These areas with a higher proportion of scheduled
caste JXlpulation are also area-; with less accessibility and lower levels of rural development.

4.5.2. Distribution of Scheduled Tribe Population

Our study region has an average scheduled tribe population of 8.23 per cent to the
total population (9.34 per cent tor the rural areas and 7.12 per cent for the urban areas). Like
the proportion of scheduled caste population this figure is also higher than both the national
(8.08 per cent) and the state (5.60 per cent) averages of scheduled tribe population.
Therefore, the backwardness in terms of scheduled tribe population is relatively higher in the
region.

102

35'E

SCHEDULED CASTE POPULATION

23.

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

1991

23

SCHEDULED CASTE
TO TOTAL POPULATION

W}8Above 45

rzLZ7J 35 -

45

[ZZJ 25- 35
1(---.zl 15

LZ

- 25

)Below15
Figure

No -4.4

23.

--

Table 4.4: Scheduled Tribe Population, 1991

- ..
-Percent of gram
Perct.~ntage of scheduled
Number ofgram
panchayats
tribe tot!J(alpf!pulation
panchayats
0.90
Above 35
1

---~.

-~---

~-

--~---~~------

--~~~~--

~-

......

25-35

2.70

15-25

24

21.62

5-15

40

36.04

Below 5

43

38.74

The scheduled tribe population is not uniformly distributed over the region. Majority
of the gram panchayats (38.74 per cent) has very low level (below five per cent) of
scheduled tribe population indicating a low level of backwardness. On the other hand, only
four gram panchayats have more than 25 per cent of scheduled tribe population. About 21.62
per cent of gram panchayats have between 15 to 25 per cent scheduled tribe population.
Another large share of panchayats (36.04 per cent) has lower levels of scheduled tribe
population, that is, between 5 to 15 per cent (Table 4.4).
The: spatial distribution of scheduled tribe population has created a distinct pattern in
the region. In general northwestern, southeastern and eastern part of the region have higher
concentration of scheduled tribe population (Figure 4.5). On the other hand, northern,
northeastern and southern part of the region have lower concentration of scheduled tribe
population. In Khandaghosh block all the gram panchayats have less than five per cent
scheduled tribe population except two (Sasanga and Sankari-11). Raina-1 block has also six

gram panchayats with less than five per cent scheduled tribe population and two (Natu and
Palasan) have slightly higher than this figure. Monteswar block also have ten gram

panchayats with less than five per cent, and three with more than five per cent of scheduled
tribe population. The major portions of Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Memari-11 blocks have 15 to
35 per cent scheduled tribe population. Galsi-11 block have four gram panchayats with less
than five p<~r cent and five gram panchayats have between five and ten per cent scheduled
tribe population. Major portions (six out of nine gram panchayats) of Burdwan-1 block have
5 to 15 per cent of scheduled tribe population. In Bhatar and Burdwan-11 block half of the

gram panchayats have less than five and the other half have 5 to 25 per cent of scheduled
tribe population. Ausgram-1 block have relatively higher proportion of scheduled tribe
population. Dignagar-II gram panchayat

having the highest concentration of

scheduled tribe population, that is, 37 per cent, is also located in this block (Figure 4.5).
103

SCHEDULED TRIBE POPULATION

z3

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

1991

Ce-nt of Scheduled

ribe
23'
N

to Total Population
Above 35

z~

~25- 35

t72]15 -

25

s -1s

0Below 5 eaw'E
Fiqure No. -lj,l)

104

4.6.

u~vels

of Work Participation

To understand the spatial pattern of the level of employment in the region we have
taken the data on census defined 'worker' category. Indian census defmed 'worker' as any
person whose main activity is participation in economically productive work either by his/her
physical or by his/her mental activity (Census of India, 1971). Since 1981 census, a new
classification ofworking population has been done as 'main worker' and 'marginal worker'.
Here we have taken the 'main worker' category of Census of India which can be defmed as
those workers who participate in economically active work for the major part of the year.
In general the level of work participation or employment of any region depends upon
a variety of demographic (birth rate, age structure, longevity, migration behaviour and
average size of the family), social (level of literacy and education, status of women, age at
marriage and general health standards) and economic (type of economy, availability of
employment opportunities and levels of income) factors (Chandna, 1986).
The average work participation rate of the region is 31.74 per cent of total population.
This figure is slightly lower than the national average of 34.10 per cent and higher than the
West Bengal average of30.23 per cent. The rural-urban differential in work participation rate
is of a lower magnitude (3.22 per cent only) in the region, indicating that the rural areas have
a thriving e:conomy. This higher proportion of rural work participation can be attributed to
the dominant agricultural economy of the region which provide job opportunities to the
uneducated and less skilled people including females against the masculine urban workforce
of higher skill. We, therefore, consider the higher level of rural work participation as a
significant third world characteristic.
Table 4.5: Levels of Work Participation, 1991
Percentage of workers to
total population
Above 60

Number of gram
panchayats
1

Percent of gram
Panchayats
0.90

50-60

0.00

40-50

4.50

30-40

75

67.57

Below 30

30

27.03

The majority of the gram panchayats (67.57 per cent) in the region have work
participation rate varying between 30 to 40 per cent. Another major section of gram
panchayats (27.03 per cent) have less than 30 per cent of work participation. On the other
105

hand, only five gram panchayats have 40 to 50 per cent of workers (Table 4.5). The highest
level of work participation, that is, above 60 per cent is noted in one gram panchayat.
The region has a very generalized pattern of work participation. Around 75 gram
panchayats cove:ring large areas of Memari-1, Memari-II, Galsi-II, Burdwan-1, Burdwan-IL

Jamalpur blocks, and parts of Khandaghosh, Raina-!, Bhatar and Ausgram-I blocks have
work participation rate between 30 and 40 per cent (Figure 4.6). In this wne surrounding
Burdwan town there are four gram panchayats with slightly lower level of work participation
namely Mahachanda (27.8 per C(:nt), Bagar-II (29.3 per cent), Rayan-I (29.6 per cent).
Ajhapur (24.3 p4::r cent) and two gram panchayats with higher level of work participation
namely Paratal-1 {42 per cent) and Nabastha-11 (61.1 per cent). The northwestern part of the
region covering Ausgram-I and Dignagar-II gram panchayats has relatively higher level of
work participation

(40 to 50 per cent). The southern part covering major areas of

Khandaghosh and Raina-I blocks and the northeastern part covering nine gram panchayats of
Monteswar and four gram panchayats of Bhatar blocks have relatively lower level of work
participation, that is, between 30 <md 40 per cent. From the spatial pattern of the level of
work participation it can be concluded that the rate of work participation gradually decreases
from the central areas around Burdwan town to the peripheries except the northwestern part
(Figure 4.6).

4.7.

Sectoral Employment
The traditional three-fold division of economic activities or occupation (primary,

secondary and tertiary), though simple, yet helps in having a broad idea about any region's
pattern of economy (Trewartha, 19:59). Therefore, to understand the nature of economy and
the level of occupational diversification (which together can be considered as important
economic indicators of the level of development), we have divided the working population of
the region into three categories of primary, secondary and tertiary workers.
Human societies have often been classified into primary, secondary and tertiary
civilizations on the basis of occupational composition (Chandna, 1986). For instance,
societies where Jess than 15 per cent of workers are in tertiary activities have been called as
'primary civilizations'. The rural economy of our study region is dominated by primary
activities with its 79.59 per cent primary workers, 5.69 per cent secondary workers and 14.76
per cent tertiary workers. On the other hand the urban economy of the region is characteri7,ed
by an overwhelming dominance of the tertiary sector (see Chapter 7).

106

87

35 E

LEVELS OF WORK PARTICIPATION

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

23'
30'

1991

TO TOTAL POPULATION
H

WJj Above

2
{
1

60

fZU]so - 60
w4o- so

30-40

[ ] ] Below 30

'E

Fr gure No - "'

lOT

4.7.1. Levels of Primary Sector Employment

Levels of primary sector employment are relatively high all over the periphral areas
of the region with a few exceptional patches around the urban centres where economic
diversification has taken place. About 31.53 per cent of gram panchayats have 80 to 85 per
cent of workers engaged in the primary sector. This economy is dominated by agriculture
(Table 4.6). Above 85 per cent of primary workers is also found in 29.73 per cent of gram
panchayats. On the other h<md. 7.21 per cent and 13.51 per cent of gram panchayats have
relatively llower level, that is, 70 to 75 per cent and below 70 per cent primary workers
respectively. The rest 18.02 per cent gram panchayats have 75 to 80 per cent of primaTy
workers (Table. 4.6).

Table 4.6: Levels of Primary Sector Employment, 1991

Percentage ofprimary
workers
to total
workers
----- ---- --
Above 85

Number ofgram
. pQIIch_ayats
33

Percent of gram
panchayats
29.73

80 ~ 85

35

31.53

80

20

I 8.02

70~

75

7.2I

I5

I 3.5 I

--~--

75

Below 70

The spatial pattern of the distribution of primary workers is rather ill-defined over the
region. Still, it can be said that a lower level of primary workers is found in the gram
panchayats either near Burdwan town or at areas with high accessibility to Burdwan. In other
words, diversification of ec:onomy has taken place in accordance with the spread of
urbanization. The lower level of primary workers, that is, below 70 per cent is found in
Saraitikar <:md Rayan-1 gram panchayats of Burdwan-1 block; Barsul-1, Barsui-II and
Baikunthapur-I gram panchayats of Burdwan-II block; Monteswar and Kusumgram gram
panchayats of Monteswar block; Sehara and Raina gram panchayats of Raina-I block: Galsi
gram panchayat of Galsi-II block; Jamalpur-IJ gram panchayat of Jamalpur block;
Daluaibazar-II and Nimo-1 gram panchayats of Memari-I block; Sagrai gram panchayat of
Khandghosh block and Bhatar gram panchayat of Bhatar block (Figure 4. 7). All these areas
have relativ<::ly higher proportion of tertiary workers.

108

87

3~

LEVELS OF EMPLOYMENT lN PRlMARY SECTOR_

RURAL AREAS AROUND BU ROWAN TOWN

1991

Per Cent of Primary

Workers to Total

23"

-Above 85

WllJ

eo - es

[Cl]

75- 50

23
N

[[_]; 70- 75
3~ E

;lJ
L

&low 70 .

10 E

Figure No 4.7

109

The rest of the area has a higher proportion of primary workers gradually increasing
away from Burdwan town, that is, the central urban focus (Figure 4. 7). The lack of
developmc::nt of secondary and tertiary activities is the main factor behind this very high Ieve I
of occurrence of primary workers. In an agriculturally prosperous region like ours.
agricultural surplus has not been able to expand opportunities in other sectors of the
economy. This economic pattern is not healthy at all. Even after considerable development of
agriculture: of the region, diversification of economy is yet to develop. Yet, we find that rural
areas of the region are no longer as backward as they used to be three decades ago. This fact
is evidencc::d by the nascent expansion of the tertiary sector that will be discussed latter on in
this chapter.

4.7.2. Levels of Secondary Sector Employment

Employment in the secondary sector in the rural areas of the region is very limited.
Only 5.69 per cent of workers are engaged in secondary activities in rural areas, whereas the
figure is 15.36 per cent in urban areas. No large-scale industry has developed in the region.
There are some agro-processing units like rice mill, bran oil mill etc. depend4tnt on the
monocultw-e of rice in the region.

Table 4.7: Levels of Secondary Sector Employment, 1991

.. .__.

~"-~"'"'"'"'---e-------.---.

,..._,_..,.#, -,

">

.r-

~.--

. - -

...

Percentage of secondary
workers to total workers
Above 20

Number of gram
panchayats
2

Percent of gram
panchayats
180

15-20

10- 15

8.11

5- 10

40

36.04

Below 5

60

54.05

The above table clearly explains the distribution pattern of secondary workers in the
region. Only two gram panchayats have considerably higher

secondar~

employment. that is.

I~

above 20 per cent. About 10 to 15 per cent of secondary workers~ found in nine Arram
panchayats only. On the other hand, majority of gram panchayats constituting 54.05 per cent

have very low level, that is. below five per cent of secondary employment. Another large
number (40) of gram panchayats have five to ten per cent of secondary workers.

110

LEVELS OF EMPLOYMENT IN SECONDARY SECT

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN

1991

r Cent of Secondary
Workers to Total
BAbove 20

IZQ 1s10 -

15

LJ 5 -

10

Fi. ' /

LL .

l
8

35 'E

20

~_j

j Below

Ill

No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution of secondary workers in the
region (Figure 4.8). The highest level of secondary employment, that is, above 20 per cent is
found in Baikunthapur-I and Barsul-II gram panchayats of Burdwan-II block because of a
high concentration of rice mills there. About 10 to 15 per cent of secondary workers is noted
in nine gram panchayats namely Sagrai in Khandaghosh block, Banpas in Bhatar block.
Jamalpur-I and Jamalpur-II in Jamalpur block, Daluaibaza.r-II in Memari-I block, Schara in
Raina-I block, Saraitikar in Burdwan-1 and Baikunthapur-II and Barsul-I in Burdwan-II
block.
About five to ten per cent of secondary workers is recorded from 40 gram panchayats
of which two are located in Ausgram-I block, one in Khandaghosh block, six in Bhatar block,
five in Jamalpur block, six in Memari-1 block, four in Memari-II block, two in Raina-1 block,
one in Galsi-11 block, four in Burdwan-I block, one in Burdwan-11 block and eight in
Monteswar block (Figure 4.8). The rest of the area including 60 gram panchayats have very
poor level, that is, below five: per cent of secondary workers.
4.7.3. LeYels of Tertiary Sector Employment
Whatever diversification of economy has taken place in the region is in the form of
tertiarizaion. In general, on an average the rural economy of the region has 14.76 per cent of
tertiary employment as against 55.45 per cent in urban areas.

Table 4.8: LeYels of Tertiary Employment, 1991

..

Percentage of tertiary
workers
to total workers
------------- ----
--- -- --- -Above 25

----

~-

. ..

-.- -- . -

'~---

--

Number ofgram
_panc_h~yaJ_s
7

Per cent ofgram

20-25

11

9.91

15-20

27

24.32

10- 15

40

36.04

~---.

Below 10
~A--

_ptlll_c~aya(s

6.31

26
-

---

23.42
---~--

-------

..

-----

--

-----

----

The: highest level, that is, above 25 per cent oftertiary employment is found in seven
(6.31 per cent) gram panchayats. Another 9.91 per cent of gram panchayats have also a
higher level (20 to 25 per cent) of tertiary employment. On the other hand. lower levels of
tertiary employment, that is, 10 to 15 per cent are noted in 40 gram panchayats (36.04 per
cent). Very low levels of tertiary employment, that is, below five per cent is found in 26
112

gram panchayats (23.42 per cent) of the regton. The rest 27 (24.32 per cent) gram
panchayats have I5 to 20 per c:ent of tertiary workers.
The spatial pattern (Figure 4. 9) indicates that a higher level of tertiary employment is
found in rural areas adjacent to Burdwan town. The highest level of tertiary employment, that
is, above 25 per cent is noted in seven gram panchayats namely Raina, Sagrai, DaluaibazarII, Nimo-I, Rayan-I, and Kusumgram. Tertiary employment is also higher, that is, 20- 25 per
cent in II gram panchayats like Kaiyor, Bhatar, Jamalpur-II, Daluaibazar-I, Satgachhia-I,
Sehara, Shyamsundar,

Gals~

Saktigarh, Barsul-I and Barsul-II (Figure 4.9). The higher level

of tertiary employment in these 18 (7+ 11) gram panchayats can be attributed to their higher
level of infrastructure including health and education, higher interaction with their nearest
urban centre (Memari and Burdwan), and the location of rural market centres in these

panchayats. About 15 to 20 per cent of tertiary workers is noted in 27 gram panchayats of

which one is located in Khandaghosh block, five in Jamalpur block, one in Memari-I block,
three in Memari-II block, three in Raina-! block, one in Galsi-II block four in Monteswar
block and two in Bhatar block (Figure 4.9). On the other hand, lower levels of tertiary
employment (IO to 15 per cent) is found in 40 gram panchayats and below 10 per cent is
found in 26 gram panchayats which are characterized by dominant primary activities.

4.8.

Status of Women
The tt!rm 'status' simply denotes the relative position of persons in a social system or

subsystem which is distinguishable from that of others in its rights and obligations (ICSSR,
1975). The status of an individual occupies within a society depends upon the role she or he
performs within society and the appraisal given to the role by the society.
The lower status of women has been the main cause of the uneven distribution of
resources (Boserup, 1998). The status of women is again dependent on the type of economy
and the mode of production.
The developing countries of the world are usually characterized by a lower status of
women. The transition from the traditional to industrial mode of production specially in
developing economies breaks up family units into individual competing units. In this system
women have usually been left behind because of their lack of opportunities to develop new
skills in the new system of production (Mitra, 1979).

113

88 toE

LEVELS OF EMPLOYMENT IN TERTIARY SECTO

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN
1991

Cent of Terttary

\Norkers to Total
BAbove 25
~ 20- 25

~lLJ15-

20

[._~ 10- 15
87. 35 E

[[~&low 10

ea"to E

""

Education and employment are the two most significant factors influencing status of
women in any society. While employment determines the level of food availability, nutrition
and the level of other essential needs, education determines the individual's a<>pirations, level
of technology used, productivity and vertical and horizontal mobility of the women (LahiriDutt and Ghosh, 1998).
'Employment' is usually defined in a very restricted sense by the modem industrial
society and considers only the economic role played by individuals. Therefore, the role and
contribution of women as family labour often gets overlooked or taken for granted. The
amount of direct contribution made by women in the formal economy allocates values to
women's work and marks their status in society (Agnihotri, 1995).
Then~

are several indicators by which we can measure the status of women m a

society. Among them the most important two are female literacy rate and female work
participation rate (ICSSR., 1975). Female-male ratio is also another social indicator of the
status of women (Miller, 1981) which we have discussed earlier in this chapter. Therefore, in
this section we are dealing with the female literacy rate and the female work participation
rate (based purely on census data) to identifY the spatial pattern of the status of women in our
study region .

4.8.1. Levels of Female Literacy

Educational level is considered to be one ofthe most important indicators of women's
status (Sharma, 1999). Increasing female literacy contributes to greater equality between the
sexes (Boserup, 1970; Raza and Aijazuddin, 1986). Women in the rural areas of the
developing world are yet to make significant progress in literacy. Krishnan and Shyam
(1973) noted that the countries like India, which are still in the midst of the literacy transition
display wide male-female differential in their literacy levels.
Our study region, being a part of rural India, is also characterized by high differential
in male-female literacy. The average female literacy rate of the region is 49.53 per cent,
which is higher than both the India (39.29 per cent) and West Bengal (46.56 per cent)
average. The rural counterpart is again characterized by a lower level of female literacy, that
is, 38.91 per cent against the urban female literacy rate of 53.07 per cent. This lower level of
female literacy of the rural region can be explained by several factors the most of which arc
social in nature. The prejudices against a woman's education, prejudices against her mobility,
lack of educational opportunities, prevalence of early marriage for the girls, higher level of
dowry for the educated girls to get married with a suitable groom are the chief social factors
115

responsible for the lower female literacy rate in the region. Economically, the appalling
poverty, predominantly agricultural economy offering little opportunities in other jobs, and
poor female work participation are the factors of lower level of female literacy in the region.

Table 4.9: Levels of Female Literacy, 1991

Above 50

Per cent ofgram

panchayats
4.50

45-50

12

10.81

40-45

30

27.03

35-40

41

36.94

Below 35

23

Perc.ent offemale literates to

total female population
.

-----

_, ___

~_

-------- ----- - ----

Number of gram
panchayats
-----

-~---~-----

~--------

20.72
----~---

-------------

The above table (Table 4.9) explains the distribution pattern of female literacy level
in the rural part of the region. The highest level of female literacy, that is, above 50 per cent
is found in five gram panchayats only. Another 12 gram panchayats (10.81 per cent of total)
have relativdy higher levels of female literacy, that is, 45 to 50 per cent. Medium levels of
female literacy is noted in 30 gram panchayats (27.03 per cent) of the region. On the other
hand, lower level of female literacy, that is, 35 to 40 is found in highest number (41) of gram

panchayats. About 20.72 per cent of gram panchayats (23 in number) have lowest level of
female literacy, that is, below 35 per cent (Table 4.9).
No distinct pattern emerges from the spatial distribution of female literacy level in the
region. Above 50 per cent of female literacy rate is found in Ukhrid, Rayan-II, Mugura,
Narugram and Shyamsundar gram panchayats near Burdwan town (Figure 4.1 0). Twelve

gram panchayats of the region namely Sagrai, Hijalna, Schara, Raina, Palasan, Nimo-I,
Barapalasan-II, Monteswar, Jamna, Barabelun-II, Barsul-II and Kurmun-II have 45 to 50 per
cent of female literates. About 40 to 45 per cent of female literacy is found in 30 gram

panchayats of which two are located in Ausgram-1 block, two in Khandaghosh block, five in
Bhatar block, three in Jamalpur block, one in Memari-1 block, three in Memari-ll block, one
in Raina-1 block, two in Galsi-11 block, four in Burdwan-1 block, two in Burdwan-11 block
and five in Monteswar block. Another 41 and 23 gram panchayats with 35 to 40 per cent and
below 35 per cent level of female literacy respectively are haphazardly distributed over the
regiOn.

116

LEVELS OF FEMALE LITERACY

AROUND

BURDWAN TOWN

1991

TE FEMALES
TO TOTAL ~H.. ALES
rlljAbove 50

23'
N

~45- 50

WJ 40-45

r=zJ 35 -

40

[!'] Below

35

10

,E

Ftgure No -1.4.10

111

Among the eleven blocks of the region, Raina-1 has the highest level of female
literacy (49.48 per cent, the second highest being is 40.55 per cent). This higher level of
female literacy in this block can be attributed to the higher concentration of educational
facilities including a degree college, which is oldest one (established in 1948) among the
rural colleges of the region.

4.8.2. Levels of Female Work Participation

Female work participation rate is another important indicator of the status of women
in any region. There has been a concensus amongst scholars that increasing work force
participation for women will raise not only their economic status, but social status as well
(Shinde,200 1; Boserup, 1970). Indian workforce is typically characterized by wide
disparities in the participation rates of males and females (male participation rate is 51.89 per
cent and female participation rate is 13.45 per cent in 1991). Our region is no exception to
this general picture, in spite of its agricultural prosperity.
The average female work participation rate of our study region is 9.88 per cent only.
This lower level of female labour participation can be attributed to the social as well as the
economic factors like a slightly higher standard of living of peasant families that help to
increase middle class values against women working outside of home. This is proven by the
fact that rural areas of the region have higher level of female work participation (11.80 per
cent) than the urban areas (7.97 per cent). This rural-urban differential in female work
participation is also caused by the fact that agriculture is still mostly done by hand, and this
low-mechanized agricultural economy has provided opportunities for women in low skill
field jobs. In general, the occupational structure of female workers in India is more primary
sector oriented than that of male workers (Chandna, 1967). Naturally, the incidence of female
participation is high in rural areas in comparison to that in urban areas. Proportion of female
labourers in rural areas is highest in agriculture thus raising the female work participation
rate. Prevailing rural poverty among the scheduled castes and tribes, and landless farmers is
another important factor of higher female labour participation (Mehta, 1967).
In tovms, the work participation of women outside of home is abysmally low because
of the invisibility of women's domestic work in the prevailing measures of labour force
participation and the socio-cultural constraints limiting women's economic activities
(Sharma, 1999; Krishnan, 1980).

118

Table 4.10: Levels of Female Work Participation, 1991

Per cent offemale workers

to total females
-------

~----~-

Number of gram
panchayats
-

Per cent of gram

panchayats

--

Above 20

13

II. 71

15-20

27

24.32

10-15

20

18.02

5-10

29

26.13

Below 5

22

19.82

The above table (Table 4.1 0) explains the distribution pattern of female work
participation among the Ill gram panchayats of the region. The highest level of female
work participation is found in l3 (11.71 per cent) gram panchayats of the region. About 27

gram panchayats (24.32 per cent) have 15 to 20 per cent of economically active female
population. The level of I 0 to 15 per cent female labour participation is found in 29 gram

panchayats of the region. Lower level of female work participation that is five to ten per cent
is found in 29 gram panchayats. Very poor level of female work participation that is below
five per cent is noted in 22 gram panchayats of the region.
From the spatial distribution of female work participation (Figure 4.11) it is found
that the northeastern and southwestern parts of the region covering three gram panchayats of
Bhatar block, ten gram panchayats of Monteswar block in the northeast and six gram

panchayats of Khandaghosh block and three gram panchayats of Raina-! block in the
southwest have very poor level of female work participation, that is, below five per cent. On
the other rumd, highest level of female work participation, that is, above 20 per cent is found
in Ausgram-I, Dignagar-I and Dignagar-II gram panchayats in Ausgram-I block, Ajhapur,
Paratal-I, Paratal-II and Abujhati gram panchayats in Jamalpur block, Durgapur Kram

panchayat in Memari-I block, Nabastha-I gram panchayat in Memari-II block, Adra warn
panchayat in Galsi-II block, Baikunthapur-I, Baikunthapur-II and Bandui-II gram
panchayats in Burdwan-II block (Figure 4.11). Of these, Ausgram-I block has a notable
concentration of scheduled tribes such as Santhals. Female work participation among the
tribal communities in India has traditionally been rather high. About 15 to 20 per cent of
female lalxmr participation is noted in 27 gram panchayats of which two are located in
Bhatar block, five in Jamalpur block, six in Memari-I block, seven in Memari-II block. tive
in Galsi-II block and two in Burdwan-II block. The rest 20 gram panchayats with 10 to 15

119

LEVELS OF FEMALE WORK PARTICIPATION

RURAL AREAS AROUND BURDWAN TOWN
1991

PER CENT OF FEMALE

23.
N

WORKEP TO TOTAL FEMALE

~bove

--20- -

2 3"H

r'TA

~2~? ~5 -

20

10 -

15

s -

10

CJ

:-=Below 5

1~0

per cent female workers and 29 gram panchayats with 5 to 10 per cent female workers are
scattered over the entire region without any distinct pattern.

4.9

Summary
From the detailed analysis of different parameters of development at gram panchayat

level it is found that development has not taken place uniformly over the region. The gram

panchayats with higher levels of developments (in any parameter) are either facilitated by
higher levels of infrastructural development or by higher degrees of rural-urban interaction in
general sense. The spatial layout of different aspects of development do not lead to any
distinct pattern. Higher levels of development are found in a scattered manner in certain

gram panchayats well-connected to Burdwan town or other urban centres of the region. The
typical characteristic of rural-urban disjunction, that is, the petering off of the values of the
indicators of development and/or an increase in the values of backwardness is not seen in the
region. We can attribute this non-conformity to the recent changes in the rural sector ofthird
world countri,es like India. Finally, it can be said that this chapter on pattern of development
helps us to break the myth of the existence of rural-urban disjunction in the third world
countries.

121

CHAPTER V
INTRA-REGIONAl PATTERNS OF DMlOPMENT
5.1.

Introduction
Development can be defined as the condition of society in which all strata of

population

g~:t

adequate opportunities to acquire sources of income and production assets,

and have ample access to inputs such as education, information, health and nutrition which
play a key role in enabling human beings to realise their development potential through
individual and collective effort (Rao, 1981 ).
Decentralized participatory planning has been adopted during the last two decades as
an instrument for rural development in West Bengal. Ghosh (1988) credited the stable Left
Front Government for promoting this kind ofplanning as a tool of economic development. A
number of scholars (e.g. Mukherjee and Mukhopadhyay, 1995; Rogaly, Harriss-White and
Bose, 1995; Lieten, 1992 etc.) have observed that the decentralized participatory planning
has positively affected the rural economy ofthe state by raising production and productivity
in agriculture . However, an opinion that is gradually gaining momentum in the last couple of
years is that this improved productivity is actually the result of higher, better, greater and
more technollogy-oriented inputs, and does not necessarily indicate better governance
(Webster, 1999; Gazdar and Sengupta, 1999; Williams, 1999 etc.).
A number of policies and programmes (see Chapter 3) have been launched in the
region under study to usher in economic growth with social justice. Besides the schemes
directly related to the enhancement of production and productivity, a number of programmes
are undertaken in the region to improve entitlement, capabilities and social opportunities. The
land reform measures, employment generation programmes etc. can be listed under the
entitlement related instruments. Mass literacy campaign. health for all drive etc. are
improving human capabilities and, finally, the development of infrastructure like roads and
rural electrification can expect to contribute towards better social opportunities (Banerjee and
Ray, 1998).
The various policies and programmes for the development of the rural part of the
region, if successfuL would significantly alter the socio-economic condition of the region.
Theretore. in this chapter we shall evaluate the contribution of all the development
programmes at the gram panchayat level (same units of study as the previous chapter). As
122

development cannot spread uniformly over a region, we shall try to analy7~ the spatial
pattern of tht~ level of development with the help of a number of socio-economic indicators at
the gram panchayat level. Gram panchayats are the lower most tier of the three-tier local
self-government system of administering decentralized planning, and we shall use them in
this chapter as the micro-level units of our analysis of the spatial pattern of the level of
development. In carrying out this exercise, however, we had to face major problems related
to the data and methodology of the analysis.

5.2.

Methodology
Choosing an appropriate methodology is a problem in dealing with a micro-level

analysis. The: framing of a widely acceptable development index is a serious problem faced
by social

scie~ntists.

Composite index is the most commonly used technique for analyzing the

level of development in any region.

Some of the earlier works on such developmental indices were done by Hotelling
(1933), Mitra (1961), Dutt and Maikap (1969), Wanmali (1970), Pathak, Aziz and
Chattopadhyay (1970), Sharma (1972), Rao (1973) and Pal (1975). Most of these studies
'-

were based on composite index method. A proforma of composite index for district level
development was suggested by the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) in the
year 1976 on the basis of information collected from 412 districts of India and the structure
was subsequently improved in the year 1985. Mukherjee (1995) addressed this problem of
constructing district development index ahd suggested a more or less similar weight
structure. Both of these indices dealt with the development at district level and stated nothing
explicitly and specifically about the basis of relative weight determination. Another set of
recent

studi1es (Sharma,

Tripathi,

Gupta and

Sharma,

1995;

Saravanabavan and

Shanmuganadan, 1995; Gosal and Krishnan, 1984 etc.) have also used different statistical
methods (composite index, concentration index, factor analysis and so on) to analyze the
level of development at state, district and block levels. None of these, however, have used
micro units like gram panchayats for their analysis. Therefore, our analysis at gram
panchayat level adds a relatively newer dimension in studies of developmental disparities.

Most of the earlier studies related to the levels of development have used the
composite index method. But the main drawback of this methodology lies in the basis of
relative weight determination which can lead to erroneous results. To overcome this problem,
we have used the statistical technique Principal Component Analysis (PCA) which is a
branch of well known multivariate technique of factor analysis. Three Principal Factors
123

highlighting three 'dimensions' of development have been identified which together

explained a total variance of more than 75 per cent (Table 5.1). This entirely computer-based
statistical operation has been done with the help of Shazam software. A choropleth map has
been generated using the score values of the frrst principal component for a spatial analysis.

5.3.

Data Base
A wide range of indicators can possibly be used in the analysis of disparities in

developmen1t of any region. Among them most are economic indicators like per capita
income, per capita bank deposits, per capita gross value of agricultural output, net sown area
per agricultural worker, per capita consumption from industry and mining etc. These arc
frequently used in macro level analyses of development. However, in our micro level
analysis we could not use most of the economic indicators owing to non-availability of
appropriate ;md reliable data. Up to the block level, data on different socio-economic aspects
are published by different organizations like Bereau of Applied Economics and Statistics. No
such data base has been developed yet at the gram panchayat level in West Bengal.
Therefore, we had to collect the data either by questionnaire survey at the gram panchayat
level or from the official records of different development blocks of the region. The data
related to the area and demographic characteristics like level of literacy, female male ratio
etc. were collected from the Census of India reports and district handbooks pertaining to the
year 1991, the latest available date. On the other hand, data related to the infrastructure were
collected from the block development offices and individual gram panchayats through
extensive fieldwork done in 1995-'96.

5.4.

Variables
The range of variables or indicators used in this analysis was constrained by the

availability of data. Whereas we would have liked to use many other criteria relevant to rural
development, our choice had to be limited within the data provided by individual gram

panchayat. After collecting the data from gram panchayats, we consulted a resource person
from the respective block level officials to verify the data and dropped those where any
discrepancies arose about the reliability of data. Therefore, the number of socio-economic
indicators finally used in the analysis declined to 29. These are as follows:
1. total area in square kilometre, 2. total population, 3. literacy rate, 4. work
participation rate, 5. female-male ratio, 6. female literacy rate, 7. female work participation

124

rate, 8. percentage of workers in primary sector, 9. percentage of workers in secondary

sector, 10. percentage of workers in tertiary sector, 11. number of primary schools, 12.
number of secondary schools, 13. number of rural libraries, 14. number of community tube
wells, 15. number of shallow pumps, 16. number of submersible pumps, 17. number of bio
gas plants, 18. number of rice mills, 19. number of husking units, 20. number of cold
storages, 21. number of telephones, 22. number of bank branches, 23. number of health
centres, 24. number of beds in health centres, 25. number of doctors in health centres, 26.
number of private practitioners, 27 child immunization centres, 28. length of metalled roads
in kilometre, and 29. length of morrum roads in kilometre.
The frrst and second indicators, that is, total area and total population were used as
independent variables to make the other variables free of scale. The demographic
characteristics like literacy rate, work participation rate etc. (serial number 3 to 10) belong to
the significant indicators of development (argument for these demographic characteristics as
indicators of development has already been discussed in the previous chapter.) The rest of the
variables (serial number 11 to 29) are related to different aspects of infrastmctural
development. Infrastructure is a significant component of development as the quality of life
in rural India is dependent on this, in association with other things (Sharma, Tripathi, Gupta
and Sharma, 1995). At the same time infrastructure is also a factor of development.
In this analysis we have used both the physical and social infrastructural indicators.
Physical infrastructure usually consists of transport (roads, railways, aviation, waterways and
ports), electricity, irrigation, telecommunication, housing and water supply. Among them, we
have used variables related to transport (kilometerage of metalled road and kilometerage of
morrum road), irrigation (number of shallow pumps and number of submersible pumps),
telecommunication (number of telephones) and water supply (number of community tube
wells) infrastructure. We could not use any indicators related to electricity and housing
because of the non-availability of data. These physical infrastructures work as direct
intermediate inputs to production and raises the productivity of other factors of production
(labour and other capital) and profitability of the producing units thereby permitting higher
levels of output, income and or employment (Ghosh and De, 1998). The positive contribution
of physical infrastructure to economic growth and development comes through increases in
investment, employment, output and income in a chain of'cumulative causation'.
On the other hand, social infrastructure broadly includes education. health, nutrition.
sanitation. childcare, recreation, banking and other forms of financial facilities. Among them,
we have used mostly education (number of primary schools, secondary schools and rural
125

libraries), ht::alth (number of health centres, number of beds in health centres, number of
doctors in he:alth centres and number of private practitioners), child care (child immunization
centres), and banking (number of bank branches) facilities. All these contribute indirectly to
development in a significant way. In addition, we have also used indicators of diversification
of economy (number of husking units and rice mills), storage facility (number of cold
storages) and non-conventional energy use (number of bio-gas plant). Following Rondinelli
and Ruddle (1976) it can be said that the distribution of all these variables (especially
services and facilities) is crucial not only for promoting economic growth, but also in
creating sociial equity and in improving the quality of life in rural areas of developing
countries

5.5.

lik~:

India.

