Blacking, John - Venda and Effectiveness of Symbols

The Context of Venda Possession Music: Reflections on the Effectiveness of Symbols
Author(s): John Blacking

Source: Yearbook for Traditional Music, Vol. 17 (1985), pp. 64-87
Published by: International Council for Traditional Music
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/768437 .
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THE CONTEXT OF VENDA POSSESSION MUSIC:

REFLECTIONS ON THE EFFECTIVENESS OF SYMBOLS
by JohnBlacking
Cases of trance,ecstasy,spiritpossession,and otherinstitutionalized
been invokedis discusstates of alteredconsciousnesshave frequently
of musical symbols,oftenas if theywere the
sions of the effectiveness
mostconvincingproofof theextraordinary
powersof music.They are,
of course, more visiblydramaticthan an individual'squiet and total
ofa movingpiece ofmusic;but thereis as
absorptionin theperformance
no
two
evidence
that
these
kinds of experienceare essentially
yet
or that the appropriatelydifferent
different
stylesof music are crucial
factorsin generatingthedifferent
kindsof response.
The purpose of this paper is to presentsome evidence from one
ofmusicalsymbolsdepends
society,whichsuggeststhattheeffectiveness
of the
as muchon humanagencyand social context,as on thestructure
symbolsthemselves.I question the idea that thereis any directcausal
betweenthesoundsofmusic' and humanresponsesto them,
relationship
and I argue thatmusical symbolsare effectiveand affectiveinsofaras
humanbeingsuse themfora varietyof purposesand consciouslymake
sense of them.Thingsdo not happen to people automaticallybecause
musicalsoundsreachtheirears: iforganizedsoundsare to affectpeople's
feelingsand actions, people mustnot only be predisposedto listento
them,theymustalso have acquiredcertainhabitsofassimilating
sensory
experience.
The evidenceis drawnfromdata collectedduringfieldworkin Venda
between1956 and 1958, and some of it has alreadyappeared brieflyin
publicationson otheraspectsof Venda societyand culture.2Studyof the
Venda possessioncultwas not a major topicof myresearch,and so I did
not go out of my way to attendeveryngoma thatwas held duringmy
beingconductedby
stay in Venda. A comprehensivestudyis currently
ProfessorNkhumeleniRalushai (1984) of theUniversityof Venda, and
studiesof closelyrelatedcultshave been publishedby RichardWerbner
(1964), PeterFry(1976), Paul Berliner(1978), RobertGarfias(1980), and
or attemptto
others.I shallnotcomparetheVenda data cross-culturally,
draw any general conclusionsin relationto broader studies,such as
those by Bourgignon(1973), Lewis (1976), and Rouget (1980). But in
selectingcertaintypesof data fordiscussion,I suggestthattheyare the
minimumrequirementfor any argumentabout the effectsof musical
symbols,and that theyare in fact not really sufficient.I stressthis,
because I detecta growingpopularityfor researchinto the music and
and I
dance of spiritpossession,especiallyamongstethnomusicologists,
would hope to see broader and more systematiccollectionsof data
beforefurther
cross-cultural
comparisonsand generalizationsare made
about theeffectsof music.

BLACKING
VENDASYMBOLS/ 65
Above all, it would be encouragingif spiritpossession and altered

statesof consciousnessin generalweremorewidelyacceptednotas signs
of some pathological or rare condition,but as part of the common
heritageof thehumanspecies. Also we ought,perhaps,to insistthatall
on thecharacterand consequencesof
who claim to writeauthoritatively
such statesin othershave themselvesbeen consciousof havingsimilar,if
not thesame, experiences.Everynormalmemberof thehumanspecies
ofsomaticstatesand a commonpotential
possessesa commonrepertoire
forthealteredstatesof consciousnessthathave been classed, especially
by humanisticpsychologists(e.g. Maslow 1970 and Rowan 1976), as
part of normalhuman behaviour. Like telepathyand bodily empathy,
such somaticstates"are not paranormalbut normal,althoughtheyare
oftensuppressedor allowed to atrophyin culturesin which excessive
importanceis attachedto verbal communication"(Blacking1977a: 10).
Thus spiritpossession and altered states of consciousnessin themselves,as generalhumanphenomena,are neitherproblematicnorparticas subjectsof ethnomusicologicalresearch,since one
ularlyinteresting
would expect any sensitivehuman being to experiencethe same or
is how and why
similarsomaticstatesquiteregularly.Whatis interesting
societies.
these states are labelled and describedvariouslyin different
different
And what is problematicis whetherthereare significantly
somaticstates,as distinctfromdifferent
typesof descriptionand institutionalizationof them,and whetheror not therecan be musicalanalogues
of such states and of particularhuman emotions,as ManfredClynes
(1977) has argued.
LinkingMusic to Life
Music can be profoundlymoving by means of the resonancesthat
and ideal motionof music
people can establishbetweenthe tone-stress
and thenervoustensionand motorimpulseof theirbodies. Butno music
has power in itself.Music has no effecton thebody or consequencesfor
social action, unless its sounds and circumstancecan be related to a
coherentset of ideas about selfand otherand bodilyfeelings.Therecan
surelybe no directconnectionbetweenthesounds of musicand people's
emotionalresponsesto them.This will be demonstratedby the varied
kindsof people to thesame music of ngoma dza
responsesof different
i.e. one of theVenda dances
midzimu(lit. drumsof theancestor-spirits,
of spiritpossession),and ithas been discussedat greaterlengthin Gilbert
Rouget'sLa musique et la transe(1980). In particular,Rougethas dismissed Andrew Neher's laboratoryexperimentswhich purportedto
show that certaintempiof drummingwill induce trance-likestates: if
therewere inevitablephysiological
responsesto music,"thewhole of subSaharan Africanwould be in trancefromthebeginningto theend of the
year" (Rouget1977:234). Music can communicate
nothingto unprepared
and unreceptiveminds,in spiteof what some writershave suggestedto
thecontrary.
Nevertheless,musical performanceis a way of knowing, and the
artsare importantmeans of reflection,
of sensingorderand
performing

66 / 1985YEARBOOKFOR TRADITIONALMUSIC
orderingexperience,and relatinginnersensationsto thelifeof feelingof

one's society. In the societyunder discussion,the Venda of Southern
Africabetween1956 and 1958, all individualshad commonsenseknowledge of musicand dance, and all had practisedthemat variousstagesof
no gulfbetweenparticipationand appretheirlives. Therewas therefore
ciation, process and product,formand content,reason and emotion,
and all the antinomieswhich bedevil much talk about music and
culturein general.Venda lifecorroboratedEricGill'saphorism:
affective
"Artistsare not special kinds of people; people are special kinds of
artists".
As expressionsof relationshipsbetween individualsin community,
structuresin
performanceof even the most elementarypolyrhythmic
Venda music were political acts (see Blacking1973: 28-30), in which
people could receiveand feelpersonalpower througha shared,culturally prescribedaction. Personal and socio-culturalidentitycould be
linkedin a veryreal way, because thebodilysensationsthatwerefeltby
theindividualsinvolvedcould be relatedto a systemof ideas about self,
other,otherself,and theenvironment.
There were thereforetwo sets of conditionsnecessaryfor musical
performanceto enhancetheconsciousnessof individualVendas:
1) A series of related but contrastingmusical structureswhose
performancecould be internallyrelated to the contentand
social situations,and
contextsof different
2) A coherentsystemof ideas that could enable individuals to
make sense of personalmusicalexperiencesin termsof relationships with otherpeople and experienceof social institutions.
The point is thatmusic is always a social fact: tonal systems,scales,
by
rhythmicpatterns,harmonies,etc. are constructedand interpreted
individualswith the same cognitiveequipmentas otherfeaturesof a
socio-culturalsystem. An audience also "performs",in so far as it
becomes involvedin the recreationof a work (cf. Blacking1981: 193).
This pointhas been stressedby CliffordGeertzwiththetellingsentence,
'Art and the equipmentto grasp it are made in the same shop' (Geertz
whensocial contentand formal
1976: 1497). Venda musicwas effective
structurecould be interrelated.
If tone-stress
and ideal motionin musicportraynervoustensionand
motor impulse and so stimulateemotional experience,it is because
people have learnt to make the connections.The linkingof musical
experienceand performanceto daily life began at the earliestage in
Venda society,when motherscarriedinfantson theirbacks while they
danced and sang. From early childhood, Venda grew accustomed to
experiencesof bodily changeand animationthatcould be had through
body movementswithothers.Earlytrainingin musicemphasystematic
sized polyrhythmratherthan isorhythm(e.g. Blacking 1973: 27ff.).
Thus, sensuous bodily experiencecould be a consequence of correct
whichwas to be attainedby rehearsal,and correct
musicalperformance,
musical performancewas a way of feeling.Having feelingsthrough

