Abstract

It is well documented that general classroom teachers have not been adequately
prepared to address the unique needs of the English language learners (ELLs) that many
are now teaching for the first time (Cartiera, 2006; Giambo & Szecsi, 2005; Short &
Echevarria, 2004). With ELLs presence growing in U. S. public schools (e.g.,
August, 2006; Kindler, 2002) and their achievement reported to be low (August, 2006;
Cartiera, 2006; Crawford, 2004), this study set out to examine general classroom
teachers language-learning experiences as a potential source of pedagogical knowledge
for ELLs, a direction suggested in survey research findings.
Multiple methods of data collection were employed in this qualitative study to
understand how participants constructed personal practical knowledge (Connelly &
Clandinin, 1985) from their language-learning experiences and to learn what it
contributed to their teaching practice for ELLs. Connelly and Clandinin (1985) theorized
personal practical knowledge to encompass attitudes, beliefs, and understandings that
teachers develop from interpretations of experience and draw on to respond to the
demands of practice. The theoretical orientation of this study was cognitive
constructivism, which views individuals as constructors of knowledge that can be
enhanced through social interaction.
Data collection took place during the 2008-2009 academic year. The nine
participants were secondary general classroom teachers who taught in seven different
content areas in two school districts. Data were collected from individual participants
using oral history methods and classroom observations with semi-structured, pre- and
post-observation interviews. Oral histories were gathered to understand participants

language-learning experiences (the personal) and the sense they made of them (the
knowledge). Classroom observations and semi-structured interviews took place to
understand their teaching practices with ELLs (the practical). Labov and Waletzskys
(1967/1997) structural approach to narrative analysis was used to analyze oral history
narratives, while classroom interview data were analyzed thematically.
This study found that all participants developed some personal practical
knowledge from language-learning experiences, although often in combination with other
life and professional experiences. Its sophistication seemed to be influenced by the depth
and timing of participants reflections. The inclination to apply personal practical
knowledge in teaching ELLs was found to depend on the nature of the teaching context
as well as connections participants perceived between themselves as language learners
and their ELLs. How participants interpreted and applied personal practical knowledge
was discovered to have the potential to create both inclusive and exclusionary situations
for ELLs. This studys most salient finding was that mediated reflection encouraged
general classroom teachers to identify previously unmade connections between
themselves as language learners and their ELLs, to develop new insights into the personal
practical knowledge they derived from language-learning experiences, and to motivate
them to act on newly-realized connections and insights. The subgroup of participants
most seemingly affected by mediated reflection appeared to be the first-year teachers.
Limitations of this study were related to the small number of participants, their
characteristics, limited contexts of participation, data collection procedures, and data
analysis. Implications are offered for the foreign language teaching profession, teacher
preparation programs, school practices, and future research.

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Copyright 2010 Joanne E. OToole

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vi
Table of Contents
Abstract.

Table of Contents.

vi

List of Tables...

viii

List of Illustrations...........

ix

Acknowledgments...

Chapter One Background of the Study.

ELLs in U.S. Public Schools
All Teachers as Teachers of English Language Learners
Findings from Survey Research...
Goals of the Study
Research Question...
Organization of the Dissertation..

1
2
4
5
6
7
7

Chapter Two Literature Review

Guiding Theoretical Framework for the Study
General Classroom Teachers Attitudes and Beliefs about ELLs
Best Practices for Teaching ELLs
Teachers Language-Learning Histories..
Summary of the Literature Review.

10
11
17
42
56
61

Chapter Three Research Design

Contexts for the Study..
Consent and Access..
Participants...
Methodology.
Data Collection.
Data Analysis
Subjectivities Statement

63
63
64
66
72
79
86
98

Chapter Four Heritage Connections..

Lou Rivoli, High School Technology Teacher.
Felicia Sparks, Middle School Mathematics Teacher...
Gina Lenhardt, Middle School Social Studies Teacher

109
110
138
166

Chapter Five Foreign Language Learners, Experienced Teachers

Nick Perotti, Middle School Health Teacher
Valerie Sumner, Middle School Science Teacher
Alex Stewart, K-8 Physical Education Teacher...

193
193
223
245

vii

Chapter Six Foreign Language Learners, First-Year Teachers.

Lance McIntyre, Middle School Mathematics Teacher..
Melanie Eaton, Middle School English Teacher.
Grace Jensen, High School English Teacher..

265
265
284
305

Chapter Seven Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications..

Discussion...
Conclusions.
Limitations of the Study..
Implications of the Study.
Suggestions for Future Research.....

327
328
350
358
361
366

Appendices..
Appendix A Sample Principal Letter...
Appendix B Sample Potential Participant Email.
Appendix C Letter of Consent.
Appendix D Categories of Observation...

370
370
372
373
375

References...

376

Vita..

397

viii
List of Tables
Table 1: Best Practices for ELLs and Related Beliefs

46

Table 2: Calendar of Principal Meetings and Identification of Potential

Participants ..

67

Table 3: Potential Participants and Their Participation Outcomes ..

69

Table 4: Schedule of Interviews and Observations

81

ix
List of Illustrations
Figure 1. Framework for understanding cognitive and contextual language
demands

49

Figure 2. Lou Rivolis first block class

126

Figure 3. Lou Rivolis fourth block class

132

Figure 4. Felicia Sparks 7th grade mathematics class lesson on conversion.