Factor Solution
The factor analysis in this study identified three major dimensions explaining a total

variance of more than 75 per cent. Among them the first principal component, which is the
linear combination corresponding to the largest number of variables, accounts for a large
proportion, that is, about 65.98 per cent of the variance in the sample. Therefore, the first
dimension of the analysis dealing with the 'level of overall development' plays a significant
role in the region's level of development. It explains all the variables except those related to
health infrastructure and secondary activities. The second dimension. that is, the 'level of
health infrastructure' explains 5.05 per cent of the total variance (Table 5.1 ). The third
dimension of the developmental level dealing with the 'level of secondary activities'
contributes 4.21 per cent of the total variance. Among these three dimensions, the first one is
the most significant with an eigen value of 19.13 against the second and third dimension with
their eigenvalues 1.46 and 1.22 respectively (Table 5.1 ).

Table 5.1: The EigenValues and the Total Percentage

Variance Explained by each of the Three Factors

Factor

Name of the Dimension

Eigenvalues

% of variance

Cumulative %

Level of over development

19.13

65.98

65 98

II

Level of health infrastructure

1.46

5.05

71.03

Ill

Level of secondary activities

1.22

4.21

75.24

126

5.6.

Spatial Pattern of the Levels of Development

In the analysis of the spatial pattern of the level of development in the region we have

given higher priority to the first dimension, that is, the 'level of overall development' because
of its higher level counting of the total variance. Therefore, we shall represent the level of
development on the gram panchayat level map of the region with the help of choropleth
method.

5.6.1. Dimension 1: Levels of Overall Development

From the above mentioned factor analysis a clear and distinct pattern of intra-regional
disparity in the level of development has emerged. According to the first principal
component, there is much disparity in the 'level of overall development' (Table 5.2). The
majority of the gram panchayats, that is, 67 out of Ill (60.36 per cent) have reached a
moderate level of development. Very high and high level of development is noted in two and
one gram panchayats respectively. About thirty gram panchayats (27.03 per cent) have
achieved moderately high level of development. Moderately low level of development

IS

found in 11 gram panchayats (9.91 per cent) of the region (Table 5.2).

Table 5.2: Levels of Overall Development

Number ofgram

Percent of gram
panchayats
1.80

Categories

Scores

Very high

Below -1.90

High

- 1. 5 1 to - 1. 90

Moderately high

- I. 11 to -1. 10

30

27.03

Moderate

-0.71 to -1.10

67

60.36

Moderately low

-0.70 & Above

11

9.91

p~_chayats

0.90

Among the 11 rural development blocks only Jamalpur and Raina-1 have some of
their panchayats in the higher categories. The rest of the blocks including the major portion
of both Jamalpur and Raina-I blocks belong to the moderately high, moderate and moderately
low levels of development (Table 5.3). In the moderately high category the highest
contribution is of Raina-I block covering 50 per cent of its gram panchayats. Galsi-ll block
has the largest proportion (77. 78 per cent) of gram panchayats in the moderate category of
the level of development. On the other hand, the significant contribution in the category of
moderately low is of Ausgram-1 block with its 28.57 per cent of gram panchayats. Table 5.3
127

explains in detail the blockwise picture of the level of development and their respective
number of gram panchayats in different levels of development.
Table 5.3: Blockwise Picture of Levels of Overall Development
(Category-wise number and percentage ofgram panchayats in each block)
-------

Very high

Moderately high

Moderate

Moderately low

Ausgram-1

2(28.57)

3(42.86)

2(28.57)

Galsi-11

1(11.11)

7(77.78)

1(11.11)

Khandaghosh

3(30.00)

7(70.00)

4(50.00)

3(37.50)

2(15.39)

8(61.53)

Memari-I

2(20.00)

8(80.00)

Memari-II

1(11.11)

8(88.89)

Montes war

5(38.46)

5(38.46)

3(23.08)

Bhatar

4(28.57)

9(64.29)

1(07.14)

Burdwan-1

2(22.22)

5(55.56)

2(22.22)

4(44.44)

1(11.12)

Raina-I
Jamalpur

Burdwan-11

High

1(12.50)
2(15.39)

------------

----------

4(44.44)
--"'> ""'

"""A-

o>T

---R-"

.~

--

--

----

-----------------------------------

Blocks

--

1(07.69)

......... - . . . - - - " - " " ' - " ' +

Now,, with the help of the choropleth map representing developmental scores of the
first principal component we can analyze the spatial pattern of the level of overall
development at individual gram panchayat level. Two gram panchayats in Jamalpur block
namely Jamalpur-1 and Paratal-1 have very high level of development in the region.
Seharabazar gram panchayat in Raina-1 block have achieved high level of development
(Figure 5.1 ). Moderately high level of development is noted in Ausgram-1 and Billagram

gram panchayats in Ausgram-1 block; Mahata, Banpas, Mahachanda and Bhatar gram
panchayats in Bhatar block; Baghasan, Monteswar, Kusumgram. Jamma and Majher gram
gram panchayats in Monteswar block; Durgapur and Daluaibazar-II gram panchayats in
Memari-1 block; Kuchut gram panchayat in Memari-Il block; Kurmun-1 and Saraitikar gram

panchayats in Burdwan-1 block; Baikunthapur-1, Nabastha-1, Barsul-II and Govindapur Kram

panchayats in Burdwan-11 block; Galsi in Galsi-11 block, Hijalna, Narugrarn, Shyamsundar
and Raina gram panchayats of Raina-I block; Sagrai, Ukhrid and Sasanga gram panchayats
of Khandaghosh block; and Ajhapur and Chakdighi gram panchayats of Jamal pur block. On
the other hand. Abujhati-11 gram panchayat in Jamalpur block; Denur. Bamunpara and
Mamudpur-II in Monteswar block; Bandul-11 in Burdwan-11 block; Ravan-Il and Belkash in
Burdwan-1 block; Sanko in Galsi-II block; Amarun-1 in Bhatar block; and Dignagar-II and
128

LEVELS OF DEVELOPMENT
3()N

SCORES OF FIRST PRINCIPAL COMPONENT

SCORES
23

Below & -1 9\

11 l<m.

LEVELS OF DEVELOPMENT

~Very

Htgh

-151--1 90
-1 11-... -1 50
o 71--1 10

Moderate

-o

Moderately

70&

above '

htgh
Moderately ''g"
cO"'f
8~

Guskara-II in Ausgram-1 block have moderately lower level of development (Figure 5.1 ).
The rest 67 gram panchayats of the region have attained moderate level of development.

5.6.2.

Dim.:~nsion

II: Levels of Health Infrastructure

The second principal component of our analysis explains the disparity in the 'level of
health infrastructure' existing in the region. According to this component high and
moderately high level of health infrastructure is found only in one and five gram panchayats
respectively. About 22 gram panchayats (19.82 per cent) of the region have attained a
moderate level of health infrastructure. Moderately low and low level of health infrastructure
is found in 82 (73.87 per cent) and one gram panchayat respectively (Table 5.4).

Table 5.4: Levels of Health Infrastructure

Categories

Scores

Number of gram
panchayats

High

-4 _00 & Below

Percent of gram
panchayats
0_9

Moderately high

-4.01 to -2.00

4.51

Moderate

-2.01 to 0.00

22

19.82

Moderately low

0.01 to 2.00

82

73.87

Low

Above 2.00

0.9

Among the 11 rural development blocks only Bhatar has a high level of health
infrastructure because ofthe existence of a rural hospital there. Ausgram-1, Galsi-II, Raina-1,
Monteswar and Burdwan-1 blocks have moderately high level health infrastructure due to the
presence of several health centres with in-patient wards and permanent or resident doctors. In
the moderat~~ category of health infrastructure the highest share is of Jamalpur and
Monteswar block, four gram panchayats in each of which belong to this category.
Moderately low level health infrastructure is most prevalent category covering major parts of
all the eleven blocks in the region. Low level of health infrastructure is found in only one

gram panchayat of Raina-1 block. Table 5.5 explains in detail the blockwise distribution
pattern of gram panchayats in different levels of the development of health infrastructure in
the region.

130

Table 5.5: Blockwise Pattem of the Levels of Health Infrastructure

(Category-wise number and percentage ofgram panchayats in each block)
Blocks

Very high

Ausgram-1
Gals i-II

Moderately high

1(11.11)

2(22.22)

6(66.67)

2(20.00)

8(80.00)

Khandaghosh

Jamalpur

4(30.77)

9(69.23)

Memari-1

1(1 0.00)

9(90.00)

Memari-11

1(11.11)

8(88.89)

1(07.69)

4(30.77)

8(61.54)

I (II. II)

3(21.43)

10(71.43)

2(22.22)

6(66.67)

Montes war
Bhatar

1(07.14)

Burdwan-l
Burdwan-11

5.6.3.

Dimc~nsion

6(66.66)

3(33.33)
- ~-

<

1(12.50)

6(75.00)

1(12.50)

Raina- I

Moderately low

Moderate
6(85.71)

High
1(14.29)

--

.-.-,~--~ . . . . .

-.

r-

"

--'"

--

---~-~---"'

III: Levels of Secondary Activities

The third principal component of the analysis has explained the' level of secondary
activities'which is essentially a major dimension of development in rural areas as it expresses
the level of diversification of economy. In our study region more than half of the gram

panchayats (60 out of Ill) have moderately low level of secondary activities (Table 5.6).
Moderate level of secondary activities is found in 25 gram panchayats (22.52 per cent) of the
region. Both the low and moderately high levels of secondary activities are found in 10 gram

panchayats (9.01 per cent) each. About six gram panchayats of the region have reached high
level of secondary activities and these are usually associated with the concentration of agroprocessing units specially rice mills.

Table 5.6: Levels of Secondary Activities

Categories

Scores

High

Number of gram
panchayats

Percent of gram
panchayats

Above 2.00

5.41

Moderately high

0.01 -2.00

10

9.01

Moderate

0.01 - 1.00

25

22.52

Moderately low

-1.01-0.00

60

54.05

Low

-1.00 & Below

10

9.01

...

131

Table 5. 7 explains in detail the blockwise distribution pattern of the gram panchayats
among diff.erent categories of the level of secondary activities. Three blocks namely
Jamalpur, Memari-1 and Burdwan-11 with their three, one and two gram panchayats
respectively have attained a high level of secondary activities. Moderately high level of
development in this dimension is found in one panchayats each of Galsi-11, Khandaghosh,
Raina-I, Janmlpur, Bhatar and Burdwan-I blocks and two gram panchayats each in Memari-I
and Burdwan-11 blocks. All the blocks have a number of gram panchayats in both moderate
and moderately low categories of the level of secondary activities. Low levels of secondary
activities ar'e noted in one gram panchayat each of Ausgram-1, Galsi-II, Monteswar and
Burdwan-1 blocks and in two gram panchayats each of Khandaghosh, Raina-1 and Bhatar
blocks (Table 5. 7).
Table 5.7: Blockwise Pattern of the Levels of Secondary Activities
---~--"-

.-.-_r,

~--~--

..

- --- ----

-----

--~--

(Category-wise number and Percentage of gram panchayats in each block)

Blocks

Moderately high

Moderate
1(14.29)

Moderately low
5(71.42)

Low
1(14.29)

Galsi-II

1(11.11)

1(11.11)

6(66.67)

1(11.11)

Khandaghosh

1(10.00)

1(10.00)

6(60.00)

2(20.00)

Raina-I

1(12.50)

2(25.00)

3(37.50)

2(25.00)

High

Ausgram-I

Jamalpur

3(23.08)

1(07.69)

3(23.08)

6(46.15)

Memari-I

1(10.00)

2(20.00)

5(50.00)

2(20.00)

Memari-II

3(33.33)

6(66.67)

Monteswar

2(15.39)

10(76.92)

1(07.69)

Bhatar

1(07.14)

2( 14.29)

9(64.28)

2( 14.29)

Burdwan-1

1(11.11)

2(22.22)

5(55.56)

1(11.11)

2(22.22)

3(33.34)

2(22.22)

Burdwan-II

5.7.

2(22.22)

Summary
In this chapter we have analyzed the level of socio-economic development of the

region at micro level unit of gram panchayats. This analysis basically has dealt with the rural
part of the region. But the urban centres ofthc region arc also passively included in the study
by their impact on the rural development. No rural area can develop in isolation without its
linkages or interactions with any urban centre. Diversification of the economy, which is an
132

essential component of rural development, takes place with the increasing interaction with
urban areas. We have seen in our analysis that the gram panchayats, which have attained a
relatively higher level of development, are also well connected to their nearest urban centres.
Therefore. we can say that the integration of rural and urban economy can bring more
prosperity to the rural areas of the region.
Social scientists can help the planners by providing them with a picture of the already
developed or existing situation of the area at the micro-level (Rao, 1981). Planning for rural
development at the micro level requires studies of the existing socio-economic level of
development and infrastructure for relatively small and homogenous units like block or gram
panchayat. Therefore, our analysis of the existing pattern of the level of development at the
gram panchayat level will provide micro-level data base and help future planning for the

region. The gaps in the level of development have also been highlighted in our study where
necessary steps should be taken to strengthen the economic development as well as ruralurban integration of the region.
In thiis study, we shall now focus on the large villages that have grown in the region
as a result of recent improvements in the rural economy. Their existence and growth, in fact
amplify the fmdings of this chapter, that the rural economy has indeed become more
diversified and that development has not followed any specific spatial pattern. Local factors
as well as ease of communication to Burdwan both have given rise to these large villages
who play a significant role in rural economy.

133

CHAPTER VI
lARGE VIllAGES AND RURAl MARKO CENTRES
6.1.

Introduction
One manifestation of rapid agricultural development in Burdwan region has been the

growth of sc::verallarge villages, which are not designated by the census as 'urban', but have
crossed the minimum population threshold. These are centres of accumulation of agricultural
surplus in a region where no major secondary sector has developed yet, but which has an
already thriving tertiary sector. It is difficult to understand rural-urban interaction in the
context of a developing country like India without a discussion of the large villages, hence
this chapter.
Burdwan, being an agriculturally prosperous district, has quite an array of large
villages. Some of these villages are growing at a relatively rapid rate than other villages or
even towns. Keeping in view the proliferation of large villages it was felt that a study on their
growth potentiality would throw some light on this little studied zone in the rural-urban
continuum.
This chapter focuses on the large villages and rural market centres around Burdwan
town, their growth, spatial pattern, growth potential, socio-economic characteristics, and their
occupational patterns. It also discusses the locational pattern of rural market centres and their
roles in the integration of rural and urban economies of the region.
In this study of large villages, the year 1971 has been taken as the base year and the
changes are examined over a time span oftwenty years (1971-'91) because ofthe fact that in
the region the large villages before 1971 were very few, that is, only eight. Moreover, 1971
also shows the situation existing in the region when it was poised for agricultural growth
after the introduction ofHYV seed fertilizer technology.

6.2.

Some Conceptual Considerations

Urban studies literature has for long debated the defmitional problem (for an

overview, see Carter, 1972); yet, urban phenomena remain elusive. However, the census
authorities of every country adopted its own operational defmition, and the Indian census is
no exception.

134

From its very early days, the Census of India has made a clear distinction between
rural and urban places (Bose, 1973). The present defmition of 'urban', almost unchanged
since 1872, identify two distinct types of urban units:
1. places having a statutory notified area; and
2. places satisfying a minimum population criterion as well as criteria of density of
population and occupational thresholds.
Without these characteristics, therefore, a settlement would be called rural as per
Indian census.
Then: is an ongoing debate among scholars as to whether the urban can be really
separated from the rural world or whether there is a gradual change of forms from the rural to
the urban area. Many urban geographers emphasize the existence of a rural-urban continuum
while others claim that there is a rural-urban discontinuum (Bhattacharya, 1987).
The supporters of rural-urban continuum hypothesis try to establish that the process
of city growth is such that the surplus arising in small villages concentrates in large villages
and from larger villages into small towns, medium towns and then into cities. The surplus of
any settlemt:::nt is proportional to the non-agricultural population. This non-agricultural
population engaged in industrial or tertiary occupations introduce an element of urbanization
in the character of the settlement. Thus from the smallest village settlement to the largest
urban settlement there will be a gradual changes of occupation as well as services and
facilities.
In the above context we shall analyze whether the large villages of the regiOn
represent the twilight zone of rural-urban continuum where urban traits gradually dissolve
into rural ones and integrate the rural economy with the nearby urban economy. Rural
settlements

<~rossing

the minimum population threshold (5,000 persons) of census-defmed

urban settlements are considered as 'large villages' in this study. Though the population size
of these settllements is large, they continue to depend mainly on the primary sector for the
sustenance of their economies. Moreover, since 1971, the large villages of our study area
have continued to remain rural as per the census definition and are yet to make the transition
to urban. Clearly, an inquiry into the nature of these large villages is critical for an
examination of rural-urban interaction.
Large villages are usually areas of surplus accumulation from the rural sector. But not
all large villages can develop as areas of re-investment in the form of 'rural market centres'
as well as 'mral growth centres'. In the literature on Indian growth centres, Harriss ( 1976)
feels there has been a manifestation of negative ideology against the villages a~ urban centres
135

tend to attract the attention of planners. According to Misra (1978) growth centres are towns
within specific size ranges, displaying potentialities for viable growth. Clearly, the large
villages are nearly invisible in planning literature. Therefore, in such a context, we shall
defme these overgrown rurban villages as 'market or service centres' but not as 'growth
centres' because of this defmitionallimitation. Some of the large villages develop into rural
market or st:rvice centres as these are located at places which are the most convenient from
the stand-point of the mobilization and re-investment of regional economic surplus
(Bhattacharya, 1987). Such places are not always evenly distributed throughout the region
and sometimes produce apparently isolated pockets. We intend to identify these convenient
locations.
The rural market centres play the role of local growth centres for the stretch of rural
surroundings as these generate livelihood sources as well as wealth. Their differences are
more notable because in the spatial and functional hierarchy of central places in a rural
region, grmvth centres are placed at a higher level than their rural surroundings. Rising rural
demand for production inputs and consumer goods leads to a dynamism in the commercial
bases of both urban and rural market centres; making each rural market centre 'virtually' a
centre for grain trade/procurement, supplier of agricultural implements/machinery and other
inputs, a commercial link with surrounding rural hinterland, and a formidable nodal point for
forging rural'-urban economic linkages (Chadha, 1996).
Market centres have been widely studied by geographers and economists but the
majority of these studies are on the urban market centres (see. Chadha, 1996; Harriss-White,
1996; Dixit, 1986, 1984; Berry, 1967; Mikshell, 1960 etc.). However, in India there is a vast
array of literature on rural market centres (see Sarap, 1991; Tiwari and Lal, 1986; Singh,
1982; Ghosh, 1982 etc. for a sample of such work). Similarly, large and overgrown villages
as well as rurban centres have been studied in great detail in India (see Samanta, 1996;
Prasad and Mahato, 1990, 1989; Agarwala, 1970; Ghuryc, 1963; Dubc, 1958) as viable
instruments for bringing rural-urban economic parity.

6.3.

Laq~e

Villages

6.3.1. Pattern of Growth (1971-'91)

Large villages dot the rural landscape of the Burdwan region. At present, there are 32
large villages out ofthe total 76 ofthe entire Burdwan district. The eastern part of the district
has the lion's share ofthe district total, that is, 61 out of76 large villages ofthe district. The

136

occurrence of large villages in the eastern part of Burdwan district is predominantly due to its
agricultural prosperity in recent years. On the other hand, the western part of district with its
mining and industrial economy lacks large villages of the kind found in the eastern part and
has experienced a greater rate and extent of urban growth in recent decades (Lahiri-Dutt,
200 I). The western part of the district has only 15 large villages, but contains most of the
newborn towns and urban outgrowths of West Bengal (besides greater Calcutta region).
In 1971 the number of large villages of the study area was only 8 which increased up
to 21 in 1981 census. In 1991 census the number increased to 32 (Table 6.1). The percentage
increase in the number oflarge villages was higher in the decade of 1971-'81 (162.5 per cent)
than the 1981-'91 (52.38 per cent). This variation in the percentage increase ofthe number of
large villages can be negatively correlated with the population growth rate of Burdwan town
itself In the 1970s the growth rate of Burdwan town was 16.78 per cent whereas in the '80s
the rate stepped up to 39.3 per cent.

Table 6.1: Growth Rate of Large Villages (1971-'91)

''

<"'--- -

~-~

Population

Name of the villages

-~--

-~

~--

"' .-

----

Growth rate (per cent)

1. Rayan

1971
7,070

1981
9,258

1991
12,412

1971-'81
30.95

1981-'91
34.07

2. Kurmun

5,965

6,205

7,194

4.02

15.94

3. Mandalgram

6,361

6,730

8,482

5.80

26.03

4. Oregram

6,500

8,334

II, 175

28.22

24.09

5. Eruar

5,944

6,633

8,007

11.59

20.72

6. Nasigram

7,788

6,956

7,608

-10.68

9.37

7. Barabeiun

7,350

8,739

9,220

18.90

5.50

8. Sanko

5,50I

6,I94

7,320

12.60

18.18

9. Saktigarh

5,741

6,849

30.07

10. Chanchai

6.129

8,398

37.02

11. Satgachhia

5,518

7,177

30.07

12. Bohar

6,232

7,690

23.40

13. Jaugram

6,095

8,161

33.89

14. Kulingrarn

5,237

6,443

23.03

15. Karnalpm

5,384

6,642

--~--

~--~--

---- -

~------

..

----

-- --

~----

.._._....,-

---

....

---

-----

---

23.37
-

-..,

-137

._

..

16. Banpas

5,766

6,471

12.23

17. Sehara

5,112

6,191

21.11

18. Galsi

6.344

8.560

34.93

19. Monteswar

6,162

7,122

15.58

20. Dignagar

5,738

7,113

23.96

21. Kusumgram

5,302

7,036

32.71

22. Nari

7,235

23. Palla

5,570

24. Barapalasan

5,587

25. Sura

5,602

26. Ajhapur

6,399

27. Ruppur

5,622

28. Khandaghosh

5,688

29. Berugram

5,348

30. Barnsor

5.632

31. Balgana

5,598

32. Satinandi

5,627

Average

15.35

23.58

Source: District census handbook, 1971. 1981,1991

From the relative analysis of the growth of Burdwan town and the percentage
increase of large villages in the last two decades, it can be said that the villages have grown
in size at a much higher rate than Burdwan town in the decade of 1970s. This situation can be
explained by the fact that in the decade of 1970s the adoption of new technology package
boosted agricultural production in the rural areas of the region. This situation somewhat
prohibited the movement of people from rural to urban areas. As a result, villages grew in
size with high rate of growth. On the other hand, in the decade of 1980s rural to urban
migration resulted in a high rate of growth of Burdwan town. As a result, during this period
the growth in the size of villages remained very low with only 16.78 per cent increase in the
number of large villages.
Coming to the point of growth rate of population in already existing large villages the
scenario becomes totally different. The average growth rate of the population of large
villages was 15.35 per cent in 1970s and 23.58 per cent in 1980s. These average population
138

growth rates of large villages are at per with the growth rate of the population of Burdwan
town.
To explain these contradictory figures of the increase in the number of large villages
and the population growth rate in them during the two decades of 1970s and 1980s we can
cite several possible reasons. In our study region, the adoption of new technology started in
the decade of 1970s. As a result, the smaller villages started to grow in size and the number
of large villages stepped up from 8 to 21 in 1981 with a growth rate of 162.5 per cent in their
number. During this time already existing large villages did not increase significantly in size
(growth

rate~

being I5.35 per cent) because of their very low frequency, less developed

infrastructure and marketing system. However, in the I980s large villages started to develop
their transportation, marketing and other infrastructures, which led to significant growth
(growth rate: being 23.58 per cent) with surplus agricultural products and capital to invest in
non-agriculture activities. This surplus came from the agricultural sector as profits begin to
accumulate as capital from technology-oriented agriculture. As a result, some of the large
villages developed into rural market centres due to their favourable location, greater
accessibility and better-developed infrastructure.

Table 6.2: Frequency Distribution of Large Villages, 1991

Population size class

Frequency

Above I 0,000

8,000 - I 0,000

6,000 -- 8,000

I5

5,000 -- 6,000

Source : Extracted fTom 1991 district census handbook, Burdwan

The population size ofthe large villages in the region ranges from 5,348 to 12,412

(a~

per 1991 census). There are two large villages above I 0,000 size class. The size class of
8,000 to 10,000 has the frequency of six. The number of settlements in the size class of 6,000
to 8,000 is fifteen. The lowest size class of 5,000 to 6,000 has nine villages. Therefore, the
highest frequency of large villages is found in the size class of 6,000 to 8,000 (Table 6.2).

139

LOCATION OF LARGE VILLAGES

___

Meta ll~d Rood

--

Unmetalled Road

Large v,J/oge
88

,10 E

{,.i

14 0

2 3"

6.3.2.

Loc~ttion

and Distribution Pattern

Location
The rural counterpart of the region is frequently dotted with several large villages.
Their size varies from 5.348 to over 12,000 (as per 1991 census). Most of these settlements
are located at favourable sites having a high degree of transportation linkage with the nearest
urban centn:: (Figure 6.1 ).
The 32 large villages of the region are distributed over eleven rural development
blocks in an uneven manner. The highest frequency of large villages (7) is found in Bhatar
block whereas the lowest frequency, that is, 1 is found in Burdwan-II, Raina-) and Ausgram-1
blocks (Table 6.3).

Table 6.3: Large Villages of the Region : 1971-'91

Blocks

/99/

/98/

1971

Rayan, Kurmun

Rayan, Kurmun, Nari.

2. Burdwan -II

Saktigarh

Saktigarh

3. Memari- I

Chanchai

Chanchai, Palla.

Mandalgram,
Satgachhia, Bohar

Mandalgram, Satgachhia,
Bohar. Barapalasan.

5. Jamalpur

Jaugram.. Kulingram.

Jaugram. Kulingram. Sura.

Ajapur. Ruppur.

6. Khandaghosh

Kamal pur

Kamalpur. Khandaghosh.
Berugram.

Oregram, Eruar.
Nasigram. Barabelun.
Banpas.

Oregrarn, Eruar, Nasigrarn.

Barabelun. Banpas, Bamsor,
Balgana.

Sehara

Schara

Galsi. Sanko.

Galsi. Sanko. Satinandi.

10. Ausgram- I

Dignagar

Dig nagar

11. Monteswar

Monteswar.
Kusumgram.

Monteswar. Kusumgram.

1. Burdwan - I

4. Memari- II

7. Bhatar

Rayan, Kurmun

Mandai gram

Oregram, Eruar.
Nasi gram,
Barabelun.

8. Raina- I
9. Galsi- II

Sanko

Distribution Pattern: Methodology

Now we can analyze the distribution pattern of large villages ( ooth spatial and
temporal) to torm the basis of a better understanding of the rural-urhan interaction of the
region. The process of growth of these villages and the nature of linkages with urban centres
play a significant role in the noXul"e of their growth. Several techniques (For example chi141

square, Lorenz's curve, nearest neighbour analysis etc.) have been used by geographers to
examine the distribution pattern of settlements (Sarkar, 1991; Tamaskar, 1984; Singh, 1982;
Bhattacharya, 1973; Dacey, 1962; King, 1962 etc.). Among these we have selected the
nearest neighbour analysis developed by Clark and Evans (1954) to identify the pattern of
distribution of large villages. Countenho and Ramamurthy ( 1972) have also applied this
method to identifY the pattern of rural settlement in Maharashtra. This method considers the
location of individual points within a pattern in relation to others (Mahmood, 1986). lt is
based on the measurement of distance between each point and its nearest neighbouring point.
To standardize the result and thus to allow comparison between different point patterns, the
overall density of points in the area is taken into account in working out the nearest
neighbour index. One great advantage of using this technique noted by Davis (197 4) is its
size indifference to study units (blocks in this case).
The nearest neighbour index has been worked out more directly with the help of the
following formula:

Rn = cf_o
de
Where,

Rn is the nearest neighbour index

do is the observed mean distance between points

de is the expected mean distance.

If the pattern under consideration is itself 'random' then the nearest neighbour index
should have a value of 1.00. In practice close values above or below 1.00 may also be
interpreted as describing random patterns. Any overall tendency towards clustering will
cause the observed mean distance to fall below the expected and give a value of Rn
considerably below 1.00. The higher the value above 1.00, the greater is the degree of
uniformity or 'open-ness'.

Spatial

Path:~rn

of Distribution

The figures of nearest neighbour index (Table 6.4) representing the spatial pattern of
distribution of large villages between 1981 and 1991 reveal a similar picture in some blocks
whereas quit{~ different in others. To clarifY the spatial pattern in detail the situation of both
the years of 1981 and 1991 are discussed separately.

142

Table 6.4: Nearest Neighbour Indices for Spatial Pattern of Large Villages, 1981-'91
~

Area

Blocks

(sq. km.)

Number of villages
1981

1991

1981
11.25

de

do
1991
7.00

1981
5.49

Rn =do/de

1991
4.49

1981

1991
1.56

2.05

Burdwan-1

242.4

Burdwan-11

182.3

Memari-1

203.4

Memari-11

230.5

6.83

3.50

4.39

3.79

1.56

0.92

Jamal pur

262.9

3.75

5.45

5.74

3.63

0.65

1.50

Khandoghosh

260.3

Bhatar

414.4

Raina-!

256.2

Galsi-11

210.4

Ausgram-1

235.8

Monteswar

305.4

1.54

4.66

7.17

0.74

5.05

3.75

7.35

5.04

4.55

3.85

1.62

1.31

8.00

6.33

5.13

4.18

1.56

1.51

3.75

3.75

6.16

6.16

0.61

0.61

Pattern of 1981
In 1981 the nearest neighbour index for the whole region was 1.18 indicating a
random pattern of distribution. However, looking in detail there are local variations with
nearest neighbour index varying between 0.61 and 2.05 (Table 6.4 ). From figure 6.2 it is
quite clear that the northeastern and southeastern parts of the study area, including the
development blocks of Monteswar and Jamalpur respectively represent a clustered pattern of
distribution. On the other hand, larger parts of the region incorporating the blocks of Bhatar,
Burdwan--1, Memari-II, Ausgram-1, Galsi-11, Khandaghosh, Raina-1 and parts of Memari-I
show uniform or open pattern of distribution. In between these two zones there is a zone
representing random pattern of distribution. This zone covers western and southern parts of
Monteswar, southern part ofMemari-I and northwestern part of Jamalpur block (Figure 6.2).
Therefore, it can be said in a nutshell that the spatial pattern of large villages in the
year 1981 was uniform or open in larger parts of the region with patches of exception
experiencing random and clustered pattern of distribution.

Pattern of 1991
In this year too the region

a~

a whole indicated a random pattern of distribution of

large villages. However at the micro level the situation is quite different from that of 1981.
The nearest neighbour index of 1991 was 1.06, which is closer to 1.00 than that of
1.18 of 1981, thus indicating a greater tendency to randomness. Again the total variations of
143

ae

20 E

SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION PATTERN OF LARGE VILLAGES

1981

,.

NEAREST NEIGHBOUR

~
~
0

INDEX

>1 "75
1 50-1'75
1"25-1"50

rz:a

1 00-1"25

[?2j

0"75-1"00

c:::J

<o?s
a8'1ZO E

........

-------L,

B&'zolE

SPATIAL DISTRf BUTION PATTERN OF LARGE VILLAGES

1991

~
~

>1"50
1"25-1"50

~ 1'00-1"25

o?s-'oo

!2J

< 0 75
i="gure No - 6.<.

nearest neighbour index in 1991 (ranging between 0.61 to 1.56) are lesser than that of 1981
(varying between 0.61 to 2.05). In spite of that, the general spatial pattern has an overall
similarity with the picture of 1981. The clustered pattern of distribution is found in the
extreme eastern part covering larger parts of Monteswar, Memari-1 and Memari-11 blocks.
The eastern parts of Bhatar, Burdwan-11 and Jamalpur blocks represent random pattern of
distribution. The rest of the western part shows a uniform pattern of distribution. (Figure 6.2)
From the analysis of distribution pattern of large villages in two decades a clear
picture of temporal trend of the distribution pattern has emerged. There is a gradual shift
from openness or uniformity towards clustering in the distribution pattern. This trend points
to an improving rural infrastructural level and expanding linkages with the nearest urban
centre, that is, Burdwan, with certain sectors of the region.
6.3.3. Density Characteristics
The population density figures for the large villages are quite higl\ varying between
334 and 2,875 person per square kilometre. The average density of population of all the
villages taken together is 883 persons per square kilometre. Out of 32 villages a significant
number of 28 have crossed the urban density threshold, that is, 400 persons per square
kilometre (as per 1991 census).
Spatial Path~rn of Population Density
Then~

is much variation in the spatial pattern of population density over the region.

The highest level of density (well above 1,500 and 2,000 persons per square kilometre) is
found in a small circular zone near the central town, Burdwan. From this high density zone in
the central part, density decreases towards the peripheral areas. However, the rate of density
decline is not uniform in all directions from the central town. The density gradient from the
central urban focus is very high towards north, northwest and southwest. On the other hand, a
low gradient in density decrease is found in the direction of northeast. east, south and west
(Figure 6.3 ). These high density villages together form a linear arrangement along the main
transportation arteries of the region. The density decreases to 400 persons per square
kilometre in the northern, northwestern and southwestern parts of the region. But the density
is relatively higher in the eastern, and western parts of the region ranging between 800 to

LOOO persons per square kilometre (Figure 6.3). The large villages of the eastern and western
parts ofthe region are highly connected with Burdwan by both national highway (G.T. Road)
and Ea<;tern Railway Calcutta-Asansol main line (Figure 6.1 ). These communication facilities

145

a1

4o'E

PATTERN OF LARGE VILLAGES

23"

1991

z 3'
N

10 km

Figure

No -

G.J

have provided a high degree of linkage with the urban economy. As a result, diversification
of rural economy has taken place which is an important factor behind the high population
density of the large villages of the eastern and western part of the region. Therefore, from the
above analysis we can draw the inference that the expanding rural-urban linkage of the
region direcltly influences the population density oflarge villages.

Density Distribution
A wide range (334 to 2,876 persons per square kilometre) of population density
among the individual large villages of the region gives an interesting pattern of density
distribution. To identify the distribution pattern of density among 32 large villages of the
region we can divide the large villages into different density classes.

Table 6.5: Distribution of Large Villages into Density Classes, 1991

Number of Name of the villages

villages

Persons/square
kilometre

Density
categories

Above 2.000

Very very high

Shaktigarh

1.500 - 2,000

Very high

Palla

1,000 - 1,500

High

Rayan, Nari, Chanchai, Satgachhia, Sura,

Bamsor, Schara, Galsi

500- 1,000

Medium

18

Kurmun, Mandalgram, Bohar, Barapalasan.

Jaugram, Kulingram, Ajhapur, Ruppur.
Kamalpur, Khandaghosh, Banpas.
Barabelun, Galsi, Balgana, Sanko,
Satinandi, Monteswar, Kusumgram

Below 500

Low

Berugram, Oregram, Eruar, Nasigram.

Dig nagar.