BLACKING
VENDASYMBOLS/ 67
musiccould be an end in itselfor a means to an end, dependingon the

contextof thefeelingsand the personhavingthem.
DifferentResponses to Possession Dances
musicalexperiBy commonconsent,thetwo mostpowerful,affecting

ences in traditionalVenda societywere providedby the institutions
of
ngoma dza midzimu and tshikona. Both were inconceivable without
music and dance, and theireffectiveness

depended as much as on the
power of theirnonverbalsymbolsas on theverballyexpressedideas and
sentimentsassociated with them. For instance,anybody could dance
ngoma,but only membersof thecultwere 'taken'by thespiritsof their
ancestors,and thenonly when theywere dancingat theirown homes,
with which the ancestralspiritswere expectedto be familiar.Thus the
of thatparticularstyleof musicdependedon thecontextin
effectiveness
which it was both performedand heard. But it also depended on a
proper, rhythmically
steady performanceof the music by drummers,
rattlers,and singers,whichenabled a dancerto attaina somaticstatein
whichshe/hebecame morethanusuallyconsciousof thelife-force
in the
body, and thusto come face to face withher/hisotherself,thereal self
of the ancestorspirit(Blacking1973: 44-45).
In traditionalVenda society,each individualbirthin theorymarked
the returnof an ancestralspiritin humanform,and thedeath of every
fulfilled
"identifiable",
personmarkedthebirthof a new ancestralspirit.
Thus every human being began life as a reincarnationof a deceased
person (who maintainedhis/herautonomyas an ancestralspirit),and
could eventuallybecome an autonomousancestralspiritin his/herown
right.The cycleof existencewas not a closed, self-perpetuating
system,
but cumulativeas a resultof thefruitful
social lifeof individualhuman
others
beings. Selfcould onlybe realisedthroughothers,but significant
onlyexistedbecause offullydevelopedselves.Also, otherscould be part
of selfas well as witnessesof one's selfhood.
Ngoma dances were verypopular events;manypeople came to dance
or to watch,and therewas always discussionabout who was possessed
and how thespiritshad manifestedthemselves.At everyngoma,at least
fourkindsof people could be moved deeplyby a good musicalperformance, but theirconsequentactions were constrainedby theirinterpretationof the"otherness"
thattheyfelt.Therewere (1) membersof thecult
for
whom
group
ngoma was being held; (2) membersof the cult who
came from othergroups; (3) membersof the audience who chose to
dance or play the drumsand performedwell; and (4) membersof the
audience,such as myself,who performedoccasionallyor not at all. The
firstthreekinds of people, at least, appeared to have the same intense
musical experiences,but only the membersof the particularcult group
were possessed. People oftenremarkedthat certainlay memberswho
danced or played exceptionallywell mustsurelybecome possessed one
day. This was not because good performancein itselfwas expectedto
induce or be a sign of imminentpossession,but because theircommitmentto thedancingwas thoughtto reflecttheirinterestin thereligious

purposes of the cult or the religious life in general. It was never

suggested,as it was in some other musical contexts,that a good
of ngomamightbe showingoff.The consequenceof showing
performer
offin ngoma,and perhapsinadvertently
becomingpossessedby a spirit
(notnecessarilyofan ancestor),could have been too seriousto be treated
lightly.
One question thatarises in consideringthe effectsof ngoma is, how
could the same music, played on the same occasion and in the same
in at least fourdifferent
context,affectindividualssystematically
ways?
of ngomagave people thechance
In thefirstplace, correctperformance
to experiencea way of feelingand relatingto each other that was
fromways of feelingassociatedwithothermusicalstyles.The
different
of partswas based on polyrhythmic
principlescommon
interdependence
to all Venda music;but thetempo,thestyleof drumming,thelengthof
period and of solo and chorus, were differentand felt different.
Assumingthat all four "types"of participantwere equally moved by
ngoma, why were theynot, for example, all possessed? If those who
would have been possessedin anothercontext,werenot possessed,were
theyunmovedby the dance, or had theynot performedwith the same
between
energy?Such argumentsare irrelevant;forthecrucialdifference
of theotherselfwho was invoked
people'sresponseslay in thedefinition
state of the self.
by the transcendent
sharewithothersa commongroupidentity,and
could
(4)
Spectators
the communionenhanced by the music was an end in itself.Good
(3) who were not membersof thecult could share a general
performers
which transcendednormalsociability,in much the same
fellow-feeling
and dancingofferedpeople different
ways of
way thatall music-making
feeling. Members of other cult groups (2) concentratedmore on
therights
expressingtheirselves as fullyas possible,withoutinfringing
of the membersof the organizingcult group (1) to exhibittheirother
selves,in theformof theancestralspiritswho returnedto earthlysociety
throughtheirbodies.
of transcendental
These very personal manifestations
experienceby
membersof possessioncult groups contrastedwith the state of almost
corporateecstasythatcould emergeduringa performanceof tshikona,
"whenpeople rushedto thescene of thedance and lefttheirpots to boil
over", when old men "threwaway theirsticksand danced" and "peace
came to thecountryside"(Blacking1973: 50-51). Membersof possession
cult groups could be as moved by tshikonaas others,but on such
occasions theirexperiencesof "theotherworld in whichthingswere no
longersubjectto timeand space" were not associatedparticularlywith
theirown ancestralspirits.They were associated ratherwiththeworld
aroundthem,in which"theotherself"withinthemselvesand theirfellow
humanbeingscommunicatedwithtimepast and future.

BLACKING
VENDA SYMBOLS / 69
Music and SpiritPossession

I have indicated in the previous section that a person's ultimate
responseto themusicof thepossessioncultwas to be "taken"by thespirit
of a departedancestor,and thatthedegreeof people's responsestended
to vary accordingto theirmembershipof social groups.The experience
of beingpossessedwas not limitedto thereligiousdomain,though,since
for the Venda musical experienceitselfwas a kind of possession (cf.
Blacking1973: 48).
Musical performancesprovided experimentalproof of the spiritual
as guardiansof
natureof theuniverseand of therole of ancestor-spirits
theearthand of thehealthand welfareof theirdescendants.Exceptional
to constant
musicalskills(whichwere largelytheresultof commitment
rehearsal) and skills at making musical instrumentscould only be
acquired fromthe spiritworld. Thus althoughpeople mightknow the
names of contemporarycomposers,theidentityof the livingindividual
was not as importantas the spiritualsource of her/hisinspiration.
of thepeak-experiThese ideas about musicand about thesignificance
ences that people could find throughmusical performancewere an
integralpart of the Venda musical system.But theywere not derived
fromtheideas of thepossessioncult: thecultwas ratherone exampleof
the application of the general principle to a particular institution.
Besides, ngoma was a comparativelynew star in the Venda firmament
which seems to have been broughtfromsouth-eastZimbabwe in the
latterhalf of the nineteenthcentury.Other, older stylesof music, and
especially tshikona, also provided people with opportunitiesto "be
possessed" and to experiencethe spiritualrealityof theworld.
Thus althoughmanywho danced ngomamightnot be possessedby a
personal ancestor-spirit,
they could be "possessed" by the music and
dance and be profoundlyconscious of the spiritual nature of the
universe.Possession by an ancestor-spirit
was not, therefore,
the only
of ngoma, but it was the most likely
outward sign of the effectiveness
response-provided that the time, place, and social status of the
were right.On the otherhand, therewas no directcausal
"performer"
between
and possession,because there
musicalperformance
relationship
were many othernecessarysymbolsthatrelatedtheexperienceof spirit
possessionto daily life.In fact,it is likelythatforsome individualsthe
musicand dance playeda relativelyminorrolein inducingthepossession
state, as Rouget (1977) impliedwhen he argued that music does not
precipitate,but rather"socialises trance". None of the cult members
whom I knew claimed thatthe musicwas responsiblefortheirstate of
possession,thoughsome insistedthatits tempomustbe metronomic(cf.
Blacking1973: 45): theyspoke of theancestor-spirit
wantingto dance,
and to come to them.Thus theirpossession dependedas much on the
intentionof theirancestor-spirits
to come out as on theirown willingness
to receivethem.One could even argue thatwhat at firstseems to be a
dramaticexample of the power of music,namely,possessionby spirits
had littleto do withmusicalinfluencesand
duringmusicalperformance,
thatits explanationmay have to be soughtelsewhere.

