Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Narendra Modi
Incumbent
Assumed office
26 May 2014
President
Pranab Mukherjee
Preceded by
Manmohan Singh
In office
7 October 2001 22 May 2014
Governor
Kailashpati Mishra
Balram Jakhar
S. C. Jamir
Kamla Beniwal
Preceded by
Keshubhai Patel
Succeeded by
Anandiben Patel
Incumbent
Assumed office
16 May 2014
Preceded by
In office
1 January 2002 16 May 2014
Preceded by
Kamlesh Patel
Succeeded by
Suresh Patel
Personal details
Born
Political party
Spouse(s)
Residence
Alma mater
Religion
University of Delhi
Gujarat University
Hinduism
Signature
Website
Official website
Government website
Narendra Modi
Public image
2002
2007
2012
Swearing-in ceremony
Council of Ministers
Timeline
Mann Ki Baat
Global Contributions
Foreign policy
Asian
South Asian
Middle Eastern
Neighbourhood first
Trips abroad
Yoga Day
Solar alliance
SAARC Satellite
World Hindi Secretariat
National
Union Budgets
2014
2015
2016
Railway Budgets
2014
2015
2016
Antyodaya
Sukanya Samriddhi
Diamond Quadrilateral
DELP
HRIDAY
Jeevan Pramaan
Mudra Yojana
Jeevan Jyoti
Krishi Sinchai
Suraksha Bima
Gram Jyoti
OROP
Soil health cards
UDAY
Ujjwala
Projects
Bharatmala
Sagar Mala
Setu Bharatam
Campaigns
Accessible India
Digital India
Make in India
Swachh Bharat
Skill India
Startup India
Missions
AMRUT
Smart cities
TB-Mission 2020
Establishments
NITI Aayog
Statue of Unity
War Memorial
MUDRA Bank
Laws
Aadhaar Act
Black Money Act
Works
Operation Raahat
[3]
Since Modi's taking office as Prime Minister, his administration has focused on reforming and
modernising India's infrastructure and government, reducing bureaucracy, encouraging increased
foreign direct investment, improving national standards of health and sanitation and improving
foreign relations. Earlier, as Chief Minister of Gujarat, Modi's economic policies (credited with
encouraging economic growth in Gujarat) have been praised, although his administration has been
criticised for failing to significantly improve the human development in the state and for failing to
prevent the 2002 Gujarat riots.
A Hindu nationalist and member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS), Modi remains a controversial figure domestically and internationally.
[4]
[5]
[6][7][8]
[9]
[10][11][12]
[10][13][14][15][16][17][18]
Contents
3.2.12007 election
o
o
5.1Economic policies
5.2Health and sanitation policies
5.3Defence policy
5.4War on terrorism
5.5IT policy
5.6International diplomacy
6Personal life
7Image
8Books
9Awards and recognition
9.1State honours
10References
o
o
o
3.5International diplomacy
3.3.2Development debate
o
o
o
o
o
o
3.3.1Projects
10.1Notes
10.2Citations
10.3Sources
11Further reading
12External links
[20][21]
[22][23]
As a child, Modi helped his father sell tea at the Vadnagar railway station, and later ran a tea stall
with his brother near a bus terminus. Modi completed his higher secondary education in Vadnagar
in 1967, where a teacher described him as an average student and a keen debater, with an interest
in theatre. Modi had an early gift for rhetoric in debates, and this was noted by his teachers and
students. Modi preferred playing larger-than-life characters in theatrical productions, which has
influenced his political image.
[24][25]
[24]
[26]
[27][28]
Modi with his mother, Hiraben, on his 63rd birthday on 17 September 2013.
At age eight, Modi discovered the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and began attending its
local shakhas (training sessions). There, Modi met Lakshmanrao Inamdar, popularly known as Vakil
Saheb, who inducted him as abalswayamsevak (junior cadet) for RSS and became his political
mentor. While Modi was training with the RSS, he also met Vasant Gajendragadkar and Nathalal
Jaghda, Bharatiya Jana Sangh leaders who were founding members of the BJP's Gujarat unit in
1980.
[29]
[30][31]
Engaged while still a child to a local girl, Jashodaben Narendrabhai Modi, Modi rejected the
arranged marriage at the same time he graduated from high school. The resulting familial tensions
contributed to his decision to leave home in 1967.