152

Figure 5. Felicia Sparks 7th grade mathematics class in preparation for the state
assessment
160
Figure 6. Gina Lenhardts 8th grade American history class

181

Figure 7. Nick Perottis first period 7th grade health class..

207

Figure 8. Valerie Sumners 7th grade life science class on cycles and
succession

235

Figure 9. Valerie Sumners 7th grade life science class inside-outside circle
lesson

240

Figure 10. Alex Stewarts 5th grade physical education class on upper body
strength.

256

Figure 11. Alex Stewarts 5th grade physical education class Sink That Ship
game.

259

Figure 12. Lance McIntyres 8th grade mathematics class. 276

Figure 13. Melanie Eatons 2nd period, 7th grade English class.

296

Figure 14. Melanie Eatons 3rd period, 7th grade English class.

300

Figure 15. Grace Jensens 4th block, 10th grade English class..

313

x
Acknowledgements

Nothing that is done for you is a matter of course. Everything originates

in a will for the good, which is directed at you. -Albert Schweitzer
I am the very grateful recipient of many acts of good will that have been directed
at me over the course of my doctoral program and, more importantly, as I engaged in my
dissertation research and writing. First and foremost, I would like to express my
gratitude to Drs. Gerald (Jerry) M. Mager, M. Kristiina Montero, and Jean W. LeLoup,
the three remarkable mentors who served as my dissertation committee. With their
unique and diverse backgrounds, each one of them made a significant contribution to my
work and my success.
Conversations with Jerry were always thoughtful and thought provoking. I
particularly appreciated that they were never rushed. Good thinking takes time. Jerry
was ever willing to share his wisdom, knowledge, and experience with me, three things
that deeply inspired my thinking and helped me navigate the dissertation process
successfully.
The numerous and lengthy chats I had with Kristiina were a great source of
learning as well as reassurance. There was never a momentwhether she was in her
office on the second floor or in another countrywhen I did not feel I could call on
Kristiina to help me think through issues. She was always there for me with her insights,
passion, and treasured friendship.
From across the country, Jean was as responsive to me as if she were next door.
By phone, email, and teleconference, she was always available to share her expertise and

xi
make valuable suggestions. It was Jeans unwavering enthusiasm, encouragement, and
good humor that buoyed me on days when I was discouraged and overwhelmed.
In addition to my committee members, I must thank two very special friends and
colleagues: Vicki McQuitty and Carol Willard. From our first class together in 2004
EDU 725 with Jerry Magerto the Tuesday morning writing group, to our ongoing
get-togethers and celebrations, we have journeyed through this doctoral program
together. I truly value the ever-present academic, personal, and emotional support both
Vicki and Carol provided me all along the way. I particularly want to acknowledge
Vickis help in performing the bracketed interview that is included here in my
dissertation. By doing this, she allowed me the opportunity to add a dimension to my
work that would have otherwise been impossible.
I am also pleased to acknowledge Syracuse University faculty membersin
addition to Drs. Gerald Mager and M. Kristiina Monterowho supported me as readers
on the qualifying examination questions that preceded my dissertation. Their close
reading of my work, feedback, and encouragement all helped prepare me to write this
dissertation. I extend my sincere appreciation to Drs. Patricia Price Tinto, my advisor,
George Theoharis, Julie Causton-Theoharis, and William Ritchie.
This dissertation would not have been possible without the willingness of two
school districts, their principals, and the nine very special teachers who volunteered to
participate in this study. The participants all expressed enthusiasm for the work I was
doing and were most generous in sharing their time, experiences, and classrooms to
assure that I would be able to answer my research question. I am deeply indebted to their
kindness.

xii
Finally, I could not have achieved any of this without the unwavering support of
my family. My dear husband, Tom, went out of his way to make sure I had the time and
space I needed to accomplish this task. He listened patiently and often as I shared my
ideas, my successes, and my concerns, and he always expressed interest in a topic that is
very far from his experiences. My talented son, Devin, provided technical support for the
graphics in this dissertation as well as strong editing of my initial drafts. I am sure my
committee appreciated seeing well-edited work right from the beginning. I am grateful to
my mother, Katie Rindenello, for being a constant source of inspiration in my life and for
cheering me on throughout the dissertation process. Like my husband, she listened with
interest and was patient as I took the time I needed to complete the dissertation.
My three childrenCatie, Patrick, and Devinoffered me wonderful and
welcome sources of distraction as I wrote this dissertation. Catie and her husband, Dave
Padalino, gave me my grandson, Tommy, in April 2009. Patrick married his sweetheart,
Karan, in June 2009. And Devin got engaged to his sweetheart, Emily, in July 2010. So,
as I conclude this dissertation, our family has much to celebrate. Most of all, my
granddaughter Maria is ready to celebrate that Grandmas homework is finally done.

1
Chapter One Background of the Study
In this introductory chapter, I provide background information regarding the
growing presence of English language learners (ELLs) in U.S. public schools, and I
explain how teaching responsibilities for these learners have shifted. I review the current
educational situation for ELLs and findings that have emerged from survey research. I
explain my goals for the study and articulate the research question and sub-questions that
guided this study. Finally, I offer an overview of subsequent chapters of this dissertation.
Throughout this study, I use the term ELLs to refer to the learners under
discussion. Although ELLs is only one of the many terms that appears in the literature, it
is currently the preferred term due to its all-encompassing and politically neutral nature
(Crawford, 2004, p. xxi). Terms I opted not to employ include ESL students (e.g., Clair,
1995; Youngs & Youngs, 2001), immigrant learners (e.g., Dwyer, 1998; Stefanakis,
2004), language-minority children (e.g., August & Hakuta, 1998; Byrnes & Cortez,
1996), limited English proficient (LEP) students (e.g., Crawford, 2004; Kindler, 2002),
and second-language learners (e.g., August 2006; Reyes, 1991). Most describe only a
particular segment of the ELL population: learners who receive English-as-a-Second
Language (ESL) services, have immigrated to the U.S., are members of a minority group,
or are learning a second language. I have elected not to use LEP due to its deficit
connotation that highlights what ELLs lack rather than what they are accomplishing
(Crawford, 2004).