of thePossessed
Symbolsof SpiritPossessionand Recruitment
Thoughforsome membersof thecultpossessionmusicseemedto have
playeda veryminorrole,theidea ofa possessioncultwithoutmusicwas
rejectedas inconceivable,just as music withoutconcomitantsets of
symbolscould not have been of any significancein Venda life.
can
The power and popularityof Venda possessionmusic,therefore,
be largelyexplainedby referenceto the symbolswhich relateit to all
aspects of Venda spiritpossession-including the notion that music
to thecultin
comesfromthespiritworld-and to patternsofrecruitment
Venda society.
of
No further
argumentwillbe made in theanalysisof theeffectiveness
Venda possessionmusic,but I will provideexamplesof theevidenceon
which the argumenthas been based. These consistof sets of symbols
relatedto thefollowingtopics:
1. The historicaland political backgroundto the music and the
therapeuticcontext.
2. Patternsof performance
(i)Tshele
(ii)The organizationof ngoma dza midzimu
(iii)The comingof spirits
(iv)The finalriteof ngoma
(v)The contentof thesongs
(vi)The structureof themusicand dance
3. The recruitment
of cultgroups
1. The historicaland politicalbackgroundto themusicand the
therapeuticalcontext
Ngoma dza midzimucame to Venda fromthenorth,fromtheeastern
parts of Zimbabwe, and were establishedin easternVenda well before
the turnof the century.Their performancedid not receivethe unqualifiedsupportof rulers,because thepossessioncultwas a deviationfrom
the traditionalforms of worship which they supported,and which
supported them. Nevertheless,rulers allowed the dances to be held
providedthatthecultleaderssoughttheirpermission,and theyimposed
finesforfailureto comply.Christianmissionarieshad alwaysbeen much
morecriticalof ngoma thanof thetraditionalancestorcult,and even in
1956-58 some referredto it as a kind of devil-worship.This puzzled
several cult memberswho were acquainted with Christianteaching,as
insistedthatformalworshipwas not
evangelistsand pastorsfrequently
let theHoly Spiritanimatetheir
must
true
Christians
that
and
sufficient
bodies. Since theVenda word mudzimu had been takento referto God,
mudzimuin their
and membersof thepossessioncult were manifesting
what Christians
and
were
what
between
doing
they
lives, thedifference
were supposed to do was not clear.
My own researchcast some doubt (see Blacking1971: 204) on Stayt's
assertion that "the phenomenon of possession was rare among the
Bavenda until about 1914" (Stayt 1931:302); and ProfessorRalushai
(1984) has since confirmedthatMalombo, a more generaltermforthe

VENDASYMBOLS/ 71
BLACKING
dances, were performedby the Lembethuof Hamutelemuch earlierin

the nineteenthcentury.In 1957 I was oftentold that "the people of
Mutele really know how to get possessed", and I noticed that in the
weremore
centraland Westernareas of theSibasa districtperformances
formaland ritualized.Even membersof therulingclans werejoiningthe
cult groups. This was unthinkablein the past, since thepossessioncult
was in some respects a sectarian protest against the formalismof
traditionalworshipand an assertionof the importanceof the mother's
lineagein a societyin whichtheauthorityof thefather'slineagewas an
importantfactor in maintainingpolitical power. In particular,the
possessioncult served as a focus of interestforpowerfulfamilieswho
were not directlyrelated to the ruling houses, and as a means of
increasingtheirsolidarity.
It was the rhythmsand the tempo of drumming,ratherthan the
contentof the words and the styleof singing,thatgave theclue to the
foreignorigin of the dances. The tempo was fast, and the master
drummerwas a man hired for the occasion; in contrast,traditional
Venda music was more leisurelyand drums were always played by
womenexceptin urbanareas, wheremenplayed thedrumsforthereedVenda women were neverhiredto play, and
pipe dances. Furthermore,
therewere no real masterdrummer'spartsin Venda music; thesewere
distinctlyCentral African characteristics.The tenor and alto drums
could be played by women if men were not present.The conical alto
drum (murumba)was not played with the hands, as in normalVenda
drumming,but witha stick.
Anotherfeatureof the cult was its connectionwith medicineand
healing:all cultgroupleaderswhom I metwere healers(maine). Again,
all membersof thecultwere firstpossessedas a cure foran illness,and
some of themhad becomehealersifpossessedby thespiritofan ancestor
who had been a healer.
2.
Patterns of performance
Tshele
Tshelewas held in a hut at thehome of a personwhose sicknesshad
been diagnosedas spiritual.The patienthad to be helpedby people who
had the
had been possessed(malombe,sing.lilombe),and who therefore
power to bringout the spiritin others.Anybodycould attend,but in
practice most who came were either relatives and membersof the
convener'scultgroup,or neighbours.Tshelewas also heldwheneverone
who had already been possessed was requiredby her spiritto dance
again. This was supposed to be done at least once a year.
Aftertshele,thespiritswanted to dance in public, and so ngoma dza
midzimuwas called. A personwho had been possessedforthefirsttime
tookbeer to hermaine,thelilombewho helpedher.Maine was theterm
used to describea specialistin somethingwhichpeople in generaldid not
do, and especiallya medicalspecialist.Certainpeople werespecialistsin
helpingothersto find the spiritswho wanted to dance throughtheir
bodies, and the wordlilombe was sometimesparaphrasedas "one who
i)

