AS 6001 (TERM PAPER)

BOOK REVIEW:
STATE POWER AND SOCIAL FORCES: DOMINATION AND TRANSFORMATION
IN THE THIRD WORLD
Introduction
The book, titled State Power and Social Forces: Domination and
Transformation in the Third World, edited by Joe S. Migdal, Atul Kohli and Vivienne
Shue, was published in 1994 by Cambridge University Press.
The book, a product of a near three-year collaborations and deliberations by
the contributors, is a collection of scholarly narratives by Migdal et al. on state,
society and politics in Third World countries (or developing countries). The opening
chapters by Migdal outlined the theoretical approach of the state-in-society
perspective, which the contributors had propounded, for the study of comparative
politics in developing countries. Migdal provided a comprehensive overview of the
differences between the various theoretical approaches and also explains many of
the terms and vocabulary used, which is especially useful for someone (like me) who
is totally new to the discipline of comparative theory. In the later part of the book,
case studies and country-specific essays drawn from the developing world (Africa,
the Middle East, Asia, and Latin America) were offered and discussed; with Atul Kohli
and Vivienne Shue wrapping up with their observations in the concluding chapter.
In the seminal book, Migdal et al., who worked in the Weberian tradition of
political sociology, argued the need for a more balanced and pertinent perspective to
comparative theory. Their proposed state-in-society approach was in opposition to
the conventional framework of state-versus-society, aimed to shift away from the
zero-sum conflict that pits state against society. It was apparent that the
contributors had sought to right biases in methodological frameworks of the past,
which were seen to have erred in analysing the state as an outcome dependent on

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socio-economic forces and for overplaying the states autonomy to take action and
change1.
The Concept of State-in-Society Theory
In propounding the state-in-society approach, Migdal, in his orienting
opening essay, argued that apart from bringing the state back in, there was a need
to adopt the position of analysing states in their social setting in order to achieve a
more balanced perspective. In doing so, scholars would be able to appreciate better
the state-societal relations and their influences between them, which tended to be
reciprocal (p.1). This approach entailed the processes of identifying contentious
fragments of the state and the disaggregation or breaking down of these states
fragments for meaningful comparison and analysis with social elements (p.3). The
arguments and the suggested approach is sound and has merit, given its emphasis
on more interactive and empirically grounded study of dynamics between state
components and social forces2 at different junctures; deviating from the past norms
of viewing states from the pinnacle of power (p.3).
The contributors of the book were committed to a new anthropology of the
state approach, in which the state and societys struggles for domination and the
social changes arising from such interactive struggles were the focus of analysis;
allowing the dismantling and analysis of different components and interactions
among them (pp.15-16) as noted by Robert H. Jackson in his book review, this was
an attempt by the contributors to recover the political sociology of the state and to
build anew on those theoretical foundations 3. To understand the engagement of
states and societies is to appreciate how different elements of states and societies
interact and affect each other that brought about unanticipated patterns of
1 Solinger, Dorothy J, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in
the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue, The Journal of Politics 58, no.
01 (Feb.,1996), p. 294.

2 Bright, Charles, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the
Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue, The Hispanic American Historical
Review, Vol. 76, No. 3 (Aug., 1996), p. 613.

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domination and transformation (p.8), which occurred through what Migdal termed as
the societys multiple arenas of domination and opposition (p.9). Arising from these
interactions, a society would either become integrated domination (broad power
established by states/social forces) or dispersed domination (states/societies
unable to achieve absolute domination), as a result of conflicts and complicities in
the various arenas of societies (p.9).
Migdal questioned the notion of a standard framework (unification of dynamics
of state-societal tensions, amongst others) that was prevalent in previous theories.
He argued that societies are products of state formation (p.18) and are created and
activated by the state. He described social forces in society as powerful
mechanisms for associative behaviours that comprised formal and informal
organisations, as well as social movements (p.20). More importantly, social forces
are not isolated in a social vacuum and therefore, it is bound to encounter other
social forces that would either compete to dominate or avoid confrontation. Likewise,
in a co-existent arena, like-minded social forces could also forge allies or coalition to
achieve common goals (pp.20-21).
On how social forces could dominate in an arena (p.22), Migdal cited control
and dictate issue areas to assert influence; transfer and deployment of resources
from one arena to another; manipulation of a mix of key elements (such as
geography; human and material resources; forms of social organisations, amongst
others) to its advantage; injection of new factors (such as additional capital;
compelling ideas and others) to gain a certain edge; and even setting off new and
renewed struggles in an arena this is a broad-based concept that encompassed
almost all elements and factors related to social actions and relations, which comes
across as overly ambitious. This would inevitably give rise to conceptual ambiguity 4,
as noted by Jackson in his review, citing that even the state is referred to as a social
3 Jackson, Robert H, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in
the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue, The American Political
Science Review, Vol. 89, No. 2 (Jun., 1995), p. 520.