2
ELLs in U.S. Public Schools
Evidence suggests that the nations ELLs are not faring well academically
(August, 2006; Cartiera, 2006; Crawford, 2004). August (2006) found that only 18.7% of
ELLs demonstrated proficiency in reading comprehension on the state assessments as
reported by 41 states. Dropout rates higher than those reported for other sectors of the
school-age population have been documented for ELLs, especially for those who are
foreign-born (Cartiera, 2006; Crawford, 2004). Crawford (2004) attributes this
unfortunate outcome to high-stakes testing, the frustration of the school experience, and
language barriers.
The dimensions of the issue are considerable. From 1979 to 1999, the number of
students in U.S. classrooms who speak a home language other than English more than
doubled from 6 to 14 million students (August, 2006). In 2003, approximately 5.5
million of these learners were designated as ELLs, a nearly 100% increase from 10 years
earlier, making them the most rapidly growing population of K-12 learners (Short &
Echevarria, 2004-05). These students, whose first language is not English, now comprise
approximately 18% of all public school students (Meyer, Madden, & McGrath, 2005).
With them they bring 460 different languages to the classroom (Kindler, 2002).
While large numbers of immigrants have traditionally settled in large urban areas
such as Miami, New York, and Los Angeles, these newcomers are now putting down
roots in cities, suburbs, and rural areas across the entire country (Girard, 2005; Kindler,
2002; Kollali, 2007; Meyer et al., 2005; Zehr, 2008). In the 10-year period from 1995-96
to 2005-06, 31 U.S. states witnessed significant growth in their ELL student populations:
13 states showed increases of more than 200%; seven demonstrated increases between

3
100-200%; and 11 reported increases between 50-100% (National Clearinghouse for
English Language Acquisition [NCELA], 2008).
As a result, ELLs are now enrolled in schools and classrooms that have not
traditionally served linguistically diverse learners. In 2002, approximately 43% of
teachers nationwide reported having ELLs in their classrooms (National Center for
Education Statistics [NCES], 2002, as cited in Cartiera, 2006). However, slightly less
than 13% indicated having had eight clock hours or more of formal pre-service or inservice preparation to teach these learners. Few have taken courses or received
certifications that would prepare them to meet the needs of this particular population
(Giambo & Szecsi, 2005; Short & Echevarria, 2004). With the ELL population
anticipated to double by the year 2050, most, if not all, teachers are likely to teach ELLs
in the coming years (Meskill, 2005).
As the 2001 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act mandates ELLs inclusion in state
assessments, schools choose to include these learners in general classrooms so they may
learn English as quickly as possible (Menken, 2006). Currently, over half of the
designated ELLs spend all or part of their day with a mainstream teacher (Menken,
2000, as cited in Evans et al., 2005, p. 75). With ELLs in many states reclassified before
achieving grade-level proficiency in academic English, general classroom teachers may
be the only teachers to offer them support as they work toward developing that
proficiency.
General classroom teachers is the term I chose to refer to teachers who are not
language specialists (e.g., ESL and bilingual education teachers). The literature that has
reported on general classroom teachers of ELLs predominantly refers to them as

4
mainstream teachers. I decided against using the term mainstream due its historical
usage in the field of Special Education. In Special Education, mainstreamed students
were those who were granted access to the general classroom, curriculum, and peers only
when they were deemed capable of achieving some level of competence and when a
mainstream teacher agreed to their presence in the classroom (Keefe, 1996). Frequently,
these students participation was limited to selected activities and was done without
support for their particular learning needs (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007). While some of the
situations reported on in the studies of general classroom teachers of ELLs may mirror
this system of access, it is not necessarily the situation in all the studies nor is it the focus
of this study.
All Teachers as Teachers of English Language Learners
There are dramatically shifting demographics of school children in U. S. public
schools. Increasing numbers of culturally- and linguistically-diverse students have
arrived in the nations classrooms while the teaching population has remained primarily
White and monolingual (Evans, Arnot-Hopffer, & Jurich, 2005; Flores & Smith,
2007/2008; Zumwalt & Craig, 2005). Not only has the teaching force itself undergone
little change, neither have the teacher education programs that prepare them to teach
these diverse learners (Evans et al., 2005). Regardless of their preparation, all teachers
not just bilingual and ESL teachersare now responsible for effectively teaching ELLs
to read, write, speak, listen, and think in English about academic content (Valds, Bunch,
Snow, Lee, & Matos, 2005).
If unprepared, general classroom teachers may have inadequate knowledge about
second language acquisition as well as limited understanding of the role of culture in