dances". Tshilombe,which has the same root, was used to describea

musician,and so itconveyedthe
personwho became a semi-professional
same notionof someonebeingpossessedby a spirit.
A briefdescriptionof one particulartshelecan be takenas typicalof
many others.
On theeveningof Saturday24 May 1958, friendsofVho-Tshisikhawe
gatheredat her home, Mutodandopfi,Magidi. She had not been well,
and so she had called themto help her receiveher mudzimu(ancestral
spirit),thelate doctor (nanga) Mpofu. They gatheredin a hut and sang
songs accompaniedby hand-rattles(tshele).As women sat or kneltand
played these, theymoved theirtrunksforwardsand backwards, and
round and round. Before they broke off at 11:00 p.m., two close
relativesand Vho-Tshisikhawehad been takenby theirmudzimu,as well
as fourothermembersof thegroup.
They said that theywould resumeat 5:00 a.m., or at least before
dawn. The cocks began to crow at 5:15 a.m., but theydid not begin
singingtill5:52 a.m. The firstsong lasted 6 minutes.Shortlyafterthis
Vho-Tshisikhaweacknowledgedmy presenceand greetedme through
two who had notbeen takenby theirmudzimu.She asked forthespecial
nzheticloth which signifiedthat she had receivedher mudzimu.VhoTshisikhawe'sdaughterintoned the next song at 6:01 a.m., and this
lasted for 8 minutes. One of the possessed began another song at
6:10 a.m., as it was gettinglight,and almostimmediatelyafterthiswas
finishedat 6:15 a.m., a fourthsong was intonedby Vho-Nyadzannda,
second wife of headman Magidi. This lasted for 7 minutesand was
followedby 5 minutesof generalconversation,duringwhichfourof the
possessed women walked out. All the time Vho-Tshisikhawewas
withdrawnand kneelingjust on therightof theentrance,facingthewall
of thehut. She communicatedonlyoccasionallythroughVho-Nwanalo,
who was kneelingnext to her. The othersix who had been possessed
wereseatedroundthewall of thehutto theright,and twelveotherswho
sang and/orplayed rattleswere seated along thewall on theleft.
9,
Threemoresongsfollowedin quick succession,lastingrespectively
8, and 12 minutes.Duringthefirst,thefourpossessedwomen returned
and greetedthegatheringin theusual Venda way (- losha), but clapped
theirhands togetherquickly instead of holdingthemstill. This is yet
another sign of a person's possessed state. During the last song,
excitement
began to.growand theysang moreloudlyand intensely.But
at theend of it Vho-NwanaloreportedthatVho-Tshisikhawe'smudzimu
would soon be departing.
One of Vho-Tshisikhawe'sdaughterswas cleaningpots outside and
people were talkingabout it beinga Sunday. Threeyounggirlsfromthe
districtwere presentwith the older women. They said theyhad come
because theywere interested.Vho-Nyadzanndaintonedtheeighthsong
at 7:08 a.m. and withina fewsecondsall had joined in. I was used to her
singingat beer parties, so that the devotion and seriousnessof her
performance,and of the otherswith her on this occasion, was very
remarkable.

BLACKING
VENDASYMBOLS/ 73
After8 minutes,there was a short pause and then another song

intoned by the ancestor-spiritspresent. Vho-Tshisikhaweremained
kneelingand facingthewall. The song lastedfor61/2minutes,and then
two women and two childrencame in and sat down. One of thewomen
had sore eyes and talked of cataract (dande), but it was one of the
childrenwhom theyhanded to Vho-Tshisikhawe.She sat up and took
thechild,massagedit and threwit up and down a fewtimesand handed
it back. It was, of course, the mudzimuand not Vho-Tshisikhawewho
was consideredto be curingthe child. There was a discussionabout
money,thewoman withthesore eyes danced withjoy (- pembela),and
?1-10s was handed over. They then left,and therewas a discussion
about Vho-Tshisikhawe's daughter's forthcomingmarriage. The
malombe clapped hands and one of themled the tenthand last song,
from7:41 to 7:47 a.m.
All of us exceptfor malombe and Vho-Tshisikhawewalked outside
the hut, so that the ancestor-spiritscould depart. When VhoTshisikhawecame out, as herself,and greetedme, everybodylaughed.
She immediatelybegan talking about the marriage and said that
Mutshekwamustgo to her husband'shome thatverynight.
Thus ended anothertshele.It usuallylasted only one night,excepton
rare occasions referredto as "u wisisa", when old spiritswanted to
resumedancingfora further
day.
The organisationof ngoma dza midzimu
Each ngoma was called in aid of a particularpersonwhose sickness
had been confirmedas spiritualby tshele.That personwas always the
firstto be takenby her/hisspirit.The convener,who was referred
to as
theownerof thengoma (munewa ngoma), had to ask relativesto cook
beer for the musiciansand visitors;to hire at least one good masterdrummer(matsige),and to invitea good singer
He/shewould
also take a gourdfulof beer as tribute(tsumo)to(nambi).
thelocal rulerand ask
permission(-dzivhula) to hold ngoma,and borrowdrumsfroma ruler,a
drum-maker,or one of the doctors who kept drums for their own
initiationschools,sungwi(on two occasionsI was asked to lendmyown
bass drum).The convenerusuallyappointeda relativeto be in chargeof
firewood(muremiwa khuni),as thiswas necessarybothforwarmthand
for thedancersto see at night.
When all thiswas arranged,protectivemedicineshad to be obtained
froma specialist:one kind to be put in the groundand the otherto be
burntlike incense. Holes were made round the courtyardwhere they
were to dance, and medicinewas dug in. The path leadingto thehomestead was also protectedin thesame way. Then theothermedicinewas
burnedlike incense.The medicinesin the groundwere to keep witches
away so that people should not be bewitchedwhile dancing; and the
incensewas to encouragemany people to come, and especiallymany
malombe.Afterthis,theyclearedthedancing-placeof stones,and in the
evening the drums were brought along, being borrowed from the
headman.
ii)

A four-dayngoma was convenedin Gaba by Vho-Mack Netshiavha

from18-21 October 1957, forthewifeof his son, Jim.Vho-Mutsharini
Madzhuta was the sisterof the rulerof Gaba, and her responseto a
recentillnesssuggestedthatngomawould be theappropriatetreatment:
in mid-Augustshe had been presentat part of a two-weekngoma at
Mudevhele, the home of a well-knowndoctor, Vho-Masikhwa,who
livedup thehillat Gaba. Whenshe came homeshe could noteat foodfor
fourdays, but could only drinkwaterand eat groundnuts.
The women at the homes of Mack and his elder brother, Joe
cooked enoughbeerforthreepots on thefirstday, four
Matsheketsheke,
on the second, threeon the third,fiveon thefourth,and anotherfour
had departed.Some of thepots used each
pots when theancestor-spirits
day were largemvuvhelo,withdiametersof over 12 inches,so thatthe
totalamountof beer was over 30 gallons. Seven of theelevenmalombe
contributed3/6d each towardsthecost of thebeer,muchof whichwas
and theothersbroughtthebeer theyhad made
drunkby thedrummers,
at Joe'shome.
Vho-Mack'sseniorwife,who had neverbeen possessed,organizedthe
of thefood whichwas contributed
distribution
by everylilombe.For the
malombetherewereseeds of baobab fruit,wild figs,groundnuts,sweet
potatoes and water; and for the drummersand otherstherewere beer,
maize porridge,and chicken.
iii) The comingof spirits
Two kinds of spiritcame to people in centralVenda in 1956-1958.
Zwilombo could come to anyone, but mudzimu came only to
descendants:"theyfellon relatives"-i wela mashaka.
of Mr. FreddieMatodzi of Sibasa was a well-known
The grandmother
lilombe,who said thatwhenshe was eatingfigsone day, she reachedout
for a particularlysucculentfig and picked it. Before she had even
swallowedit,she felldown fromthetree,but she was not hurt.Latershe
fellill and people said theremusthave been tshilomboin thefig.After
the tshilombo,called Masambi, had come out, manyremarkablethings
happened.Ifpeople disobeyedher,troublebefellthem.Some neighbours
she had a spirit,butshejustkept
said shewas a fraudand was pretending
was burnt,thoughtheroofand
in
their
the
maize
One
granary
day
quiet.
thegranaryitselfwere untouched.
Storiesof thiskind were common,especiallyin connectionwith the
comingof zwilombo spirits,whichwere speciallyfoundin the eastern
regionsof Makuya, Mutele, and Lambani. People fromSibasa, from
centralVenda, were always ratherapprehensiveabout pickingup a
tshilombowhen travellingin easternVenda. Althoughtheywere more
used to spiritsof theirown deceased ancestors(midzimu),theyoften
witnessedcomingsof midzimuthatwere no less dramaticthanthoseof
zwilombo.
For example, late one afternoonin Gaba, at 4:45 p.m. on 26
September1958, thesickwoman forwhomngomawas beingheldbegan
to dance and then suddenlycollapsed on the ground, quiveringand