4 Jackson, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third
World, p. 520.
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force at one point (p.30) and it inevitably gave rise to doubts in readers about the
theoretical coherence of the proposed theory.
Apart from the aforementioned, the themes outlined in the book are generally clear,
logical and convincing. The crux of the conceptual argument was stressed right at
the outset where states may help mold, but they are also continually molded by, the
societies within which they are embedded (p.2). The contributors of the book saw
interactions between state and society as mutually empowering (p.24) and when
they clashed; mediation takes the form of accommodation and struggles.
A certain part of Migdals chapter was attributed to discussing the ideal types
of results after the process of mediation occurred between the state and society, that
is: (a) total transformation after states have successfully penetrate social forces
and eventually dominate; (b) existing social forces being incorporated by the state
(states abilities are weakened due to adaptation to change); (c) state is being
incorporated into existing social forces (states chances to achieve integrated
domination are substantially weakened); and (d) state failed in its attempt to
penetrate society (p.24-26). This concept is a useful tool as it provides for
classifications of dynamics between states and social forces, after the interactive
struggles and accommodations had taken place, for analysis.
As suggested by Migdal, there is only a remote possibility in reality, for cases
in arenas to fall into the pair of extreme ideal-types (total transformation and
disengagement). For most cases that fall into the middle two ideal-types, state and
society would continue to engage in a reciprocal relationship of mutually
transforming struggles (p.26).
The Case Studies
The collection of case studies that examine the intersection between state
power and social forces are found at Part II (States: Embedded in Society) and Part
III (Social Forces: Engaged with State Power) of the book, featuring nine countryspecific case essays: two on China, three in Africa, one each in Egypt, Brazil, India,
and the late Ottoman Empire. The case studies go back to the late Ottoman period
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and stretched up to the modern day. It gave an interesting glimpse into how the
interdependency between state and society played out in different time period,
countries, as well as social and political context. The book has made a distinction
between state power and state, as well as between social forces and society.
This supports the case studies, showing that there are separate, yet inter-related
parts, within the state and society. The key concept of disaggregation was also
stressed in the empirical studies of the developing countries and it demonstrated the
effectiveness of this approach that enable a better understanding of state power and
political change in the Third World.
The Part II of the book brings together the essays from four contributors,
namely Frances Hagopian, Vienne Shue, Atul Kohli and Catherine Boone, covering
Brazil, China, India and Africa, with a common theme that the authority was
centralised at the highest level of the state, and they make decisions independently
from the rest of the state. However, this also led to the situation where these policymakers are isolated from societal forces. Instead of being more effective in
promulgating policies, the case studies suggested that the concentration of power
with the elites resulted in a gap between the top and the middle-level, as well as
laterally between groups at the top. This resulted in the state not being able to
effectively meet the needs of the society, thus strengthening the resolve of the social
forces to disengage from the state or to limit the powers of the state 5.
There were five essays brought together in Part III of the book, contributed by
Elizabeth J. Perry, Robert Vitalis, Resat Kasaba, Michael Bratton and Naomi
Chazan. Their works examine how social forces in China, Egypt, the late Ottoman
Empire, and post-colonial Africa, engaged the state to varying degree; starting with
Perry and Vitalis essays which examined the divisions within groupings of common
interests in Shanghai and Egypt. Kasabas coverage of the social change in the late
Ottoman Empire showed how social forces became powerful 6. Brattons article
5 Pomeranz, Kenneth, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in
the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue, The Journal of Asian Studies,
Vol. 54, No. 3 (Aug., 1995), p. 821.

6 Pomeranz, review of State Power and Social Forces, pp. 821-822.

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postulates that struggles between state and peasant in African countries exist
because both parties were asserting their political autonomy, instead of building their
political capacity, in a complex interplay of economic and political agenda. Chazan
then rounded up with her essay on the formation and fluctuation of civil society in
Africa, and its implications.
In the final part of the book, Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue concluded by tying
the various case studies in the earlier parts of the book back to the state-in-society
theory that were interrelated; namely the states capacities to justify dominance in
the pursuit of socio-economic goals and also the roles social forces played in low
income societies; as well as the circumstances that might affect mutual
empowerment of state and society (p.303). The essays, however, did not involve
problematic cases where violence in the Third World countries was prevalent in the
last century due to weak governance and contentious forces of the societies 7.
As a book published in 1994, and delving into events going as far back into
the Ottoman Empire, it is by no means an easy feat drawing on the diverse social
and political context to develop a case to demonstrate the interplay between state
powers and social forces in countries of the Third World under study. A common
observation in the case studies is that the lines between state and social forces are
often not clear, and the boundaries shift with each alliance, coalition, conflict
between multiple stakeholders. The case studies in the essays also highlighted two
key driving forces of state-society interactions: economic and political agenda 8.
These factors provide the motivation and impetus for both the state power and the
social forces to initiate projects, and/or react.
As the book was published more than two decades ago, before the onset of
wide accessibility to Internet and rising influence of social media in galvanising or

7 Bright, review of State Power, p. 614.

8 Solinger, review of State, p. 295.

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undermining state powers and social forces, it would be interesting to examine if the
inter-relationship between state and society have become even more complex than
before. At a macro level, have social forces and the civil society become stronger
players that disrupt the power of the elites; or has social media given the top level of
the state, a channel to better understand social forces so that they can better
formulate policies that are implementable? At a micro level, there are also more
divergent views within each society, potentially leading to fragmentation and
weakening of social forces that limit their ability to lobby for a common objective. It
would also be interesting to examine the impact of the Internet in areas where there
is some form of state-controlled Internet access.
In conclusion, the essays in this book have provided a good introduction to,
and with case studies to illustrate, the state-in-society theory. However, an update
of this state-in-society theory may be due, to adjust for the new dynamic
interactions between the state, the society and the civil society.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bright, Charles, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and
Transformation in the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne
Shue, The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 76, No. 3 (Aug., 1996).
Jackson, Robert H, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and
Transformation in the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne
Shue, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 89, No. 2 (Jun., 1995).
Pomeranz, Kenneth, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and
Transformation in the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne
Shue, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 54, No. 3 (Aug., 1995).
Solinger, Dorothy J, review of State Power and Social Forces: Domination and
Transformation in the Third World, ed. by Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne
Shue, The Journal of Politics 58, no. 01 (Feb.,1996).

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