Source: Extracted from 1991 district census handbook. Burdwan

Table 6.5 gives a clear pattern of distribution of large villages among different density
classes. The highest number of large villages, that is, 18 out of 32 (56.25 per cent) belong to
the medium density class of 500 to 1,000 persons per square kilometre. High level of density,
that is, 1.000 to 1,500 persons per square kilometre is found in 7 villages (21.88 per cent).
Only one village is found in very high and very very high category of density classes each.
On the other hand, low density of population. that is, below 500 persons per square kilometre
is found in 5 villages only.
This pattern of population density of large villages is directly related to the ruralurban linkage. The villages with extremely high and very high density of population
147

(Shaktigarh and Palla respectively) have high level of linkage with Burdwan town by both
railways and roadways. These two villages are situated at 10 minutes and 15 minutes time
distance from Burdwan town respectively. The 7 villages with high level of density are also
highly connected with Burdwan town (Figure 6.1 ). Therefore, it can be concluded that the
linkage with central urban focus, that is, Burdwan has a direct impact on the density of large
villages.

Growth in density (1981-'91)

The population density of the large villages has considerably increased during the last
decade. However, the growth rate in density is not at all uniform throughout the region.
There is much variation in the growth rate of density among the large villages. The lowest
and highest growth rates in density are 5.51 per cent and 193.15 per cent respectively with a
wide range of 187.64 per cent. To analyze the pattern of growth rate in density the large
villages are divided into five classes.

Table 6.6: Growth Rate of Density of Large Villages, (1981-'91)

Growth
rate

Levels

Number
villages

of Percentage of Name of the villages

total

Above 40

Very high

3.13

Nari

30-40

High

25.0

Rayan, Chanchai. Satgachhia,

Jaugram, Ajhapur, Oregram, Galsi,
Kusumgram.

20 - 30

Medium

13

40.62

Palla, Mandalgram, Bohar,

Barapalasan, Sura, Ruppur,
Kamalpur, Khandaghosh, Berugram.
Eruar, Balgana, Schara, Dignagar.

10-20

Low

25.0

Kurmun, Saktigarh, Kulingram,

Banpas, Bamsor. Sanko. Satinandi.
Monteswar

Below 10

Very Low

6.25

Nasigram, Berabelun.

- -- - -- -- Source: Extracted from t98.i

_.,

allct--i 991 diStrict ce-nsuS 11Midbook-~--B~Td"-:an -

--~

-- -----

Table 6.6 clearly states the percentage distribution of large villages into diflerent
categories of growth in density. The highest percentage ( 40.62) of villages experienced
medium gro\\th in density. High and low levels of growth rate in density arc found in 25 per
cent ofvillages each. Only 6.25 per cent of villages experienced very low (below 10) gro\\th
rate in density. Again, on the other side, only 1 village has achieved very high growth rate in
148

density, that is, 193.15 per cent during the last decade. This exceptionally high growth rate of
Nari village is due to its proximity to Burdwan town. Its location at the eastern periphery of
the town has facilitated the very high growth in density.

6.3.4.

Fun~tional

Characteristics

The theory ofurban origin (Harvey, 1973) states that agricultural surplus accumulates
over space in specific locations which gradually increase in size to turn ultimately into urban
settlements. The large villages occupy that twilight zone in the rural-urban continuum where
a settlement stands poised before attaining all the urban attributes, particularly the urban
functions, to earn the designation of a full- fledged town (Agarwala, 1970).
Though some of these large villages are increasingly acquiring urban attributes like
physical appearance or morphology (such as metalled roads, concrete buildings etc.),
population size and density they continue to depend mainly on the primary sector for the
sustenance of their economy. This sector is still dominated by agriculture, and as a result our
large villages are quite distinctive from the 'urban villages' usually studied by Indian
Geographers (Sundaram and Tyagi, 1972). Therefore, the average percentage share of
workforce of these large villages in the primary sector is 71.26 per cent with a range varying
between 40.39 per cent (Nari) and 88.60 per cent (Balgana) according to the 1991 census. As
against the primary sector the average percentage share of secondary and tertiary sectors is
7.75 and 20.99 respectively. Therefore, on average large villages of the region are yet to
diversify their economies with significant proportions in secondary and tertiary activities.
Another important aspect of the economy of these large villages is their relatively
higher proportion of workforce in the tertiary sector than in the secondary sector. Whatever
diversification of the economy has taken place, it has occurred on the line of tertiary sector
especially in trade and commerce. On the other hand, the manufacturing sector of the
economy is still limited in scope in spite of the concentration of rice mills, mustard oil, rice
bran oil and chira (pressed rice) processing units in the region. A significant feature of the
rural economy, therefore, is the relative lack of industrial development.
The explanation of the non-development of secondary sector activities possibly lies in
the fact that the various land reform measures have been successful in the region. In addition,
the associated ceiling on land ownership have abolished the class of 'very rich' farmers from
the region. In spite of double and multiple cropping and the accumulation of capital
surpluses, the comparatively more atlluent farmers have not been able to invest their profit
amount on large manufacturing units. On the other hand, trade and commerce of the si7~
149

carried on in the region requires lesser installation capital or initial investment which
motivate the bigger farmers to invest their surplus capital into this sector. Trade and
commerce ofthese villages are basically ofthree kinds :

daily consumer goods including medicine, service and repairing, food items etc.:

agricultural inputs including fertilizer and HYV seeds (distributor or dealership of

these commodities), minor irrigation pumps etc; and

wholesale marketing of agricultural products (like rice grains).

In recent years there have been a proliferation of tiny manufacturing units producing
briquettes (as fuel for open ovens for domestic use), brick-kilns near urban peripheries, sawmilling, husking mills, oil-grinding units etc., as well as some large cold storages for storing
agricultural produce.
Spatial Pattern of Occupation Characteristics
Among the various economic characteristics, occupation

IS

the prime one m

identifYing the stage of evolution or transformation of a settlement. Though. on an average,

71.26 per cent of the labour force of the large villages are still in primary sector occupations,
there are widespread spatial variations among the villages on an individual basis. Most of the
large villages in spite of crossing the census-identified size and density threshold of urban
centres, still remain purely rural with high proportions of their labour force in agriculturerelated occupation. On the other hand, a few of these settlements have attained relatively
higher proportion of non-primary sector workers by the process of rural transformation to
achieve a stage where they may be designated as semi-urban or rurban market centres.
Table 6.7: Pattern of Primary Occupation in Large Villages, 1991

Percentage
workforce

of
in Levels

. P!i'!!~aiY_!eC!o~
Above 80

Number of
Name of the villages
villages

Very high

11

70-80

High

60-70
50-60

Medium
Low

3
6

Barapalasan, Kulingram, Ajhapur,

Kamalpur, Berugrarn, Oregram,
Bamsor, Balgana, Sanko, Dignagar,
Ruppur.
Kurmun, Mandalgram, Bobar,
Jaugrarn, Khandaghosh, Eruar,
Nasigrarn, Barabelun, Satinandi.
Rayan, Chanchai, Satgachhia.
Palla, Sura, Banpas, Sehare, Galsi,
Kusumgram

Percentage
of total
34.38

28.13

9.37
I 8.75

-~u~d~xtni~~d rro~~Wt~~~~ct-~;~ ~k, ~~~~w~~~~-~:--~-~!~~~:~~-~-- -- --------~I?. _.

150

Table 6. 7 explains the pattern of primary sector occupation of the population of large
villages ofthe region. Very high level of primary sector occupation is found in 34.38 per cent
of large villages. High level, that is, between 70 and 80 per cent of primary work
participation rate is found in 28.13 per cent of large villages. Medium level of primary work
participation is experienced by 9.37 per cent of large villages. On the other hand, 28.12 per
cent of large villages have attained high level (above 50 per cent) of non-primary occupation
thus experie:ncing a rurban character.
Rural Transformation
Nine villages namely Palla, Sura, Banpas, Schara,

Gals~

Kusumgrarn, Monteswar,

Nari and Saktigarh with their high degree of non-primary functions have experienced
diversification of economy as well as transformation of rurality. The growth in non-farm
activities ofthe labour force ofthese large villages between 1971 and 1991 is 13.26 per cent
on an average (Table 6.8). Among them, three villages have experienced more than 20 per
cent of growth rate in non-farm activities. These are Nari, Palla and Kusumgram. About 10 to
20 per cent growth rate in non-farm activities is found in two villages, that is, Banpas and
Monteswar. Less than ten per cent growth is found in Sura and Galsi. On the other hand,
negative growth in non-farm activities is experienced by only two villages, Saktigarh and
Sehara (Table 6.8). Saktigarh has experienced negative growth (-6.32 per cent) in non-farm
activities (because of the decline of its cotton manufacturing mill). Sehara has also
experienced negligible proportion of negative growth (-0.76 per cent) in non-farm activities
(owing to increase in proportion of agricultural labourers, and the decline in the proportion of
other workers).
Table 6.8: Growth in Non-farm Activities of Rurban Villages 1971-'91

Nameofthe
villages
Kusumgram
Nari
Palla
Monteswar
Banpas
Galsi
Sura
Schara
Saktigarh

Percentage of workforce in non-farm activities Growth in per cent of non

--- --farm activities 19 71-1991
1971
1991
---

-~-

17.61
39.07
26.22
33.59
28.07
39.0
44.54
50.64
65.49

~So~~~~ E~tract<cd from 197i ~~d

47.3

29.69
28.28
21.02
18.72
16.94
7.97
3.79
-0.76
-6.32

67.32
47.24
52.31
45.01
46.97
48.33
49.88
59. 17

J99I district -cens~~ han~k: B~~dwan

151

From the occupational analysis it is clear that some of the large villages (9 out of 32)
of the region are experiencing diversification of economy and gradually absorbing the urban
nature with regard to employment characteristics. All these rurban centres are highly
connected with Burdwan town by means of railways and roadways. High degree of ruralurban linkage/interaction has facilitated the diversification of economy of these large
villages. Most of the people living in these villages pursue diverse economic activities,
working partly in villages and partly in nearby urban centres. Workers commuting daily to
nearby urban areas are a general phenomenon due to the better connectivity. These villages
are now in a state of rural-to-urban transition occupying the twilight zone in the rural-urban
continuum of the region.
Behind this diversification of economy the role of agricultural development of the
regton 1s beyond doubt. In a predominantly agrarian region, development of non-farm
economy is materially affected by the development of agricultural sector. Agriculture
supplies the financial resources necessary to the organization of non-farm activities. These
resources can be mobilized through the terms of trade, through the savings and investments
of both farmers and agricultural traders. Demand from the developed agricultural sector for
agricultural inputs stimulates non- farm activities. Agricultural growth also stimulates
increased demands by rural people for consumer-oriented services, such as improved health
and education, transport, communication and retail and personal services (Harriss, 1981 ).
Agricultural development and consequent rise in rural surplus and demand have facilitated
the rural transformation of the nine large villages of the region. This phenomena is still
considered exceptional in a country like India; it resembles what has happened in PunjabHaryana, or ~~venin pockets in Kerala, but certainly it is not a representative picture of either
rural West Bengal or rural India (Dasgupta, 2000).

6.3.5. Social Characteristics

The economies of large villages of the regiOn are gomg through a state of
transformation, and it is expected that it will lead to some social changes as well. The
interplay of rural-urban phenomena exerts a great influence on social and cultural attributes

152

of rural areas (Tripathi, 1993). The villages attaining an advanced stage in the process of
transformation have developed certain social characteristics which set them apart from their
'purely' rural counterparts. In other words, they have developed 'rurban' characteristics.
Increased transport facilities and expansion of road network and the resultant rural-urban
linkage have influenced these social characteristics.
Here we have used the term 'rurban' in the sense of having both rural and urban
characteristics, and have not implied any specific 'stage' in the process of urbanization as
identified by Misra (1978). Moreover, this 'rurban' is quite different from the
planned/unplanned rurban development in post-industrial societies, as the region is still
predominantly agricultural.
For the analysis of social characteristics of the large villages we have selected some
of the imp01iant indicators of social status of a settlement. These are, the concentration of
backward population, literacy and the status of women. By these parameters we shall try to
analyze the social status of the large villages of the region.
Social Backwardness

The proportion of backward population is an important indicator of socio-economic

status of a settlement. We have considered the sum total of the respective numbers of
population of both scheduled castes and tribes as backward population for our study area.
High concentration of backward population in any settlement indicates its social
backwardness. This is because when a major section of the population of a settlement
belongs to the backward class there is usually less capital available for the socio-economic
development due to their poverty. Here we shall measure the backwardness of large villages
indirectly with the help of census defmed scheduled caste and scheduled tribe population
data because of the lack of other data such as per capita income etc. The average percentage
ofbackward population ofthese large villages is 40.60 with a range of2.91 to 77.63 which is
slightly lower than the regional rural average (41.58 per cent). The large villages of the
region have been classed according to their concentration of backward population in the
following table.

153

Table 6.9: Concentration of Backward Population in Large Villages, 1991

Above 60
45-60

High

30-45

Medium

10

Rayan, Bobar, Sura,

Berugrarn, Eruar,
Nasigrarn, Banpas, Galsi,
Monteswar, Barapalasan.

31.25

15-30

Low

Nari, Saktigarh,
Mandalgram, Barapalasan,
Balgana,

15.63

Below 15

Very low

Kusumgram, Barnsor,
Kamal pur.

9.37

h_ack_wart/ population

Number
Name of the village
of vi!ll!ges
Chanchai, Palla. Jaugram,
4
Oregram
Kurmun, Satgachhia,
10
Sehara, Sanko, Satinandi,
Dignagar, Kulingram,
Ajhapur, Ruppur,
Khandaghosh

Percentage

Level of
backward ness
Very high

Percentage of

of total
12.5
31.25

Source: Extracted from 1991 district census handbook, Burdwan

From table 6.9 it is quite clear that majority of the large villages of the region have
high and medium level of social backwardness as 62.5 per cent of total population of these
villages have 30 to 60 per cent of backward population. Low level ofbackwardness is found
in 15.63 per cent of large villages. About 9.37 per cent of villages have very low level of
backwardness. On the other hand, very high level ofbackwardness is found in 12.5 per cent
of villages. It may be assumed that the villages with high concentration of backward
population will remain rural in character for a long time in spite of their large size and high
density of population and high rate of growth.

Literacy Sta1tus
Literacy is an essential component of social and economic development of any
settlement. With a very low level of literacy no settlement can be developed into a point of
prosperity as both the social and economic development go on side by side. People pay
attention to the education of their children after fulfillment of their basic necessities of food,
clothing and shelter. The rich agricultural economy ofthe region has geared up the economic
prosperity of the region, which again facilitates the social development in the form of literacy

154

and the status of women. The relatively high degree of rural-urban interaction also results in
higher level of literacy in rural areas (Tripathi, 1993).
The average literacy rate ofthese large villages is 48.05 per cent (as per 1991 census)
with a range: of 10.64 to 76.13 per cent. This literacy rate is higher than the regional rural
average, thalt is, 47.67 per cent but much lower than that ofBurdwan town, that is, 65.73 per
cent. The region also belongs to the district of Burdwan, which is a 'total literate' district as
per government description. An intensive mass literacy programme of the region has been
taken up by the administration in the decade of 90s. However, here we have dealt with the
1991 census data and the impact of mass literacy programme is yet to be found on this data.
Mass literacy programme of the region has developed the awareness of people to the
importance of education. We hope to fmd its full impact on the data of the census of2001.
Table 6.10: Literacy Status of Large Villages, 1991

Percentage of
literate to total
--------------

--

Level of
literacy
--------

Number of
large villages

Name of the large villages

Percentage
to total

---

Above 70

Very high

Kurmun

3.13

55-70

High

Nari, Jaugram, Sura, Nasigram,

Banpas, Sehara, Monteswar

21.87

40-55

Medium

19

Rayan, Sak:tigarh, Chanchai,

Palla, Mandalgram, Satgachhia,
Bohar, Kulingram, Ruppur,
Khandaghosh, Berugram.,
Oregram, Bamsor, Barabelun,
Galsi, Sanko, Satinandi,
Dignagar, Kusumgram.

59.37

25-40

Low

Barapalasan, Ajhapur, Eruar,

Balgana.

12.5

Kamal pur

3.13

10-25
---- - ---- -----

Very low

-- __ ,_-

._.- --------

Source: Extractc-<l from 1991 district census handbo~~i~. B~~(i;-~-- -- -.- -----~---~--------

Table 6.10 explains the level of literacy of large villages of the region very clearly.
Very high and very low level of literacy is found in 3.13 per cent of large villages each.
Majority ofthe large villages (59.37 per cent) have attained medium level of literacy, that is,
40 to 55 per <~ent of total. Four villages have low level of literacy, that is, 25 to 40 per cent.
On the other hand high level of literacy is found in seven (21.87 per cent) large villages of
the region.

155

The large villages of the region are passmg through changes in both social and
economic circumstances. Changes in the level ofliteracy over a period of two decades (1971'91) also bear the same character. The average literacy rate of the large villages ofthe region

rose from 33.28 per cent in 1971 to 38.93 per cent in 1981 and to 48.08 per cent in 1991.
Therefore, it can be said that the large villages are experiencing a social transformation in
many ways through the expanded rural-urban interaction. A higher degree of accessibility to
the educational institutions of different rurban (Galsi, Sehara, Bhatar etc.) and urban centres
(Burdwan, Memari and Guskara) have facilitated to raise the literacy level of these large
villages. It is now common to see town buses transporting school-going children into the
urban centres from surrounding villages.

Status of Women
A high social status of women in a region indicates its level of advancement of rural
society. In rural India, a higher status of women indicates a better and increasing linkage with
the urban

arc~as,

as the urban contact always leaves some impact on the rural society. A

process of change and transformation is thus initiated in the stagnant, custom-bound rural
society. As the green revolution gets more and more solidified in the rural hinterland; each
town gets more and more integrated with the economic as well as social life of the people in
the countryside (Chadha, 1996). In our study region large villages are well connected to the
urban centres as well as rural service centres bearing the impact of urban society on the rural
one. To analyze whether there is any impact of increasing rural-urban interaction on the
social life of large villages, we shall study the status of women with the help of female
literacy and

fi~male

work participation rate in them.

Female Literacy
The large villages of the region have an average female literacy rate of 38.65 per cent
which is higher than both the district average (37.84 per cent) and regional average (38.46
per cent) for rural region. But still it is far below the general literacy rate (48.05 per cent) of
the region and the female literacy rate of Burdwan town (59.06 per cent). For a detailed
analysis of female literacy we can divide large villages of the region into the following
classes.

156

Table 6.11: Female Literacy Levels of Large Villages, 1991

Percentage of
female literate
to total female

Level of
female
literacy

Number of
large villages

Name of the large villages

Percentage
of total

Above 50

Very high

Nari, Sura, Nasigram, Monteswar.

12.50

40-50

High

Palla, Mandalgram, Satgachhia,

Banpas, Bamsor, Barabelun,
Sehara, Sanko

25.00

30-40

Medium

18

Rayan, Kurmun, Saktigarh,

Chanchai, Bohar, Barapalasan.
Jaugram, Kulingram, Ruppur,
Khandaghosh, Berugram,
Orogram, Eruar, Balgana, Galsi,
Satinandi, Dignagar, Kusumgram.

56.24

20-30

Low

Ajhapur

3.13

Less than 20
o<>~

,,,.....

'~

Kamal pur

Very low
oo'

~~---~

'0'.

Yo<o"o~-

<

000

",

'

,.,._

-~~-

_,

3.13
"'-'~'>

....,.~>

-~-

............. _

"T>'

,'~--~--~ ... _,,.,... .. , . . , ,

. . . . . . . . . . , ........ _..,,.~.- ~--

Source: Extracted from 1991 district census handbook. Burdwan

Table 6.11 explains that there are wide variations of female literacy rates among the
large villages of the region with the range of 8.85 to 53. 94 per cent. Majority of the large
v[llages (56.24 per cent) have medium level of female literacy. Very high level of female
literacy, that is, well above 50 per cent is found in only 12.5 per cent of large villages.
Twenty five per cent of large villages have high level of female literacy, that is, 40 to 50 per
ct!nt. On the other hand, low (20 to 30 per cent) and very low (below 20 per cent) level of
female literacy are found in one village only. Therefore, it can be said that the large villages
of the region, though have low level of female literacy on an average, some of them (Nari,
Sura, Nasigram, and Monteswar) have progressed to a considerable state in this regard.

Female Work Participation Rate

Female work participation rate is an important indicator of social development of any
region. Large villages of the region still have very poor level of female work participation
rate, that is, 10.82 per cent. This is due to the dominance of agricultural activities in the
occupation structure of the region. In the agricultural sector in India, female work
participation rate usually becomes high in farm activities that does not bear the sign of
prosperity. Women are usually absorbed as agricultural labourer of farm activities. Therefore,
increased participation of women in farm activities does not indicate economic development.

157

For example, the large villages of the region have higher female work participation rate
(I 0.82 per cent) than that of Burdwan town (6.85 per cent). However, the female work

participation rate in India is an important indicator of social development as economic selfsufficiency forms ilhe very basis of women's empowerment.
The large villages of the region represent a uniformly low level of female work
participation rate with a range of 2.33 to 25 per cent. Table 6.12 explains the detailed picture
of the level of work participation of large villages of the region.

Table 6 . 12: Female Work Participation Rate of Large Villages, 1991

Level offemale work
participation

Number of large
villages

Percentage to
total

Above 20

High

12.50

10-20

Medium

10

31.25

Below 10

Low

18

56.25

Percentage of.female
workers to total female
~-

~.

Source: Extracted from 1991 district census handbook, Burdwan

Most of the large villages (56.25 per cent) have low levels of female work
participation rate, that is, below 10 per cent. On the other hand, 12.5 per cent of large villages
have advanced to some extent in this regard with female literacy rate above 20 per cent. The
rest of the large villages (31.25 per cent) have female literacy rate ofl 0 to 20 per cent.

6.3.6. Levels of D~evelopment

After a detailed analysis of large villages with their socio-economic characteristics
and individual development indicators, now we can analyze their relative level of
development. For working out the level of development of large villages we have depended
on the census data because of the non- availability of economic data. The level of
development of large village has been worked out with the help of five social indicators,
namely density of population, literacy rate, percentage of workers in non-agricultural
occupation, female literacy rate and female work participation rate.
However, there is a problem of taking female work participation rate as a
development indicator. In rural areas female workers are usually absorbed in the agricultural
economy as laborurer. These women are forced to work because of their poverty. In rural
areas mainly women of scheduled caste and scheduled tribe groups increase the female work
participation rate (Lahiri-Dutt and Ghosh. 1998). In our study region the same kind of
158

relationship is also found. About thirteen large villages (40.63 per cent) have female work
participation rate above the average (1 0.82 per cent). Among those eleven villages (Kurmun,
Chanchai, Palla, Satgachhia, Jaugrarn, Kulingram, Ajhapur, Ruppur, Oregram, Sanko, and
Dignagar) have backward population (scheduled castes and scheduled tribes) well above 45
per cent of the total population (Table 6.9). The rest two (Galsi and Bohar) have above 35 per
c:ent of backward population. Women of relatively wealthier, usually upper caste, families in
rural India do not work outside. Therefore, increased female work participation rate in rural
areas does not necessarily indicate prosperity. At the same time earning women usually have
better involvement and greater say in the decision-making of family affairs, which help to
raise the status of women in society (Lebra, Paulson and Everett, 1984). Following the latter
view, we have considered it an important indicator of social development in this development
index.
In this analysis the indices are worked out by composite scoring method (sum total of
standardized score of all indicators). The classification of large villages according to their
levels of development is given in the following table (Table. 6.13).

Table 6.13: Levels of Development of Large Villages, 1991

Development
index

Level of
development

Name and number of large villages

Above4.0

Very high

Nar~

2.0-4.0

High

Palla, Kulingram, Banpas, Sehara, Monteswar (5)

0-2.0

Medium

Kurmun, Chanchai,
Nasigram, Galsi (7)

-2.0-0

Low

Rayan, Mandalgram, Ajhapur, Ruppur, Oregrarn,

Bamsor, Barabelun, Sanko, Dignagar, Kusumgram (I 0)

Less than -:M.l

Very low

Barapalasan, Kamalpur, Khandaghosh, Berugrarn, Eruar,

Balgana, Satinandi (7)

Saktigarh, Sura (3)

Stagachhia,

Bobar,

Jaugrarn,

----------~----~~------

Table 6.13 dearly explains the pattern of the level of development oflarge villages in
the region. Three villages (Nari, Saktigarh and Sura) have very high level of development.
Palla, Kulingram, Banpas, Monteswar and Sehara have high levels of development. Seven
large villages of the: region have attained a medium level of development. On the other hand,
low and very low levels of development have taken place in ten and seven large villages
respectively.

159

6.3.7. Growth Potential

From the above analysis it has been observed that the growth and development of
large villages of the region are influenced by rural-urban linkages to some extent. Thus after
a detailed analysis of present status we can look at their future growth potential in the light of
rural-urban interaction or connectivity. We shall analyze the growth potential of large
villages with the help of gravity model.

Methodology of Gravity Model

The methodological approach adopted in this analysis had been christened 'social
physics' by its foremost proponent Warntz (1965). It is based on the principle that population
size can be equated with mass and the friction of distance along with the mass leaves a
distinct imprint on the intensity and nature of interaction between settlements.
The gravity model is developed from the least effort principle of Zipf ( 1949) and the
social physics concept of Stewart (1956). As applied in Geography the 'general gravity

. expressed m
. t he
mo de 1' 1s

+-

10

11owmg
. way I..1J = GMiMj
d".
lJ

Where,

I ij = Interaction between i and j

Mi =Population of the ith place
Mj =Population of the jth place
dij = Distance between i and j
G = Some Constant

Zipf examines this general statement for data relating to the movement of goods, the
flow ofbus, railway and airline passengers, and the number oftelephone calls between pairs
of cities in the United States and concludes that there is a close relation between expected
and actual interaction. But here we are concerned with the estimation of the total interaction
between a single place i and all other places, there being n places, by the simple summation.
PiPI
PiP2
PiPn
n PiPj . I
dil 6 + di2 6 + + din 6 = -; di/ J =
or, -n d"Pjh =
z lJ

v1 (P.1can be t aken out because summation

. ts
. over J")
j=I

This Vi, the total interaction per unit of population, is known as potential at area i.lhe
potential model becomes simpler as the value of b is taken as unity in the absence of any

160

justification for some other values, as has been assumed by many researchers in India and
abroad.
A map (Figure 6.4) has been prepared taking the growth potential values of large
villages (Table. 6.14) of the region. An interesting pattern of growth potential of large
villages has emerged around Burdwan town.

Table 6.14: Growth Potential Index of Large Villages, 1991

Name of vlllages

Values of gravity
potential
-- '-- -

--

Name of villages

Values of gravity
potential

1. Rayan

21,952.72

17. Khandaghosh

11,378.73

2. Kurmun

14,322.20

18. Berugram

10,947.22

3. Nari

20,417.40

19. Oregram

11,233.95

4. Saktigarh

16,261.38

20. Eruar

14,181.95

5. Chanchai

16,243.07

21. Nasigram

15,142.96

6. Palla

17,211.47

22. Banpas

13,118.58

7. Mandalgram

15,609.05

23. Bamsor

15,207.85

8. Satgachhia

13,757.15

24. Barabelun

15,561.11

9. Bohar

13,214.51

25. Balgana

15,824.59

1O.Barapalasan

14,554.24

26. Sehara

8,763.50

ll.Jaugram

15,518.77

27. Galsi

11,017.49

12.Kulingram

13,814.13

28. Sanko

12,882.57

13.Sura

8,894.44

29. Satinandi

13,917.39

14.Ajhapur

15,740.38

30. Dignagar

10,507.28

15.Ruppur

13,201.35

31. Monteswar

14,516.64

16.Kamalpur

12,741.84

32. Kusumgram

14,419.37

Pattern of Growth Potential

The emergent picture (Figure 6.4) reveals that the pattern of growth potential of large
villages of the region is highly influenced by the location of Burdwan town at the midst of
the region. The growth potentials of large villages like Rayan, Nari etc. are among the
highest due to their proximity to Burdwan town. With increasing distance from Burdwan
town the growth potential of large villages decreases in all direction. However, the decline in
growth potential with the increase in distance from Burdwan is not at the same rate in all
direction.

Th1~re

are some directional variations in growth potential.

161

88"

POTENTIAL OF LARGE VILLAGES

1991

30'N

Above 200
~~175- 200
~L,.q 150 - 175

16 km.

j..........,.'---'1

12 5 - 1 50

hL-----A

iOO - 12 5
Below 100 se

GROWTH IN THE DENSJTY

OF POPULATION OF LARGE VILLAGES
1981-1991

. km.

8
&7"

S'E

~igure No G.~

In dt~tailed analysis the map (Figure 6.4) shows that the trans-Damodar region suffers
with relativdy lower growth potential than the north Damodar region because of the lack of
quick and easy communication. Here the growth potential values of the large villages like
Sehara, Bemgram, Khandaghosh etc. are lower, in spite of their proximity to the main urban
centre ofthe area. On the contrary, higher growth potential values occur in the northeastern
and southeastern parts of the region. This higher growth potential can be attributed to the
well developed communication system specially to G.T. Road and Eastern Railway tracks.
Lower growth potential values are again found in the extreme northwestern part of the
region. The large villages of this area are also not well connected by roads or railways to
Burdwan (Fiigure 6.1 ).
From the above discussion it is quite clear that the pattern of growth potentials of
large villages are highly influenced by the existence of communication links with Burdwan
town. Thus the impact of Burdwan town in terms of rural-urban linkage is apparent on the
growth pote:ntial of its rural counterpart. A well-developed and rapid transport system
facilitates the growth potentiality of large villages. The villages that are located along the
main transport routes (the G.T. Road and Eastern Railways lines both running parallel to
each other from southeast to northwest) are larger and have a greater growth potential.
Now we can compare the theoretical pattern of growth potential with the pattern of
reality in the form of actual growth in the density of population (Figure 6.4) in the last decade
(1980s). From the comparison a fascinating similarity comes out between these two patterns.
The zone of high growth potentiality around Burdwan town coincides with the zone of high
growth in density of population. In accordance with the general declining trend of growth
potential away from Burdwan town, the growth in density of population also decreases.
Again, like the pattern of growth potential the growth in density of population d.e.<.TeAse.s with
increasing distance from Burdwan town not at the same rate in all direction. The directional
variation in the growth in density also matches the variation of growth potential very
effectively.

6.4.

Runtl Market Centres

Owing to the development of agriculture and relatively high degree of rural-urban

linkages our study region is frequently dotted with rural market centres. Some of the-..se
.__
centres have developed from large villages into rural market centres because of their location
on transportation nodes and consequent diversification of economy. They fulfil an

163

intermediate~

role as the two market towns (Memari and Guskara) of the region cannot

successfully meet the rising rural demands of the region. According to Harris- White (1996)
changes in an agrarian structure and in agricultural productivity affects markets. and that
process has been well-articulated in Burdwan district, which is comparatively well-endowed
with market towns within the state of West Bengal. In our study region the functions of a
market town are often performed by large and overgrown villages whose number is fairly
large compared to the market towns.

6.4.1. Role of Rural Market Centres in Integrating Rural with Urban

In rural-urban interaction, both urban and rural market centres play a vital role. Rural
market centres provide the opportunity to the villagers to sell their products as well as to
generate surplus income for themselves. As a result, they play a role of two-way traffic
positively affecting both the rural and urban centres (Harris-White, 1996). Again. by
providing lirtkages between the regions of various sizes, they effectively integrate the regions
of various orders into national exchange system (Dixit, 1984).
Rural market centres are usually well-marked focal points at which econonuc
activities and processes tend to be more brisk. These are usually points through which the
larger economy and its forces enter the rural region or the points at which the resource base
supports a larger volume of activities compared to the general run of villages in the rural
region. (Sarap, 1991). These focal point settlements are distinguished from other villages by
their occupational diversification and consequent higher level of non-agricultural activities.
Intra-rural migration is also noted into these rural market centres.
Different sets of functions of these market centres exert strong influence on the
development of settlement. The characteristic function of the centres is commerce that, along
with other subsidiary activities, shape the market settlements. The market centres situated at
the heart of the rural settlements are generally the products of a surplus economy. They
become the nerve centre of an area for the collection and subsequent distribution of various
agricultural commodities and industrial products. The market centres originally come into
existence for serving the rural areas and thereafter establish lirtks with the urban centres
(Ghosh, 1982).
The diversified functions help the rural market centres to develop into growth centres
for the surrounding village, which are closely linked to the development of transportation. As
such. they become the service centres in the field of trade, transport. commerce, industry,
administration, education, health etc. Their functions also include a host of industries, like
164

the cycle and automobile reparrmg, smithy, potteries, wheat grinding, paddy husking,
jewellery works, production of agricultural implements etc. Among the other functions,
education takes an important place. Rural market centres usually have schools ranging from
the primary to the junior high and high school and in some cases even colleges providing
educational service to the surrounding rural areas, as they are located at transportation nodes.
Besides some government and semi-government offices, like telephone exchange, post
office, police posts, P. W.D. and marketing offices etc. are also found functioning in rural
market centres. For financing the small farmers, there are different banks, like the
nationalized banks, rural co-operative banks and so on.
The term 'growth centre' may be applied to the market centres situated at the nodal
points (Ghosh, 1982). In the hierarchy of rural settlements the market centre occupies the
highest

ordl~r

in its spatial and functional context. Such a market centre having specialized

activities gradually attains the status of an urban centre.

6.4.2. Rural Market Centres of the Region

Rural market centres of the region are usually characterized by a diversified
economy. If we consider all the non-agricultural functions as indicators of market centres
then the number of market centres will be very large. Therefore, some generalizations are
necessary. Rural market centres can be identified by different criteria.
In our study region, we have identified the rural market centres from the long list of
large village:s on the basis of the following two criteria:
i)

a large village having a minimum of 35 per cent workforce in non-agricultural

occupation, and

ii)

a large village with at least 10 per cent of workforce engaged in trade and
commerce.

By this method we have identified 10 rural market centres which have developed
from small rural settlements into large market centres over a period of 20 years ( 1971-'91 ).
All the rural market centres have developed from small rural settlements of the region and
are located at nodal points of transportation routes (Figure 6.5). Therefore, we cannot ignore
the importance of rural-urban linkage in the development of these rural market centres. The
names and their respective percentage of workforce in non-agricultural occupations and a
especially in trade and commerce are given in the following table (Table 6.15).

165

LOCATION OF RURAL MARKET CENTRES

;3

30 N

0
23

10 11.m

0 Rural Market Centre

88

IQ t

16(,

Table 6.15: Occupation Characteristics of Rural Market Centres, 1991

- ...

- .... ,........ -.--~

Total
population

Den[,ity of
population/square
kilometer

Percentage of worken
in non-agricultural
occupation

Percentage of
workers in trade
and commerce

1 Galsi

8,560

975

46.97

14.29

2. Nari

7,235

1,499

67.32

19.82

3. Satgachhia

7,177

1,082

35.75

12.68

4. Monteswar

7,122

900

52.31

13.24

5. Kusumgram

7,036

650

47.30

20.29

6. Saktigarh

6,849

2,876

59.17

17.45

7. Banpas

6,471

922

45.01

10.40

8. Sehara

6,191

1,088

49.88

11.62

9. Sura

5,602

1,334

48.33

16.27

Name

10.Palla
.....---~-_,.__._...,_'"'

-~

~.,_..

... ........_... .._...

5,570
_._ --

---~----~-"'""""'-.,

1,532
...

..,.-,._,_....--....---~---~--.

...