BLACKING
VENDASYMBOLS/ 75
shakingin the dust. The sweat ran down her bare back and glued the
dust to herbreastsand side. As she lay face downwardson theground,
tremblingviolentlybut silently,the drummersplayed more and more
loudlyand fellowmalombeclosed roundherwiththeirrattles.Her head
was coveredin red-browndustand she was quiteunawareof a diversion
whichaffectedall presentand broughtthesong to an end. A smallsnake
was seen to slitherup thewild figtree(muhuyu,FicuscapensisThunbg.)
under which theywere gathered.People chased it away and then the
malombebegan anothersong. Afterabout fiveminutes,thesickwoman
and she pulledherselfup a littleand looked
graduallystoppedtrembling
towardsthemalombe,withherback to thedrums.She rose and danced
homestead.She
briefly,and thenran offinto a hut in theneighbouring
was pursuedby two otherwomen, one of whom was carryingherbaby
on her hip, and theywere followedby some older women. They sang
tshelesongs in the hut, while the public dance continued.The local
madman came back to dance, and kept on tryingto put his hat on the
heads of childrenwho werealso standingby. Theywould notlethimdo
thisand shrankaway fromhim. Eventuallyhe put it on thehead of the
man who was playingthebass drum.He was theyoungerbrotherof the
owner of the homestead,and it was theirsisterwho was sick and was
beinghelped in thehut to identifythe spiritwho had takenher.
When thespiritwas identified
and accepted,thelilombecalled forthe
specialclothesthatwerea signofherstatus(matongo):black (lutombo),
red (tshilemba),and white(mutshena)clothswhichtheytiedaroundthe
trunk and waist, and two patterned cloths which they wore like
salempores,palu (blue and white), and nzheti(red, black and white),
whichwas also a sign of beinga herbalist.
iv) The finalriteof ngoma
The end of ngoma was describedas "thespillingover" (-fhalala).
The usual practicewas foreach lilombein turnto takethestickof the
largedrum,lickit and thenmove roundin a circlepointingit in thefour
directions,north,west,south,and east. Then each personbeat thedrum
and passed thestickon to thenextone. At Magidi,in June1958,onlythe
two seniorladies beat thedrumand thenpassed thestickroundforthe
others to lick in turn. My friend from Gaba, Mr. Alfred
Tshibalanganda,was also surprisedthat the Magidi folktook offtheir
uniformsbefore enteringthe hut where they bade farewellto their
ancestors.
People expectedto hear fromthe hut the sounds of coughs,sneezes,
and screams, and when the lilombe emergedas themselveseveryone
noted how theyexplainedwhat had been happeningto them.Of the
elevenmalombeat Gaba, thefirstsaid she had justcome fromthechief's
place; thesecond and two otherssaid theyhad been fetching
firewood;
one said she had just been to the river,and thatshe had been to the
spring;two said theyhad been sleeping,and theotherthreesaid theyhad
come respectivelyfrom a beer-party,her garden, and her home at
Tshidzini.

At Magidi, the returnsto normalityof some of the malombe were

moredramatic.Forinstance,Vho-Tsahwanerushedout of thehutwhere
herancestorhad lefther,and intoherown kitchen.She looked in all her
she had been cookingon
potsforthesweetpotatoesthatshe remembered
when
she
was
the
drums."Who has eaten
Saturdayevening
"called" by
to
she
who laughedand
sweet
Vho-Masindi,
my
complaimed
potatoes?"
replied:"I don'tknow. And wherewereyou in any case whenyou think
theywere taken?"Vho-Tsahwanereplied:"I went to Tshitahala to see
tshele. I shall find the thiefwhen I catch her. I bought them at
Makhuvha'sstoreyesterday[i.e. thepreviousFriday],and now theyare
gone. I shall make enquiriesand find the culprit".Another lilombe
caused greatamusementwhen she wentroundaskingpeople whlereher
childwas and, when she was given it, whereit had been. The two old
ladies, Vho-Zhambukoand Vho-Nyavele,greetedeach otheras if they
had not met forsome time;and Vho-NyavheaniMatanda complained
because she had not been woken up to join in thebeer partywhichwas
suggestedby thelarge numberof people present.
The contentof thesongs
and symbols
The wordsof thesongsexpressedmanyof thesentiments
of thecult. Althoughsome singers,and theirancestralspirits,were said
to improvizeverses,therewere many standardversesrepeatedseveral
timesduringthecourseof a singlengoma,and oftenby thesame singer.
Some commonlyrepeatedversesreferredto thepossessionstateand to
themusicand dance:
v)
Vhe ri ndi a tuwa, vhahulwanevhanga.

They say I am going away, my great ones. This refersto the spirit
journeyand is addressedto thedepartedancestors.
Ndi tshituwa ndi vhuya ishaho.
b)
I am goingaway, but I shallreturnnextyear.This is theancestorspirit
announcingdeparturebut promisingto returnwithina year.
Vhe ri maivhangundo wa nga dekenya.
c)
They say, 'My mother,I have fallenin a heap'. This referredto the
momentwhen a personcollapsed just beforereceivingthespirit.
d) Hu neta malombe,matsigeha neti.
is not tired.
The (possessed)dancersare tired,the master-drummer
A thitsha konana, ipfilo no fa.
e)
I cannotsingany more; my voice has gone (lit. died).
Vhe ri duvhulanimutungwandi u pfe.
f)
They say, 'Beat the tenordrumso thatI can hear it'.
g) Ndi ri vha tohola tshelesa mavhele.
like maize in a mortar.
I say thattheyare poundingthehand-rattles
h) Ahee! Ngoma kha dzi lile dzi mphemulalo.
Oh! Let thedrumssound and bringme peace. This refersto theorganization of ngoma fora troubledspirit.
a)

BLACKING
i)
VENDASYMBOLS/ 77
Ni tshifa ndi vhuteka-teka.

When you die, you just wanderabout fromvillage to village.
Vho-makhulu,ndo kambwa nga halwa.

Ancestors,I am (like one) drunkwithbeer.
k) Ngoma dzi tshilila dzi re na magome.
When thedrumssound, theybringweaknessin theknees.This might
be takenas a statementabout thepowerofmusic;but itwas said to refer
not so much to the precisemomentof possessionas to the excitement
generatedby thestartof theevent.The spiritualsourceof thepossession
statewas reinforcedin versessuch as:
j)
Vhulombevhu ro fhiwanga Nwali.

Possessionis givento us by Nwali (theVenda HighGod). On theother
hand, anotherverse thathintedat theaffecting
powers of musicwas:
m) Tsheleyanga malisa mbilu.
My rattlestirsup thefeelings(lit. eaterof theheart).
Vhe' dzi a gada bere dza Tshikhuwa.
n)
They say, 'They are galloping (like) horses of the Europeans'. This
refersto thedancing,as does:
Ri ngo tamba ngoma dza milimbe.
o)
We played the drumso thatpeople danced verywell indeed (lit. the
drumsof kicks).
p) Ro fhatelwadanga sa kholomo.
A Kraal has been builtforus, as ifwe were cattle.This refersto the
protectivecircleof spectators.
Ka Mutele a Ku endi hwana;
q)
Xuhwa-xunwadzi a pedza vhana, iwe vhathu.
1)
A child should not go to Mutele (for fear of possession); Locusts

finishedthechildren,you people (i.e. caused themto be possessed).This
refersto the time when Venda was overrunwith long-leggedgreen
locustsand manypeople were possessed. It was thiseventthatseemsto
have given Stayt the idea thatngoma came to Venda in 1914 (see also
Ralushai 1984).
There were several standardverseswhichcould be used to comment
such as exhortationsto drummersto
on theprogressof a performance,
to particularpersons
referred
play louder. Improvizedversesfrequently
involved in the cult or to the ongoingperformance.There were also
standardproverbsand praises,whichwereused in othergenresofVenda
music.
What was unique to the songs of possession were the many verses
which had words in Karanga, one of the Shona group of languages,or
were completelyin Karanga. People knew that they were Karanga,
thoughtheycould not always translatethewords intoVenda, and they
cited thisas evidenceof theforeignoriginsof thecult.
betweenalteredstates
Ifwe are to know moreabout therelationships