5
learning (Giambo & Szecsi, 2005). They may be unaware of what constitutes effective
instruction for ELLs (Cartiera, 2006), and they may hold unwarranted beliefs about
language and cognition (Karabenick & Noda, 2004, p. 56). These misconceptions may
put them at risk for making instructional decisions based on faulty or misguided
understandings. They may also put ELLs at risk of falling (further) behind their Englishspeaking peers academically.
Findings from Survey Research
Not all general classroom teachers appear to be unprepared to teach ELLs. As
indicated previously, some have reported participating in formal pre-service or in-service
preparation. Additionally, there is evidence from numerous survey research studies that
teachers who are bilingual (Flores & Smith, 2007/2008; Garca-Nevarez, Stafford &
Arias, 2005), who have fluency in a language other than English (Karabenick & Noda,
2004; Paneque & Barbetta, 2006), proficiency in a second language (Lee & Oxelson,
2006; Paneque & Barbetta, 2006; Shin & Krashen, 1996), who can speak, read, or write
in another language (Roach, Shore, Gouleta & Butkevich, 2003), or who have studied a
foreign language (Youngs & Youngs, 2001) demonstrate attitudes, beliefs, and
knowledge that inform their teaching with ELLs. What teachers in the aforementioned
studies shareno matter how they were describedis the experience of having learned a
language. Therefore, in lieu of choosing from among the varied terms used to describe
the language knowledge, skills, or experiences of respondents in these studies, I refer to
such teachers as those who have had language-learning experiences.
Specifically, results from these surveys indicate that teachers who have had
language-learning experiences demonstrate favorable attitudes toward ELLs (Lee &

6
Oxelson, 2006; Youngs & Youngs, 2001), their languages (Flores & Smith, 2007/2008;
Garca-Nevarez et al., 2005; Lee & Oxelson, 2006; Shin & Krashen, 1996), and their
families (Paneque & Barbetta, 2006). Results also show that teachers who have
language-learning experiences take interest in, understand, and feel more able to address
ELLs linguistic and academic needs (Karabenick & Noda, 2004; Lee & Oxelson, 2006;
Paneque & Barbetta, 2006; Roach et al., 2003).
What all these surveys have in common is that they measure and statistically
report general classroom teachers attitudes toward ELLs. While their statistical findings
highlight a promising relationship between general classroom teachers who have had
language-learning experiences and positive attitudes toward ELLs, they do not have the
capacity to explain how the language-learning experiences came to positively influence
the teachers attitudes. They cannot identify if or how the teachers own languagelearning experiences shaped their practices for ELLs. Further, they do not have the
power to reveal what actually happens in the complex environment of the classroom
when the general classroom teacher is implementing instruction for and interacting with
ELLs and other learners. Additional limitations of survey research will be discussed in
Chapter Two.
Goals of the Study
This study was guided by two primary goals: (a) to understand how general
classroom teachers, specifically at the secondary level, make sense of their own
language-learning experiences; and (b) to identify the ways in which these teachers
recollections and interpretations of their language-learning experiences contribute to the
personal practical knowledge they draw on in instructing ELLs. Personal practical

7
knowledge, as theorized by Connelly and Clandinin (1985), is the experientially based
knowledge teachers draw on in responding to the demands of practice. It encompasses
attitudes, beliefs, and understandings derived from interpretations of experience. In light
of the cultural and linguistic differences that exist between many ELLs and their general
classroom teachers and their teachers lack of formal preparation to teach such learners,
this study sought to learn how knowledge is derived from language-learning experiences
and how this knowledge functions as an influence on pedagogy for teaching ELLs.
Research Question
This study sought answers to the following overarching research question:
What do prior language-learning experiences contribute to the personal practical
knowledge general classroom teachers draw on in teaching ELLs?
The sub-questions of the research question are:
1. What are general classroom teachers recollections of their language-learning
experiences?
2. In what ways have they made sense of these experiences?
3. How have their interpretations of their language-learning experiences
influenced their attitudes towards ELLs, their beliefs about appropriate
pedagogical practices for these learners, and their actual practices?
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter Two Literature Review follows this introduction to my study. In
Chapter Two, I present the theoretical framework that guides my research and analysis,
and I provide my rationale for working within this framework. Following this, I define

8
the constructs of attitudes and beliefs and examine the literature that reports on studies of
the attitudes and beliefs of general classroom teachers of ELLs. I then summarize and
describe the research-based best practices for teaching ELLs and put forward possible
relationships between these practices and general classroom teachers beliefs about ELLs.
I conclude this chapter with an overview and critique of the few studies that have looked
at teachers language-learning histories, ultimately illustrating the need for the current
study.
Chapter Three Research Design begins with the explanation of how I identified,
selected, and gained access to the research contexts and participants for this study. In this
chapter, I describe the qualitative methods and procedures I employed to collect data,
including in-depth, semi-structured oral history interviews, semi-structured interviews,
and classroom observations. I explain how I analyzed the data using Labov and
Watezkys (1967/1997) structural approach to narrative analysis. I conclude this chapter
with my subjectivities statement that is composed of my personal narratives of languagelearning experiences and my analysis of them.
Chapter Four Heritage Connections includes the portraits of the three
participants in this study whose language-learning narratives begin with their heritage
and are influenced by them. Each portrait consists, first, of participants narratives of
language-learning experiences, and second, of my observations of their practice in
teaching ELLs. Accompanying both sections are participants interpretations and my
analysis with the particular focus on this studys research question.
Chapter Five Foreign Language Learners, Experienced Teachers includes the
portraits of three of the six participants in this study who first experienced language