-.~-~-

Source: Extracted from 1991 district census handbook, Burdwan

-~-

-~-,..--.~

--

25.82

47.24
--~

_,....,

__

--

---

---r-

From the table 6.15 it is quite clear that the rural market centres have developed in
very large rural settlements with high density of population (more than 650 persons per
square kilometre). Very large size of population have provided the threshold rural demand
for the development of trading and commercial activities of a market centre. Moreover, the
locations ofthese rural market centres at nodal points have facilitated to raise the demand for
consumer goods from the surrounding rural region. Again their high degree of linkage with
Burdwan town (Figure 6.5) has played a very vital role as a collection point of agricultural
surplus from the rural market centres and the distributing point of consumer goods to these
rural market centres.
Among the rural market centres Nari has the highest level of non-agricultural workers
(Table 6.15). This is because of its location adjacent to Burdwan town and its near-urban
characteristics of landscape. It has recently become practically a part of the municipal
boundary ofBurdwan town. Its role as a rural market centre to the surrounding region is still
limited because of its location in the urban shadow. The other nine market centres perform
the role of service or growth centres very effectively for their surrounding region as these are
the products of surplus-generating prosperous agricultural economy. All the market centres
except Nari, Kusumgram and Palla have been seats of commercial activities since 1970s. But
Nari, Kusumgram and Palla have crossed the threshold to become rural market centres with
their growth of 14.7 per cent 17.48 per cent and 16.91 per cent in trade and commercial
activities between 1971 and 1991.
167

Exct::pt these large rural market centres there are a few lower order market centres in
the region. These market centres have not grown as rich and large rural settlement, but their
development has been facilitated by their location at transportation nodes and higher degree
of accessibility with Burdwan Town. Bhatar, Raina, and Shyamsundar are examples of such
relatively smaller rural market centres. The development of these market centres has also
been facilitated by larger rural settlements surrounding them. For example, Bhatar is
surrounded by large villages like Nasigram, Barabelun, Bamsor and Balgana (see Table 6.1
and Figure 6.1) and is well connected to these villages as well as Burdwan Town. Again,
Shyamsundar is located at the nodal point of four motorable roads connecting Burdwan town
on one side and a large number of rural settlements surrounding it on other sides. Raina is
another market centre, which is facilitated by higher degree of accessibility to the
surrountding region and agglomeration of health and educational infrastructures. It has also
been a famous market centre oftrans-Damodar region for a long period of time. In this way,
with the help of these rural market centres of different sizes, rural-urban linkages have been
strengthened. These rural market centres provide urban services as well as marketing
facilities of agricultural produce.

6.5.

Summary
From the analysis of large villages and rural market centres of the region it is quite

clear that these settlements lying midway in the rural-urban continuum play significant roles
in integrating the two ends. Many of these large settlements have developed some urban
infrastructures like piped water supply, street lighting etc. and also a notable concentration of
health, education and marketing infrastructures. The levels of development of the large
villages are relatively higher than the other smaller villages in the region.
Rural transformation as well as diversification of economy has started to be
experienced by the large villages which are well connected to Burdwan town by road or
railway network. Therefore, we noted that greater integration with the main urban centres
results in a higher level of development of villages. Rural market centres are placed at a
higher level of settlement hierarchy providing the market for agricultural produce of their
smaller hinterlands as well as infrastructural facilities for rural people. These small rurban
centres encircling Burdwan town has strengthened rural-urban interaction by linking the rural
economy of their respective hinterlands with Burdwan town.
After the detailed analysis of rural counterpart of the region now we can look into the
nature of urban centres with a special focus on Burdwan in the next chapter.

168

CHAPTER VII
REGIONAl URBAN FOCI
7.1.

Introduction
This chapter analyzes the nature and role ofthree important urban centres of the study

region- Bmdwan, Guskara and Memari. Ofthe three, Burdwan is the oldest and largest; it is
also located at a central point thereby conferring on it certain additional advantages as a
regional centre for collection and distribution of agricultural produce and for the
concentration of a large number of services tor the surrounding region. Consequently the
chapter gives greater attention to Burdwan and its role as a regional urban focus.
Burdwan to\\-n is located at the central point of our study region. This focal location
of the to\\-TI is an important geographical factor that has helped in developing the physical
linkages more or less uniformly with the surrounding rural areas. The historical development
of the to\\-TI is also closely linked with the development of rural economy of its surroundings.
The present prosperity ofBurdwan to\\-TI is related to the agricultural development of its rural
hinterland. The landuse pattern, density characteristics, occupational structure and social life
style of the to\\-TI bear a high degree of association with the rural economy. On the other
hand, the rruuketing infrastructure provided by the central to-wn has a significant impact on
the development of agricultural economy of the region. Its central location as an urban
market has made Burdwan accessible from all parts of the region thus enhancing the smooth
use of urban market to the farmers.
Therefore, we shall discuss Burdwan town in its historical context, its population growth, its
demographic characteristics and its present landuse in the context of Burdwan's role as a
regional urban focus. The objective is to understand how, imprinted on its land and
functional characteristics, its past and present urban roles for the regional rural economy have
attributed a distinctiveness to the town.
Two other, much smaller in terms of size and influence, urban centres are also
discussed in this chapter as they too play significant roles for their surrounding areas. We
expect that some light on Memari and Guskara will help us understand the urbanization
process operating in the region.

169

7.2.

Rol~e

7.2.1.

Geo:~raphical

of Burdwan Town as a Regional Urban Focus

Location

Burdlwan is located in the midst of a rich alluvial plain on the left (north) bank of the
river Damodar and is the administrative centre of Burdwan district. The municipal town
1

occupying an area of 23.20 square kilometres extends between 23li N and 2315 N
latitudes and[ 87491 E and 8753 1 E longitudes. The Banka- at one time a spill channel of the
Damodar - 11ows from west to east through the central part of the town. lt was a navigable
river in the past, but has now become a municipal sewerage channel due to lack of
maintenance by the municipal authority. The town is surrounded by rural mouzas on east,
north and Wt:st and the river Damodar on the south.
Burdwan has been an important urban centre at vanous points m history. Its
locational advantages are obvious: at the margin of upland terrain of the plateau fringe of
Chotanagpur, along navigable rivers such as the Damodar and close enough to the Hooghly
(till about Mughal times the town was reachable from K.alna and Dainhat through river
channels), on the main road and rail lines, and in the middle of a prosperous agricultural
region. We will now see how with time the role of Burdwan has changed as the regional
economy prospered or declined relatively.

7.2.2. Historical Antecedent

The advantageous location of Burdwan had made it a seat of urban civilization since
the ancient times. Oldham, (1894) assumed that it could have been the royal city of
Gangarides, a separate state outside the Mourya empire, (B.C. 324 - B.C. 187). This

sovereign state had flourished in trade and commerce; it used to export fme cotton and other
textiles by inland and overseas water-routes to various countries of Europe and Southeast
Asia (Smith, 1961 ).
The whole district formed a part of Gupta Kindgom with Burdwan town as the centre
of activity (Sen and Chaudhury, 1973 ). Afterwards it came successively under small-time
tribal kings and chiefs, Gopachandra, Harsha and the Senas (Stewart, 1971). In the ancient
period, the urban focus of Burdwan was confined on the south of Banka nala (a lesser
drainage channel) along the banks of Damodar because of the flourishing river-borne trade
(Lahiri, 1994). This oldest part of Burdwan town is known as Kanchannagar. Kanchannagar
was the earliest nucleus or focal point for urban growth in Burdwan.
170

The 1town began to grow rapidly after the Mohammedan invasion in the latter part of
the 12th century. Particularly considerable physical extension of the town took place during
the Mughal period (Sen and Chaudhuri. 1973). The Muslim rulers set up various
administrative centres and military camps in the district. These centres later took the shape of
trading centres and market towns. Burdwan, the oldest among these urban centres began to
develop quit'e rapidly because of its locational advantages. (Lahiri, 1985). It became a major
centre of Af!~han power when Sher Afghan was ruling as a zamindar of Burdwan. Although,
the oldest nucleus was at Kanchannagar, the Muslim rulers preferred to settle on the north
bank of Banka na/a. Burdwan became more important when in 1576 A.D. Pir Baharam
Shakka, a nobleman from the court of Akbar, shifted his residence here (Mukherjee, 191 0).
Burdwan came to be a part of the Mughal empire in 1610 A.D. when Kutb-Uddin. the
foster-brother ofEmperor Jehangir, killed Sher Afgan. Meherunnissa, the wife ofSher Afgan
was sent to Delhi to later became the famous NurJahan. This event made Burdwan an
important point on the political horizon of India. Aurangzeb's Governor of Bengal, Sultan
Azam, also stayed for some time in Alamganj area of Burdwan town to suppress the Hindu
rebellion

(Stt~wart.

1971 ). This period was marked by a great improvement of the town as a

whole. Its importance also rose due to the establishment of Burdwan Raj (Mukherjee, 191 0).
So far Burdwan had mainly four focal points of urban growth, namely, Kanchannagar. Pir
Baharam, Alamganj and Khaja Anwar Berh - all of which were located on the banks of the
Banka nala.
After the battle of Plassey in 1757 A.D., the East India Company established many

kuthis (centres to organize trade locally) (Wilson, 1895). These centres stimulated further
urban development. Burdwan experienced a new stimulus for urban growth after a kuthi was
set up in the town. The company also set up an administrative centre near Radhanagar, north
of the Banka. Soon this new centre of Radhanagar got connected with the older parts of the
town through linear growth along Banka nata.
In the later part of the 18th century Burdwan became the administrative headquarter of
Burdwan district, which included the present district of Hooghly as well (Ganguly, 1987). In
this period, roads were constructed connecting Kalna and Katwa with Burdwan. This helped
the agricultural products to reach Burdwan easily. Gradually Burdwan emerged as an
important collecting centre of agricultural products of a large region.
In 1823, a flood of the Damodar forced the urban settlement to move northeastward
away from banks of the Damodar. This was helped when Maharaja Mahatab Chand
constructed the 'Mahatab Manjil' or the Rajbati (the palace) of Burdwan in the middle of the
171

town in the year 1832. This was the most important nucleus to be established in the whole
urban history of Burdwan. Soon new construction - both houses of local elite and businessrelated buildings were initiated around the Rajhati. New area<; such as Nutanganj, Borehat,
Bhatchhala were added in the urban areas. Barabazar and Tentultala Bazaar developed as
retail commercial centres. Nutanganj, Borehat and Alamganj also developed as centres for
wholesale trade of agricultural products. The area around the Rajbati still bears the ambience
of traditional commercial zones.
Another important nucleus developed in the south of Sadhanpur and Bajepratappur
after coming of the railways in the latter part of 1854. North of railway line along the Katwa
Road to Bajepratappur developed a railway colony, supported by small commercial
establishments (Gulla, 1989).

7.2.3. Development of the Town under Royal Patronage

The immense contribution ofBurdwan raj family in the development of the town has
been well documented (Samad, 1980). The Burdwan raj was one of the most important
zamindari estates in the country. In 1657, Abu Rai, a merchant and banker originally from
Lahore, was appointed the kotwal (law-keeper) and chowdhury (landlord) of Rekabi Bazar
and Mughaltuli in Burdwan. Abu Rai's son Babu Rai acquired the pargana (pre-British
administrative unit equivalent to a district) of Burdwan and three other estates. He was
succeeded by his son Ghanashyam Rai. In 1689, Krishnaram Rai, the son of Ghanashyam
Rai, was conferred, by an imperial Jarman (circular) of Aurangzeb, the titles of zamindar and
chaudhuri of Burdwan Pargana. The real transformation from an ordinary zamindari into a
strong local power, however, began in the early 18 1h century, when Kirtichand Rai was able
to annex several parganas, his conquests being duly confirmed by an imperial Jarman of
1706. To these, Chitrasen Rai, who was the first member of the family to have received the
title of Raja from Delhi, added 57 parganas from Gopbhum in 1744. Under an imperial
Jarman, the Burdwan Raj came to combine the powers of fauzdar and zamindar and had

become an almost independent power; and the time was not far off when an ailing Delhi
would

furtht:~r

accord the head ofthe family the title ofMaharajadhiraj in 1768.

Burdwan town had gradually become a famous centre of activity (both administration
and trade) in the Mughal period, and got mentioned in both Akbarnarna and Ain-E-Akbari.
But the real development-cum-prosperity of the town was initiated in the period of Burdwan
raj that is from the latter part of the I ih century. Ghanashyam Rai was the pioneer among

the rajas who contributed highly to the development of Burdwan town. He dug a large tank,
172

named Shya.msayar to meet the crisis of water for the resident of Burdwan town. Krishnaram
Ra~

the son of Ghanashyam Rai excavated another large tank called Krishnasayar

surrounding which an ecological garden named 'Krishna Sayar Park' has recently been
developed by the Municipality.

These water tanks provided effective relief and

water security in stressful times such as drought years. They now add to the tourist attraction
of the town too.
Kirti Chandra, the successor of Jagatram

Ra~

founded the town of Kanchannagar,

which is a part of present municipality area of Burdwan town. He also excavated the tank
Ranisayar in the name of his mother in the year of 1708. Kritichand Rai constructed a fort at
Talit in the northwestern periphery of the town to protect the town from Maratha invasion in
the year of 1742.
All these early developments of the town took place just for the town only. Before the
period of Tt!jchandra (1770-1832) no attempt was taken place by the rajas of Burdwan to
make it a regional urban focus by integrating it with the agricultural economy of the
surrounding region. Maharaj Tejchandra ftrst planned to develop the town as a regional scat
of trade and commerce at the heart of the prosperous agricultural hinterland (Chaudhuri,
1994 ). He developed a whole sale trade centre at Nutanganj area near his palace at Rajbati

where businessmen were fmanced by the royal exchequer with six month's interest-free loan
to carry on trade on various agro-products of the rural areas (Chaudhuri, 1994). To save the
town from the devastating floods ofDamodar, Tejchandra disconnected the Banka nala from
Damodar with the help of embankment (Choudhuri. 1994). He also made 23 roads in the
town (Dawn, 1992).
After the battle of Plassey, the East India Company established the office of the
collector and District Judge in the town of Burdwan. This step can be considered as the
beginning of the development of modem Burdwan town. The various administrative and
judiciary functions of the town turned it into a regional urban focus to which people from the
surrounding rural areas began to come on a daily basis. In the ftrst half of the 19th century the
educational and medical infrastructure of the town started to develop when Mohatab Chand
established one English School (C.M.S Higher Secondary School at present) and one health
centre in the town around 1834. He contributed highly to combat malaria in the region with
assured supply of medicine. The town began to beautifY itself from his period.
Burdwan was constituted a municipality with an area of 8. 75 sq. miles in 1865. In
1872, at the time of the ftrst official Indian Census, the total population of the municipality
was only 32,321. This was less than what was recorded in the previous census of 1814. The
173

main cause ofthis decline was the outbreak of famous 'Burdwan fever'. The construction of
water-purifying plant as a measure to combat the fever was taken up in 1881 by the
Maharaja ofBurdwan.
A1aharaja Vijay Chand ( 1902 - 1941 ), the successor of Aftab Chand, contributed a lot

in the development of medical and educational infrastructure of the town. He established the
technical school, medical school and the hostel, Vijay Chand Hospital. Harisabha Girls'
School, Raj College, Sahitya Parishad and so on. He also did beautification of the town with
the construction of Curzon Gate, Rarnnar Udyan (garden), Vijay Behar, Clock Tower, Vijay
Theatre and rennovation of Pirbaharam. After the construction of Vijay Toran popularly
known as Curzon Gate in 1904 the B.C. Road connecting Rajbati with Vijay Toran became
the busy commercial retail centre of the town because of its nearness to the railway station
and bus terminal of the town. People from the surrounding and even distant areas started to
use this urban market because of its high degree of accessibility and Burdwan town began to
take the

shap~

of a regional market centre.

Maharaj Vijay Chand was also the first person in the raj family who realized the

necessity of the development of surrounding rural areas to make the Burdwan town a
prosperous regional urban focus. For the development of infrastructure like health, education,
drinking water and transport in the rural areas he established Union Board by elected
members of tax-paying class. After the abolition of the zamindari system in (1953 - '54)
Maharaja Uday Chand handed over all his landed property in the town to the Municipal

authority for the development of infrastructure, especially educational including University

and Women's college.
In brief, it can be said that the development of Burdwan town as the regional urban
focus has taken place gradually over the historic period specially under royal patronage
which can be considered as a significant factor in the development of smooth rural-urban
integration in the region.

7.2.4. The Changing Urban Foci ofBurdwan

The focus of urban activities in Burdwan town has changed several times (LahiriDutt, 1994 ). Initially Kanchannagar (on the southwestern part of the town) was the main
focus of urban activities (Figure 7.1 ). The reason behind the growth of this focus was the
location of Kanchannagar on the bank of Damodar, which was the important means of

174

CHANGING

NUCLEUS

FOR URBAN

GROWT~

BURDWAN TOWN
23'

15'N

930A D

01960 AD

Q1500A D
0

Source :

H.m

Burdwan District Gazetteer

87' 49'E

Figure No -1.1

175

communication of the then popular river-borne trade. Damodar was an important trade route
and Kanchannagar was an important node along it.
During the Mughal period Puratan Chawk area was developed

ao;;

the major residential

area of the town. Later on, better off residences moved in the Radhanagar area near Vijay
Toran because of the establislunent of kuthis (centres for revenue collection) there.

The Raj family of Burdwan built their court and residential palace in the central part
of the city. At present this area is known as the Rajbati-Uttarphatak area and is occupied
mainly by non-bengalee business families relate to or brought in by the royal family. The
wholesale market of the town serving the whole region was developed by Maharaja
Tejchandra in Alamganj area near the Rajbati which is still the main centre of trading
activities of the town. With this development Kanchannagar started to lose its prosperity.
As railways were introduced in the later part of 1854, another important nucleus
developed in the northeastern part ofthe city. After the construction ofVijay Toran in 1903,
the intervening areas ofRajbati and Vijay Toran known as B.C. Road started to develop as a
busy

comm(~rcial

retail area supporting/servicing both the urban and rural consumers from

the surrounding areas. Later on, district administrative offices were developed on the eastern
side of Vijay Toran. The central bus terminus of the town was also constructed near the
Vijay Toran making it the most accessible point of the town from the rural surroundings. It
has remained the central business district (CBD) of the town till now. Some smaller centres
like Golapbag, Nilpur, College more, Sadarghat, Keshabganj Chatti, Bajepratappur etc. have
developed re:cently in the outside areas away from the CBD with the physical expansion of
the town.

7.2.5. Growth of Burdwan

Following the discussion on the historical development of the town we can now look
at the growth of Burdwan in late 19th and 20th century from the demographic point of view.
The first experimental census of the town was done in 1869 after the establishment of
Municipality in 1865. According to this experimental census the then population ofthe town
was 46,121. The population size of the town declined to 30.522 in 1901 because of the
outbreak of Burdwan fever, which was estimated to have killed about five thousand
inhabitants within six months (Paterson, 1910) besides large-scale emigration. In the 20th
century Burdwan town grew steadily and ultimately the population size reached 2,45,079 in
1991. The town presently has approximately 3,00,000 population.

176

Table 7.1: Growth ofBurdwan Town: 1901-1999

--------

-- ----.-.....--

---.,J~

-~

Decada/
variation

---

-~-

~ -~o-; -,.r~-

-----

Growth rate

-r

-~,.

""""'

Year
1901

30,522

191 1

35,921

5,399

17.69

6th

1921

34,616

-1,305

-3.63

5th

1931

39,618

5,002

14.45

5th

1941
1951

62,910

58.79

7th

75,376

23,292
12,466

19.82

9th

1961

1,07,881

32,505

43.12

8th

1971

1,43,318

35,437

32.85

lith

1981

1,67,364

24,049

16.78

12th

1991

2,45,079

77,715

46.44

8th

(%)

---... .. ---,--.-

___ J

Rank among
towns of W.B.

Total
population

--

--

- - --

4th

From Table 7. L it is quite clear that Burdwan experienced a steady growth of

population in the 20th century. The growth of population was very slow up to 1931. The
decade of 1911-'21 even experienced negative growth of population due to the occurrence of
epidemics, rnalaria and influenza in 1919-'20. After 1931 Burdwan experienced rapid growth
of population up to 1991. Therefore, we can identify the year of 1931 as the major
'demographic divide' of Burdwan. The rapid growth of population in the post-independence
period can

l:x~

explained both by the huge immigration from the rural surrounds followed by

the development of transport network, and the expanded economic activities of the town.
Immigration of refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, due to partition of
the country, has also helped the population of the town to grow rapidly.
Howe:ver, the Table 7.1 also shows that in spite of the steady rise in the population,
Burdwan gradually lost its size rank among the urban centes of West Bengal. At the
beginning of the century it was the fourth largest urban centre in West Bengal just after
Calcutta, Howrah and Serampur. Since the decade of 30s, especially in the postindependence: period, Burdwan has been displaced gradually by the industrial towns like
Durgapur, Asansol, Bhatpara, Panihati etc. Ultimately in 1991 it became the eighth ranking
town of West Bengal. Thus, while it is true that the town has grown rapidly, it is also true
that it has not grown quite as rapidly as some other towns of the state. This is possible a good
sign, in view of the agricultural development experienced by its surrounding region. It is
possible that some of the surpluses were locally absorbed within the agricultural region to
give rise to large villages, rural market centres and smaller urban units.
177

Burdwan experienced rather fluctuating growth rates of population in the 20th century
(Table 7.1). 'Ibe highest rate of growth (58.79 percent) was experienced during the decade of
1931-'41. The growth rate wa-> also high, that is. well above 40 per cent in the decades of
1950s and 1980s. Below 20 per cent of growth rate was also noted in the decades of 1901'10, 1921-'30, 1941-'50 and 1971-'80. The town, though of very low level (3.63 per cent),
also experienced negative growth rate, in 191 Os. This negative growth of population took
place because of four consecutive floods of Damodar river in 1913, 1914, 1917 and 1918
causing heavy loss of lives and property in the town.
In a nutshell it can be said that Burdwan experienced very slow rate of growth up to
1931 and after that the growth rate increased but with high fluctuations between 16.78 per
cent and 58.79 per cent (Table 7.1). Such fluctuations can again be correlated with the
agricultural 1ortunes of the immediate hinterland of Burdwan. During the two decades of
1960s and 1970s, when the seed-fertilizer technology along with canalized irrigation raised
agricultural productivity manifold, then the growth ofBurdwan town slackened. Agricultural
growth reaches a peak and then became stagnant in 1980s, and Burdwan's population began
to grow rapidly.

7.2.6. Present Demographic Character

Demographic characteristics, in the form of density of population, female-male ratio.
literacy etc. are significant social indicators in understanding the nature and the process of
development of any urban centre. To analyze the role of Burdwan as the regional urban
focus, we examine these demographic characteristics with the expectation that they will
throw some light on the nature of rural-urban relationship in our study region.

Population Oensity Pattern

The expression of urban population density is referred to as gross density (GD) of

population and is derived according to the equation GD

= PIG A, where the number of people

comprising the population (P) is divided by the total area (GA). Here the unit of area is taken
without considering whether the area is devoted to residential uses. Densities difler in
residential, industrial and commercial land use zones, vary from city to city, and from one
point of time to another. It depends largely on the intensity of use. The intensity of usc of a
specific type changes for a variety of causes, including changes in lifestyles and living
preferences, changes in the means of production of urban enterprises. changes in the use of
urban space etc. (Reddy, 1989).
178

Density of population is an important demographic aspect in studying any urban

centre. The overall population density of Burdwan is much higher than the required threshold
density (400 persons/square kilometre) ofurban functions. According to the 1991 census the
density of population for the town was 14.364 which is significantly higher than that of 1971
(6,325 persons/square kilometre) and I 981 (7,386 persons/square kilometre). The remarkable
increase in the density of population between 1981 and 1991 (6,978 persons/square
kilometre) can be explained by the high degree of immigration from the surrounding rural
areas because of better amenities than the rural counterparts. The development of agriculture
made sizeable surplus to provide the landowning classes the necessary capital for funding
their residential move to the town.
To w1derstand the pattern of density distribution within the town we can take the help
of ward wise population density distribution map (Figure 7 .2). The map shows that vast intraurban differences in density exist, with some areas having more then 25,000 persons per
square kilometre as well as some areas having below 5,000 persons per square kilometre.
From the density distribution pattern it is found that the highest density zone of the town
occupies the central areas ofthe tovvn (Figure 7.2) from where the densities start to decline to
the peripheral areas in all directions except the northeast. The northeastern periphery of the
town is densely populated because of the location of railway station, railway staff colonies
and a busy wholesale market of rice-trading activity.
From the density distribution pattern another significant feature of the town arises.
The density of population is higher in areas of busy and flourishing economic activities. The
central parts of the town carry both high trading activities as well as a dense residential
population. This reveals a compact nature of the town, which is unlike the western cities. The
suburbanization process is still in its infancy in towns like Burdwan. Here we have only a
few residential areas of lower density, characterized by the lack of vertical use of land,
developed recently in the peripheral areas of the town. Motorized, private transport is yet
beyond the reach of lower and middle classes, and the roads too are not wide enough to
accommodat<:: cars. As a result, the attraction of living near the central areas has not yet
waned and Burdwan has remained a compact city.

Density Gradient
The distribution of population within any city is complex when seen in detail, but it is
believed that in most urban settlements the population density declines with distance from
the central or inner parts ofthe cities to their peripheries (Johnson, 1972). The decline in
179

87' 49 E

87' 53[

DENSITY OF POPULATION
2~

15 N

BURDWAN TOWN
1991

t
N

23'
15 N

' Persons per Km2

/\
I

i;
0

/ .. 1

f:i ;
f
r

I
.

/~Above

25000

'//1._j
1

ezl120CXJ1-25000

/ .

LlJ 15001-20000

m 10001-1sooo
0
0

23'
12 N

87' 49 E

5001- 10000
5000 &. be low

87' 53.E

DENSITY GRADIENT
BURDWAN TOWN

25l
0
0

_o

1991

20

z
2:

::s:::

1_,.

(f)

0::

10

z
w

""'~

::;,

--~ .-~----------...--

"

"'

------ --- ......,.....-----~-----------.,.----~--.5

3
4

DISTANCE FROM CITY CENTRE (In

Km)

rsc

density usually follows a regular pattern. Colin Clark ( 1951) has shown that in a wide range
of cities, with a variety of locations and at different times in the past, population density
decreases at a constant rate with increasing distance from the city centre.
Although a variety of population density !unctions have since been tested (for
example see McDonald and Bowman, 1976; Zielinsk~ 1980) Clark ( 1951) had first provided
convincing

~empirical

evidence to suggest that population density tends to decline in an

exponential fashion with increasing distance from the central business district (CBD). That
is, if population density is plotted in a graph against distance from the CBD, the resulting
curve drops quite steeply at ftrst, and then more gradually (Cadwallader, 1985).
The gradient of density decline in any urban centre depends on the spatial pattern of
the intensity of landuse, which is usually less towards the peripheries. The intensity of
landuse is again dependent on the land values. Therefore, the density-decline profile
resembles the land value model quite strongly (Hartshorn, 1980). The most desirable and
hence most expensive sites for all urban land uses lie close to the city centre where maximum
accessibility is provided by converging transport routes. The further a site is from the city
centre, the lower is its land value because of higher transport cost. These lower land values
encourage lower intensity of use away from the centre and this lower intensity of use,
specially residential landuse, produces lower densities of population towards the peripheries
of cities (Johnson, 1981 ).
Most of the earlier works on the gradient of population density had been concerned
with the Western cities. Berry, Simmons and Tennant (1963) first made an attempt to
compare the density gradients found in Western and non-Western cities. According to their
view, while both types of city show a negative exponential relationship between density and
distance from the city centre, the manner in which their gradients have developed has been
different. In Western cities population density gradients become flatter over time (Newling,
1966; Mills and Ohetak, 1976) whereas in non- Western cities, the central density continues
to rise through time.
Now, in the context of the above theoretical discussion we can justify the densitydecline pattern of Burdwan town. In this study we have selected the geometric centre of
Burdwan town as the city centre because of its nearness to the busiest commercial centre of
the town that is, Vijay Toran (formerly called Curzon Gate) and B.C. Road area. In selecting
the city centres of India, Brush ( 1968) had suggested that the central point should be
identified by well-informed advice of the local officials, planning studies and resident
scholars, supplemented by field reconnaissance. There is no uniform criterion and, therefore,
181

the selection involved a subjective element (Reddy, 1989). Our selection of city centre is also
not free from subjectivity. Being born and brought up in the town we have identified the
geometric centre as the city centre ea<>ily because of its location near the commercial centre.
Like most of the non- Western urban centres Burdwan also represents a very steep
density gradient with a central area density of above 30,000 persons per square kilometre to
less than 5,000 persons per square kilometre in the peripheral areas (Figure 7.2). Hartshorn
(1980) justified that usually smaller cities are generally more compact than the larger
metropolitan areas thus having steeper density-decline gradients and greater population
densities at the city centre because of less specialized non-residential functions in the core
area. The CBD area ofBurdwan town is intensively used both for commercial and residential
uses, because ofwhich the density ofpopulation is much higher in the core areas. Household
density is also very high in this central part for its higher land values. The most prosperous
residential area of the town (Radhanagar) is also located near the city centre. All these factors
together helped to increase the central area density of the town. On the other hand, areal
expansion, reorganization of the municipal boundary and the development of low-density
residential areas by the immigrants from surrounding rural counterparts have helped the
density gradi<::nt to fall sharply towards the peripheral areas.
According to Berry and Horton ( 1970) in most of the urban centres both in developed
and underdeveloped countries, the density gradient varies considerably from the centre to
different direction. Detailed analysis of density gradient for the Burdwan town also
highlights that the gradient of density decline is not uniform in all direction from the central
part. From the density distribution map (Figure 7.2) it can be found that the peripheral
density is very low in the western part thus giving the density decline a steeper gradient. The
western periphery has low density because of the low importance of urban activities in the
southwest and the institutional use of land (University, Rural Technology Centre, Eco-park,
Science Centre, Water Works etc.). On the other hand, towards the eastern, southern and
northern peripheries the density gradient is gentler as these areas are occupied by residential
housing. Towards the northeast the rate of density decline is very low (Figure 7.2) because of
its busy commercial activities and multi-storied residential uses like housing colonies of the
Railways. Taking all the directions together the rate of density decline is very high in
Burdwan thus bearing the character of non- Western cities.
Anothc:r important aspect of the density gradient for Burdwan is its constancy. Over
the period from 1971 to 1991, the density gradient remained more or less unchanged with a

182

constant rat<;: of density decline from the centre to the periphery (Samanta. 1991 ). This is also
another important characteristics of non- Western urban centres.

Female-Malle Ratio (FMR)

Female-male ratio (FMR) is an important demographic characteristic throwing light
on the migration pattern of an urban centre. The functional nature of an urban centre is also
indicated by the female-male ratio as it is directly related to the in and out migration with
family for residential purposes.
Female-male ratio is the number of females per 1,000 males which is liable to a
remarkable change in an urban centre experiencing both in-migration and out-migration. The
female-male ratio of Burdwan between 1901 and 1991 has undergone a remarkable change.
In immigration chain first takes place the in-migration of male working population from the
surrounding areas, predominantly adults, to serve the expanding secondary and tertiary
occupations of the urban area. Later on, these male migrants shift their families to the urban
centre from their original place of residence and thus female-male ratio increases.

Table 7.2: Female-Male Ratio of Burdwan Town, 1901- 1999

Year

Male population

Female population

Females per 1,000 males

1901

19,413

15,609

804

1911

20,527

15,394

780

1921

19,583

15,033

768

1931

23,485

16,133

687

1941

38,050

24,860

653

1951

43,101

32,275

749

1961

60,286

47,595

790

1971

79,322

63,996

807

1981

88,677

78,687

887

1991

-------

1,28,651
~"

-~- --~----~~--------.-

...-----------

1,16,428
-~ ~---- ~-~~------

~------- --~

........

905
------------~----~-----

-----

From the above table it is quite clear that the female-male ratio of Burdwan town
experienced a declining trend from 1901 to 1941. In 1901 the ratio was 804 which decreased
steadily to 653 in 1941. During this period the general population growth rate was also very
low (Table 7.1).

Whatever immigration took place during this period consisted

predominantly of male workers. Most of them originated from the surrounding areas. In
183

general the residential environment of the town was also deteriorating during this period due
to the frequent occurrence of epidemic, malaria, influenza and also annual floods of the
Banka and the Damodar. As a consequence the immigration pattern was dominated by male
migrants pushing down the female-male ratio.
Since 1941 the female-male ratio experienced a steady rise due to the influx of
refugees with families after the partition. Later on, some improvements of residential
infrastructure especially of the transportation network of roads connecting Burdwan with its
hinterland made it the most accessible nodal point ofthe region. The tertiary sector workers
of both the town and its surrounding areas began to choose the Burdwan town as their place
of residence because of its amenities and the high degree of accessibility with both industrial
regions of Calcutta-Hooghly and Durgapur-Asansol belts as well as the surrounding rural
areas. The increasing female-male ratio from 653 in 1941 to 905 in 1991 essentially bears the
flourishing residential character of the town.
From the spatial pattern of female-male ratio (Sarnanta, 1991) it is also found that the
ratio is highest in the peripheral areas which gradually declines towards the central areas.
This feature also explains that the peripheral areas of the town are rapidly changing into
residential districts to accommodate the migrants from the surrounding rural areas. The
infrastructural gap between the town and its surrounding rural counterpart is facilitating the
development of residential blocks in the peripheral areas of the town. Sometimes, even the
rich farmers with productive agricultural land in villages prefer to keep a residence in the
town and cornmute to his place of work in villages. This fact is reflected in the census data,
helping to improve the female-male ratio. The improving FMR of Burdwan, therefore,
indicates a more intensive rural-urban linkage.

7.2.7. Urba111 Economy

Since the historical past Burdwan town has functioned as a successful regional urban
market in

tht:~

midst of a vast stretch of prosperous agricultural hinterland. Burdwan is the

largest agricultural trading centre of entire radh Bengal (western bank of the BhagirathiHooghly till the plateaus, roughly) besides providing numerous other services. The
distribution pattern of workforce among different sectors ofthe economy offers some idea of
the economic: bases and function of any urban centre. Though the relative importance of
different sectors of the economy has changed over time, the tertiary sector activities have
continued to remain the predominant functional base of Burdwan since 1961 (Table 7.3 ).
This is not umcommon for similar urban centres. Raza ( 1980) noted that tertiarization of
184

economy is the most outstanding feature of most of the present day third world cities. In this
section we have seen the changes in the proportion of workforce in primary, secondary and
tertiary sectors oYer the period of I 961 to 199 I. Work participation data was made available
from 196 I only, and hence we could not go back further in time.

Table 7.3: Sectoral Distribution of Workforce

___ of Bn.!d~~~- Tow~ (in -~~rc~n_!~t;1_!9~!.!_~_!991 ________ _

Year

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

1961

1.76

21.14

77.10

1971

11.07

19.69

69.34

I981

I 0.15

5.46

84.49

1991

7.28

2.25

90.67

From the above table we can analyze the changes in the relative importance of
different sectors of economy in providing the functional basis of the town. In 1961 the share
of primary sector was only I. 76 per cent which increased to 11.07 per cent in 1971 and then
again started to decline reaching 7.28 per cent in 1991. The increasing importance of primary
sector economy between 1961 and I 971 was mainly due to the physical expansion of
municipal lxmndaries that included rural stretches of peripheral land. Even now. the major
contribution to the primary sector of the town comes from the peripheral areas (Samanta.
1991 ). The secondary sector includes the workers in agro-processing units of rice, oil and
~hira

(pressed rice) mills. Not much expansion has taken place in this sector of the economy

~-.1961.