78 / 1985YEARBOOKFORTRADITIONALMUSIC
of consciousnessand musicalperformances,
it is necessaryto findout if
therewere any significant
changesin thecontentor structureof singers'
verses afterpossession. But, apart fromoccasional commentson the
spiritworld and messagesto descendants,I did not detectany transformation. I will give just one sample of thesequence of versessung by a
singlepersonover thecourseof threedays. Therewere,of course,other
singerspresent,and all of themtook turnsto singforshortperiods.I did
not recordall verses,and in any case thesingerrepeatedmanyof them
several times.
The followingverseswere sungby Vho-NyamalwelaMabila at Gaba
on the eveningof 18 October 1957. She had been invitedto ngoma
because of her reputationas a good singer.
1. Mmbwa yanga i pfi Vhaluqani:
My dog is called Vhalutani:
2. Nne vha no luta vha lutanyenne.
Let thosewho want to make people fightcreatetheirdiscord.
3. Vhahulwanevhanga, ngoma madambi.
My lords, ngoma is forsickness.
4.
Hu neta malombe,matsigeha neti:

The (possessed) dancersare tired,themaster-drummer
is not
tired:
5.
Ngoma dzanu dzi sa pfumbidzina'ni?

Why don't your drumssound better?
[This versereflectedgeneralcomplaintsabout the musicat thatstage
of thedance.]
6. Ndo doba tshilombo,vhahulwanevhanga.
I picked up a troubledancestralspirit,my lords.
7. Hu anda mazwila, ndele a dzi andi.
There'stoo muchcarelesssinging,and not enoughorderin the
music.
8.
9.
Thanguyanga yo wa murarwana:
My diviningdice have fallento show murarwana:
lyani Ngwenaniha Vho-Ralinala!
Go to Ngwenanito Doctor Ralinala!
10.
Ndo tambulando wa nga dekenya.

I suffered
and I felldown in a heap [i.e. I was readyformy
to
come].
spirit
AfterthisVho-Nyamalwelawentintothekitchenwithseveralpeople,
mostlywomen, and led a song called Malombe, accompaniedonly by
hand-rattles(tshele). While she did this (see verses 11-19 below) VhoMutshariniMadzhuta, forwhom ngoma was convened,was takenby
thespirit.She screamed(-tavha mukosi)and groanedverymuchas the
spiritenteredher body, and thenshe called forher special clothesand

VENDASYMBOLS/ 79
BLACKING
some water. Vho-Nyamalwela, the singer, helped her on with her

clothes.They continuedto sing tsheleand threemore women received
theirancestralspirits,whilstthose outside in the courtyardcontinued
with theirdancing and drumming.Some of the verses sung by VhoNyamalwelawere:
11.
Vhasikana,kha ri ye Khanape!
Girls,let us go to Khanane!
12. Ha Mutele a ku endi nwana:
A child should not go to Mutele [because of thestrengthof
ngoma there]:
13. U do vhuya a ka lukukula.
It will come back and pick up dizziness.
14.
Zwa vhulombezwi dina zwenezwi.

Possessionby a spiritcan be verytroublesome.
15. Mmbwa yanga i pfi Vhalusani:
My dog is called Vhalusani (cf. v. 1):
16. Vha do lusa tshino do la nne.
They will do all theycan to eat me [in thiscontext,"eat" =
"trouble",ratherthan "kill,"whichis anotherpossible meaningof
theword].
17. Vhahulwane,ni mphe tshilemba!
Lords, give me my red cloth! [a sign of possession].
18. Idani malombe! Vhusikuvhu a tsha;
Come malombe!Nightbecomes day;
19. Vhusiwanavhu nonga sa lufu.
Povertyis like death.
On theafternoonof thesecondday, manypeople werepresentand the
musicwas consideredto be particularlygood. Vho-Nyamalwelasung a
songcalled Thevhele,whose choruswas He, he, ahee! Idani ni do vhona!
Ah yes! Come and you will see!
20. Idani ni do vhona thevhele!
Come and you will see thepouch in which thediviningdice are
kept!
21. Muluwani wa Vho-Ratshimphi.
Muluwani of chiefRatshimphi.[Muluwaniwas not sung in error
forMiluwani, theplace of theancestralgravesof chief
Mphaphuli. Ratshimphiwas thenicknameof a famouschiefof
theTshivhaseclan in the 1930s and 1940s, who was eventually
deposed by thegovernment.]
22.
Vhahulwanevhanga, nne ndi vho io fa,

My lords,even I will eventuallydie,

23.
Ndi vho do fa nga nzhelemadambi:

I will die because of a quantityof misfortune:[She was referring
to the factthatshe was also lilombeand expectedto be
possessed.]
24. Ngoma dzanu dzi pea magome.
Your drumsare givingme weaknessin theknees.
25. Thevheleya mmeanga.
The diviningpouch of my mother.
26. Tshinani,malombe!
Dance, malombe!
27. Rine ri malombea tombola tshai.
We are malombeof thefour-cornered
stone [whichbroughtfire
to theworld, when a cornerbroke offand rolledaround].
28. Lidzani mutungwandi u hwe [Karangaword].
Play the thungwadrumso thatI can hear it.
On the evening of the third day, Vho-Nyamalwela received her
ancestralspirit,Masholopote, in the courtyard.Shortlyaftershe sang
the song Sinda u mphe mutuli-Pound hard and give me the
mortar-which can refer either to vigorous drumming,or to the
activitiesof ancestralspirits.
29. Mpheni mutuliwanga!
Give me my mortar!
Vhakegulu,a ni leli hwana:
Old ladies, you are not bringingup a child:
31. Nwana uyu u no lilela' ni?
Why is thischildcrying?
32. Minme
awe vho enda Tshalovha.
Her motherhas passed over [lit.went to Tshalovha, theplace of
death].
33. U sinda vha rali, nwananga.
She is poundinglike the others,my child.
34. Ndo humbulavhusukwa;vhu ii pi?
I asked forsome beer; whereis it?
30.
Vho-Maligwevha enda Tshalovha.

Vho-Maligwehas passed over.
36. Bvumelanilombo Ii tshine-vho!
Sing up formy spirit,so thatit can dance as well!
37. Nyamalwelandi mufunza-vhana;
Nyamalwelais a teacherof children;
38. Mpheni mutuliwanga,
Give me [i.e. theancestralspirit,not Nyamalwela]my mortar,
35.

VENDASYMBOLS/ 81
BLACKING
39.
40.
Mutuli wanga ndo fhiwanga tate,

I was givenmy mortarby my father,
Ndo fhiwavha tshienda Tshalovha.
I was givenit when he passed over.
Vhasikana,galani malila.
Girls,sit down and weep.
A littlelater,Vho-Nyamalwela'sspiritcontinuedto singanothersong:
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
Vhusiwanahanga ha mpha madambi.

My povertyhas broughtme misfortune.
Ho sungununamutundowa ngonwa wa mbo nukha.
The semenof an impotentman splashed out and it also smelt.
Vhasikana,vha kati matangwati mbo gaya!
Girls,play matangwaand we will also dance!
Vha vhaluna, ndi peni-vhonanga ndi mbo daha!
Men, give me a reed-pipeand I will also take snuff![Some
informants
suggestedthatthisrefersto smokingdagga; but this
would be inappropriateforan ancestralspirit.]
Vhahulwanevhanga, nanga yanga ndi sia' fhi?
My greatones, wheredid I leave my reed-pipe?
Nne ndi a tuwa ndi ye Phalavhurwa;
I am departingand goinggo Phalavhurwa;
Vhe ri, Phalavhurwaa tuwelwi.
They say, Phalavhurwais not to be crossed. [Phalavhurwawas
the most southerlypart of Venda and thesource of much of
theiriron.]
Ha pfia dzi lili musanda dzi na' ni?
Why is it thattheydon't play (ngoma dza midzimu)at the
Chief'smusanda?
Rine ri makhothoa hanya shaya nwana.