9
learning in the foreign language classroom. What distinguishes these participants from
those that will be presented in Chapter Six is that they have prior teaching experiences on
which they draw as they teach ELLs. Each portrait is structured in the same way as the
portraits in Chapter Four, beginning with participants narratives of language-learning
experiences and followed by my observations of their teaching practices for ELLs. I
present participants interpretations of their narratives and their practice as well as my
analysis of them in light of the research question.
Chapter Six Foreign Language Learners, First-Year Teachers includes the
portraits of the final three participants in this study. All three studied foreign language
from adolescence to college. What sets them apart from the participants presented in
Chapter Five is that they are all first-year teachers. From their reflections, it appears that
being a first-year teacher plays a role in the identification of their personal practical
knowledge for teaching ELLs. These portraits follow the same format previously
employed in Chapters Four and Five.
Chapter Seven Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications is the chapter in
which I discuss the findings that emerged from this study and how they serve to answer
my research question and sub-questions. I identify connections between my findings and
previous research. I present the limitations of this study and suggest implications for the
foreign language teaching professor, teacher preparation programs, and school practices.
I conclude this chapter with my suggestions for future research.

10
Chapter Two Literature Review
This literature review begins with a presentation of the theoretical framework that
serves as a guide to my study. In it, I review and compare the primary ways in which the
theory of constructivism has been defined and explicated, and I identify why I believe
cognitive constructivism offers the most appropriate means of understanding the
individual nature of teachers knowledge. I provide an overview of how teachers are
understood to construct pedagogical knowledge and conclude by describing Connelly and
Clandinins (1985) construct of personal practical knowledge, the framework that I draw
on in uniting all aspects of my research question and sub-questions.
Subsequent to the theoretical framework, the literature review offers an
examination of prior research on the attitudes and beliefs of general classroom teachers of
ELLs, a summary and description of research-based best practices for teaching ELLs, and
an overview and critique of prior studies done on teachers language-learning histories. It
is a thorough, albeit not exhaustive, review of the literature that situates and provides a
rationale for this study. As I will show, the literature on general classroom teachers
attitudes and beliefs toward ELLs neither offers a clear definition of the constructs it
addresses nor convincingly illustrates the relationship between attitudes, beliefs, and
practice. I have included the literature on research-based teaching practices for ELLs to
reveal what is known about effective practices for ELLs. Finally, I look at the few
studies that have examined a relationship between teachers language-learning
experiences and their teaching practices. In summary, the studies reviewed in this section
are intended to shed light on one or more facets of teachers personal practical
knowledge, the guiding theoretical framework of this study.

11
Guiding Theoretical Framework for the Study
Constructing Knowledge
The theoretical orientation of this study is constructivist. Although
constructivism is a theory that has been defined in diverse ways (Reagan & Osborn,
2002), its basic principles are generally agreed-upon (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007).
Constructivism posits that knowledge is created, or actively constructed, by the learner
rather than transmitted to the learner by an external source (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007;
Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Reagan & Osborn, 2002; Schwandt, 1994). Knowledge is
constructed from personal experiences as a means of making sense of and interpreting
those experiences (Crotty, 1998; Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Schwandt, 1994). The ways in
which experiences are interpreted depend on the learners prior knowledge, beliefs,
emotions, and expectations (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007). In other words, both the learning
process and the knowledge constructed from it are unique to the individual (Crotty, 1998;
Schwandt, 1994).
As learning from a constructivist perspective is reliant on the human intellect,
knowledge may be constructed in more or less informed or sophisticated ways (Guba &
Lincoln, 1994), thus having the potential to result in misconstructions or misconceptions
(Eggen & Kauchak, 2007; Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Reagan & Osborn, 2002). However,
as knowledge construction is an active and recursive process (Fosnot, 1996; Guba &
Lincoln, 1994), learners may reconstruct their knowledge as more information becomes
available, as their sophistication grows, or as their knowledge comes in conflict with new
information (Guba & Lincoln, 1994).

12
Where theorists conceptualizations of constructivism diverge is primarily related
to the ways in which they theorize knowledge to be constructed. Cognitive
constructivism, attributed to psychologist Jean Piaget, suggests that knowledge is
constructed internally by the individual as a means of making sense of his or her
experiences and interactions with the environment (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007). In this
sense, knowledge plays an adaptive role whereby the learner modifies his or her mental
constructions when confronted with new information in the environment (von Glaserfeld,
1996). The learner may assimilate this new information into existing knowledge or may
make modifications, or accommodations, when the need occurs (Bhattacharya & Han,
2001; Eggen & Kauchak, 2007). Social interactions the learner may have serve to test
and enhance this internally constructed knowledge (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007).
Social constructivism, in contrast to cognitive constructivism, suggests that
learners construct knowledge in social contexts first and then internalize it (Eggen &
Kauchak, 2007; Reagan & Osborne, 2002). The concept of socially constructed
knowledge, which can be traced to the work of Lev Vygotsky, asserts that learners
construct understandings from social interactions in ways that would be impossible for
them to do alone (Eggen & Kauchak, 2007).
Similar to social constructivism, social constructionism posits that social
interactions are necessary for knowledge construction (Crotty, 1998; Hruby, 2001;
Schwandt, 1994). The former claims that meaning-making ultimately takes place in the
mind of the individual; the latter stresses that meaning is generated collectively
(Schwandt, 1994). As Crotty (1998) points out, it is the learners culture that shapes what
he or she can know. Hruby (2001) differentiates social constructivism from social