As a result, the secondary sector has lost its relative share of the workforce gradually

smce.

from 21.14 per cent in 1961 to only 2.25 per cent in 1991 (Table 7.3).
Tertiary sector economy in the form of trade and commerce, and services has now
come to dominate the functional bases of town. The relative importance of this sector has
continuously increased from 77.10 per cent in 1961 to as much as 90.6 7 per cent in 1991.
Trading of agricultural products especially rice from the prosperous rural hinterland is an
important activity of the town. There are several wholesale markets (such as Alamganj.
Bajepratappur etc.) in the town dealing with wholesale trading of agricultural produce. Retail
business of both consumer and capital goods is significantly flourishing with growmg
demand from both expanding urban and rural demands. Several multi-storied business
complexes have come up in the 90's along the main commercial
Road, and

tht~

thorought~ues

like B.C.

road connecting Vijay Toran to railway station via central bus terminus. These

complexes house a large number of shops dealing with various kinds of durable and non185

durable consumer goods. Present-day agricultural development is dependent on technology,

and shops near the central bus stand meet that technological demand especially of
agricultural machinery and fertilizer-insecticide in puts. Tn addition. cultivators from the
surrounding hinterland use the urban market to sell their surplus agricultural products. This
trade and commercial economy of the town is almost entirely run by intormal workers
coming mainly from the rural areas. In this ways trade and commerce of the town also
integrates the rural economy with the urban leading to a high degree of rural-urban
interaction.
The service sector of the economy of Burdwan includes various aspects of
infrastructure and district administration. Jnfrastructural services include higher level of
health infrastructure (District Hospital, mushrooming nursing homes, private medical
practitioners etc.), educational infrastructure (three degree colleges, one medical college, two
polytechnic colleges, the university etc.), and banking infrastructure which together comprise
27.84 per cent oftotaJ workforce ofthe town. The transportation sector, consisting 13.78 per
cent of the workforce, is also an important element of the tertiary sector because of the
locational advantage ofBurdwan as an important transportation node.
The tertiary sector economy of Burdwan is expanding at a high rate but this
expansion is mainly informal in nature. Except the railway, banking and administrative
services, the entire tertiary economy of the town is run by informal type of workforce (see
Chapter 8). Some of these informal sector workers are from the surrounding rural areas.
Tertiarization is a significant characteristic of urbanization all over the world, but the basic
difference between the developed and developing world lies in its nature. In the developing
world, tertiarization is taking place mostly in the informal sector of economy (Mukherjee,
2000). Burdwan town also bears the characteristic of an expanding informal tertiary
economy. The informal activities of Burdwan requiring more or less no skill and no capital
(such as rickshaw pulling) are dominated by migrants from the poverty stricken rural areas of
adjacent states. However, a large section of rural unemployed youth, mostly from the middle
class families, living in rural areas within the region rush to Burdwan town in search of jobs
either in the t;ormal or in the informal sectors.

7.2.8. Qualilty of Life and its Spatial Pattern

An urban community is not a homogeneous mass. Within the confines of an urban

society, both spatial and temporal variations occur in respect of the quality or standards of
life of its resiidents (Timms, 1971). Review of the present literature reveals three possible
186

social patt1:::rns that have emerged during the history of urban civili?..ation. The socioeconomic indicators on a intra-urban scale, may: (a) be uniformly distributed; (b) have their
greatest concentration at the core; and (c) be spread out into the peripheral areas.
While the first case is almost a theoretical 'optimum' which have and will never exist
in reality, the second is viewed by some authors (Herbert and Thomas, 1982) to be a
transitional phase between a pre-industrial and a post-industrial economy. According to
them, in the early stages of city development rudimentary versions of most of the urban
services emerged near the city centre in order to serve the relatively compact urban area.
With continued urban growth there was a concomitant growth in the scale, degree of
specialization of range of services provided. The third case is found in the developed
countries of the world where the 'compact city' has become a matter of the past and people
have moved out of the central congested parts of the city. As a result, the outer parts of the
city are perceived to be qualitatively better than the inner parts.
Intra-urban distribution of social well being was for a long time considered as a
function of physical conditions. Cullingworth (1972), however, pointed out that identical
physical environments might be associated with quite different social conditions.
The quality of urban population is usually manifested through attributes which may
be presented numerically only with difficulty (Knox, 1975). 'Quality of life' studies are
usually done with the help of economic activities and their efficiency. In some cases social
and demographic indicators are also used.
In view of above discussion we have analyzed the spatial pattern of the quality of life
m Burdwan town. According to a prior study (Samanta, 1992) done with the help of
demographic parameters (backward population, agricultural

labourers, non-workers,

marginal workers and illiterates) indicating poor quality of life, there is a strong intra-urban
variation in the quality oflifc (Figure 7.3) with Burdwan.
The wide range of multivariate score values (+2.1 to -0.81) supports the existing
pattern of spatial variation in the quality of urban population in Burdwan. As all the socioeconomic parameters taken in this study are related to the poor quality of life, the positive
score values indicate poor quality of urban life whereas negative scores indicate good quality
on the other hand. We have identified urban people with better quality of life as 'privileged'
and those with poor quality as 'deprived'.
From the figure (Figure 7.3) it is clear that the quality of life is higher in the central
part ofthe tovm. On the other hand, peripheral areas have poor qualities of life. The highest
187

rs,'

'17'149 f

VARIATIONS IN THE QUALITY OF URBAN POPULATION

-----

~-~-

- - - - - - - _ . . ..:.c

--------------~

-====-c-:-ccc:.c ---=-..:==:c--'Cc-_--_---=----~-=---~-=cc::..--c-...::

23"
15 N

SCORE
-

Above

a+
f.Z!.l1

+ 10

0 5 to+ \0 Hore De.prived

Km

0 to+lO Deprived

[Z]J o to- os

D- os

Privileged
23

to -1 0 Highly Pnvileged

12 N

Source:
51

Samanta, 1991
87" 53 E

Figure No - 7.3

199

degree of deprivation in the quality of life is found in areas like Kanchannagar, Udaypalli,
Rathtala which formed the oldest nuclei of the town in the southwestern part on the bank of
river Damodar. The area is far away fi-om the present nuclei. I ,ack of proper accessibility is
another factor limiting the quality of life in that area. Other deprived parts of the town arc
also found in the northeastern and southern peripheries. In these areas the low quality of life
is mainly due to the incidence of lower literacy, lower work participation rate. higher level of
backward population and marginal workers. On the other hand, people of central areas of the
town are privileged owing to higher literacy rate, high incidence of job opportunities and
lower occun~ence of agricultural labourers, backward population and marginal workers.
Intra-urban inequality is a common phenomenon in the present world. especially the
third world urban centres. Burdwan, being no exception, also represents the same picture. We
can justify whether from this spatial pattern of the quality of life emerges any core-periphery
pattern between the inner and outer parts of the city.
Before justifYing the spatial pattern of urban quality of life with core-periphery
model, let us explain both the model and the meaning of the terms 'core' and 'periphery' in the
context of a single urban centre. The core-periphery model is a generalization of spatial
structure of an economic system, based on the unequal distribution of power in economy and
society, consisting of two major components: a centre or core region and a periphery
(Goodball, 1987). Core-periphery relations were first observed by John Friedmann (1966),
with whom the core-periphery models is most closely associated, as the second stage
in a four-stage sequence of the development of the space economy. The 'core' is
defined as the area exhibiting the most intensive landuse characterized by the concentration
of consumer services, offices and entertainment facilities (Herbert and Thomas, 1982). The
periphery in contrast is less intensively developed and comprises a mixture of functions. The
differences are much more than those allowed by traditional CBD boundaries and often
comprise socio-economic characteristics of the people per se. In Burdwan the quality of
population is markedly different between the inner and outer parts. Privileged people inhabit
the core, whereas deprived people characterized the peripheral areas. Therefore, a strong
core-periphery pattern, the essential character of third world urban centres, exist in the
quality

oflifi~

ofthe residents in Burdwan.

Such a polarized pattern of development leads to economic dualism, in which the

deprived areas co-exist with the privileged ones within the city. Existence of such polarity in
the quality of population forming distinctive belts has considerable policy implication. In
most cases Indian urban planners take a city to be a homogeneous mass which is farthest
189

from reality. However. while making policy prescriptions planners must pay considerable
attention to the deprived areas of a city. The planning process may be successful only if such
deprived areas are taken into consideration and given special attention in times pf planning.

7.3.

The Other Urban Foci of the Region

Exce:pt Burdwan there are two other lower order urban centres in our study region:

Guskara and Memari (Figure 6.5). They are medium sized towns placed at a lower level in
the urban hierarchy of the region. The census of India defmes towns with a size category
varying between 20,000 to less than 1,00,000 as medium towns (Singh and Krishnan, 1997).
Again the Government oflndia covers towns with a size range between 20,000 and 3,00,000
under its Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns Programme (Wishwakarma
and Jha, 1983). Researchers (Diddee and Octania, 1993; Singh and Krishnan, 1997), for the
time being have taken the wide range of 20,000 to 3,00,000 population size to define
'medium towns' and the size of less than 20,000 as 'small towns' (Mallick, 1979). In 1991,
Guskara and Memari had population sizes of 26,995 and 20,690 respectively. Therefore. we
prefer to defiine Guskara and Memari as medium towns of the region as their present sizes are
well above 20,000.
In the study of rural-urban interaction these two medium towns deserve special
attention because of their crucial roles in integrating urban and rural areas of the region.
Whatever criteria or limits are to be taken, medium and small towns may always be
perceived as a linkage or bridge between an essentially rural-based society and space at the
lower end, and the urbanized space having big cities at the upper end (Bose, 1972). In this
way they play a significant role in controlling the flow in the settlement hierarchy, up and
down reciprocally (Singh and Singh, 1979). They serve as catalysts for the economic
integration b;!tween rural and urban areas besides performing the social role with providing
several servi<:es tor their surrounding areas (Singh and Krishnan, 1997). Planners and Policy
makers conceive medium towns 'as an instrument for quickening the rate of growth,
development and transformation' of any region (Singh and Singh, 1979, p. 23). They are also
treated as growth centres especially in the developing world (UNO, 1978, Sundaram, 1978).
Johnson ( 1972) highlighted that these smaller towns have greater potential capacity to utilize
rural manpower and elicit human creativity than the large urban centres.
K.R. Dikshit ( 1997) has identified large cities as 'problem areas' and medium towns
as 'growth centres of the future'. He has excellently explained the significant role of medium
190

towns in the integration of rural and urban areas played since the historic period. In his
words, medium towns usually occupy focal points in the vast rural hinterland. These toea!
points have a genuine symbiotic relationship with the countryside. They originated as central
places in the pre-industrial phase of economy and have largely retained their character as
weekly market places, administrative headquarters of a district or tehsil or as specialized
trade centres for certain commodities, with some high level medical and educational facilities
and a few financial institutions like banks and co-operative societies (Mishra, 1979).
However, basically they have remained centres of trade over the centuries. The modem
development of transport has made them more accessible and they have retained their
agricultural econorrtic base. They have at the same time grown in importance as regional
markets and have acquired new functions like industries. They also represent regional culture
and extend social interaction between the town and its surrounding rural region (Sinha,
1990).
Researchers and planners have identified medium towns as diversion centres to
decentralize urban development (Despande and Arunachalam, I 980). These settlements
would be facilitated to grow into 'service centres' which would service the rural hinterland
and would also act as 'growth poles' to diffuse development into rural areas (Benninger,
I 997). Wanmali ( 1988) suggested that the prevailing dichotomy in rural and urban
development in developing countries can be reduced through the spatial planning in which
the development of medium and small towns should get priority as service centres or growth
centres of the future. The Government of India introduced the Integrated Development of
Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) programme in 1979-'80 to reduce the primacy of large
cities and develop small and medium towns for effective and balanced regional development.
It was hoped that dispersal of industries and other economic activities to medium towns will

partly redeem the overcrowding of large cities, and conform to the development of effective
nodes in the urban system that is more conductive to development (Dikshit, 1997). However,
the IDSMT did not prove to be very successful (GOI, 1988).
Rondinelli (1983) defmed medium towns as 'secondary cities'. He suggests that to
achieve widespread development, in both social and spatial terms, a geographically dispersed
pattern of investment should be devised. This, he argued, can be materialized through the
promotion of integrated system of secondary cities which provides potential access to
markets for people living in any part of the country or region (Rondinelli, I 983). Phadke
(1997) suggested that these medium towns would be multifunctional in character with
industry, trade and commerce and services at the core. Manufacturing activity would be
191

primarily oriented to regional resource potentialities. raw materials or skills. Agriculture

would be the ubiquitous source of local material input. A few might be based on external
sources of raw materials but their final products might find a market in the region. These
would provide necessary inputs to regional economy and there would thus develop spatial
linkages between the town and the country ensuring their complementary development
(Phadke, 1997).
In the national urban policy, medium towns have been

recogni7~d

as centres for

regional development and their proposed roles are as follows: they would be multifunctional
in character with industry, trade and commerce and services at the core. Manufacturing
activity would be primarily oriented to regional resource potentialities, raw materials or
skills. Agriculture would be the ubiquitous source of local raw material input. A few might be
based on external sources of raw materials but their final products might fmd a market in the
region. These would provide necessary inputs to regional economy and there would thus
develop spatial linkage between the town and the country ensuring their complementarity
(Phadke, 1997).
Thus, we find that small urban centres have generated a lively debate in the urban
literature in India. From the point of view action/planning, not much result has been achieved
in spite of various programmes (GOI, 1988). The larger cities continue to hog the limelight
of academic/administrative attention, while the vital roles played by smaller towns in
bringing the mral and urban closer continue to remain relatively unacknowledged.

7.3.1. Mem:ari
Memari, covering an area of 19.80 square kilometre, is an important medium-sized
market town located in the eastern part ofthe region. It is located 25 km east ofBurdwan and
is connected with Burdwan by both the Howrah-Burdwan main line of Eastern Railway and
the G.T. road (NH 2). The population size of 20,690 in 1991 has become 35 thousands
approximately by mid-90s (Konar, 1996).

Because of its locational advantages, the town

has become an important centre of trade and commerce with the development of agriculture
in the region especially since 1960s. Since 1950s, the expansion of metalled road and
automobile transport took place between Calcutta on the east and Durgapur-Asansol
industrial belt on the west, putting Memari in a more advantageous position. The monopoly
of traders of this centre over railway transport began to be challenged by road transport and
the former began to lose its ground. The affluent peasants from the rich agricultural area of
Raina, Jamalpur and Memari police stations started to invest their surplus capital in
192

commercial! activities of consumer goods and trading activities of different agro-inputs and
agricultural products (rice, potato, jute etc.) by building trading centres and shops by the road
side.
With the development of irrigation (both O.V.C. canals and private shallow tube
wells) and storage facilities of agro-products, drastic improvement took place in potato
cultivation of the region by mid-fifties. The region's first cold storage was constructed in
Memari in the co-operative sector. Private capital rushed into potato cultivation, storage and
trading activities of the surrounding rural areas of which Memari became the nodal market.
The rush towards potato cultivation indicates the transformation of agricultural economy of
the region into cash-earning commercial one in which Memari played a significant role by
providing storage and marketing facilities. At present Memari-I block has 18 cold storages
(largest concentration in West Bengal) ofwhich nine are located within Memari town, itself.
Since 1960s small and medium sized manufacturing units started to develop in
Memari most of them being agro-processing in nature utilizing agricultural products of the
region as raw material. Agro processing units of the towns are composed of two modernized
rice mills, two bran oil mills, two chira mills and seven mustard oil mills. Small
manufacturing units employing 5 to 20 or more workers includes five screw factories, one
paper mill, five soap factories, four ice cream factories, six mustard crushers, six shaw mills,
one aluminium factory, four steel furniture factories, four elastic tape production centres, one
mosaic tiles factory, one coal briquette factory besides a good number of mechanical and
electrical workshops with lathe, drilling, welding and grinding developed as ancillary units.
Electification of railways put Memari in an even better position by reducing its travel
distance to two hours to reach Calcutta (state capital) and half an hour to Burdwan (district
headquarter). Various state and central government departments of administration including
the sub-divisional office of the D.V.C. were set up in Memari because of its improved
locational advantages. Hundreds of middle class people working in Calcutta, Burdwan,
Asansol, Durgapur and several other place on the Calcutta-Asansol section of the Eastern
Railway, started to choose Memari as their residence because of its high degree of
accessibility and urban municipal amenities. Besides railways, 35 bus routes originate from
or terminate here and more than 150 inter-district or inter-state buses ply through Memari at
present. People from lower middle class families selected Memari over Burdwan because of
its nearness to their village property, cheaper land value and lower cost of living than
Burdwan.

193

Following the prosperity of trading activities of the town, the infrastructural

development also took place but at a slower rate. Due to the slower rate of infrastructural
development and the nearness ofthe town to Burdwan (a large Class-1 urban centre) Memari
could not prosper a.;; a residential town up to the last decade. This is indicated by the poor
female-male ratio (885 temales per 1000 males) of the town in 1991 census. In the present
decade Memari started to develop its residential character because of the improvements, in
infrastructun~. A section of affluent landowning class from the rural surroundings also began

to shift their families to Memari simply for its better amenities including health, education
and communication facilities.
The

(~ducational

infrastructure of the town is constituted by one degree college, two

higher secondary schools, one high school and one high madrasa and eleven primary schools
which have together improved the literacy rate from 34.8 per cent in 1951 to 65 per cent in
1991. The setting up of the degree college has added a new dimension in the education
infrastructure ofMemari since 1980s.
Health infrastructure of Memari consists of a primary health centre with 100 beds and
eleven doctors posted there and around twenty private practitioners. The trading and
commercial activities of the town are supported by three commercial and three co-operative
banks. There: are two branch offices of Life Insurance Corporation and General Insurance
Corporation in Memari. Three cinema halls are also providing the entertainment facilities.

7.3.2. Guskara
Guskara is another lower order urban centre of the region functioning as a subsidiary
to Burdwan. It is located in the northwestern part of the region 32 kilometres away from
Burdwan (Figure 6. 5). Since 1961 it has been designated as a non-municipal town. The
municipality came into being in 1988. Situated on Burdwan-Sahebganj loop line of the
Eastern Railway, it is the headquarter of both Ausgram police station and Ausgram-I block.
Initially the municipality had nine wards, which have become 16 in number at present by
both areal expansion and ward-boundary reorganization.
Physiographically Guskara is located on a low-lying area and as a consequence
suffers from water-logging, flood and allied drainage related problems causing hardship to its
residents and its economy, greatly impeding its uniform growth. About 67 per cent of
Guskara's population is concentrated in 33 per cent of the municipality area. The Kunur river
passes through it and a kandor (narrow natural drainage lines) girdles its southeastern edge.
The Ajay riv1~ flows through 11 km north of Guskara which sometimes puts great trouble
194

during the rainy season by creating flood. Water bodies dot all over the town occupying 1.9
per cent of the total municipal area, and act as valuable storage ponds for monsoon rains.
In the historic past Guskara was part of the kingdom of the Sadgops (cattle-herders
turned cultivators) of Gopbhum. The construction of Burdwan-Sahebganj Loop line across
the Ajay river through Guskara around 1869 increased its locational importance. In the latter
part of the 20th century Guskara has grown as an urban market centre in the midst of a
predominantly agro-forest and animal-rich hinterland dominated by Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe communities comprising 33.67 per cent and 5.29 per cent of total population
respectively. The development of secondary sector in Guskara has been slow due to the
absence of processing units of its hinterland's produce. This takes away the incentive for
further increasing the production of such raw materials. Guskara's urban functions are still
based mainly on trade and service activities fulfilling its hinterland's requirements.
The secondary sector activities of the town are limited with only a few processing
industries. There are nine rice mills, twenty oil mills and three chira mills within the
municipality area. Being an important collection and distribution centre of potato, Guskara
has three cold storages. Rice trading is an important commercial activity of the town.
Commercialllanduse occupy 10 per cent of the built-up area of the municipality. Trading and
commercial activities comprise 18 per cent ofthe workforce occupying the second rank after
agricultural labourer (28 per cent) among the occupational categories of the urban workers.
Agricultural activities still dominate the economic scenario of the town employing 41
per cent of the workforce (cultivators 13 per cent and agricultural labourer 28 per cent) in it.
Collection, storage and distribution of agricultural products especially paddy and potato are
important activities thus giving Guskara an identity of market town. The service sector is also
another flourishing side of its economy providing educational, banking and commercial
infrastructure both for people of Guskara town as well as of the surrounding rural areas. This
sector comprises 14.68 per cent of the main workforce basically engaged in administration,
education, banking, communication and other service sector activities.
This higher level of infrastructural facilities of Guskara town has helped in the
development of a residential nature of the town. Nearly 40 per cent of the total area is used
for residential purposes besides 45 per cent lying still vacant. Residential buildings are
increasingly occupying the vacant areas. The educational facilities of the town consist of one
degree college, two higher secondary schools, four secondary schools and sixteen primary
schools. The (:stablishment of the degree college in the sixties was an important landmark in
the history of growth of the town. At present the college is running in two shifts (both
195

morning and day) catering to the increasing desire for higher studies of the people from
surrounding rural hinterland. Medical infrastructure is still limited with one block level
primary health centre set up in the public sector, and a few private practitioners and nursing
homes. Guskara has four bank branches providing fmancial services to the residents of both
the urban centre and rural surroundings.
To create an 'integrated system' with the surrounding rural areas through the
establishment of backward and forward linkages, an 'outline master plan' of Guskara has
been preparc::d in 1998 with the help of the Calcutta-based consultancy group, Society For
Holistic Approach To Planned Development (SHAPE). This master plan has outlined both
the municipality planning area for further extension of the town systematically, and influence

area for int<egrated development of rural-urban linkages. The influence area of the town
covers an area of 72,220 hectares including 21 gram panchayats of four rural development
blocks (Mongalkote, Bhatar, Ausgram- I and Ausgram- II) and a population of 3,02,392. On
the other hand, the smaller municipality planning area spreads over 43 rural mouzas,
covering fully or partly nine gram panchayats in Ausgram - I, Bhatar and Mongalkote
blocks.

7.4.

Summary
In conclusion, we note that there are more intensive and varied interaction between

the rural and urban sectors of the region under study. Our examination of Burdwan, Memari
and Guskara as individual urban nodes has proven that they serve different purposes for the
rural residents. Urban planners now should note these facts.
The development of Memari and Guskara as medium towns of the region should get
high priority because of their immense economic potentiality. Further improvements of their
infrastructurt: can pull some of the rural migrants to relieve the increasing population
pressure on Burdwan. The dominance of Burdwan town may be reduced with the
infrastructural development of such medium towns to lead to an even better rural-urban
interaction.
We shall re-focus our attention on Burdwan town and examine its informal sector in
search of tra<;es of rural-urban migration. For this, we have chosen the rickshaw-pullers of
Burdwan town.

196

CHAPTER VIII
THE INFORMAl SECTOR OF THE URBAN ECONOMY
8.1.

Introduction
The basic objective of this chapter is to examine and comprehend the nature of the

urban informal economy as it exists in Burdwan town. We hope to study the existence of
close rural-urban linkages in this sector. Burdwan will, of course, be viewed in the overall
urban context ofthe third world. Thus, we will try to see in what ways and to what extent the
rural-urban relationship of Burdwan corresponds to that existing in such less developed
countries.
We have tried to establish in the previous chapters (Chapters 4 and 7), that the
Burdwan region is experiencing an increasing expansion of the tertiary sector. This fact is
evident from census data on occupational structure of Burdwan town, the main market centre
of an agriculturally rich region. In this chapter a deeper look is taken into the nature of the
informal economy of Burdwan playing a dominant role besides the formal sector, and to
examine if this sector integrates the rural and urban economies of the region.
In other words, it can be said that the main thrust of this chapter will be on the role of
informal sector on the integration of rural and urban economies to give them the shape of a
functional region. The exercise will also help us to answer the following questions:
1. how far does the informal sector of Burdwan economy bear the characteristics of
third world urban informal sector ? and
2. how far does this sector of the economy reflect the close ties between the rural
and urban areas of the region?

8.2.

Some Conceptual Issues

8.2.1. The Irnformal Sector of Economy

Before attempting to analyze the informal sector structure of the economy of

Burdwan, a discussion on the concept itself would be pertinent. This will help us to
understand the: characteristics ofthe existing situation in Burdwan.
There :is a vast array of literature on the definitional problem of the informal sector of
third world urban economies (Mukhopadhyay, 1998; Aziz, 1984; Papola, 1981; Joshi and
Joshi, 1976;). The International Labour Office (I.L.O) in its report on Kenya, distinguished
197

the informal sector from the formal one by defining the former as to be characterized by ease
of entry, reliance on indigenous resources. family ownership, labour intensiveness and
adapted technology. skill acquired outside the formal school system and unregulated market
(I.L.O., 1972). Apparently, it seems that this is the most widely accepted defmition of the
informal seetor. Later, Joshi and Joshi ( 1976) defined the informal sector as unorganized
sector which contains a very large number of small producers operating on narrow margins in
highly competitive product markets; setting a variety of goods and services ... mainly to low
income groups'. According to them the informal sector is also characterized by the use of
labour intensive indigenous technology, low productivity of labour, lack of finance and credit
from the banking sector and the lack of official protection and benefits. Mazumdar ( 1975)
has mentioned one more characteristic of informal economy, that is, the lack of proper
unionisation providing protection to workers in matters of conditions of work and wages.
Following Mazumdar (1975) we have identified the informal sector of urban economy in
Burdwan

tO\~'Il.,

which essentially consists of mostly agricultural labourers. workers in small

industries and commercial units and self-employeds.

In much of the theoretical literature, the informal sector is viewed as being essentially
a stagnant and unproductive sector [see for example, the works ofMazumdar, (1976. 1977);
Fields, (1975); Lal, (1973); Todaro, (1969); etc.]. In sharp contrast to this view. however. the
empirical literature increasingly sees the informal sector as a dynamic and efficient one
responding successfully to changing demand in the economy and contributing significantly to
income and output [see Bhattacharya, 1996; Sethuraman, 1976; ILO, 1972].
Several authors have used different terms to define informal sector of economy.
Geertz in his study of Indonesia (1963) dealt with this question. He used the words 'bazaar
economy' and 'firm economy' for the informal and formal sectors respectively. Geertz's
distinction is that the bazaar economy is made up of a large number of small enterprises,
which are highly competitive among themselves, rely on intensive usc of labour often drawn
from the family, and which seek to minimize their risks rather than profit maximization. This
bazaar economy has its counterpart in the rural areas in the tendency to agricultural
involution in which increasingly rapid techniques of labour utilization absorb extra farm
labour but diminish per capita productivity. Geertz's point is that the bazaar economy is not
conducive to economic development. Santos (1975a) used the terms 'lower circuit' and
'upper circuit' to define informal and formal sectors respectively. A number of scholars
(Singer, 1970:; Dasgupta, 1964; Eckaus, 1955) preferred the term 'dualism' to define the coexistence of tl)rmal and informal economy. Whatever be the term, the informal economy is
198

interlinked with the formal economy through the flow of goods and services, just as the
peasant economy is linked with capitalist agriculture through labour services (McGee et a/.,
1977).

8.2.2. Third World Urbanization and the Informal Sector of Urban Economy
The third world is now undergoing a great urban crisis on a scale unknown to the
advanced countries during their main period of urban growth (Mountjoy, 1978). Though
population is increasing at a very high rate the economy is not expanding to absorb these
extra labour. Rural to urban migration is a significant phenomenon all over the countries of
the third world. This migration to the towns no longer bears any relationship to expanding
urban economies and opportunities; under-employment in the villages is exchanged for
unemploymt~nt

in the towns. Unable to enter into the formal sector employment these low

skilled people are, therefore, pushed to the informal sector because of a high degree of
flexibility of this sector (Kumar, 1989). There are two categories of activities in the informal
sector namely, self-employed and the wage-employed (Ray and Banerjee, 1995). Migrants
with limited capital try to bec-Ome self-employed and the poorest among them goes to the
wage-employed section.

8.3.

The Informal Sector As A Mirror of Rural-Urban Relationship

In the study of rural-urban relationship of a functional region, the informal sector of

the urban economy is more helpful in understanding than the formal one since it is the prime
recipient of firesh rural migrants to the urban centres. Rural to urban migrants, leaving their
homes due to poverty, are usually employed in the informal sector since they do not have the
skills to get employed in the formal sector (Benninger, 1997).
In Burdwan to\\n too, like most of the third world urban centres, the informal sector
of the economy is expanding at a much faster rate than the formal sector. The dominant
economic activities of the town, trade, transport and agro-processing units are basically of
informal nature. Also, the formal-informal dichotomy is blurred in some cases. For example,
in the transportation sector of the town there are formal workers in the railways and state
road transport services besides informal workers in the private road transport and the
rickshaw-pulling trade. The number of these informal workers is increasing with the rapid
growth of the town and its flourishing trade and transport activities.

199

At the same time, the number of self-employed informal workers is also increasing at
a significant rate. This group includes the cycle rickshaw-pullers, hawkers etc. The
increasing number of rickshaw-pullers and hawkers is evident from the illegal encroachment
of roadsides and pavements in recent years.
The hypothesis sought to be tested in detail in the course of this chapter is whether
this increasing mass in the informal sector of Burdwan reflects in any way the rural-urban
relationship?
Our premise is that a stagnating rural economy would push out more rural migrants
into the urban centre in search of jobs, and the unskilled workers are most likely to find jobs
in the informal sector. Our objective, therefore, is to enquire into the rural roots of the
informal sector migrants.

8.3.1. Rickshaw-Puller as Part of the Informal Sector

Tertiarization is a dominant characteristic of the third world urbanization process. The
economy of Burdwan town also bears this characteristic with 72.15 per cent of its labour
force in tertiary sector. Most of the economic activities (both formal and informal) of the
town are tertiary in nature. Trade and transport, employing 39.87 per cent of the total workers
and 55.26

p~::~r

cent of the tertiary sector workers, are among the main components of the

tertiary sector of this town.

Transport activities of the town itself is again bi-polar in nature. A limited percentage
is employed in the organized sector like the railways, but a large section is employed in the
private road transport and its poor cousin, the rickshaw-pulling trade. These rickshaw-pullers
are of utmost importance in intra-urban transport as large areas of the town are still unserved
by town bus services.
Rickshaw pulling as an occupation is of recent origin - to be specific it gained
popularity in India after the World War II (Kumar, 1989). According to the report of
National Transport Policy Commission ( 1980), rickshaw-pulling is a fast growing occupation
in Indian towns and cities. In most parts of the country, there is scarcely a town or city where
the cycle rickshaw is not an important means of transport for both passengers and goods.
While the 'advanced' modes -- buses, local trains, auto-rickshaws, and taxis - have been
growing in importance, it is significant that the nwnber of unmotorized vehicles such as a
cycle rickshaws has also increased somewhat rapidly (Kumar, 1989), and they do play
important role in intra-urban transport. Sometimes, as in the case of Calcutta city (Sen,
1996), the rickshaw-pullers are even viewed as dispensable by trafiic planners and politicians
200

in their efforts towards city modernization. The rickshaw-pullers have, in recent years, given
rise to a very important public debate implicitly involving the lives, livelihoods and futures
of a huge population which is among the poorest and most exploited sections in the region
and country.
In Burdwan tO\vn though the number of registered rickshaws has been increasing at a
low rate of 21 per year (I, I6l in 1980 increased to I ,503 in I996), the number of rickshawpullers is increasing at a relatively high rate of 34 per year (6,3 28 in 1990 increased to 6,5 3 3
in 1996 as per municipality records). This is because the same rickshaw can be shared by at
least two pullers in shifts. Besides a large number of non-registered rickshaws is seen
regularly on the streets of the town. In addition, there are a large number of rickshaws,
registered with the panchayats of adjoining areas, operating within the town. Therefore. the
rickshaw pulling section is absorbing much of the real crisis of excess labour in the third
world informal economies.
Rickshaw-pullers constitute an important group among the urban poor in the
informal sector. It is a signific:ant entry point for the unskilled workers and migrants to enter
into the labour market of informal sector. A detailed study of this section of informal workers
can also throw some light on the rural-urban linkage, because there is a great opportunity for
migrants from villages to get absorbed into the urban sector. Many of such migrants came
from the class of landless labourers and marginal farmers. Therefore, in our opinion the
selection of rickshaw-pullers as a mirror of the urban informal sector is justified.

8.3.2. Sample Selection

The total number of riickshaw-pullers in Burdwan was 6,533 at the time of survey
( 1996). We selected a samplt~ size of 400 from the list of rickshaw-pullers by systematic

sampling procedure (following Clark and Hosking, 1986). We have restricted on 6.12 per
cent sample size because of time and cost constraint. The list of the rickshaw-pullers was
collected from the Burdwan Municipality's License Department.
The survey is done with the help of structural questionnaire. The survey is conducted
during March to July, 1996. The information sought from the respondents was related mainly
to the four aspects of the informal sector, that is, demographic, economic, social and
migration. Findings of the survey are analyzed to examine some of the prevalent hypotheses
concerning mban informal sector and rural-urban linkages.
Due to the requirement of a sample frame, we could take only 'registered' rickshawpullers. As the ratio of registered/unregistered rickshaws in Burdwan is about 10: I, exclusion
201

of unregistered rickshaws should not bias our fmdings. Also the fact that those pulling
unregistered rickshaws sometimes tend to exchange roles as shift workers in registered
rickshaws make our choice valid.

8.4.

A l)rofile of the Rickshaw-Pullers of Burdwan

The cycle rickshaw-pullers are very common to almost all the streets of Burdwan, as

rickshaws are a major mode of transport within the town. The total number of registered
rickshaws were I, 161 in 1980. At present this number has increased to about 1,500. This
increase is not significantly high, and there can be two possible reasons for this low rate of
growth in the number of registered rickshaws. First, the number of unregistered rickshaws
has increased rapidly over the last few years, a feature typical of third world countries.
Second, the panchayats of the peripheral areas of Burdwan have begun to issue licence to
rickshaws, which operate within the town. The number of rickshaw-pullers is 6,533 as per
the municipality register. Be:sides, there are a huge number of rickshaw-pullers without
registration. Such coexistence of registered and non-registered rickshaws also bears the
imprint of third world economy.
The rapidly increasing number of rickshaw-pullers is lowering the ratio of rickshaws
to rickshaw-pullers. At present the ratio between the two is I :4.3. This is also an indicator of
the poor and miserable condition of these informal transport workers.

8.4.1. Demographic Characteristics

Age structure, family size and the number of children are analyzed as they have a
direct bearing on economic background of rickshaw-pullers.

Age Structure
Analysis based on the sample survey reveals that the 20 to 40 year's age group is
most common in this profession. This age group alone constitutes 73.75 per cent of the total
sample of rickshaw-pullers selected. It is this age group which has a greater tendency of
migrating to the urban areas in search of various kinds of job. As rickshaw-pulling does not
require higher skill and capital it functions as an absorber of fresh migrant from the villages
(Misra, 1983).
As rickshaw-pulling requires much physical strength, the number of rickshaw-pullers
decreases with higher age groups. The percentage share of the age groups of 40 to 50 years,

202

50 to 60 years and above 60 years are 13.5 per cent, 4.75 per cent and 1.5 per cent
respectively (Table 8.1 ). Poverty among the rickshaw-pullers is so acute that even at the age
of 50 and above they (6.25 per cent of the total rickshaw-pullers) are forced to do this work.
Another 6.25 per cent of them are also forced to enter into this job at the age of below 20
years.