We are indeedstrongmen, but we have lived withoutchildren.
51. Vho-Madevha,tsindindi lukwati;
Vho-Madevha, your loin-clothis nearlysplitting;[cf.-devha=to
splitopen].
52. Tsindindi lukwatinga u lesa govhole.
The loin-clothis nearlysplittingbecause of eatingtoo much
marula pulp [fromwhich mukumbibeer is made].
53. Nne ndi a tuwa ndi tevheletate.
I am departingso thatI may followmy late father.
50.
54.
Nwana uyu ndi Masholopote;

This child is Masholopote [thename of thesinger'sancestral
spirit];

82 / 1985YEARBOOKFORTRADITIONALMUSIC
55.
Ene u sholopotanazwila zwa vho-fate.

The one who gatheredthe thingsof my father.
56.
Vhusiwanahanga ndi vhuhwena ku fa.

I am so poor thatI mightas well be dead.
57. Hu do kona Vho-Mandule-ndule,
Vho-Mandule-ndulecan reallydance well,
58. Nyamuvhuyau vho gaya nadzo.
Nyamuvhuyakeeps on dancingwiththedrums.
vi) The structureof themusicand dance
of ngomabeganwitha versefroma solo singer,to which
Performance
otherspresentrespondedin call-responseform.Tshelehand-rattles
were
played in a quick 4/4 metre,and followedby thealto and tenordrums,
on which were played a steady polyrhythmic
accompanimentfor the
dance. The master-drummer
(matsige)broughtin thebass drumas soon
as thesong was establishedand played rhythmic
variationswhile at the
same timealteringthepitchof thedrumby pressing(-tsiga)hiselbow on
it. Thus theancestralvoices "spoke" throughthemaster-drum.
of the cult and spectatorsstood in a semicirclefacingthe
,Members
three
drummers.When people had been possessedtheywore thespecial
uniformand generallyplayed the hand-rattlesfor others. Individual
dancerstook a dancingstaff(an axe) in one hand, came into thearena,
and alternatelyspun roundfor16 beats and danced towardsthedrums
for16 beats,whilepressingthearmsforwardsand upwardsin timeto the
music. It was during the second series of 16 beats that the masterdrummerused thepressuretechniqueto varythepitchof thebass drum.
Therewere alternativesequences,whichwerealso notatedby Andrie
Grau:
thedancersfirstmoved fromside to side facingthedrumsforeight
musical patterns,then they moved round eitheron the spot or
makinga small circle,turningusually clockwisefor anothereight
musical patterns,and then they danced towards the drums for
sixteenmusical patternswith threejumps on the spot changing
directionfromtheleft"corner"to theright"corner"and one jump
movingbackwardsfacingthedrums.
(Grau, op.cit.: 78)
The musical example illustratesthe formof one characteristic
song.
The melodiesvaried fromone song to another,but the drumrhythms
drum
remainedthe same foreach typeof dance. There were different
patternsforngomadza matsogodoand ngoma dza zwigwasha. Ngoma
dza Manzhosi (also Mangoni) had a different
dance as well as a different
drumpattern:itseemedto be limitedto easternVenda and was said to be
Shangana-Tsongain origin.
Therewere mnemonicsforthe musicalpatternsof the instruments:
The hand-rattle(tshele)said: tshaka-tshaka

BLACKING
VENDA SYMBOLS / 83
The alto drum (murumba) was called tshitutuluand said: tutihtutd.

The tenor drum (thungwa) was called dumbula and said: a g1digigil~.
The bass drum (ngoma) was called ngoma khulwane and firstsaid:
gidigili g'idigili.
Then it said loudly: ngindlngilingind'ingilingngindIngilingngeh/ nde
nd- nda.
When mute it said: fhbwa fh6wa.
The recruitment
of cultgroups
3.
The Venda said "midzimu i wela mashaka"-- ancestor spirits fall on

relatives- and indeed this was the general pattern of recruitmentof cult
groups, as a few examples of who was possessed at differentngoma dza
midzimu will show.
116
j
Solo (IIIusuni)
Ndo
lo - rbe - la
3
ngo - mna
3
ndo
wa
nga
de - ke - nya
3
Cloru
Hand Rattles (tshele)

(vliabvu.neli)
(murunmba)
Alto Drun (on wood lor approximately8-10 bars)
(thungwa)
Tenor Drum (on wooden edge of drum for8-10 bars)
(ngoinma)
Bass Drwn (Pitch is vaned by pressingtheleft elbow on the right-handside and centreof the druin-skinrespectively)
The playerdoes not enter untilAlto
R
C
R
C
Chorus
lEc!
a-
cet'
-IheeF
Alto LDrwn(alternativeversionsof basic rhythrn)

-__- -- :
_ L- - ------------1?__---
hee!
a - hee!
Tenor Drtun(L H and R.H. with sticks,R.H. sometmieson wooden edge of drutn)
Bass Drun (for 16 bars

R
-"_-I--P
dancer
while
girates)
R
(f 16 bars when dancer facesdrums)

____
. .1--

---
84 / 1985 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

yo - wee
Ho
Bass Drum (unimulfledbeats)
ee
>
>
>
Bass drnum
sequence (with stickin R.H. and L.H. strikingdrum-skinwhen not mufflingit)
Sf
"f
Sf Sf
One of the most unusual encounteredwas that at Vho-Masikhwa's

homein Gaba in August1957. It was heldforVho-Leli,one of his wives
who was sick with swollen legs, and ngoma was danced for fourteen
days, which was exceptionallylong. There were seven malombe, of
whom four were his wives and three were their daughters. VhoMasikhwa was a successfuldoctor and a wealthyman to have several
wives, so thatit was possible to have all malomberecruitedfromone
homestead.
It was morecommonto have a groupof malombewho came fromtwo
or threelineally relatedhomesteadsand could thereforereceive their
ancestor spirits in the home of a senior member of the lineage.
lineages,
Obviously, thewives of Vho-Masikhwabelongedto different
but theyhad beenbroughttogetherundertheone roofas membersof the
cultbecause of theinfluenceof thehusbandwhom theyshared. On the
otherhand, neighbourswho were malombe mightdance in the same
ngoma,but not all of themwould be possessed.Thus therewere ngoma
in thedistrictof Magidi held in July1957 and June1958, and I saw the
same people dancingbut two exclusivelydifferent
groups of malombe
being possessed. The convenerand chieflilombe of the formerwas a
celebratedmaine, Vho-TshisikhaweMurei. When she appeared at the
second, the malombe acknowledgedher by takingofftheircaps and
greetingherwithclapping.Butshe could not sharewiththemtheexperience of possessionas she had sharedit withherown grouptheprevious
year.
The threegenealogical chartsbelow are typical of the patternsof
possessionthatoccurredat ngoma in 1956-1958.
A0
DZA
INNGOMA
MIDZIMU
INVOLVED
OFGROUPS
THREE
GENEALOGIES
taken with spirits

P
order of marriage of wives
1,2,3
I. Ngoma at Mutodandopfi, July 17-20,
those
OTshavhungwe
ARAMBUA
MAGIDI
Magidi
deceased persons
A
Rulers' names are in capitals.
1957, for Mukatshelwa
0-
Tshikororo
Nyadenga
/Andries
OL
urei
(Master drummer)
Munenzhee
ck
*i.TshisikhaweO2.Phophi
adahan
MaMietedzhi Murei
Mutshekwa
Jack Mukatshelwa
Mukatshelwa
Madia
Matsige
AA 0
3.uiamamLuvhengo
Maodzi
AA
Tshinakaho