[32]
[33]
Modi spent the ensuing two years travelling across Northern and North-eastern India, though few
details of where he went have emerged. In interviews, Modi has described visiting Hindu ashrams
founded by Swami Vivekananda: the Belur Math near Kolkata, followed by the Advaita
Ashrama in Almora and the Ramakrishna Mission in Rajkot. Modi remained only a short time at
each, since he lacked the required college education.
"Modi's life is said to have Vivekananda's
deep influence. People close to Modi have often been quoted, saying that Modi has molded many
aspects of his life as Vivekananda's."
[34]
[35][36][37]
[38]
Reaching the Belur Math in the early summer of 1968 and being turned away, Modi wandered
through Calcutta, West Bengal and Assam, stopping by Siliguri and Guwahati. Modi then went to
the Ramakrishna Ashram in Almora, where he was again rejected, before travelling back to Gujarat
via Delhi and Rajasthan in 1968-69. Sometime in late 1969 or early 1970, Modi returned to
Vadnagar for a brief visit before leaving again for Ahmedabad. There, Modi lived with his uncle,
working in the latter's canteen at the Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation.
[39]
[40]
[41]
[42][43]
In Ahmedabad, Modi renewed his acquaintance with Inamdar, who was based at Hedgewar Bhavan
(RSS headquarters) in the city.
After the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, he stopped working for his
uncle and became a full-time pracharak (campaigner) for the RSS. In 1978, Modi became an
RSS sambhag pracharak (regional organiser), and received a degree in Political Science after
a distance-education course from Delhi University. Five years later, he received a Master of
Arts degree in political science from Gujarat University in 1982.
[44][45][46]
[43]
[47][48]
[49][50]
[24][53][54][55]
[56][57]
He was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985. In 1988, Modi was elected organising secretary of
the party's Gujarat unit, marking his entrance into electoral politics. He rose within the party,
helping organise L. K. Advani's 1990 Ram Rath Yatra in 1990 and Murli Manohar Joshi's 1991
92 Ekta Yatra (Journey for Unity). As party secretary, Modi's electoral strategy was considered
central to BJP victory in the 1995 state assembly elections.
In November of that year Modi was
elected BJP national secretary and transferred to New Delhi, where he assumed responsibility for
party activities in Haryana and Himachal Pradesh. The following year, Shankersinh Vaghela (one
of the most prominent BJP leaders in Gujarat) defected to the INC after losing his parliamentary seat
in the Lok Sabha elections. Modi, on the selection committee for the 1998 Assembly elections in
Gujarat, favoured supporters of BJP leader Keshubhai Patel over those supporting Vaghela to end
factional division in the party. His strategy was credited as key to the BJP winning an overall majority
[30]
[47][58]
[24][59]
[30][60][61]
[60][62]
[24]
[60][63]
[64]
Chief Minister Modi and his cabinet ministers at a Planning Commissionmeeting in New Delhi, 2013.
In 2001, Patel's health was failing and the BJP had lost seats in the by-elections. Allegations of
abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's standing had been
damaged by his administration's handling of the 2001 Bhuj earthquake.
The BJP national
leadership sought a new candidate for chief minister, and Modi (who had expressed misgivings
about Patel's administration) was chosen as a replacement. Although Advani did not want to
ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an
offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister and told Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee he was "going to
be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On 3 October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister
of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for the December 2002 elections. As Chief
Minister, Modi favoured privatisation and small government; this was at odds with political
commentator Aditi Phadnis' description of the RSS as anti-privatisation and anti-globalisation.
[60][65][66]
[24]
[67][68]
[65]
[70]
[73][74]
[75]
[76][77]
[78][79]
[78][79][80]
[81][82]
In March 2008, the Supreme Court asked the state government to re-investigate nine cases from the
2002 riots (including the Gulbarg Society massacre), establishing a Special Investigation Team
(SIT).
In response to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the
Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court asked the SIT to investigate her allegation that
Modi and another minister were complicit in the killings. The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010;
in May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence to substantiate the allegations. In
July 2011, amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court: contrary to the
SIT position, Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence. The team criticised
Ramachandran's report for relying on testimony from Sanjiv Bhatt, who they said fabricated the
[80][83][84]
[83][85]
[83][86]
documents used as evidence. The Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate court, with
the SIT examining Ramachandran's report. The team submitted its final report in March 2012
seeking closure of the case, with Zakia Jaffri filing a protest petition in response. In December 2013
the magistrate court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's finding that there was no
evidence against the chief minister.
[87][88]
[89]
Modi's involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. Several scholars have
described them as a pogrom, while others have called them state terrorism.