Table 8.1: Age-Group Wise Break-up of Rickshaw-Pullers

Age-group

Number of rickshaw-

(ye_Cl_r)

p~ll_ers

Percentage share of age

_groups

20 and Below

25

6.25

21-30

157

39.25

31-40

138

34.50

41-50

53

13.25

51-60

21

5.25

Above 60

1.50

Total

400

100

Family Size and Structure

The average family size is not very high among the rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan.
About 73.5 per cent rickshaw-pullers have a family size ranging between 4 to 6 persons
(Table 8.2). Only 26.50 per cent ofthem have a large size of family (7-8 and more persons).
The permanent residents and the second generation migrants usually maintain their
families in the town. However, the first generation migrants (27.32 per cent) still maintain
their families in their village home. The degree of rural-urban interaction is much higher
among the first generation migrants as they frequently visit their families residing in villages.
Commuters (1.5 per cent of the total) also strengthen the rural-urban interaction by their daily
commuting from villages to the town (Table 8.3).

Table 8.2: Distribution of Rickshaw-pullers among Different Family Sizes

Family size (person)

No of rickshaw-pullers

Percentage share

1-4

146

36.5

5-6

148

37.0

7-8

61

15.25

8 and Above

45

11.25

Total

400

100

203

Table 8.3: Family Structure of Permanent Residents, Migrants and Commuters

P_ercent~ge s/_J_f!re _

No. _ofricbha_~-pullers

With family

Without family

With family

Without family

Permanent resident

121

94.53

5.47

Second generation migrant

77

92.77

7.23

First generation migrant

133

50

72.68

27.32

Commuter

100

Number of Children

The average number of children is not uninformly high among the rickshaw-pullers.
About 36.25 per cent among them have one or two children (Table 8.4). The number of
children is relatively high, that is. 3-4 among 33 per cent of them. Only 7.25 per cent of
rickshaw-pulllers have 5 and more children. Permanent residents (43.75 per cent) seem to
have smaller families whereas migrants (32.71 per cent) seem to have larger (Table 8.5). The
relative percentage shares of permanent residents and migrants with number of childrens 5
and above are 2.34 and 5.91 respectively (Table 8.5). These proportions highlight the fact
that a major section of migrants still maintain their families in their rural houses and thereby
have large fitmilies. About 23.5 per cent of rickshaw-pullers do not have any children. A
majority (79.38 per cent) among them is still unmarried. The rest 20.62 per cent are yet to
have any children. This is also an indicator of social awareness of the younger generation
rickshaw-pullers and indicates urban influence.

Table 8.4: Break-up of Rickshaw-Pullers

According to the Number of Children.

Number of children
(presently alive)

Number of rickshawpullers

Nil

94

23.5

1-2

145

36.25

3-4

132

33.00

5 and Above

29

7.25

Total

400

100

Percentage
share

204

Table 8.5: No of Children among Permanent

Residents and Migrants (in per cent)
...

"-

..

~-'

- - ...

-~-

"- .--" -

Number of children

Permanent re."ident

Migrant

Nil

23.44

26.87

1-2

43.75

32.70

3-4

30.47

34.52

5 and above

2.34

5.91

Total

100

100

8.4.2. Economic Condition

To analyze the economic condition of the rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan town, four
components namely income, savings, number of earning members in the family and housing
are studied in detail.

Income
Turning to the informal sector income it is, of course, true that because of its irregular
nature, the income of workers is difficult to establish with great precision (Bhattacharya.
1998). In spite ofthis. the survey has been done very carefully to draw out the actual income
ofthe rickshaw-pullers.
Like most other informal workers. the mcome of rickshaw-pullers also fluctuates
heavily. The average daily income varies between Rs. 25 to Rs. 50. The major section of
them (39.25 per cent) earns between Rs. 30 and Rs. 40 daily. The percentage share of
rickshaw-pullers in the category of daily income below Rs. 30 and above Rs. 40 are 32.5 and
28.25 respecltively (Table 8.6). A daily income of above Rs. 40 is basically earned by
younger generations. The majority of the first generation migrants (43.17 per cent) and
commuters (50 per cent) are still in the income group of below Rs. 30. On the other hand.
permanent residents dominate highest income group of above Rs. 40.
In this income group there are 35.94 per cent permanent residents. 25.68per cent first
generation migrants, 20.48 per cent second generation migrants and 16.67 per cent
commuters (Table 8. 7).
The rickshaw-pullers are more disadvantaged than the agricultural labourers as they
earn Rs. 30-40 on an average whereas an average agricultural labourer earns a wage of Rs.
45 per day. However, one advantage of rickshaw-pullers is the availability of work
throughout th~~ year in comparison to the seasonality of the job of agricultural labourers. This
205

possibly a significant reason why agricultural labourers from poor agricultural areas migrate
to towns in search of perennial employment and avoid income-uncertainties.

Table 8.6: Income Distribution

Daily income

Number of rickshawpullers

Percentage share

Below Rs. 30

130

32.5

Rs. 30 - Rs. 40

157

39.25

Above Rs. 40

I13

28.25

Total

400

too

Table 8.7: Average Earnings among Permanent Residents,

Migrants and Commuters

.,

-~

... _.-

,.

-~

---~-

..

-'~-~

- ........

~>

~v

Average daily
income

Permanent
resident

First
generation
migrant

Second
generation
migrant

Commuter

Below Rs. 30

29 (22.66%)

79 (43.17%)

23 (27.71 %)

3 (50%)

Rs. 30 - Rs. 40

53 (41.40%)

57 (31.15%)

43 (51.81%)

2 (33.33%)

Above Rs. 40

46 (35.94%)

47 (25.68%)

I 7 (20.48%)

I (16.67%)

Total

128 (100%)

183 (100%)

83 (100%)

6 (100%)

--

--,-

------~-

-....

--- ---

-,

--.

Savings
The practice of savings is very limited among the rickshaw-pullers. They earn just
about enough by which they can barely subsist. About 32 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers
have a savings account either in banks or in post office. However, having savings in fixed
deposit schemes is certainly rare with only one or two exceptions. Therefore, neither their
income nor their informal job provided economic security to the rickshaw-pullers. This
saving extends only marginal support and is in no way sufficient for supporting their families
at times of emergency. Majority ofthe rickshaw-pullers (68 per cent) does not have even any
savings account. They do not have the security of one or two day's food ifthey are forced to
go without work for illness or any other reason.

Ownership of Rickshaw
Only a few rickshaw-pullers actually own their vehicles. They usually pull rickshaws
taken on rent against a fixed payment called ""jama' (deposit) on a daily/shift basis.
Apparently it may seem, that there is an element of self-employment in their work but any
206

systematic study would show that they arc merely sellers of manual labour. They do not have
any control over the means of work they do. Only about 26.5 per cent of them have their o~rn
vehicles. The rest 73.5 per cent ply hired rickshaws. The rent for hired rickshaws is Rs. 6 per
shift of the clay. Therefore, from the average daily earning of Rs. 30 to Rs. 40 most of the
rickshaw-pullers have to pay Rs. 12 as a rent, with average net earning ofRs. 20 toRs. 30.
Another dimension of the o~ership of rickshaws among the rickshaw-pullers is that
the permanent residents have relatively higher percentage of o~ership. About 29.59 per cent
of permanent residents have their o~ vehicles. On the other hand, only 16.67 per cent of the
commuters have their o~ vehicles. The relative percentage of rickshaw-pullers with their
own vehicles among first and second generation migrants are 20.77 and 33.74 respectively
(Table 8.8). From these

figun~s

it can be said that the economic condition of permanent

residents and second generation migrants is slightly better than fresh migrants of first
generation.
An important feature is that most of the rickshaw-pullers of low-income group (daily
income of below Rs. 30) ply rickshaws for half a day, that is, for six hours only. Again this
section belongs to the higher age group as rickshaw-pulling requires much physical strength.

Table 8.8: Break-up of Owner and Hired Rickshaw-pullers among

Permanent Residents, Migrants and Commuters (in per cent)

First generation
mjgrant
20.77

Second generation

o~

Permanent
resident
---------29.69

33.74

16.67

Rented

70.31

79.23

66.26

83.33

Total

100

100

100

100

Rickshaw

~"!iKrtllfl

Commuter

Nature of SeJrVice
Seasonality of job, though at a lesser magnitude than the agricultural wage labourer,
is also found in the rickshaw-pulling life. This is also a characteristic of the third world
informal sector. About 14.75 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers are still seasonal to this job
(Table 8.9). They are actually migrants leaving their families behind in the village and living
alone in the town. Therefore, at the time of sowing and harvesting they go to their village to
take up the job of agricultural labourers as they can earn more since wage earnings as
agricultural labourer are higher than as a hired rickshaw-puller. However. in times of lack of
jobs in the villlage, such unskilled labour migrates temporarily to the to~ to pull rickshaws.
As they eventually go back, the rural urban linkages are strengthened. The largest segment
207

(85.25 per ce:nt) of rickshaw-pullers, does this job throughout the year. They belong mostly
to the group of permanent residents, second generation migrants and commuters.

Table 8.9: Nature of Service of Rickshaw-pullers

Nature of service

Number of rickshaw-pullers

Percentage share

Year round

341

85.25

Seasonal

59

14.75

Total

400

100

Number of Earning Members per Family

The number of earning member per family is also an important indicator of the
economic condition of any group.
The single income family is predominant among the rickshaw-pullers with 53.5 per
cent of them in this category. About 29.5 per cent are in the category of double income
family besides 17 per cent in the category of families with 3 or more earning members.
(Table 8.1 0).

Table 8.10: Number of Earning Members per Family

Number of earning
member per family

Number of rickshawpullers

Per centage share

214

53.5

118

29.5

3-4

60

15

Above 4

From the above figures it is quite clear that the economic condition of the rickshawpullers is miserable like most other informal tertiary workers in the third world. Single
income familiies are very common inducing poverty and consequent misery ofthe rickshawpullers.

Housing
The nature of housing is also an important socio-economic indicator. A considerable
proportion, that is, 55.75 per cent, of rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan live in their own houses.
The rest 44.25 per cent live in rented houses. The quality of housing is very poor. Most of
208

them are located in the low cost slum areas of the town. Though the quality of housing is
poor, the rickshaw-puller living in their ovin houses arc slightly better o1T than those living in
rented houses.
A detailed study of the pattern of housing reveals some interesting facts. Rickshawpullers having their own houses in the town predominantly belong to the permanent resident
category and second generation migrants. About 83.59 per cent of the permanent resident
have their own houses in the town. The percentage share of second generation migrants is
also high, that is, 57.83 per ce:nt. However, most of first generation migrants (63.93 per cent)
do not have their own houses in the town and live in rented houses (Table 8.11). A major
section of first generation migrants still maintain their families in their village home and live
alone in rented house of the town on a shared basis with a number of others from the same
profession. In other words it may be said that first generation migrants are neither able to
maintain the:ir families nor they can afford their own houses in the town and live in abysmal
conditions.

Table 8.11: Percentage Share of Ownership and Rented Housing among

Permanent Residents, Migrants and Commuters

Housing

Total

Permanent
resident

First
generation
migrant

second
generation
migrant

Commuters

83.59

36.07

57.83

100

16.41

63.93

42.17

100

100

100

100

8.4.3. Social Characteristics

The social characteristics are analyzed on the basis of Religion and caste structure,
literacy, unionization etc.

Religion and Caste Structure::

The amalysis shows that the proportion of Muslims is low compared to Hindus among
the rickshaw-pullers. This proportion is in tune with the general population structure. The
proportion of general caste Hindus in this trade is also very low. Backward and scheduled
castes are predominant among them.

209

Literacy
Rickshaw-pulling is a labour-intensive informal sector activity and attracts only those
who are illiterate or have no other skill or efficiency (Misra, 1983 ). The level of literacy
among the rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan is also relatively low. More than half, that is, 52.75
per cent of them are illiterate. The rest 47.25 per cent are literate among which 34.75 per cent
and 12.5 per cent belong to the primary to above primary levels respectively (Table 8.12).
Burdwan district has recently been covered by mass literacy campaign of the National
Literacy Mission. This has resulted in increasing the percentage of literacy among the
rickshaw-pullers. The rickshaw-pullers, being socio-economically backward, cannot afford
the cost of e:ducation above primary level. Therefore, the level of literacy among them is
limited within the primary levd, as this level of education is provided at free of cost.
Table 8.12: Level of literacy

Literacy levels

Number of rickshaw-pullers

Percentage share

Illiterate

211

52.75

139

34.75

Above Primary

50

12.50

Total

400

100

Literate Upto Primary

From a detailed analysis it has been observed that the level of literacy is not uniform
among the permanent residents and migrants. The permanent residents have a higher level of
literacy, that is, 53.91 per cent in comparison to the migrants, that is, 43.56 per cent (Table
8.13). Table 8.13 also clears that the level of literacy is not uniform amongst migrants. The
relative prop::lrtion of literacy of the first and second generation migrants are 3 7. 77 per cent
and 49.35 per cent respectiveily. The same is seen in the case of education above primary
level. Here the relative proportions are 12.5 per cent, 6.08 per cent and 8.49 per cent for
permanent residents, first generation migrants and second generation migrants respectively.

210

Table 8.13: Levels of Literacy among Permanent Residents,

fi ~1_QC.f1.~~~!iO!J_~ igr:~r1!~--~l!~-~e_c9_1!d (;_ei_Ie_~_~ti_~r1.M~gr~l_l.~s_(i()_pe_~~~I!!J.

Literacy level

Permanent
residents

First generation
migrants

Second generation
migrants

Illiterate

46.09

62.23

50.60

Literate U pto Primary

41.41

31.69

40.91

Above Primary

12.5

6.08

8.91

Tl[)tal

100

100

100

The literacy rate among different sections of rickshaw-pullers blends with their
relative social and economic conditions. The socio-economic conditions of the first
generation migrants are much worse than the second generation migrants and permanent
residents. This is also reflected in their levels of literacy

Unionization
From the previous analysis it is quite clear that all the characteristics (Demographic,
economic and social) of the rickshaw-pullers ofBurdwan bear imprints of third world tertiary
informal sector. The case of unionization is an additional dimension in this situation. The
lacks of unionization and job protection are important characteristics of the informal or
unorganized sector (Joshi and Joshi, 1976). The rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan also represent
the same characteristic.
About 54.5 per cent of the rickshaw pullers have come under some form of unionized
organizations. The rest (45.50 per cent) ofthem are at a loose end (Table 8.14). There are
three unionized organizations of rickshaw-pullers in Burdwan. These are Centre of Indian
Trade Union (CITU) supported Pashchimbanga Rickshaw and Van Chalak Union, Indian
National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) supported Rickshaw Majdur Union and All India
Trade Union Congress (AITUC) supported Pragatishil Rickshaw and Van Majdur Union.
Among the 53.75 per cent unionized rickshaw-pullers, the percentage share of

Pashchimbanga Rickshaw and Van Chalak Union, Rickahaw Majdur Union and Pragatishil
Rickshaw and Van Majdur Union are 35, 12 and 7.5 respectively (Table 8.14).

211

Table 8.14: Unionization among Rickshaw-Pullers

Numbers of
rickshaw-pullers

Percentage
share

Non-members

182

45.5

Member Paschimbanga Rickshaw and Van

Chalak Union

140

35.0

Rickshaw Majdur Union

48

12.0

Pragatishil Rickshaw and Van Majdur Union

30

7.5

Total

400

100

Union

8.5.

Migration and Rural-Urban Linkage

The Urban informal st:ctor in the third world is a significant recipient of fresh

migrants from the rural areas. Inadequate income and poverty in the villages are the main
causes of migration supporting the "push' hypothesis of migration (Tripathy and Das, 1991 ).
In India, rural-urban migration has been examined (Bhattarcharya, 1998) at three levels of
spatial aggregation:
a) movement away from birthplace (or place of previous residence) but within the
same district;
b) movement from one district to another district within the same state; and
c) movement from one state to another.
In Burdwan town also there are three types of migrants in the rickshaw-pulling
section. An additional type of migrant, that is, international migrant is also found in case of
those coming from Bangladesh specially after partition in 194 7.
The hypothesis (ILO, 1992; Todaro, 1969; Majumdar and Majumdar, 1978) that the
informal sector is the domain of migrants to the city, is somewhat true in case of rickshawpullers ofBurdwan. About 66.5 per cent (Table 8.15) of the rickshaw-pullers have originated
from rural areas of a wider circle creating a large component of informal sector of the
Burdwan town. Table 8.15 also explains among this 66.5 per cent of migrants 45.75 per cent
belong to the first generation or fresh migrants and the rest 20.75 per cent belong to the
second generation migrant. All of these migrants are from rural areas and the motive of
migration was predominantly economic. Without any scope for employment, they have been
compelled to leave their villagt:: home and have migrated to the town to be absorbed in its
informal sector. A significant fact is that they did not have to wait long before finding work

212

and most of them have a member of their familv. a relative or friend to provide shelter and
food during their \Vaiting period (the period between migrating and getting the job in town).

Table 8.15: Nature of Residence

32.0

128

Permanent
Migrant

Percentage
share

No of rickshawpullers

Nature of residence

First generation

183

Second generation

83

45.75
266

20.75

Commuters

1.50

Total

400

100

A deeper look into the pattern of migration has thrown up a significant pattern. Of the
total migrants only 21.43 per cent are from the town's surrounding rural areas (Table 8.16).
As an explanation for this situation it may be said that the town's surrounding hinterland is a
rich agricultural region with profuse opportunities of jobs for the rural poor. Therefore, the
trend of rural to urban migration is limited within the region. Table 8.16 also shows that the
percentage shares of inter-district, inter-state and international migration into the rickshawpulling section ofBurdwan are 36.47, 34.96 and 7.14 respectively.

Table 8.16: Types of Migration

Migration types

Number of rickshaw-pullers

Percentage share

Inte:r state

93

34.96

Inter district

97

36.47

Intra-district

57

21.43

International

19

7.14

266

tOO

Total

The international migration is totally dominated by migrants from Bangladesh. In the

inter-state migration Bihar holds the prime position with 86.02 per cent of inter-state
migrants (Table 8.17). The table also shows Bihar is followed by Orissa (9.68 per cent) in
inter-state migrants. The rest 4.3 per cent of the inter-state migrants are from Punjub, Gujarat,
Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. The above figures clearly indicate that migrants are chiefly from
the rural areas of surrounding backward states that is, Bihar and Orissa. Therefore. this
213

migration is also economic and poverty-induced in nature. These migrants live alone in the
town leaving their families in the villages. They visit their villages once or twice a year and
send regular remittances to the::: members of the family.

Table 8.17: Inter State Migration

Number of
migrants

Percentage
share

80

86.02

Bihar

9.68

Orissa

4.30

Punjab, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana

Source region

In the inter-district migration the chief contributors are Murshidabad (27.83 per cent)
Birbhum (21.65 per cent) and Bankura (15.46 per cent) (Table. 8.18). The levels of
development of all these districts are much below the level of Burdwan district. The other
source districts include Purulia, Midnapur, and 24 Paragana (North). Maida, Coochbehar,
Dinajpur (North and South), Hooghly, Howrah, 24 Pargana (South) and Calcutta. Though a
minor section of these inter-state migrants have transferred their families here, the majority
ofthem still maintain their families in the villages. They, with their low income levels, find it
difficult to support their entire families in the town and would also like to retain the link with
the village. No matter what is the scale of operation and what are the underlying forces
behind this migration, there is no doubt that it stresses the rural-urban linkage. Through this
linkage flows money, goods artd information, which plays a pivotal role in transforming rural
values and life style.

Table 8.18: Inter-District Migration

~-

-.

-~-

---~

.. , ..

Number of
migrants

Percentage
share

Source region

27

27.83

Murshidabad

21

21.65

Birbhum

15

15.46

Bankura

8.25

24 Paragana (North)

26

26.81

Purulia, Midnapur, Maida, Coochbehar.

Dinajpur (North and South), Hooghly,
Howrah, 24 Paragana (South) and Calcutta.

214

8.6.

Summary
The rickshaw-pullers arc an important part of \vhat has hccn descrihed as 'the

unintended city' (Sen, 1996). They arc a reality in all towns and cities of the third world from the largest metropolis to the smallest town - and bring forward the contradictions of
modern deve:lopment in these countries. This chapter reveals that the rickshaw-pullers lie at
the lowermost stratum of

th~!

urban economy of Hurdwan town with their rural roots,

impoverishment and changing social and family structures.

As evident from our study, the rickshaw-pullers live a reality that straddles both
'rural' and 'urban', and creates a new form of synthesis ofthese two forms of economy. They
also represent how the rural migrants over generations struggle to survive in a radically
different environment.
The rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan bear all the characteristics of third world urban
informal workers. The large size of family, large number of children, illiteracy, poorer
economic conditions, very low level of savings, poor housing condition etc. are chief
characteristics by which we can identify their struggle for survival. Among these rickshawpullers migrants constitute a large section (66.50 per cent). The migrants have to face more
hardships than the permanent residents to adjust in the new urban environment. This is
reflected in the better socio-economic status of permanent residents than that ofthe migrants.
Most of the migrant rickshaw-pullers of Burdwan have come from the rural areas.
mostly outside the region. Recent agricultural developments in the region have reduced the
rural deprivation. As a result, we did not fmd considerable poverty-induced migration into
the informal economy of Burdwan, especially in the rickshaw-pulling sector. This is also a
significant evidence of the existing rural-urban symbiosis in our study region.

215

CHAPTER IX
RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES
9.1.

Introduction
A critical aspect of rural-urban interaction is the various kinds of linkages between

the two. Tacoli ( 1999) identified two broad categories of interactions:

1.

'spatial' including flows of people, goods, money. information and wastes

across space; and

2.

'sectoral' including rural activities in urban areas and urban ones in rural areas.

'Linkages' elaborate in much finer details various dimensions ofthe first category. In
our study, we have not considered the second category of interactions mentioned by Tacoli
(1999) but concentrated on economic/occupation data to represent sectoral characteristics
(Chapter 4 and 5). The emphasis in this chapter is more on a qualitative description of the
nature of linkages between urban and rural spaces as complementary to each other.
In an ideal situation a town exists because of the countryside and within it. Urban
centres have always provided certain general services that have benefited the surrounding
areas (Phadh:, 1997). They have thus acted as organizing foci (as recognized early by Grass,
1922; Mckenzie, 1933) and as a door to progress of their surrounding area. The rural area in
turn has provided the urban centres with their basic requirements (Smailes, 1970). Rural and
urban areas have thus always been interdependent in intricate ways.
The rural-urban continuum in its original form merely distinguished the extremes,
thus stressing the differences and discontinuities between the 'rural' and the 'urban'. In this
concept rural extreme has traditionally been identified as an idealized, unchanging peasant
society organized in small inward-looking, idyllic communities based on kinship and
supported by subsistence agriculture. On the other hand, the urban extreme is the everchanging lift:: of the large cosmopolitan, commercial cities (Pacione, 1984). More recent
interpretations have emphasized the transformation, which occurs from one extreme to the
other. Frankenberg ( 1966) had developed a theory of social change in which the rural-urban
continuum is seen as a progressive and historical development from rural to urban, mediated
by industrialization, division of labour and role differentiation.
The relations between urban and rural areas have, however, shown a considerable
flexibility. The interaction has often been strong when the town evolved organically to
216

discharge certain functions for the surrounding area. ft has remained weak where the urban
function v.:a.s imposed \\ ith

t~xkrnal

interests. Scholars 1.1'v1cGce. 1971; l\1ountjoy. 196X;

Breese. 1966 etc.) believe that the developing countries like India. with their colonial legacy
and imposed urbanization, are characterized by strong rural-urban dichotomy or disjunction.
Indian urbanization is traditionally viewed by scholars (Prakasa Rao. 1983; Despande

et al., 1980; Bose, 1978a; Misra, 1978. 1998; Prakasa Rao and Tewari, 1978;) as one which
is characterized by a 'rural-urban divide', that is, the existence of exploitative urban centres
and impoverished rural hinterlands. Some of the recent studies have brought out the positive
role of agricultural development in stimulating urbanization in some areas of India
(Dasgupta, 2000; Chatterjee, 1989; NIU A, 1988; Mohan, 1985). According to these studies
the urbanization stimulated by agricultural development is characterized by uniform and
dispersed pattern rather than haphazard concentration, and strong rural-urban linkages. Thus,
sharp division between urban and rural is becoming increasingly less and less perceptible
today with the development oftechnology, transport and communication systems.
This chapter explores the various linkages which enrich the interaction between
Burdwan to'>vn and its surrounding rural areas to challenge the myth of rural-urban
dichotomy/ disjunction in third world countries.

9.2.

Runli-Urban Linkages
The integration of rural and urban areas and their productive activities transforms

societies and accelerate modernization (Rondinelli and Ruddle, 1976). The goals of increased
productivity, income expansion and greater equity in income distribution can never be
attained without increasing interaction among villages and market towns, and cities and
metropolitan areas. For example integration of subsistence communities into the national
economy increases incentives and opportunities for commercialization and for distributing
services and facilities in rural areas. Again commerce and trade cannot be extended without
linking local rural or peripheral markets to major metropolitan centres.
Increase in the number and diversity of linkages and the growth or transformation of
development centres, either rural or urban, are inextricably related. In some cases new
linkages - extension of road networks, river transport or rail connections-promote growth
and diversification in existing centres. Whereas in others the appearance of new productive
activities promotes increased linkages. That is, some linkages promote accelerated growth of
development centres and others result from the nodal growth. As the development of linkage

217

and nodal centres take place simultaneously. it is extremely difficult to distinguish cause and
cfli:ct relationships between them.
The varieties of linkages that integrate urban and rural areas into an articulated spatial
system are themselves inextricably linked. Development of one linkage may provide a
'cascade effect' making other activities and linkages possible. As for example new urbanrural transportation linkages can change the flow of economic resources, the spatial patterns
of social and economic interaction and the movements of people.
In Burdwan region complex set of linkages together have transformed and integrated
rural and urban areas. Following Rondinelli and Ruddle (1976) we have identified seven
types of linkages between rural and urban areas of the region. These are physical, economic,
population movement, technological, social interaction, service delivery and politicaladministrative linkages. Each of these linkages is composed of several elements. The types
and elements of linkages observed in the region are given in the following table (Table 9. I).

Table 9.1: Rural-Urban Linkages in the Region

Types

Elements

Physical linkages

Road networks
Railway networks
River and water transport networks

Economic linkages

Market patterns
Raw materials and consumption good flows
Consumption and shopping patterns
Capital and income flows

Population movement linkages

Migration -permanent and temporary

Journey to work

Technological linkages

Telecommunication systems

Social interaction linkages

Visiting patterns

Service delivery linkages

Credit and financial networks

Educational linkages
Health service delivery systems

Political and administrative linkages

Informal political decision chains

Administrative decision chains

218

9.2.1. Physical Linkages

The spatial integration of rural and urban areas results mainly from physical linkages.
Physical linkages, composed of man-made transportation networks, form the has is of all sorts
of linkages. They reduce travel time, lower transport costs, widen marketing, commuting and
migration opportunities, initiate agricultural development, allow greater access to nonagricultural employment, improve communications and extend areas of service delivery
(Rendinelli and Ruddle, 1976). Among the various elements of physical linkages we have
identified three in the region namely road networks, railway networks, and river and water
transport networks. These three elements of transportation network operating in the region
together have formed an integrated and efficient system of physical linkage. Among these
three elements, road network performs the most significant role covering extensive areas of
the region. Besides road network, railway lines and ferry services also provide efficient
means of physical linkage in the region.
Road Networks

Owing to physical uniformity of the plain, a high density of population, relative

agricultural prosperity and such other factors, Burdwan district as well as the town itself have
gradually become well-connected by road network with other parts of the state. The district
has an extensive road network with a density of 36.21 kilometres per 100 square kilometres.
The average road length per one lakh population in the district is 42 kilometre, which is
much higher than the state average of 25.51 kilometre. One National Highway (NH2) named
Grand Trunk Road (G.T. Road), five State Highways (Number 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9), a large
number of major District Roads (MDRs) and Other District Roads (ODRs) and extensive
rural roads together provide an efficient system oflinkage in the district.
The road network of our study region is centred on Burdwan town because of its
location at the geographical centre of the region and at the nodal point of several arterial
roads (Figur,c. 9.1 ). G.T. Road running in southeast-northwest direction provides the most
important linkage of the region connecting it with Calcutta-Hooghly and Durgapur-Asansol
industrial belts on the southeastern and northwestern directions respectively. State highway
SH8 connects Burdwan Town with Birbhum district in the north across the Ajay river.
Another State Highway SH7 connects the region with Arambagh town (Suhdivisional
headquarters) of Hooghly district in the south. Major district roads of the region are
Burdwan-Katwa Road, Burdwan-Kalna Road, Burdwan-Nadanghat Road,.;;Burdwan-Guskara

"

or Suri Road, Burdwan-Keralaghat Road, Burdwan-Bankura Road (Figure 9.1 ). All of these
219

ROAD NETWORK OF THE REGION

:n.o

arterial roads and the State Highways were developed in a radial pattern centering on
Burdwan town. Other district roads and rural roads have been developed in a fashion that
they can serve the small and medium sized settlements lying between the major arterial
roads.
The Regional Transport Authority (RT A) on the basis of public demand and
information/requests creates a new route. It then invites applications from bus operators. This
application is then sent to the Transport Department (Government of West Bengal) for
approval. On getting the approval, the route is finalized. Strengthening of the existing bus
service in terms of increasing the number of buses operating in an existing route is done
through advertisements by RT A. The willing operators are interviewed for the availability of
a bus and other such financial aspects of bus operation in a screening committee meeting of
the RTA Board, on the basis of which the route permit is granted (Rites, 1997).
Keeping in view the system of bus route development it can be said that the nearspectacular improvement of road network and bus system in the region have taken place due
to the cmergilng rural needs of the region. The demand for a higher level of linkage emerged
due to agricultural development, diversification of rural economy and the desire of the rural
people in the region for urban amenities and a higher level of infrastructure.
The road transportation system of the region comprises two elements- the bus system
for carrying passengers and a truck system for carrying goods. The public bus system of the
region is mostly operated by private operators who are organized in a group named Burdwan
Bus Operator's Association under the control of Regional Transport Authority, Burdwan.
South Bengal State Transport Corporation (SBSTC) also operates a number of routes, mainly
long-distance. Private bus system with 220 routes and 630 buses covers extensive areas of
the region (Table 9.2). The total routes being operated by various private operators in the
region have been classified into eight sections, namely, Katwa, Katwa-allied, NadanghaL
Guskara, Kalna, Trans-Damodar, Eastern G.T. Road and Western G.T. Road section (Figure
9.1). Section wise break up ofbus routes and number ofbuses are given in table 9.2.

221

Table 9.2: Routes and Buses Operated

in the Region by Private Bus Associations, 1998

,\'ection

Number of routes

Number of bu!les

Katwa

38

89

Katwa Allied

17

Nadanghat

27

59

Guskara

24

53

Kalna

23

53

Trans Damodar

29

105

Eastern G.T. Road

49

154

Western G.T. Road

22

73

220

603

Total
----

--~

Sourc{:: Regional Transport Authority. Burdwan

In addition to that State Transportation system, with 33 routes and 54 buses serves
some limited! sections of the region (Table 9.3). Out of 102 standard size SBSTC buses
operating in the district 54 pass through different routes of the region.

Table 9.3: Routes and Buses Operated in the Region by SBSTC, 1998

Depot

Number of routes

Number of buses

Burdwam

11

16

Kalna

Arambagh

Durgapur

14

Asansol

Bankura

Puruliya

33

54

Total

222

Most of the remaining bus routes in the region either originate from or terminate at
Burdwan town (Table 9.4). This is because of the location of Burdwan town at the
geographical centre of the district. The district headquarters activities (both administrative
and commercial) and the long tradition of urban history of Burdwan town are other factors in
the development of such Burdwan-centred transportation network. In our study region there
are two other smaller towns but they are not at all comparable in size or influence to
Burdwan town. Therefore, the entire region depends on Burdwan for higher-level urban
functions. This factor has also led to the development of a radial pattern of roads centred on
Burdwan. Some long distance bus routes, mostly inter-district, pass through Burdwan

t0\\-11

providing additional linkage along the main arterial roads of the region. Another set of long
distance bus routes passes through some parts ofthe region without cutting through Burdwan
(Table 9.4). Circular routes (only seven) connecting the smaller settlement lying between the
main arteriall roads around Burdwan town have also developed in response to the need for
better and more roads. These routes originate and terminate at Burdwan town. Table 9.4
explains the relative contribution of different route patterns in the bus system ofthe region.

Table 9.4: Route Pattern of Buses

SBSTC

Private buses
Route Pattern

Number of
routes

Number of
buses

Number of
routes

Number of
buses

Originating and terminating

at Burdwan

119

412

19

37

Passing through Burdwan

25

41

13

15

Passing through other parts

of the region

69

136

Circular routes centred on

Burdwan

14

220

603

Total

33

54

In addition to the bus service, some trekker (wagon/van type utility vehicles) services
are also operating in more remote parts of the region. Usually trekker services have been
developed in the areas of poor availability of bus services and unmetalled roads (such as
those along the embankments of the Damodar). These routes are also of short distances
mostly joining the gaps between railway lines and bus routes. There are 32 trekkers at present
operating in 17 routes. These trekker routes are mostly found in the eastern part of the region
223

covcnng Raina-!, Jamalpur. Memari-L Mcmari-11 and Montcswar blocks. However. the
number of trekkers is not sufficient to cater to the growing demand for rural-urban linkage.
As a consequence the trekkers. which have a carrying capacity of only 12 passengers. are
often f(Hced to carry about 30 passengers, with people sitting on the bonnet and hanging from
the sides ofilhe vehicle.
The existing road network system ofthe region with bus (both private and public) and
trekker services became unable to keep pace with the rising demands during the postagricultural development period of 1980s. As a result, a new system of bus service called

town bus service' had come into operation since 1991. This new system of town bus service
is composed of two wings. One is to serve the intra-urban areas of Burdwan town itself and
the other is to connect the rural areas with the town. Here we are more concerned with the
latter as it provides an integrated system of rural-urban linkage within an area of about 35
kilometres radius ofBurdwan to~n.
Initially. the town bus routes were very few in number and of short distances.
However, with the passage of time the number and length of routes have increased to keep
pace with the rising demand from the rural dwellers. At present there are 28 routes and 41
buses connecting large and medium size villages with Burdwan to\Vn (Table 9.5; Figure 9.2).
The lengths of individual routes vary from 11 kilometre to 35 kilometre (Table 9.5). In most
cases there is one or two buses per route plying almost continuously since early morning till
evening. The frequency of trips depends upon the length of route and number of buses.

Table 9.5: Town Sen>ice Network

-~-

--~

- -----

-----~- ~ ~--

-~---

Name of the route

1.

..-

--------.

Length of road
i11 kilometre.

Number of
buses

Number of daily
trips (up+down)

Burdwan- Sankari

18

8+8

2.

Burdwan- Kumirkola

24

6+6

3.

Burdwan- Khargram

21

...,.,

8+8

4.

Burdwan - Saranga

21

4+4

5.