BLACKING
VENDA SYMBOLS / 85
June 14-18,
Ngoma at Tshitahala.
II.
for Matamba
1958,
Lid
1.Tsba Magidithari
2.Nyaluvheng
.egu
i-khovhi
Nya.vbeani
wa
Nyatshifuaa
Magidi
Wilson
Mafune akrela
Lambani
Mrei
Shumm,
III.
Nyatsba-
Ndwanma
i
jaIMagl
02.Tshinakaok
Rutshaclni
Andriel
1.Masala
WIl
shibala-
Muofhe
ThmnasMunyan?la
William
es
Mutevheli
Mufanadzno
Magdi
1.Phoph-M
e
Devheli
Joe
l.Nyatsha-
Mul~qabi
Xut'shinyalalet
Masbau Mabila
athar
udzunga
Muthivhi
Mothf
&unzen A
2.Moaifhe
Marigae
2.Mavhungu
Mmunzhedzi Luongela
NyavbeaniAemt~fi?
JackMidikambi
Madzhu a
aamalwela
9Nduvbani
Munyamela
MAHJ1AE
Moutsharini
Jim
Ntzatlu
NOTES
1.
2.
for Mutsharini
1957,
fetshishivbe
Mack 2.
1.Muk]?eleli
3.Tsahwane
Tshikor
2.Zianbuko
a
uakcm!
IB londi
Tshivheng (Mavhungu)
Lobhe
Mak-ee
Ngoma at Gaba, October 18-21.
2.Nyavhean i
RAMBUA
MAGIDI
1
I.dakwarela
Lhebe
In thispaper, theproblemof defining"music"in different

cultureswill be leftaside,
thoughwhat applies in Venda can probablybe generalized.Moreover,discussionof
theeffectsof noise or excessivelyamplifiedmusicis not relevantto argumentsabout
the effectsof musicalsymbols.
Photographsof ngomahave been publishedin Blacking1964: 141, Blacking1965: 41,
48, and Blacking 1973: 18-19. Recordingsof the music are available on the tape
accompanyingBlacking 1973, published by the Universityof WashingtonPress,
Seattle. Beneshnotationof the dance movementsare given in Grau 1979: 79 ff.

86 / 1985 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC

REFERENCES CITED
Berliner,Paul F.
1978
The Soul of Mbira: Music and traditionsof the Shona People of
Zimbabwe. Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.
Blacking,John
1964
Black Background: the childhood of a South Africangirl. London:
Abelard-Schuman.
"The role of music in the culture of the Venda of the Northern
1965
Transvaal". M. Kolinski,ed. Studiesin Ethnomusicology,
2. New York:
Oak Publications,pp. 20-53.
"Music and the historicalprocessin Vendaland". Klaus P. Wachsmann,
1971
ed. Essays on Music and History in Africa, Evanston: Northwestern
UniversityPress,pp. 185-212.
1973
How Musical is Man? Seattle: Universityof WashingtonPress.
1977a
"Towards an anthropologyof the body". J. Blacking,ed. The Anthropology of theBody, ASA MonographNo. 15, London: AcademicPress,
pp. 1-28.
"An Introductionto Venda traditionaldances". R. Lange, ed. Dance
1977b
Studies,2:34-56.
"The problemof 'ethnic'perceptionsin the semioticsof music". Wendy
1981
Austin:Universityof Texas
Steiner,ed. The sign in musicand literature,
Press,pp. 184-194.
1982
"Songs and Dances of the Venda People". D. Tunley, ed. Music and
Dance, Fourth National Symposium of the Musicological Society of
Australia. Departmentof Music, Universityof WesternAustralia,pp.
90-105.
Bourgignon,Erika,ed.
1973
Religion,alteredstates of consciousnessand social change,Columbus,
Ohio: Ohio State UniversityPress.
Clynes,Manfred
Sentics:the touchof emotions.London: SouvenirPress.
1977
Fry,Peter
and thearticulationofconsensusamong
1976
Spiritsofprotest:spirit-mediums
theZezuru of Zimbabwe, CambridgeUniversityPress.
Garfias,Robert
"The role of dreams and spiritpossession in the Mbira dza vhadzimu
1980
music of the Shona people of Zimbabwe". Journalof AlteredStates of
Consciousness5 (3), 1979-80:211-234.
Geertz,Clifford
"Artas a culturalsystem".Modern Language Notes 91: 1473-1499.
1976
Grau, Andr~e
to the
1979
Some problemsin theanalysisof dance stylewithspecial reference
Venda of South Africa. UnpublishedMA dissertation,The Queen's
Universityof Belfast.
Lewis, I.M.
Ecstatic Religion: an anthropologicalstudy of spirit possession and
1971
shamanism.London: PenguinBooks.
Maslow, A.H.
1970
Religions,values, and peak-experiences.New York: Viking Compass
Book.
Ralushai, Nkhumeleni
"The origin and social significanceof Malombo". Fifth Annual
1984
Facultyof Music, Universityof Cape
Symposiumon Ethnomusicology,
Town.
Rouget,Gilbert
"Music and possessiontrance".J.Blacking,ed. The anthropologyof the
1977
body, ASA MonographNo. 15. London: Academic Press,pp. 233-239.
La Musique et la transe.Paris: Gallimard.
1980

BLACKING
Rowan, J.
1976
Stayt,H.A.
1931
VENDA SYMBOLS / 87
Ordinaryecstasy: humanisticpsychologyin action. London: Routledge

and Kegan Paul.
The Bavenda. Oxford UniversityPress for the InternationalAfrican

Institute.
Werbner,RichardP.
1964
"Atonement ritual and guardian-spiritpossession among Kalanga."
Africa34(3):206-223.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to thankall thoseVenda friendswhose names are mentionedin thispaper
fortheircooperationand assistance,and especiallyprofessorRalushai,AlfredTshibalanganda and FreddieMatodzi.


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The Context of Venda Possession Music: Reflections on the Effectiveness of Symbols

Author(s): John Blacking

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THE CONTEXT OF VENDA POSSESSION MUSIC:

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Above all, it would be encouragingif spiritpossession and altered

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orderingexperience,and relatinginnersensationsto thelifeof feelingof

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musiccould be an end in itselfor a means to an end, dependingon the

musicalexperiBy commonconsent,thetwo mostpowerful,affecting

music and dance, and theireffectiveness

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purposes of the cult or the religious life in general. It was never

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Music and SpiritPossession

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dances, were performedby the Lembethuof Hamutelemuch earlierin

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dances". Tshilombe,which has the same root, was used to describea

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After8 minutes,there was a short pause and then another song

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A four-dayngoma was convenedin Gaba by Vho-Mack Netshiavha

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At Magidi, the returnsto normalityof some of the malombe were

Vhe ri ndi a tuwa, vhahulwanevhanga.

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Ni tshifa ndi vhuteka-teka.

Vho-makhulu,ndo kambwa nga halwa.

Vhulombevhu ro fhiwanga Nwali.

A child should not go to Mutele (for fear of possession); Locusts

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Hu neta malombe,matsigeha neti:

Ngoma dzanu dzi sa pfumbidzina'ni?

Ndo tambulando wa nga dekenya.

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some water. Vho-Nyamalwela, the singer, helped her on with her

Zwa vhulombezwi dina zwenezwi.

Vhahulwanevhanga, nne ndi vho io fa,

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Ndi vho do fa nga nzhelemadambi:

Vho-Maligwevha enda Tshalovha.

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Mutuli wanga ndo fhiwanga tate,

Vhusiwanahanga ha mpha madambi.

Rine ri makhothoa hanya shaya nwana.

Nwana uyu ndi Masholopote;

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Ene u sholopotanazwila zwa vho-fate.

Vhusiwanahanga ndi vhuhwena ku fa.

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The alto drum (murumba) was called tshitutuluand said: tutihtutd.

When mute it said: fhbwa fh6wa.

The Venda said "midzimu i wela mashaka"-- ancestor spirits fall on

Hand Rattles (tshele)

Tenor Drum (on wooden edge of drum for8-10 bars)

Alto LDrwn(alternativeversionsof basic rhythrn)

Bass Drun (for 16 bars

(f 16 bars when dancer facesdrums)

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84 / 1985 YEARBOOK FOR TRADITIONAL MUSIC