13
constructionism by identifying constructivism as a psychological phenomenon and
constructionism as a sociological one.
A fourth variation of constructivism is radical constructivism. Von Glaserfeld
(1989) relates radical constructivism to the cognitive constructivist processes of
adaptation and equilibration, asserting that knowledge is not a product in the learners
mind but rather the activity or process by which he or she achieves a given goal
(Schwandt, 1994; von Glaserfeld, 1989). Knowledge [is]a mapping of actions and
conceptual operations that had proven viable in the knowledge subjects experience (von
Glaserfeld, 1989, p. 4). This perspective emphasizes the active mental work in which the
learner engages (Reagan & Osborn, 2002).
In considering the differences among the various forms of constructivism, Reagan
and Osborn (2002) note that cognitive and social constructivist perspectives serve as
background for one another. They also suggest that the social and radical variations of
constructivism are not as separate as they may appear when they say, Perhaps the most
reasonable way to articulate the common, shared elements of radical and social
constructivism is to talk about learning as socially mitigated and personally constructed, a
formulation that at the very least moves us away from a strong bifurcation (p. 60).
Of the four forms of constructivism reviewed above, I believe that cognitive
constructivismthe perspective that knowledge is individually constructed and
internalized and enhanced by social interactionscan serve to best describe and explain
how teachers construct pedagogical knowledge from their experiences as learners. As
Johnson (1996) states, teachers knowledge is inherently their own, constructed by
teachers themselves, and largely experiential (p. 767). The particular knowledge

14
constructions of interest in this study are those that teachers have internally constructed
from their language-learning experiences and that may have been enhanced through
social interactions.
Constructing Pedagogical Knowledge
It is widely held that teachers pedagogical knowledge is strongly influenced by
their experiences as learners (e.g. Freeman & Johnson, 1998; Johnson, 1996; Lortie,
1975; Nespor, 1987; Richards & Lockhart, 1994). Pedagogical knowledge, as I am using
it here, refers to the dynamic, practically-oriented, and complex understandings (Elbaz,
1983), theories, and beliefs teachers draw on in their planning and decision-making for
learners (Clark & Peterson, 1986).
Pedagogical knowledge constructed from teachers experience as language
learners includes knowledge of language teaching practices (Bailey et al., 1996;
Golombek, 1998; Numrich, 1996), a repertoire of language learning strategies (Oxford,
Lavine, Felkins, Hollaway, & Saleh, 1996), complex understandings of what it takes to
learn a language (Lemberger, 1997; Lenski, 2006; Nieto, 2002; Oxford, et al., 1996;
Taylor, 1999), language teaching philosophies (Bailey et al., 1996), and language
teaching metaphors (Oxford et al., 1996). The transformation from learning experiences
to pedagogical knowledge is the outcome of interpretation that takes place through the
filter of the teachers prior experiences, personal characteristics, and personality
(Freeman & Johnson, 1998; Verloop, Van Driel, & Meijer, 2001). What results from
these interpretations is not only uniquely constructed pedagogical knowledge but also
attitudes and affective responses rooted in the experiences upon which the pedagogical
knowledge was built (Brooks, 1995; Cameron, 2000; Golombek, 2000; Lemberger, 1997;

15
Lenski, 2006; Nieto, 2002; Numrich, 1996; Taylor, 1999). Clark and Peterson (1986)
point out that the teacher may or may not be consciously aware of the contributions
his/her learning experiences have made to this pedagogical knowledge.
Not all learning experiences contribute equally to a teachers pedagogical
knowledge (Dewey, 1938; Freeman & Johnson, 1998; Nespor, 1987). Some of the
experiences teachers had as learners play a more influential role than others (Freeman &
Johnson, 1998; Nespor, 1987). Nespor (1987) refers to these prominent experiences as
critical episodes (p. 320). Critical episodes are the crucial experiences or inspirational
teachers that create rich, detailed memories in a learners mind and that later serve to
guide his or her teaching practices and interpretations of classroom events (Nespor,
1987).
Nespor (1987) points out that, while learners construct powerful memories from
critical episodes, they may not engage in the kind of reflection necessary to develop full
or accurate understandings from them. Lortie (1975) asserts that understandings about
teaching constructed from learners observations of teachers and teaching may be
restricted in nature due to their lack of perspective and sophistication. Resultantly,
pedagogical knowledge constructed from personal learning experiences may or may not
be well conceived (Dewey, 1938; Horwitz, 2008).
Personal Practical Knowledge
Personal practical knowledge, a framework first suggested by Elbaz (1983) and
later refined and augmented by Connelly and Clandinin (1985), was developed to study
and articulate how teachers past experiences and their narrative recollections of these
influence their classroom behaviors. Personal indicates the individual and affectively