Burdwan- Jaykrishnapur

20

4+4

6.

Burdwan- Jujuti

24

4+4

7.

Burdwan- Dadpur

22

4+4

8.

Burdwan- Sikerpur

31

6+6

9.

Burdwan - Bahirghanna

33

6+6

10.

Burdwan- Sankrai

19

4+4
224

4+4

11.

Burdwan- Channa

2I

12.

Burdwan- Eruar

32

6+6

I3.

Burdwan- Bhota

27

6+6

I4.

Burdwan- Kurumba

25

15.

Burdwan - Amarun

23

I6.

Burdwan - Sunur

23

I 7.

Burdwan - Kurmun

I7

I8.

Burdwan- Bijur

35

2+2

19.

Burdwan- Sukur

I4

5+5

20.

Burdwan- Balgona

I5

5+5

2I.

Burdwan - Jamar

I2

IO+IO

22.

Burdwan- Korer

I3

IO+IO

23.

Burdwan- Simdal

I8

IO+IO

24.

Burdwan- Pilkuri

20

4+4

25.

Burdwan- Gangpur

I3

6+6

26.

Burdwan- Rayan

II

27.

Burdwan- Palitpur

II

9+9

28.

Burdw;m - Burdwan (Via Atagarh,

Kalna
Road,
Shaktigarh, G.T. Road)

29

5+5

- -

- ; ...--=--c-- '""' """'"

3+3
2

8+8
4+4

8+8

I2+I2

Source: Regional Transport Office, Burdwan

During the last few

year~

town bus service has turned into an eftlcient transport

system linking Burdwan town with its surrounding rural areas (Samanta and Lahiri-Dutt,
1996). The

d1~nsity

of routes has increased to a considerable extent too. In turn, the existence

of the system has played a positive role on the road network too. The roads meant for town
bus service are not metalled (surfaced) in all cases. In areas of morrum (unmetalled) roads,
buses ply with considerable difficulty during the rainy season. The concerned gram

panchayats usually take initiatives to get the roads metalled earlier through several projects.
In this way, the availability of a service has led to new initiatives to keep the system
effective.
The town bus service has opened up immense possibilities for the integration of rural
and urban economies of the region. Various urban services like medical, educational,
entertainment, administrative, marketing etc. have been accessed by the villagers of the
surrounding region with the help of this new transportation service. It has opened up markets
225

6elw '

NETWORK OF TOWN BUS SERVICE

AROUND BURDWAN

W km

====

Unmetalled Road
N

Town Serv1ce Termmus

88" 10'

F1gure No -

9.<.

for local produce (vegetables, milk, country cheese etc.) in the town. During their morning
trips from villages to Burdwru1 town, the town buses usually carry bulk of the fresh
vegetables, fish and milk sold in the urban market. These trips practically carry more goods
than passengers. Similarly during the afternoon off-peak hours, numerous buckets of country
cheese are carried from the villages to meet the growing demand of sweets in Burdwan town.
Families of farmers living in rural areas can now more easily commute to schools,
colleges, markets, banks, public and private health centres including hospitals, private
nursing homes and private chambers of specialized doctors in Burdwan tovvn to meet their
daily needs. If the urban amenities can be easily accessed then the need of rural people to
migrate to urbc:m areas becomes less. Moreover, the cost of living is higher in urban areas, so
rural-based farmers do not always wish to migrate to Burdwan. As a consequence, rural to
urban migration has been checked to some extent due to the increased accessibility or better
commuting facilities. Therefore, we can say that the town bus service in Burdwan region has
strengthened reciprocity in the relationship between rural and urban.
In spite of notable improYements in the road tr8.11Sportation system there still are some
gaps in the network within the region. The road network has not been developed uniformly
over the entire region. The Damodar river, with only one bridge over it at Sadarghat, still
poses a considerable barrier and has divided the region into two distinct parts - north
Damodar and south D8.1llodar or trans-Damodar region. The northern bank, on which side
Burdwan town is located, has a better integrated network of bus system than the transDamodar section (Figure 9.2). Even in case of town bus network, only four routes among a
total of28 serve the trans-Damodar region.
This disparity in the physical linkage between north and trans-Damodar regions is due
to both historical and economic: reasons. The agriculture-cum-rural economy is relatively
backward in trans-Damodar region. The agricultural productivity index of the section is 153
against 189 of north Damodar region. This relative backwardness of agriculture can be
attributed to the recurrence of flood and the relatively less canal irrigation facilities.
The trans-Damodar region. lying on the right bank of the Damodar river. has always
been somewhat deprived of adequate irrigation facilities since the historic past. Before the
introduction of the DVC, two major canal systems (Eden canal constructed in 1881 and
Damodar canal in 1933) used to serve the left bank or north Damodar area of the region
(Basu and Mukherjee, 1963). Until the construction of DVC canals in late 1950s, the tr8.11SDamodar area was entirely deprived of modern irrigation facilities of any kind. The better
development of agriculture in the left bank area, therefore, is a historical legacy ofthe region.
227

Even after the introduction of the DVC canal network the right bank area continued to
remain relatively unserved. Less than one-third (27.42 per cent) ofthe DVC command area
lies to the right bank region (Chatterjee, 1969). Besides the poor canal network, the right
bank area continued to remain as the spill off (nikashi) area of the Damodar. To tackle the
flood situation of monsoons, the drainage outlet has traditionally been through breaches on
the embankment of the right bank. Even at present the percentage of flood-prone to total area
is higher (7.75 per cent) in the trans-Damodar region than the northern part (3.95 per cent).
The Damodar river itself flowing through the middle part of the region, is a major physical
factor in the development of this dichotomous nature of road network. Better administrative
co-ordination, improved management of available resources, a comprehensive vision and
proper planning on behalf of the district administration would have been able to remove these
gaps in the rural-urban linkage ofthe region.

Railway Neh'Vorks
Besides the integrated road network in the region, railway network has also played a
significant role in the rural-urban linkage. Burdwan, located on the Eastern Railway main
line, is an important railway junction between Howrah and Asansol. Most of the long
distance express or mail trains connecting Calcutta with north India pass through Burdwan.
By express or mail trains it take:s approximately two hours to reach both Asansol and Howrah
stations located in Durgapur-A<;ansol (on the west) and Calcutta-Hooghly (on south-east)
industrial belts respectively. A large number of commuters both from Burdwan town and
surrounding rural areas commute to these industrial-commercial belts for their daily work.
Beside:s mail or express trains there is a network of local/suburban trains connecting
Burdwan, Memari, Guskara (the three urban centres of the region) and a number of villages
directly with Asansol, Calcutta and Bolpur (Figure 9.3). In total there are four railway routes
connecting Burdwan with the surrounding areas. These arc Burdwan-Ho\\Tah Main line.
Burdwan-Howrah Chord line, Burdwan-Asansol line and Burdwan-Bolpur loop line. In
addition a narrow gauge line with a limited number of trains connecting Burdwan with
Katwa (subdivisional headqum1cr town) also passes through the region. Another narrow
gauge line connecting Raina with Bankura pa'>ses through Raina-1 and Khandaghosh blocks
of the region. All these railway lines together provide an efficient system of rail network in
the region and help to integrate rural areas with urban centres of both inside and outside the
region.

228

RAILWAY NETWORK OF THE REGION

23'
30'!-.

10 km

L..--"---~

In comparison to the road network both the journey time and fares arc much lower in
the railway system. For example the fare of Burdwan to Durgapur (a distance of 60
kilometres) by bus is Rs. 20 per person whereas it is only Rs. 12 by local train. The journey
hour for the same distance is two hours by bus against 1 hour and 10 minutes by train. The
journey by bus is also more tiresome than that by train. Therefore, the linkage efficiency is
much higher of the railways than the roadways. However, from the point of view of area
served, especially the rural hinterland, roadways provide a more efficient mode of physical
linkage in the region. Railway lines still cover a limited portion of the region. If further
expansion of railways in form of branch lines takes place and the narrow gauge line is
replaced by broad gauge then it might possibly tum into a major means of physical linkage in
the region.

River and Water Transport Networks

The Damodar, passing through the region, was a busy water route till the Mughal
period in India. After the introduction of railway line by the British in eastern India between
Raniganj and Calcutta in 1855 this water route started to decline in relative importance. The
construction ofDVC dams since 1948 has significantly reduced the flow of water along the
river. Burdwan town, located on the bank of the Damodar, has become well connected by
roadways and railways to both the surrounding areas and the other parts of the district as well
as the state. With the progress ofthese land routes, waterways lost their importance as means
of trade.
At present ferry services across the Damodar in different areas constitute bulk of the
water transport network of the region. The Damodar river passes through the region with
only one bridge on it connecting the southern part of the region with Burdwan town. The vast
stretch of trans-Damodar region is connected to Burdwan by ferry services at a number of
points across the river. Due to its high seasonality of flow, the ferries do not provide services
from bank to bank. Therefore, people have to walk a considerable distance on the sandy
riverbed to cross the water by boat. This sort of walking across the sandy riverbed is a
troublesome task tor the passengers especially for those who carry considerable loads.
Pa<>sengers sometimes carry their bicycles on boat to cross the river and then to catch the bus
or train on the other bank.
In the absence of adequate number of bridges on the Damodar river, these ferry
services provide important linkages between vast rural areas of the trans-Darnodar region and
Burdwan town. To enhance efficient system of physical linkage in the region the constraint
230

posed by the Damodar should be replaced by at least two more bridges within the region. On
the eastern part a bridge connecting Jamalpur block with Raina-1 has been sanctioned by the
district administration. The construction ofthis bridge has already begun. A popular demand
is growing in the region for the construction of another bridge in the western part.

9.2.2. Economic Linkages

Economic linkages between rural and urban areas are of utmost importance in the
spatial integration of any region. Within the economic sphere, many urban enterprises rely on
demand from rural consumers, and access to urban markets and services are often crucial for
agricultural producers. In addition, a large number of households in both urban and rural
areas rely on the combination of agricultural and non-agricultural income sources for their
livelihoods (Tacoli, 1998). Some ofthe important economic linkages in the region are market
networks, raw material and consumption goods flows, consumption and shopping patterns,
capital and income flows.
Before analyzing the economic linkages between rural and urban areas of our study
region, we should look into the nature of economy in the region. The rural areas of our study
region are characterized by a more efficient agricultural economy (Chapter 3). Economic
diversification, however, is still limited though some agro-processing units and trade and
business actiivities (Chapter 4) have come up. The urban centres on the other hand, are
characterized! by tertiarization of economy. The intermediate urban centres of Memari and
Guskara are essentially small market towns (Chapter 7). Burdwan town along with its
marketing ac:tivities provides all sorts of tertiary (trade, service as well as administrative)
services to the surrounding rural areas.

Market Patterns
Broadening the market linkages is a primary force in commercializing agriculture,
diversifYing production and expanding spatial system of exchange (Skinner, 1964). Market
centres, either rural or urban, are the starting point for the upward flow of agricultural
products and crafts items into the higher reaches of marketing system and also the downward
flow of finished and consumption goods for pea<;ant consumption. The vertical coordination
of marketing systems provides substantial benefits to the farmers of the region by increasing
their bargaining powers through improved price information and increased market
competitiveness.

231

The transportation network plays a key role in the development of marketing

linkages. It reduces transaction and physical distribution costs and makes market centres
more accessible to the producers. Vertical coordination of marketing systems is practically
impossible without an efficient system of transportation.
The extension of market linkages again creates incentives for other types of economic
interaction. The growth of market centres link urban markets strongly with rural hinterlands
and encourages growth of manufacturing and commercial services within the cities.
Backward and forward production linkages widen the market area for rural products and
attract part-time workers from surrounding rural areas by providing off-farm employment.
Gradually agricultural resources arc used more productively, generating higher incomes per
unit of land. Urban-rural production linkages, once established, initiate a 'cascade effect' of
investment in industries, services and commercial activities.
The market pattern in our study region is more or less well-articulated. The vertical
coordination of marketing syst(;:m has been developed properly in the region with the help of
well-connected periodic markets, rural market centres and market towns. Burdwan town lies
at the top of the marketing system in the region providing national-level economic linkages
with other parts of the country as well as the state. Guskara and Memari, the other two urban
centres of the region, are typical small market towns providing marketing facilities for local
agricultural products. In the hierarchical order they act as subsidiary market centres of
Burdwan town. However, in respect of some activities, like the collection, storage and
distribution of potato for example, these lower order urban centres act independent of
Burdwan town. Below these rnarket towns are a large number of rural market centres
collecting local agricultural produce and providing basic urban services (both commercial
and infrastructural). All these rural market centres are well connected to Burdwan town on
one hand and their smaller hinterland on the other (Chapter 6). At the lowest level of market
pattern there are a large number (74) of periodic markets (rural haats) providing limited
transactions of local agricultural produce (Chapter 3).
The development of agricultural economy provides three types of economic linkages
for regional growth (Harriss, 1987). These are as follows:
1. Backward linkages or the resultants of demand from agricultural sector for
inh:rmediate or capital goods;
2. Forward linkages or the resultants of supply of agricultural products to agroprocessing industry; and
3. Consumption linkages emanating from the expenditure of income obtained from
the marketed surplus.
232

All these three types of linkages have emerged following the agricultural
development in the region. Backward linkages have increased demand tor capital goods.
These capital or intermediate goods in the form of farm machinery and implements. HYV
seeds, pesticides, fertilizer etc. are provided both by urban and rural market centres. Among
them (for the supply of higher level capital goods, that is, farm implements and machinery)
the farmers still depend on the urban market at Burdwan town. Other capital goods are
available in the rural markets. Forward linkage has also been developed with the supply of
agricultural products, especially paddy, to the agro-processing units or rice mills located
mostly in and around urban centres.
Agricultural development again has given rise to consumption linkages in the region.
The sizeable surplus income generated from agricultural development has facilitated the rise
of a class of farmers with a higher purchasing power. As a result the consumption of both
capital goods and intermediate goods have increased dramatically among the rural people.
Motorbike, refrigerators, colour television, gas oven etc. have become parts of daily life in
rural areas ofBurdwan region. To meet the higher standard ofliving this class of rich farmers
frequently uses the urban market at Burdwan as it provides a wider choice of goods than rural
markets. On the other hand, the consumption of poorer section of rural people (mostly
marginal formers and landless labourers) is mostly satisfied within the rural market centres.
The in1tegrated market system of the region has strengthened the bargaining power of
the farmers. Again, the improved transportation network has made the urban markets
accessible to the rural producers. As a result, a uniform price level for both agricultural
products and consumption goods is found in rural and urban markets. The price fluctuation in
accordance with the seasonal demand also takes place uniformly in rural and urban areas.
The prices of rice, potato, vegetables, eggs, country cheese etc. are the same in both rural and
urban areas. Therefore, it can be stated that a vertically coordinated and well-articulated
marketing system significantly displaced conventional rural deprivation in the region. The
same is true of consumable goods originating in Burdwan town, such as cooking gas and
T.V. that have become more accessible to rural consumers through the economic linkages.

Raw Material and Consumption Goods Flows

Exchanges of goods. either raw materials or finished products, between rural and
urban areas are an essential element of rural-urban linkages. The most recent generation of
spatial policies considers market interactions as a crucial factor in the development of rural

233

areas, reflecting the global trend towards market-led strategies. The rural areas usually supply
raw materials to the industrial sector in urban areas. In our study region paddy is the only
agricultural product which can be treated a<> raw material of the agro-processing industries.
The urban manufacturing economy of the region is constituted by agro-processing units the
raw materials of which come from the surrounding rural areas. Double cropping of paddy is a
common phenomenon of the agricultural economy in the region. Productivity is also higher
than other parts ofthe state (Chapter 3) resulting in huge volumes of paddy being supplied to
the rice mills of the urban centres. Rice mills are also common in the rural areas of the region
located along the main transportation lines. In case of such mills the flow of paddy takes
place over short distances.
Th<~

total production of paddy in the regiOn does not necessarily go to the

manufacturing sector as raw materials. After meeting the local rural demands a major section
of surplus paddy goes to the urban market in the processed form as rice. This is because of
the significant presence within rural areas of small processing units with a capacity of ten
quintals or one thousand kilograms. An improved road network has helped the individual
small producers to sell rice in the urban markets. Rice collection and distribution centres with
storage facilities are also large in number in Burdwan, Memari and Guskara towns. Rice
from the mral producers usually goes to these collection and distribution centres in urban
markets. Retail market for rice is also found in different parts of Burdwan town. For
example, in Bajepratappur area of Burdwan town small producers of rice line along the
Burdwan-K.atwa road in the morning with usually less than ten bags of rice for sale.
The paddy in the fonn of raw material is usually carried in bulk by trucks or tractors
from the rural areas to the manufacturing units. On the other hand, rice is supplied in smaller
quantities either by tractors or by buses during the lean hours such as early morning and
noon. The passenger traffic becomes very low in these bus trips. Some bus trips from rural
areas in lean hours carry rice on the bus floor and passengers on the seats. The agents of rice
traders coUect this rice from rural producers at the Bus stand.
Besides paddy and rice a number of rural products are supplied to the urban market as
consumption goods. Potato is an important agro-product of the region, which comes to the
urban market through organized potato trading channels. The potato collection and
distribution in the entire region is controlled by potato trading centres located in Memari
town (Chapter 7). Vegetables are also an important rural product meeting the huge daily
needs of urban market. The flow of vegetables to the urban market is not organized and
thereby dominated by individual sellers. Small and marginal farmers of the areas highly
234

accessible to the urban markets grow vegetables of different seasons on smaller plots of land
and sell that produce in the urban market on his own. Early trips of town bus from the
surrounding mral areas bring bulk of fresh vegetables to the urban markets. However, market
gardening of commercial scale is yet to develop in the region. One probable explanation is
the fragmentation of agricultural plots due to effective land reform.
Fish and poultry products (egg and meat) sold in the urban market are also supplied
from the surrounding rural area<>. However, the fish market in Burdwan town has two parallel
sections. One is organized fish market which supply fish to urban people imported from other
states specially Andhra Pradesh. This market is located in Tentultala Bazar, the central
market area ofthe town. The other section is informal fish market the supply of which comes
from the surrounding rural areas by individual traders. This informal fish market is found in
almost all the vegetable markets of the town. The prices of fish supplied through organized
channels are lower than that of local informal supply. The demand for local fish coming from
the surrounding areas is also high in the urban market. Therefore, much of the fish products
ofthe mral areas are supplied to the markets ofBurdwan town. Poultry farms have developed
in considerable numbers in the rural areas recently. The credit for such development goes to
the successful implementation of rural development schemes under the panchayat system in
the region (Chapter 3). The bulk of the poultry products, mainly meat and egg from the rural
areas, meet the urban demands.
Dairy products such as milk and country cheese are also important items of
consumption goods flow from rural to urban area. The milk supply comes mainly from the
adjacent villages by individual milkman. The milkman from the surrounding villages come in
the morning with their milk container by town buses. In Burdwan they have own bicycle in
cycle stands by which they supply the milk from door to door. The demand for this local milk
is much higher than the organized supply from outside the region because of its better test.
However, this poorly organized supply cannot meet the urban demand. The increased crop
intensity has not been followed by considerable shift to mixed fa.rming, that is, crop and
dairy planning in the region. Therefore, the organized supply ofMother Dairy (a state owned
company) milk also runs parallel to the Burdwan town. The supply of milk in unpacked
condition is also difficult because of its high perishability. To make the local milk supply into
viable commercial units co-operativization of milkman is a utmost necessity in the region.
Country cheese is another important dairy product of the region which have a very
high demand in sweet shops of the urban market. During afternoon hours the buses especially
town buses from rural areas carry huge number of buckets of country cheese into Burdwan
235

town. This 11ow of country cheese

IS

also unorganized but sufficient to meet the urban

demands.
In the flow of consumption goods, besides rural to urban flow there is a considerable
extent of urban to rural flow. Industrial or fmished products dominate the f1ows of urban
goods to the rural areas. Some of these goods, mostly capital goods like farm machinery,
pumpsets, refrigerator, television, motorbike etc., are directly sold in the urban market. Rural
people cannot purchase these goods from the rural market because of the lack of authorized
dealers. The rural demands for such capital goods have not yet crossed the threshold limit for
establishment of business the-re. On the other hand, consumption goods including clothes.
groceries, stationary and luxury items are supplied to the rural areas from the urban market
through rural market centres. The improved transportation network has facilitated such
exchange in that no additional transport cost is added. Therefore, the prices of these goods
are more or less same in Burdwan town and in rural market centres. The only difference is
the varieties and choices, which are still limited in rural market centres.

Consumptio111 and Shopping Patterns

In the consumption and shopping pattern of the region a high degree of rural-urban
interaction is noticed. The rural products are supplied to the urban market either by producers
themselves or by petty traders. On the other hand, urban commodities, especially
consumption goods, are also supplied to the rural markets by rural based businessmen. The
shopping, therefore, can be done both by urban and rural dwellers in their own areas. In spite
of that, a significant flow of shoppers from the surrounding rural areas comes to Burdwan
town. This trend of shopping pattern has developed after the spectacular improvements in
transportation network especially roadways during the 1990s. The surplus income generated
by agricultural development has created a rich class of rural people whose consumption
power is high. The urban market in Burdwan provides many options for all sorts of
consumption and capital goods. Therefore, rural consumers prefer to have a better option
from varieties of goods available, in the urban market for their purchase. A higher level of
accessibility of the surrounding rural areas to Burdwan town has strengthened the t1ow of
shoppers. The main commercial area of Burdwan also lies within walking distance of both
the central bus terminus and railway station.
An intensive town bus network developed in the last decade has provided greater
impetus to the urban shopping habits of rural people. Frequent visits to Burdwan to\Vn have
affected the life styles of rural people. The attraction for fashion goods and urban
236

entertainment (recreation like movie halls, restaurants, ceo-park. science centre etc.) has
increased considerably among the rural people. Low travels cost and lesser journey time
provided by town bus network have supported the increased flow of rural people. The
shopping of heavier goods, for example, capital goods, groceries, food items is usually done
by male members of rural families, whereas, the shopping of light consumption and fashion
goods is commonly done by women. Women of middle class furmer families often spend
their afternoon hours for shopping in Burdwan.

Capital and Income Flows

The generation of capital in rural and urban areas of the region has taken place in two
different ways. On the one hand, the rural capital of the region is the product of recent
agricultural development and associated surplus income. On the other hand, Burdwan town
being a traditional royal seat and an important centre for trade and business since the Mughal
period, has accumulated over time a sizeable capital among the group of people engaged in
those activities. This group includes the Raj-karmacharis (royal employees) of Burdwan raj,
local landlords and businessmen. The generated capital either from rural agricultural
economy or from urban trade and functions like business are used to develop agro-processing
units and to expand tertiary activities mainly trade and commerce over the entire region.
The flow of capital in the region has taken place both from rural to urban and urban to
rural areas. In the initial stage, that is, up to the 1950s, the capital used to flow from rural to
urban areas. As a result a huge agglomeration of rice mills, chira mills and oil mills took
place in Burdwan town. Later on, with the improvement of the agricultural economy and
road transportation network, agro-processing units, mainly rice mills, started to develop in
the rural areas of the region. These processing units in rural areas use local labour, local raw
material and thrive because ofreduced transport cost of raw materials.
The other area of capital investment, that is, trade and commerce was also
concentrated in Burdwan town in the pre-agricultural development period. This was probably
because of the lack of a threshold demand in rural areas. Development of the agricultural
economy helped to incrca<>e the purcha<>ing power of people living in rural areas. As a result.
commercial activities started to flourish in the rural area<> and quite an array of large and
growing rural market centres came to exist in the region.
Therefore, it can be said that before the development of agricultural economy, the
rural surplus used to drain out to the urban centre. This relatively extractive nature of urban
economy was representative of what has been described (lloselitz. 1957) as parasitic
237

urbanization or rural-urban disjunction. However. with the improvement of agricultural

economy and associated growth of commercial activities the surplus has started to be
invested in the rural area itself Even in some ca<>es the reverse capital flow ha<> hegun. At
present, the rice mill owners or rich businessmen living in Burdwan town have initiated
businesses and manufacturing units like rice mills away from the town in the heart of rural
areas. In this counteractive way the rural-urban economic linkages have been strengthened in
the region. Such a strong relation has in tum helped to develop a sound level of rural-urban
interaction in other aspects ofthe economy as well.
In respect of income there is also a two-way flow, that is, from rural to urban and
urban to rural in the region. In Burdwan town we can find three types of income groups of
urban people based on the place ofwork. Ofthese three groups, one section lives in Burdwan
town and also works there. In this case there is no flow of income between rural and urban
areas. The other section of urban people works outside the region leading to an in-flow of
income to Burdwan from outside the region especially from Calcutta-Hooghly and AsansolDurgapur industrial belts. There has now emerged a third group of people who live in
Burdwan town and work in the surrounding rural areas. This group of people is mainly
engaged in the organized (such as medical, administrative, educational, fmancial and
transport etc) public sector service activities of the rural areas. In this case. however, there is
a flow of income from rural to urban areas ofthe region.
On the other hand, in rural areas of the region we find similar types of income groups
as in urban areas. The majority of the rural people are engaged in agricultural and business
activities in the rural areas. The other major section commutes to Burdwan town for their
daily work. This section of people, that is, rural to urban commuters within the region are
engaged in both the formal and informal activities. The proportion of informal workers is
higher than that of the formal workers among this group of commuters. The formal jobs in
this case are mostly provided by the organized service sector (administrative, medicaL
educational, financial and others) of Burdwan town. On the other hand, informal jobs are
dominated by commercial or business activities. A major section of these informal
commuters are being absorbed in the flourishing business sector (such as commercial
establishments like shops) of Burdwan town. Whether formal or informaL the income of this
sect ion of people flows from urban to rural areas.
Another group of rural workers, although somewhat fewer in number, commute to
areas outside the region. This income section has grown recently due to an improved network
of transportation especially roadways. The development of town bus network around
238

Burdwan town in early 1990s has also helped to provide a higher degree of accessibility and
Jess travel time to those living in surrounding areas. As a result, commuting from rural areas
to outside the region has become possible. In this case also the rural region is benefited from
an inflow of income.
From the above analysis of income patterns in the region it is found that the flow of
income is two sided. Both the rural and urban areas are benefited from the flow of income.
Interactive flow of income has significantly reduced rural deprivation and improved the level
of rural-urban interaction.

9.2.3. Population Movement Linkages

The well being of individuals, families and rural communities depends on their
movement to employment and to basic services and amenities (Pacione, 1984). Short-term
and permanent migration is a ubiquitous characteristic of development and an important form
of urban rural linkage. Temporary migration and journey-to-work depend on transportation
and communication linkages. More permanent migration depends on a wider range of
economic and social determinants, including the availability of jobs in towns and cities;
wage, public service and educational opportunity differentials between cities and villages;
and the distance, cost and convenience of moving.
In our study region a high degree of accessibility between Burdwan town and
surrounding rural areas has enhanced the movements of population. Not only do people from
rural areas come to Burdwan town but urbanites too move to the rural areas for their daily
work. However, the movement of rural people towards Burdwan is still of a much larger
scale than that of its urban to rural counterpart.

Migration: Permanent and Temporary

There is a popular notion in Indian urban context that the rural poor arc the ones who
migrate to urban centres. However, it is not applicable to all urban centres in India. In
Burdwan region, poor

cla~s

of people does not dominate migration from rural to urban areas

(Chapter 8). It is mainly the lower and upper middle cla<>s people of the rural areas who
migrate to Burdwan town in search of a better standard of living.
The agricultural development in the region has been associated \Vith multiple
cropping. The methods of agriculture are still dominated by labour-intensive techniques. The
paddy is the main crop of the region which requires much labour in the production process.
Landless people are employed as labourer in the agricultural activities of the region almost
:'39

throughout the year. The poorest among the poor arc again supported by different poverty
alleviating schemes run by rural panchayats. As a result, there is now comparatively less
pressure on poorer people living in the rural areas to migrate to an uncertain urban life m
Burdwan town. The unorganized part of the economy (rickshaw-pulling for example)

ts

dominated either by local urban poor or by migrants from outside the region (such as from
poverty stricken areas of Bihar, and districts Murshidabad, Birbhum etc.).
On

th~

other hand, those middle class people engaged in tertiary activities usually

migrate to Burdwan town to satisfy their needs for a higher standard of living. Before the
development of agriculture and transport network in the region, rich farmers or jotdars used
to migrate to Burdwan town and invest their surplus incomes in commercial activities in
Burdwan. However, agricultural prosperity and associated rural development have brought
remarkable changes in rural areas in 1990s. Infrastructural developments (such as transport.
tele-communication, education and health) have made these rural areas somewhat more
convenient places to live than before. With the development of rural market centres rich
farmers started to reinvest their capital in commercial or business activities there. As a result,
the trend of mral to urban migration has declined.
Therefore, the migration stream at present is dominated by a section of middle class
farmers recently transitioned to tertiary activities both in Burdwan and surrounding rural
areas. The higher degree of rural-urban interaction has affected the joint family system in
rural areas. Breaking of joint families and the development of nuclear families have also led
to migration. As joint families split up, a nuclear section migrates to Burdwan leaving their
rural home. After a period of adaptation to urban life, their preference for urban amenities
and comparatively easier life grows. On one hand the self-confidence and self-reliance
increase; on the other, they become more individualistic and self-centred. They get, in this
process of change, separated not only from the stream of village life, but also from that of
their families, due to their changed outlook of life and the way of living. The other family
members along with the older parents continue to live in rural areas. However, these
migrated class maintain (strong ties) links with their rural counterpart to retain their share of
landed property (mostly agricultural land) there (Dasgupta, 1988) because of their partial
dependence on the income from landed property in rural areas to supplement urban incomes.
Besides migration from rural areas within the region there is a large-scale migration
from rural

an:~as

outside the region. These migration streams originate from other parts of

eastern Burdwan District northern parts of Hooghly district and northeastern parts of
Bankura district.
240

Temporary migration from rural to urban areas especially for job is rather limited
within the region. Temporary migration of agricultural labourers to rural areas of the region
takes place fiom poorer rural areas outside the region especially from the districts of Bankura
and Puruliya. The masons of Murshidabad district dominate the construction of building
trade in urban areas. They compose a section of temporary migrants in Burdwan town. The
brick kilns around Burdwan town also employ temporary migrant workers. All these types of
labour circulation originate from outside the region and do not play any notable role in ruralurban linkage.
One distinctive type of temporary migration is found among the students of the rural
areas of the region to Burdwan for higher education. Burdwan town, with its three degree
colleges, om: university, two medical colleges and two polytechnic colleges, offers higher
educational services to the younger students living in surrounding rural areas. Even from
areas of inadequate number of higher secondary schools students move to Burdwan town
after passing secondary examination. A section of these migrant students continue to live in
Burdwan.

Journey-to-'Work
Journey-to-work 1s an important component of population movement linkages
between rural and urban areas. In the pattern of journey to work both rural to urban and urban
to rural movement are found in the region. However, the relative proportion of rural to urban
commutation is much higher that the latter. Those living in urban areas but engaged in formal
jobs such as government or semi-government services in rural areas and also those in
informal itinerant trading activities commute to the rural areas. On the other hand, a large
section of rural people commutes daily for their work to Burdwan town. This stream of rural
commuters is chiefly composed of formal workers in service activities and informal workers
in commercial activities of Burdwan town such as working in shops, pathological
laboratories, nursing homes etc. A group of artisans especially from Bhatar block commute
to Burdwan for work in the large number of gold jewelry workshops concentrated in the
Bara Bazar area of the town near Rajbati.

9.2.4. Technological Linkages: Telecommunications System

Developing nations need a variety of technologies, appropriate to different sociaL
economic, technological and administrative capacities of communities of different sizes and
stages of development. Technology - equipment, procedures and methods of production 241

must also be integrated spatially and functionally. No single technulugical innovation

promotes social and economic transformation in developing nations unless it is appropriate to
local needs and conditions, and linked to both higher and lower levels of technology and
related inputs (Rondinelli and Ruddle, 1978 ).
The most significant form of technological linkage is the telecommunication system.
This rapidly expanding network has provided an efficient means of rural-urban linkage in the
region. The central divisional exchange, located in Burdwan town, has a capacity of 7,800
connections of which 7,399 has been utilized (based on data collected from divisional office
at Burdwan on 31.03.99). Under the divisional exchange there are sub-exchanges or smaller
scale exchanges scattered all over the region (Figure 9.4). These smaller exchanges normally
serve an area of five-kilometre radius. However, 10 to 15 kilometre of distance is also
covered under consideration by taking an extra charge of Rs. 300 per kilometre. The
telephone cables are usually operated by electric power. Therefore, massive rural
electrification has helped to expand the rural telephone networks. In those few patches of
rural area in the region where electricity supply is yet to reach, the telephone lines have
reached by l\1AAR (Multi Access Radio Relay) system directly from the divisional centre in
Burdwan town. This system of telephone connection is also found in areas still uncovered by
smaller exchanges. Inaccessible areas are also served by this system. Presently there are 400
to 500 lines by MAAR from Burdwan central exchange. There are concessional rates for
telephone sUtbscription for the rural areas.
The widespread development of telephone lines in the region has immense impact
both on the rural-urban linkage and socio-economic life of rural areas. Telephone has become
an essential means oflife not only for the better off farmers. However, poorer people who are
not able to subscribe telephone can access it through public telephone booths. These public
booths exist even in rural market centres like Seharabazar and Galsi. The low cost of local
calls has made the telephone a really effective means in dissolving the rural-urban gap.
Business and marketing activities in the rural areas too have experienced considerable
expansion. The price level of any commodity remains usually the same in both urban and
rural areas due to this means of communication. Rural producers always can get information

242

TELECOMMUNICATION LINKAGES or THE

REGION

GUSKARA

~ANTES

WAR

MONOALGRAM
//

---

SATGACHHIA

m km

Exchange
88

10 E

about the price of products in Burdwan town. Therefore. the deprivation of rural producers
by middlemen has lessened to a considerable extent in the region.

9.2.5. Social Interaction Linkages

Social interaction between rural and urban areas is the product of increased physical
and economic interaction. Increased transport facilities and consequent physical interaction
bring fundamental changes in the social structure of the village and in the interrelations of
town and village (Dickinson, 1964). In the increasing social interaction between towns and
villages the influence of urban areas becomes more pronounced on the rural society. The
village community is affected in many ways by the growth and concentration of services in
neighbouring rural market centres and towns. Rich farmers are probably the group that can
access fully these urban benefits. In the town, a villager gets exposure to the prevailing ideas.
mode of living, fashion trends etc., which in tum affects in varying degrees his/her pattern of
life in the villages.
Traditional values of life in rural areas changes with increasing interaction to urban
society (Dasgupta., 1988). Due to the spread of education, adoption of modem ideas, spread
of electricity, increased reading habits, and expansion of mass media, older values and social
customs such as caste barriers etc. are changing. However, these changes in rural values of
life have not always taken place in keeping with social health. Sometimes they have upset the
traditional balance of rural society.
In our study region social interaction has increased to such an extent that no clear-cut
distinction can be drawn between the urban and rural ways of life. The rural market centres
in the region are the focal points for a wide variety of social linkages both with Burdwan
town and their rural hinterlands. These periodic markets also play an important role in the
diffusion of iinformation and consequent social interaction in the rural areas of the region. As
people made regular visits to the market throughout their lifetime, they came to know almost
every other adult in the marketing area; marriage arrangements were most often made from
within the trading boundaries; credit and lending decisions were based on people's
regulations formed through frequent market tran.'>actions; and the acceptance of common
criteria of exchange evolved from the need to maintain social harmony among disparate
villages and groups \Vithin a trading area. With market expansion and increasing
commercialization of agriculture. periodic markets may evolve into permanent exchange
points and diffusing social linkages promote increasing social and spatial integration. The
poor, illiterate and uninformed rural people usc these market places as aggregated
244

information field. They gather knowledge/information about urban phenomenon in these

areas. They visit market places either daily or frequently depending on the accessibility to
collect information not only about economic matters like production and market hut also
about socia.l and political issues arising within and outside the region.