Summarising
academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is by now a broad consensus that
the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that
it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law." Distinguished
Indian lawyer Ram Jethmalani applauded Modi's efforts during 2002 riots. In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a
minister in Modi's government from 2007 to 2009, was convicted of participation in theNaroda Patiya
massacre during the 2002 riots. Kodnani was the first woman and the first MLA to be convicted in
a Godhra-riots case. Although Modi's government had announced that it would seek the death
penalty for Kodnani on appeal, in 2013 it retreated from that stance.
[90][91][92]
[93]
[94]
[95][96]
[97]
[98][99][100]
Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding
the episode. He subsequently claimed that some journalists at India's NDTV channel had acted
irresponsibly in their coverage of the events.
[101]
[102]
2002 election
[104]
[105][106]
[107]
[108][109][110][111]
[112]
[113]
After accusations of anti-Muslim rhetoric during the campaign, during Modi's second term his
emphasis shifted from Hindutva to Gujarat's economic development.
He curtailed the influence
of Sangh Parivar organisations such as the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS) and the Vishva Hindu
Parishad (VHP), entrenched in the state after the decline of Ahmedabad's textile industry, and
dropped Gordhan Zadafia (an ally of former Sangh co-worker and VHP state chief Praveen Togadia)
from his cabinet. When the BKS staged a farmers' demonstration Modi ordered their eviction from
state-provided houses, and his decision to demolish 200 illegal temples in Gandhinagar deepened
[65][108]
[114]
[65]
[114]
His 200207 changes have led to Gujarat's description as an attractive investment destination.
According to Aditi Phadnis, "There was sufficient anecdotal evidence pointing to the fact that
corruption had gone down significantly in the state ... if there was to be any corruption, Modi had to
know about it". He established financial and technology parks in Gujarat and during the
2007 Vibrant Gujaratsummit, real-estate investment deals worth 6.6 trillion were signed in the
state.
[65]
[65]
Despite his second-term focus on economic issues, Modi's relationship with Muslims continued to be
criticised. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (who asked Modi for tolerance in the aftermath of the
2002 Gujarat violence and supported his resignation as chief minister)
distanced himself,
reaching out to North Indian Muslims before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections. After the elections
Vajpayee called the violence in Gujarat a reason for the BJP's electoral defeat and said it had been
a mistake to leave Modi in office after the riots.
[116][117]
[118][119]
2007 election
[121]
[122]
[123][b]
[124]
[125]
[126]
Keshubhai Patel and Modi's BJP governments supported NGOs and communities in the creation of
groundwater-conservation projects; according to Tushaar Shah, Gujarat (a semi-arid state) was " ...
never known for agrarian dynamism". By December 2008 500,000 structures were built, of which
113,738 were check dams. While most check-dam impoundments dried up during the pre-monsoon
period, they helped monsoon rains recharge the aquifers beneath them. Sixty of the
112 tehsilswhich were found to have depleted the water table in 2004 had regained their normal
groundwater levels by 2010, and Gujarat increased its groundwater levels when they were falling in
all other Indian states. As a result, the state's production of genetically modified Bt cotton (which
could now be irrigated with tube wells) increased to become the largest in India. The boom in
cotton production and its semi-arid land use saw Gujarat's agricultural growth increase to 9.6
[127]
[128]
[127]
[129]
percent from 2001 to 2007. Although public irrigation measures in central and southern Gujarat
(such as the Sardar Sarovar Dam) have been less successful, from 2001 to 2010 Gujarat recorded
an agricultural growth rate of 10.97 percent the highest of any state. However, sociologists have
pointed out that the growth rate under the 199297 INC government was 12.9 percent.
[130]
[127]
[129]
[131]
The Modi government brought electricity to every village in Gujarat, although according to Dipankar
Banerjee all but 170 villages had been electrified under the INC administration. Modi significantly
changed the state's system of power distribution, greatly impacting farmers. Gujarat expanded
the Jyotigram Yojana scheme, in which agricultural electricity was separated from other rural
electricity; the agricultural electricity was rationed to fit scheduled irrigation demands, reducing its
cost. Although early protests by farmers ended when those who benefited found that their electricity
supply had stabilised, according to an assessment study corporations and large farmers benefited
from the policy at the expense of small farmers and labourers.
[131]
[127]
[132]
Progress was made on the Gujarat International Finance Tec-City project, considered one of Modi's
pet projects. Its first phase, consisting of two skyscrapers (GIFT One and Two), was completed in
2012.
[133][134]