16
charged nature of the knowledge that has evolved from a teachers experiences
(Clandinin, 1985). Knowledge refers to the teachers body of convictions, conscious
or unconscious, which have arisen from experience (pp. 361-362). Practical suggests
that the knowledge constructed from personal experiences is available to the teacher
when the practical world of the classroom demands it. As such, personal practical
knowledge is the dynamic application of the teachers personally constructed theory of
practice. It is both the manifestation of a teachers understanding of teaching and
learning and an extension of his or her narrative of experience (Connelly & Clandinin,
1985).
According to Connelly, Clandinin, and He (1997), the experiences that shape a
teachers knowledge do not have a one-to-one correlation to classroom practice.
Teaching, instead, is the result of the totality of a teachers experiences, the way he or she
has interpreted these experiences, and recollections of the narratives created to express
these interpretations (Connelly & Clandinin, 1985). Biography, personality, and prior
experiences all interact in the construction and application of these interpretations
(Golombek, 1998), making personal practical knowledge a complex construct (Connelly
& Clandinin, 1985).
Teachers personal practical knowledge affects all facets of their teaching,
including interpretations of content, planning, selection of resources, delivery of
instruction, relationships with learners, assessment of learners progress, and more
(Connelly et al., 1997). In other words, what teachers know and how they express their
knowledge is central to student learning (p. 666). It is through the constructivist
framework of personal practical knowledge that I intend to examine general classroom

17
teachers personal experiences with language learning, the knowledge they have
derived from these personal experiences, and the practical ways in which they employ
the knowledge they have constructed.
General Classroom Teachers Attitudes and Beliefs about ELLs
Defining Attitudes and Beliefs
While various researchers have undertaken the task of assessing general
classroom teachers attitudes and beliefs about ELLs, very few of them have offered
explicit definitions of these constructs. Eleven of the 21 empirical studies I reviewed
employed Likert-scale survey items to measure attitudes and/or beliefs. In these studies,
the survey items themselves overwhelmingly appeared to serve in lieu of overt definitions
(Byrnes, Kiger, & Manning, 1997; Karabenick & Noda, 2004; Mantero, 2004; Shin &
Krashen, 1996; Youngs & Youngs, 2001). Two of the 21 studies provided definitions of
the particular beliefs targeted in their research, but failed to include a definition of the
underlying construct of belief (Paneque & Barbetta, 2006; Reeves, 2004). In general, the
authors of the reviewed studies communicated their definitions of attitudes and beliefs
only through a collection of imprecise and undefined terms, including affirmations (Lee
& Oxelson, 2006), associations (Brooks, 1995), assumptions (Meskill, 2005; Penfield,
1987), attitudinal beliefs (Flores & Smith, 2007/2008), dispositions (Lee & Oxelson,
2006), feelings (Hite & Evans, 2006), ideologies (Lpez & Vzquez, 2006), judgments
(Meskill, 2005), knowledge (Meskill, 2005), misconceptions (Meskill, 2005), myths
(Meskill, 2005), perceptions (Garca-Nevarez, 2005; Lee & Oxelson, 2006; McLaughlin,
Liljestrom, Lim, & Meyers, 2002; Meskill, 2005; Penfield, 1987; Reeves, 2006), and
perspectives (Clair, 1995; Penfield, 1987). One study offered examples rather than a

18
definition to illustrate what the authors meant by the term language attitudes (GarcaNevarez, Stafford, & Arias, 2005). Four studies identified positive and negative as
attributes of attitudes and beliefs (Brooks, 1995; Garca-Nevarez et al., 2005; Hite &
Evans, 2006; McLaughlin et al., 2002). One study that explored definitions for attitudes
and beliefs acknowledged the difficulties involved in defining these terms and ultimately
opted not to do so (Flores & Smith, 2007/2008). One of the 21 studies, however, did
provide some degree of definition: Reeves (2006) borrowed Sapsfords (1999 as cited in
Reeves) words to define attitudes and perceptions as a whole constellation of working
rules about the world and reactions to it (p. 133).
Given the lack of clarity provided for the terms attitudes and beliefs in the studies
at the heart of this literature review, I have turned to other sources to define these
constructs. An attitude, according to Ajzen (1988), is a disposition to respond favorably
or unfavorably to an object, person, institution, or event that can be inferred through an
individuals affective response and evaluation toward the given object of the attitude (pp.
4-6). Applied to the studies I reviewed, this definition would suggest that the researchers
sought to identify the dispositionsor frames of mindunderlying general classroom
teachers responses and evaluations of ELLs that would incline them to act favorably or
unfavorably toward ELLs.
Belief is a construct closely related to attitude and sometimes referred to
interchangeably with it (Pajares, 1992). While there is no agreed-upon definition for
belief, there have been many efforts to define it, describe its characteristics, and identify
its origins. Woods (1996) stated that a belief is the acceptance of a proposition for
which there is no conventional knowledge, one that is not demonstrable, and for which

19
there is accepted disagreement (p. 195). This definition highlights the idiosyncratic
nature of beliefs.
Borg (2001) defined a belief as an understanding that an individual holds to be
true and to which he or she is committed (p. 186). Borgs definition adds to our
understanding the idea that beliefs are relatively static in nature, something Pajares
(1992) confirmed in two of the findings he synthesized from an extensive review of the
beliefs literature: Beliefs are formed early and tend to self-perpetuate, persevering even
against contradictions caused by reason, time, schooling, or experience (p. 324); and
Individuals tend to hold on to beliefs based on incorrect or incomplete knowledge, even
after scientifically correct explanations are presented to them (p. 325).
While agreeing that there is a relationship between attitudes and beliefs,
researchers theorize these relationships in different manners. Ajzen (1988) describes
attitudes as affective and evaluative while perceiving beliefs as cognitive and suggests
that beliefs are a component of attitudes (p. 5). As he explains,
Generally speaking, we form beliefs about an object by associating it with
certain attributes.since the attributes that come to be linked to the object
are already valued positively or negatively, we automatically and
simultaneously acquire an attitude toward the object. (p. 32)
Through his literature review, Pajares (1992) concluded that most psychologists
perceive attitudes as substructures underlying beliefs. He asserted that attitudes, as
substructures, are not only related to individual beliefs but also to other attitudes as well
as the overall system of beliefs. I argue that the conclusions Pajares synthesized from the
literature offer us a more sophisticated understanding of the interrelated and complex
constructs of attitudes and beliefs than the one-way relationship previously posited by
Ajzen (1988).