Visiting Patterns
Among the social interaction linkages between urban and rural areas the most
outstanding in the region is the visiting pattern. The visiting patterns of rural people to urban
centres have undergone notable changes during the last ten to fifteen years mainly due to
increased accessibility.
The frequency of visits to Burdwan town has increased more or less among all
classes of rural dwellers. The purpose of visit is also multiple in nature. A large number of
people come from villages to the town for medical treatment. Such visits usually occur in the
morning by first trip of buses leaving rural areas. Some visits are to the urban market for
shopping and usually take place in the noon hours. The visits to the offices in the district
headquarter for administration-related purposes arc also frequent.
Frequent visits to Burdwan for economic purposes have increased the desire of rural
people for attaining urban ways of life. As a result, recreational visits too have increased.
People throng the six movie halls in Burdwan more from rural areas than the town itself. The
buses packed with school children escorted by their teachers are frequently found visiting the
Planetarium and the Science Centre.
The religious festivals and fairs in Burdwan town are also attended by rural people.
Rural people visit the Puja Pandals in Burdwan during different religious festivals. The

Sarbamongala temple is visited by a large number of women performing puja occasions like
Bipadtarini brata. Annual urban events like the Book fair, health fair and children's fair
attract large rural visitors from the surrounding areas.
Whatever is the purpose of visit educational, commercial or recreational - the social
impact of these visits is very high on the rural people of the region. The distinct ion between
urban and rural ways of lite is getting blurred in the region.

9.2.6. Serviice Delivery Linkages

Increasing physicaL economic and technological linkages play a critical role in the
expansion of service delivery networks within a functional area of any urban centre. To
245

develop spatial integration and linkage between rural and urban areas the distribution of
social and commercial services need to be wide to increase the access of rural population to
urban amenities. Nearly all kinds of services require the support of a minimum number of
people concentrated in a limited geographical area, a "threshold population of sufficient size
and density to attract enough customers to earn profits for suppliers of commercial and
professional services and to allow public services to reach the largest number of people at the
lowest cost. Threshold levels tor services vary widely. The types. degree of speciali?.ation
and delivery range of services found in any given community depends on the size and density
of its population, its occupational profile and income distribution, transportation access and
economic diversification. A large population size and higher density create economics of
scale that allow services to be offered at lower cost.
Rural areas of our study region are agriculturally prosperous with a high density of
population providing the 'threshold demand" for different service deliver) systems. Large
and overgrown villages especially provide the favourable condition.<; for the development of
service centre there. Rural market centres of the region can also be treated as rural service
centres because of the concentration of different service delivery systems there.
Among the various service delivery systems running in the region the three most
significant are - credit and fmancial networks, education and training linkages and health
service delivery systems. Therefore, in our analysis of service delivery linkages between
Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas the pattern of these three service delivery systerm
are analyzed.

Credit and Financial Networks

The rural prosperity has provided the threshold demand for the development of credit
and financial networks in the agricultural areas of the region. Various commercial banks like
Allahabad Bank, State Bank of India, Oriental Bank, Central Bank of India etc. have taken
up rural financing since their nationali?.ation in 1969. There has also been wide expansion of
the grameen (rural branch) bank network. These rural branches function under the control of
regional branches located in Burdwan town. The distribution pattern of all bank branches in
the rural ateas ofthe region is given in the tollowing tahle.

246

Table 9.6: Number of Financial Institutions in the Rural Areas

Name of block

Number of bank branches

Ausgram-1

Gals i-II

Khandaghosh

14

Raina- I

Jamalpur

14

Memari-1

II

Memari-II

14

Burdwan-I

12

Burdwan-fi

Bhatar

13

Monteswar

17

Region Total

122

Source: Block Profile. Burdwan District (1998)

The banks are actively participating in financing farmers along with the cooperative
sector and the regional rural banks both directly and indirectly. They are granting short term
loan for production purposes and mid and long term loans for creation of minor irrigation
facilities. dairy, poultry, piggery. inland fishery etc. The numerous rural development
schemes specially meant tor poorer people in the region (Chapter 3) are usually run on credit
system. These financial resources in the form of credits to the poorer section of people are
usually disbursed through these banks. Grameen banks with an easier process of
disbursement and recovery of loan are more accessible to the rural people of the region. The
lov.-er threshold of grameen banks makes it possible to open branches even in relative!;.
backward areas. The cooperative societies developed by the farmers. though te\ver in number
also

provid~~

efficient credit and financial linkage to the rural areas ofthe region.

The credit tlows from urban to rural areas are compensated by reverse financial tlows
of savings. The individual deposits together torm a sizeable amount to tlow upv.ards the
financial hierarchy. that is. from rural to urban areas. Small savings schemes especially those
run hy post offices are quite popular in the region.
However. the repayment of loan sanctioned hy commercial hank.s against Jifterent
rural development schemes is better among small and marginal farmers. The bigger farmers

arc usual defaulters of credit recovery in the region. This problem exists in almost all the
states of India (Reddy. 1990).

Education and Training Linkages

Education is an important service which forms the basic background of all sorts of
socio-economic development. The educational services in the region are dominated by
government-aided public education system including primary schools. secondary and higher
secondary schools. degree colleges. medical and engineering colleges. university and
different training institutes. Private education system is still limited with few primary and
pre-primary schools scattered over the rural region. On the other hand. in Burdwan to\\TI a
private education system runs with a few secondary schools and many training institutes.
However. higher educational service is still under the control of government atTiliated
public education system. The rural public educational services are given in the following
table.

Table. 9.7: Educational Institutions of the Rural Areas, 1996-'97

Name of
Blocks

Literaq
Centres

Public
Libraries

237

231

385

285

6
..,

423

10

359

18

347

18

253

65

5
,
.)

388

Bhatar

166

10

21

406

10

Montes war

172

14

Primary
Schools

Middle
Schools

Secondary
Schools

Ausgram-1

88

10

Galsi-II

100

Khandaghosh

137

16

Raina-!

124

16

Jamalpur

162

13

19

Memari-1

105

.)

16

Memari-II

120

Burdwan-1

108

Burdwan-II

--------------

Region Total

1,347

16

..,

18
-~---------

80

Source Block Prolilc. Burdwan District

Higher
Secondary
Schools
1
..,

..,

------------------

172

Colleges
(degree)

345
-

38

8
----------

--------~------

3,659

68

---

The educational services of the region arc not distributed uniformly over the cnt ire
region thus leading to a higher movement of people to attain these services. The university
and three degree colleges are located in Burdwan town. Students from surrounding rural
areas commute to attain this higher educational service. An improved means of transportation
including town bus network has made this commutation easy for the rural students. Primary
and secondary schools are not insufficient in number in the rural areas (Table 9.8). Still.
brighter students after completing madhyamik (class X) standard migrate to Burdwan
because of better educational opportunities there. There are only three colleges in rural areas
of the region located in Monteswar, Shyamsundar and Hatgobindapur. Besides these, Memari
and Guskara have one degree college each.
The a\vareness of the need for higher education as a means of employment is
increasingly attracting youths from rural areas to Burdwan especially from the new well-todo families. The lack of residential facilities has resulted in the mushrooming of a large
number of privately run students' hostels.
Private and Public training institutes like computer training centres, driving schools.
knitting and sewing training centres, motorcycle, radio, T.V. repairing centres and so on arc
prolific in numbers in Burdwan town. Young people from the rural areas commute to take
these technica:l courses. Thus a high degree of educational and training linkage is found
between urban and rural areas of the region.
However, in the educational linkage of the region the flow is not always towards
urban centres. Sometimes relatively intellectually poorer students from Burdwan town
commute to the higher secondary schools and colleges in rural areas as well those in Memari
and Guskara towns. The transportation network with high frequency of buses has made this
movement possible. In this way the educational linkage in the region has become integrated.

Health Senic(: Delivery Systems

Health services are concerned with the provision of facilities for diagnosis, treatment
and care of those who become ill and with promoting the health of and preventing disease in
the population. A distinction may be drawn between primary health care facilities and
secondary health care. Primary health care covers general practitioner service including the
work of doctors, dentists, opticians and pharmacists supported by community health services
such as clinics for expectant and nursing mothers and the health visitor service. The public
has direct access to these services. Secondary health care comprises hospital in-patient and
out-patient services and access is normally by referral from the primary sector.
249

A better access to health facilities has improved the quality of life in rural areas. The
rural health services in the region are chiefly composed of government-sponsored public
health services (Chapter 3 ). Primary health centres and secondary health centres are the only
health services provided by the government in each rural development blocks. Primary health
centres are better equipped than secondary health centres. However. both types of centres
provide only very basic health services without any specialized treatment. Some of the rural
health centres in the region are larger in size and have in-patient beds and a small staff of
doctors. There is only one rural hospital located in Bhatar (Table 9. 7).

Table 9.8: Public Health Services in the Rural

Areas of the Region, 1996-'97
---

Name of Block

Health
centres

Number
of beds

Number of
doctors

Ausgram-I

25

Galsi-II

44

Khandaghosh

Raina-I

Hospital

Veterinary
centres

Family
welfare
centres
20

21

29

17

26

31

II

26

Jamal pur

43

38

Memari-I

20

II

32

Memari-II

33

I4

25

Burdwan-I

23

I8

20

Burdwan-II

I6

20

Bhatar

82

IO

38

Monteswar

37

I2

32

43

383

62

114

298

Region Total

1
--

Source: Block Profile. Burdwan District

The provision of rural health services was done in the region quite efficiently during
the early fivt:-year plans. However, the maintenance of these services has fallen far behind
expectation. As a result. people in rural areas have lost faith in public health care delivery
system and try to obtain diversified. specialized medical services with sophisticated
diagnostic and treatment equipment that are available in Burdwan town.

250

Due to the poor maintenance of government health care services private health
facilities

hav1~

mushroomed. Some doctors visit the dispensaries located in rural areas once or

twice a week. They are usually full-time practitioners in Burdwan town and commute to rural
areas only on a part-time basis.
In the context of health service delivery systems the rural areas are very much
dependent on the services provided in Burdwan town. In this linkage pattern the flow of
people is

om~-way,

that is, only from rural to urban areas, as against the other kinds of

linkages. However, the developed physical linkage network in the region have made it
possible to at least obtain the higher level medical services available in Burdwan town.
The demand for higher level health services arc growing in the rural areas but the
proximity and improved transportation facilities to Burdwan town with specialized medical
services are playing as hindrances in their development in rural areas under private
ownership.

9.2. 7. Political, Administrative and Organizational Linkages

The functional relationships between rural and urban areas are integrated and
transformed through a set of political and administrative linkages. These are reflected in
formal government structural relationships, flows of public budget resources, administrative
authority, transactions, among government jurisdictions, informal political influence and
decision chains, and interdependencies among spatially dispersed specialized organizations
(Rondenelli and Ruddle, 1976).
In our study region the government sponsors most of the services in both rural and
urban areas. These public sector services are channeled from the district headquarter to the
grassroot level through an administrative and political hierarchy. The organizational linkages
between political and administrative set up are also efficient, helping to develop a wellintegrated functional system.

Administrativt~

Decision Chains

In our study region the authority-approval-supervision pattern is totally controlled by

district administration of Burdwan under the government system of West Bengal.
There are different and disparate administrative organizations with their hierarchical
levels serving the whole region. The administrative linkages evolve as the government
functions, services and resources are fragmented among organizations and jurisdictions.

251

These linkages among government

organi7~tions

not only extend services. facilities and

budgetary r,esources throughout the spatial system, but also act as channels tor obtaining
political support and authority to undertake developmental activities. Municipalities that
function independently within their respective urban boundaries run the three urban areas. In
this urban administration there is no hierarchical system, that is, smaller urban centres for
example Guskara and Memari do not anyway depend on the larger urban unit. Burdwan.
However. all the municipalities act under the control of district administration. With the
growth of these urban centres political and administrative linkages change and functions are
transformed within each centre. The number of social functions performed by the
government tends to increase as communities grow.
The rural areas of the region are under the three-tier system of both administrative
linkages and panchayati raj. In the administrative set-up, the Development Blocks lie at the
lowermost level and are managed by a Block Development Officer with a number of officers
managing each rural development departments like agriculture and irrigation, relief. savings.
water supply, cooperative etc. The Sub-Divisional Officer again controls a number of blocks.
The District Magistrate supervises all the subdivisions in the district occupying the top of the
district administrative hierarchy.
Besides the administrative hierarchy there is a three-tier panchayati system in the
rural areas which provides support to the administrative linkages and integration. The two
systems are not necessarily parallel to each other at all three levels.

Three-Tier Structures of Authority-Approval-Supervision

~listrict Magistrate~

Sabhadhioati, Zilla Parishad

~)Divisional Offic~

Sabhaoati, Panchyat Samiti

Block Development Officer

Pradhan, Gram Panchyat

Zilla (district) Parishad is the top panchayati raj institution which runs parallel to the
district administration. Under Zilla Parishad there are a number ofpanchayat samitis parallel
to the block level administration. The lowest level of panchayali raj institutions is occupied
252

by wam panchayats. The sub-divisional administrative office does not have an equivalent

panchayati institution. The flow of services. facilities and resources in the rural areas takes
place through the top down approach starting from the Zilla Parishad and District
Magistrate"s Office to the gram panchayats. The efficient functioning of this panchayati
system is a significant factor in the rural prosperity of the region (already discussed in
chapter 3). Proper administrative and organizational linkages integrating these panchayati raj
institutions and inter-departmental coordination in rural areas have provided the basis of the
successful implementation of agriculture- cum-rural development programmes.
The success of rural development essentially depends on the effectiveness of linkages
between and among institutions, horizontally with other organizations at the same level and
especially vertically between local organizations and structures at the centre of government
which sets policy and allocates resources (Upholf and Esman, 1974). Both the horizontal and
vertical linkages integrating organizations of Ill gram panchayats and II rural development
blocks are very strong in the region which have strengthened rural-urban interaction.

Informal PoHtical Decision Chains

The political decision chains forming informal linkages in the region are much
stronger providing support to the formal administrative linkages. There are four political
parties among which the supremacy of Communist Party oflndia, Marxist (CPIM) is in no
way parallel to the others. CPIM is the dominant political party controlling panchyati

institutions of the region for the last 24 years. The same party also runs the state government.
The long tradition of being into power has made CPIM a well-integrated and highly linked
political party with a well-organized hierarchical network in the region. For this reason we
have selected the CPIM to analyze the informal political decision chains in the rural-urban
interaction ofthe region.
PoHtical Hierarchy

~strict Committee

i
c=z;onal Committee

~
Qucal Conunittee

r---

J
J
J

* J

Branch
L __
_

Controlling entire district consisting

of 16 zonal committees

Controlling local conm1ittccs

Controlling parts of different gram
panchayats together
Controlling parts of a village
~53

The CPIM district committee occupies the topmost hierarchy of political decision
chains and is located in Burdwan town. Belov. the district level there are 16 zonal
committees among which 5 cover the entire rural area of the region. Among the 86 local
committees in the district 31 function in the region under 5 zonal committees (Figure 9.5 ).
The lowest political hierarchy is occupied by numerous branch offices. The number of
branch offices varies according to the size of villages. There may be as many as six to eight
branch offices in large villages. In a nutshell. it can be said that the intensive political
networks with integrated informal decision chains are the characteristic of CPIM party in the
regiOn.

Table 9.9: Political Network in the Region, 1998

- -

- ., . -

-- -- -

-- --. - . -

Number of local
committees

Number of
branches

Total
members

Whole time
members

Budbud-Galsi

90

843

20

Guskara

86

957

23

Memari

94

1,098

58

Dakshin Damodar

118

1'1 78

48

Burdwan Sadar

60

518

25

Burdwan Shahar

55

628

16

86

1,279

13,240

376

Zonal committee

Total

The land reform measures would have been difficult to realize without the active
participation of especially those engaged in Krishak sabha (peasant society) movement in
which the district has a long history (Konar, 1978). The agricultural development in the
region is partially based on the land reforms (Chapter 3 ). Decentralization of power through
the three-tier panchyati

~ystem

and local employment have been enhanced in the region with

the help of this informal political decision chains. The panchayati institutions run hy
democratically elected representatives provide intormal support system at all levels of
administrative hierarchy.

88. 10 E

NETWORK OF CPIM PARTY rN THE REGION ;{N

GUSkARA

\\

\\

-- "-. BHATAR

MANTESWAR

'KUSUMGRAM

~
URA

I I

I I

I /MADHYAMG

~,

/I

1I I

II I
{{ 1 SATGACHHIA

~~-~--HAT GOBINDAPUR

/II I '
ffl
IIII I I

I I
If

" 'e

'tl

SAKTIGARH

ME MARl

UKHRID

- - - - - - - e SAGRAI MORE

1 '."

BADULIA

"

SEHARABAZAR

"

23'

/'l
MASAGRAM e'///

SHYAMSUNOAR

10

.JAMAL PUR

km
Local Comm1Hee Office-

The political decision chains run in the rcg1on with the help of developed
telecommunication linkages. frequent party meetings at all hierarchical levels and a large
number of party bulletins either published by District Committee or by State Committee. The
information of the rural areas even at the grassroots level is easily communicated to the
district committee through hierarchical channels. On the other hand, informal orders and
advice smoothly flow from the district committee to the branches through zonal and local
committees. Frequent visits to Burdwan are very common among the members of rural
organizations. The voice of rural members get priority in the decision-making process related
to rural development.
Thus political and administrative linkages between Burdwan town and surrounding
rural areas have helped to strengthen the rural-urban interaction in the region ultimately to
form an integrated spatial system.

9.3.

Summary
We have described in this chapter the various aspects of rural-urban linkages. We

have tried to outline almost all the dimensions of such intensive interactions existing in the
region. From our description, we hope that a close rural-urban relationship becomes
apparent. _Much of this linkage is the product of recent times and the gaps now need to be
filled to remove the existing disparities between rural and urban. Still, our study brings out
clearly that at least in some prosperous rural areas the myth of rural-urban disjunction is no
longer valid. ln its place there often exists a healthier interaction as in the case of Burdwan
region.

256

CHAPTER I
LOOKING AHEAD
10.1. Int1roduction
This is our penultimate chapter ofthis dissertation. So far we have examined various
aspects of the rural economy and the urban centres acting as the foci for the surrounding
countryside., and their interlinkages. It is customary to wind up such discussions with an
outline of a

plan~

variously called 'rural development plan' (Rao, 1981 ). 'micro-level plan

(Sen, 1972)., 'regional plan' (Bhat, 1972), 'micropolitan plan' (Misra, 1998) and so on.
We intend to draw

~m

outline of our stated objectives and the work done, and

summarize the fmdings/conclusions. We also attempt to discuss the reality of the need for
planning in the context of recent paradigm changes in development planning literature.
Finally, we will try to put forward some broad suggestions for further explorations.

10.2. Findings
We started with the objective of probing into the nature of rural-urban relationship in
a specific regional context. We have attempted in the work, presented in the form of this
dissertation, to explore all possible dimensions of interaction between the two sectors.
From our enquiry into the nature of rural-urban interaction between Burdwan town
and surrounding rural areas we can summarize our fmdings in the following manner.
The historical development of both rural and urban areas of the region went on side
by side complementing each other. The agricultural part of the region has always been
famous for

'~conomic

prosperity since the historical past. In the post-independence planning

period, especially since the 1970s, agricultural production of the region received a boost from
the combined effects of successful land reforms, HYV package and the extension of
irrigation (mainly shallow and submersible pumps). Consequent rise in marketable surplus
and its mobility as well as infrastructural developments such as expansion of road
transportation network resulted in dissipation of rural isolation and increased levels of ruralurban interaction. Numerous rural development schemes run by government agencies such as
the DRDA have helped to reduce rural poverty and created situation amenable to rural-urban
bonding.

257

The surplus income generated from agricultural economy of the region. besides going
into Burdwan town, has also started to accumulate within the rural areas themselves. This has
laid to the growth of several rural market centres in the region. Most of these rural market
centres are basically large villages with higher levels of trading and commercial activities.
The main impetus behind their development is the higher degree of accessibility with
Burdwan town. These market centres are gradually developing urban characteristics too.
A detailed analysis was made of the levels of socio-economic and infrastructural
development of 111 gram panchayats belonging to the influence area of Burdwan town. The
results revealed that higher levels of development are closely associated with higher degrees
of rural-urban interaction. Therefore, we can say that the increased rural-urban interaction is
closely related to the development of rural areas.
The urban economy of the region on the other hand, is based on agro-processing
activities (such as rice milling, oil milling, chira milling etc.) and trade and commerce.
Agricultural produces from the surrounding rural areas supply these agro-processing units.
The flourishing trading and commercial activities are again based on the rising rural demand
of the region. Thus, a complementarity has developed between the economies of rural and
urban areas of the region. It is a recent phenomenon and reveals healthy rural-urban
reciprocal relationship.
The case study on rickshaw-pullers of the urban informal economy has also proved
that poverty-induced rural to urban migration is negligible within the region. On the other
hand, many other informal sector activities of the town are performed by commuters from the
surrounding rural areas.
However, we have also observed that there is still a considerable degree of gap
(mainly education, health and amenities) between the rural and urban areas of the region.
This amenity gap has led to some rural to urban migration of middle income families. These
migrants arc mostly engaged in tertiary jobs either in urban centres or in the surrounding
regiOn.
The rapid extension of road networks in the last decade connecting Burdwan with
surrounding rural areas has strengthened rural-urban linkages in the region. The recently
introduced town bus service network ha<> successfully linked several villages to Burdwan
town and has opened up access of the rural produce to urban markets. At the same time
villagers have also begun to enjoy the benefits of higher levels of infrastructural facilities
provided by Burdwan town.

258

The <malysis of the nature of different elements of rural-urban linkage in the region
showed that the linkages in the region are well developed to give the region an integrated
functional identity. The economic linkages ofthe rural and urban area<; are complementary to
each other. The social impact of town life is also very high on the lives of rural people in the
region. This impact has been aggravated by the improved levels of contact or mobility due to
frequent visits to Burdwan town. An integrated telephone network has again helped to
diminish the actual physical distances in the region. Similarly, service delivery linkages have
also tied rural areas with urban through the different infrastructural services.
Therefore, strong rural-urban linkage exists in the region. These linkages have led to
higher degree of rural-urban interaction between Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas
of the region. This healthy relationship between Burdwan town and its surrounding rural
areas does not conform to the conventional notion of rural-urban disjunction in the third
world countries. Finally, it can be said that our fmdings in this study have helped to demolish
and invalidate the generalizing myth of rural-urban disjunction in the third world.

10.3. Thi111king about Region

Planning as a tool has been widely used in India for developmental purposes. In the
beginning of the planning period especially up to the third five year plan (1961-'66) there
was emphasis only on economic planning at the national level and physical planning at the
metropolitan level. The macro-economic growth models of the earlier period of planning
could not take care of the extraordinary details of physical, cultural and economic contrasts
which are part ofthe national panorama (GOI, 1982).
As a consequence, the concept of micro level planning developed in the late 1960s
and early 70s. The term 'micro level planning' refers to the preparation of development plans
for smaller areas such as the district, development block and the villages (Bhat, el al., 1976).
This type of planning is based on the concept of spatial integration and therefore can be
considered as a form of spatial planning. Although there has been considerable emphasis on
the preparation of district plans, very few attempts have been successful so tar.
Urban settlement planning was again limited to the large and metropolitan cities only.
where specific planning bodies such as Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority
{CMDA) were set up to administer such activities. Even in the last decade ofthe 201h century
new planning organizations were being set up for large urban centres in the form of
Development Authorities (for example Asansol-Durgapur Development Authority or ADDA.

259

for the urbanized tract lying in the western part of Burdwan district). The need for exploring
the potentialities of developing small and medium towns were highlighted for the first time
during the fourth five year plan period. However, it was only during the sixth plan period that
the scheme of Integrated Development of Small and Medium Towns (IDSMT) was
introduced by the government (GOI, 1988).
The guidelines for IDSMT scheme clearly emphasize that for a planned development
of these towns it is necessary that an integrated development programme of each town is
drawn up keeping in view its locational importance and linkages in the region (GOI. 1996).
Priority of IDSMT scheme was to develop the infrastructure of these centres to make them
suitable as growth and service centres for their rural hinterlands. Balanced regional
development through a system of growth centres in the form of small and medium towns and
the diffusion of urbanization from the urban agglomerations were other objectives of
IDSMT.
The implementation of IDSMT scheme in India is still limited at the individual urban
settlement level. Master plans for individual municipalities is a common feature in most of
the medium sized urban centres in India. Municipalities or other forms of local selfgovernment without any plan outline usually run smaller towns.
There is a large body of literature on the promising role of small and medium towns
can play in bridging the rural-urban gaps in Indian/third world situations (Chapter 7).
According to Kulkarni ( 1997) urban agglomerations in India have taken care neither of
villages which are absorbed nor of cities which absorb them. To reverse this process and also
to solve the problem of isolation of rural areas, small and medium towns should be developed
as local growth centres. Misra (1998) preferred the term 'micropolis' to imply this smaller
urban centre located in rural setting. He suggested that a 'rnicropolitan approach' to rural
development can be very effectively and fruitfully used to develop rural areas in general and
village settlements in particular. One of the main roles of a micropolis would be to promote
the diversification of rural economy from merely crop production to the production of all
goods and services which a micro-region needs (Misra. 1998). A rnicropolis, identical to the
secondary cities mentioned by Rondinelli ( 1983 ), is thus a development centre of the microregional economy. These centres can bring together the rural and urban economies and in due
course integrate the two, so that the differences between the quality of life in urban and rural
areas are considerably reduced (Misra, 1998).
In spite of several plans, government policies and numerous discussions by planners
and academicians on the positive role small and medium towns can play in regional
260

development. the relationship of such individual units (small and medium towns) with their
surrounding countryside has not been analyzed in detail. Consequently the plans tor
integration of rural areas with these urhan centres are yet to he developed.
Let us now look into the attempts so far made to develop Burdwan region. In this
region there are three urban cetnres among which Burdwan is the most significant as it is the
main focus of our study of rural-urban interaction. According to size and function also it is
placed at much higher level than the other two (Chapter 7). The rural counterpart is
constituted by 111 gram panchayats under 11 rural development blocks. The rural areas are
usually run by a three-tier panchayati institution consisting of zilla parishad, panchayat

samitis and gram panchayats. Rural development through this system of panchayati
institutions is purely sectoral in nature. Spatial planning is more or less absent in these areas.
Sectoral development (transport, agriculture, irrigation, health, fishery etc.) is taking place
through top-down approach of planning from zilla parishad to individual panchayats through
block development offices. Individual departments without any integration or co-ordination
with other sectors run this sort of sectoral development.
Besides, there are numerous rural development schemes run by the DRDA to uplift
the economic condition of poor rural people living below the poverty line. These schemes
run individually without any coordination with each other. There is another question
regarding the effective implementation of rural development programmes By effective
implementation we mean reaching development components to smaller villages and lower
strata of rural population.
On the other hand, municipal authorities the domain of which is limited within the
physical boundaries of individual towns govern urban areas. Municipal authorities usually
run the towns with the help of several departments related to different sectors like roads,
water supply, tax etc. Recently with the considerable increase in both area and size of the
towns, Burdwan and Guskara municipalities have taken initiative to prepare master plans for
holistic urban development. These master plans prepared by SHAPE ( 1996) have identified
influence zones of each urban centre for planning to meet the expanding nature of future
requirements and extension of municipal boundaries.
The objective of these master plans was to empha.'iize the development of an
integrated system of individual to\-Vn with the surrounding villages through the development
of backward and forward linkages. However. these master plans too have remained
concerned with development of roads. drainage. sewerage, market. small scale industries and
such other urban amenities and features for the areas lying within the municipal boundaries.
261

For example the 1996 Master Plan of Burdwan MunicljJality has recommended the
following measures:

facilitate distribution of medical facilities in all the wards of municipality;

improve organized open spaces and facilitate community activities;

rationalize Traffic system and network, improve roads;

take measure through a holistic approach, in attending to sanitation, drainage,

garbage disposal and recycling, cattle sheds, swamps and waterlogged areas;

explore the vast and innumerable waterbodies of the town for the purpose of
water supply;

develop goods terminal facilities in several areas at the outskirts of town; and

construct another by-pass road along the northern boundary of the municipality.

However, how these will be achieved was not mentioned. Similarly, the modalities of
rural-urban integration were completely bye-passed though it formed the essential backbone
of the plan. For example, mention was made of developing the transportation network of
towns with the surrounding rural areas in order to integrate rural with urban. But very little
actual development has taken place.

10.4. Proposals for Infrastructural Development

The planning experience (through Regional plan, Rural development plan, Master
plan, Development authority etc.) in the region clearly indicates that no further plan along
conventional lines is necessary. The rural-urban linkages have so far developed to some
extent spontaneously with the help of agricultural improvement and expansion of transport
network. Therefore, for further integration ofthe rural and urban economy, diffused pattern
of urbanization and smooth development of rural-urban linkages in the region, further
improvement of infrastructure is an urgent need. Development of infrastructure uniformly
throughout the region can also check the migration trends towards Burdwan town.
The basic infrastructures, which need to be given emphasis for development of the
region, are - transport, marketing, education and health.

Transport

In our previous discussion (Chapter 9) we have seen that a radical improvement in

road transport has taken place in the region especially during the last decade. The town bus

262

network has helped to develop the physical linkages between Burdwan town and the
surrounding rural areas. However, from the detailed analysis ofthe road transport network in
the region we have identified some deficiencies, which need to be ameliorated immediately
for further integration of the network. Some ofthese problems are:

lack of better road connection across the Damodar river is the topmost in the list
oftransport bottlenecks;

the encroachment of shoulders and carriage ways especially along G. T. Road by

truck servicing centre, truck washing stalls, eating places (dhabas) etc.;

high frequency of level crossing on the railway lines putting major bottlenecks to
road transport;

narrow width of road with high traffic volume creating heavy traffic jams
specially in the rainy season;

poor condition of road surface (unsurfaced in some cases);

weak and seasonal bridges;

lack of link roads connecting major roads;

lack of truck terminals; and

lack of circular corridors due to the absence of link roads.

These improvements will work towards making the road transport network of the
region an efficient system.
Rural market centres
Th(~

economic mechanism between large villages and the rural hinterland can be

stepped up with the help of developing rural market centres. Distribution of these market
centres should be fairly even (Chadha, 1996) for the successful integration of a functional
region. They are suitable for forging and strengthening agricultural and commercial linkages:
economies of scale in rural-urban exchanges are duly realized while diseconomies are
avoided. These smaller market centres can absorb the rural surplus and can create spread
effects for their smaller catchment areas if they are developed properly. The market centres
of Burdwan region are the products of both agricultural development and the improvements
in transportation. Feeder roads to remote villages in the form of town bus service network
have facilitated the growth and expansion of these rural market centres. Some of these
centres (such as Galsi and Seharabazar) have already acquired an urban outlook. Better
infrastructure in these semi-urban market centres can help them to develop into small market
263

towns. These centres then can relieve the pressure on Burdwan town with their transition to
smaller urban settlements.
On the basis of our study, we can now suggest some concrete policy measures for
rural market centres of the region. These measures may be considered by the district planning
board or the Zilla Parishad, and are as follows:

a wide and well-developed network of village roads linking villages with nearest
rural market centres should be provided;

rural market centres should be connected with the central urban focus, Burdwan
by speedy modes of transportation to reduce the travel time distance between
them;

better health and education service should be provided m these rural market
centres to improve human resources;

credit and co-operative facilities should be expanded; and

regulated markets and mandi committees with authority to levy taxes for smooth
operation of marketing should be set up.

Better and more urban amenities like pucca (metalled) roads, electricity, water
supply, telecommunication, entertainment facilities should be provided to transform the large
villages into smaller urban growth centres.

Education

Though the rural areas of the region have quite a large number of both primary and
secondary schools, the educational infrastructure is not sufficient to meet the rising demand
for education. Moreover, tertiary education (beyond the school levels) facilities arc still
limited within the urban centres with a very few degree colleges located in the rural areas.
All the educational institutions are under a government sponsored system of education.
Private schools are yet to be developed in the villages. In this context we can look forward to
an expansion ofthe privately owned educational institutions which can cater to the emerging
gap between the demand and availability of educational infrastructure. The rurban centres
located at nodal points surrounding Burdwan town should be immediately provided with at
least one degree college in each.

264

Health
Lack of a well-articulated public health care delivery system has been observed in the
rural areas of the region. The public health centres are located at considerable distances from
each other. The service and maintenance of these health centres are very poor. Pathological
clinics and sophisticated machinery are totally absent from these health centres, so are
operation theatres and in-patient beds. In some cases only nurses without any doctors run
these rural hospitals as the doctors decline to reside in the hospital premises. The health
infrastructure has totally collapsed in the rural areas of the region. To check the migration
rush of better-off classes from these rural areas to Burdwan, necessary steps should be taken
immediately.

10.5. Conclusion
In the end, we may note the need for diversification of the rural economy through the
development of rural agro-based and other smaller industrial units. Diversification of
cropping economy away from the present pattern of mono cropping of rice is an immediate
necessity. The farming of marketable vegetables, wheat, potato, mustard, etc. needs to be
encouraged to meet the growing demand of the region. This diversification of cropping
pattern will help to protect the farmers from recent economic disasters such as the price fall
of rice after liberalization of Indian economy and import of cheaper rice from southeast
Asian countries. Crop diversification will also help to check the soil dereliction and related
problems such as salinity and waterlogging arising from mono cropping. To meet the
growing demands of egg, meo.t, milk etc. in the urban centres as well as rural market centres
dairy farming, poultry farming and meat production need to be encouraged by the
government.
Agro--processing activity too is entirely under the monopoly of rice milling and oil
milling. This pattern of agro-processing needs to be diversified. Food processing units can be
developed based on marketable vegetables like potato, tomato etc. We, therefore. look
forward to the initiatives taken by panchayati raj institutions (Zilla parishad, Panchayat
samitis and Gram panchayats) to develop the diversified cropping pattern and diversified

processing units.
Finally we must mention the issue of governance. At present there is hardly any coordination of rural and urban governance in the region. As rural and urban existed in two
completely different spheres before, the institutions formed to maintain them too were parts

265

of two different worlds. llowever. we have noted in our study that this situation is rapidly
changing and there is now a greater interaction and closer linkages between the two.
Therefore. new problems of rural-urban relationship are emerging which these state
institutions are hard put to solve in isolation. For example, we may note here the co-existence
of rickshaws registered with the municipality and the nearby panchayats to the Burdwan
town creating problems of administration. As such problems have emerged. the need to deal
with them jointly by both rural and urban local bodies has also become apparent.
Notwithstanding the differences between the problems of the rural and urban areas. the two
systems - rural and urban - have to exist side by side and to develop together. A sound
interrelationship and mutual co-operation between the urban local bodies and panchayati raj
institutions in this context can make the rural-urban interaction stronger.

266

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