20
A place where there is general consensus among researchers is regarding the role
of beliefs. Most have asserted that beliefs play a fundamental role in guiding an
individuals behaviors (Borg, 2001; Johnson, 1994; Kennedy & Kennedy, 1996; Nespor,
1987; Pajares, 1992; Richards & Lockhart, 1994; Woods, 1996). When the individuals
are teachers, this means that their beliefsreliable or nothave the power to influence
what they do in the classroom (Borg, 2001; Pajares, 1992). Nespor (1987) maintained
that the classroom, where problems are often ill-defined and deeply entangled, is a
venue that encourages teachers to draw on their beliefs as a sense-making tool (p. 324).
Embedded in teachers belief systems are their theories about what constitutes effective
teaching for the learners in their classrooms (Clark & Peterson, 1986; Johnson, 1992, as
cited in Richards, 1996).
Studies of General Classroom Teachers Attitudes toward ELLs
Teachers attitudes are of particular interest to educational researchers as they are
posited to influence teaching practices (August & Caldern, 2006), which consequently
have the potential to influence learners and their learning. When those teachers are
general classroom teachers of ELLs, their attitudes have been shown to have a strong
impact on ELLs, their motivation, and their performance (Karabenick & Noda, 2004) and
affect what ELLs learn (Youngs & Youngs, 2001). Byrnes et al. (1997) highlighted the
findings of Williams, Whitehead and Millers 1972 study that found a relationship
between teachers attitudes towards ethnically- and linguistically-diverse learners
languages and the academic expectations they held for them. Garca-Nevarez et al.
(2005) stressed that general classroom teachers who are not prepared to work with ELLs
have the potential to harm them emotionally and academically.

21
Traditional approaches. The most common method for gathering data on
attitudes and practices has historically been the survey. Surveys collect information from
which assertions can be made about a particular population (Babbie, 1990). The purpose
of a survey is to produce statistics (Fowler, 2002) that can describe and explain a given
population as well as explore phenomena found within that population (Babbie, 1990).
The resultant description identifies the distribution of the traits or attributes under study.
Explanations attempt to make claims about the population drawing on the statistical data.
Cresswell (2003) suggests that the economy of survey design, the rapid turnaround time
in data collection, and the ability to identify attributes of a large population from a small
population are all advantages of survey research.
Through a standardized question-and-answer format, surveys are intended to tap
into respondents subjective feelings (Fowler, 2002). While Babbie (1990)
acknowledged that it is unrealistic, he explained, It must be assumed that a questionnaire
item will mean exactly the same thing to every respondent and that every given response
must mean the same when given by different respondents (p. 188). From this systematic
approach to data collection, survey researchers seek to discover relationships, develop
models and theories for explaining the relationships, and make inferences from the
survey sample to the larger population (Babbie, 1990).
While surveys can be completed in a paper-and-pencil format, interviews may
also be used to elicit survey data. According to Mishler (1986), the survey research
interview is the most well-developed and widely used interview method and can be
justifiably be considered the standard or mainstream approach (p. viii). The survey
research interview, also referred to as a structured interview, assumes the same stimulus-

22
response format as the written survey by asking all respondents the same predetermined
questions and leaving little or no room for variation in response (Fontana & Frey, 2000,
p. 651). The interviewer is intended to serve as an impartial vehicle for conveying
questions and answers (Babbie, 1990).
Several surveys have been developed and carried out in an attempt to study
classroom teachers attitudes toward ELLs. Byrnes et al. (1997) and Youngs and Youngs
(2001) sought to identify factors that contribute to teachers attitudes toward ELLs.
Byrnes et al. developed the Language Attitudes of Teachers Scale (LATS), an instrument
consisting of 13 attitude statements regarding language diversity. They compared these
13 Likert-type responses with respondents backgrounds in five areas: experience
teaching ELLs, geographic location, level of educational attainment, preparation for
teaching ELLs, and level at which they taught. They found that those respondents who
had experience teaching ELLs, who lived in a region of the country where there was
opportunity for frequent contact with diverse populations, who had graduate degrees, and
who were formally prepared to teach ELLs were those who had more positive attitudes
toward language diversity. While their survey identified factors that contributed to
teachers attitudes, it did not look into their practices nor explore a relationship between
attitudes and practices. Rather the authors drew on the attitude-practice link found in the
existing literature to suggest that teachers with the above attributes would be more likely
to engage in positive teaching practices for ELLs.
Like Byrnes et al. (1997), Youngs and Youngs (2001) constructed a survey to
examine which factors contributed to teachers attitudes towards language learners. Their
findings revealed that the most positive attitudes were held by teachers who had studied a

23
foreign language or taken a multicultural education course, who had some formal ESL
training, who had lived or taught in another country, who had contact with culturally
diverse learners, who were female, and who taught in a discipline other than the applied
sciences or mathematics. Again, the survey did not look at the responding teachers
practices or the relationship between these teachers attitudes and their practices. Instead,
the authors drew on the link made in the literature when they asserted that general
classroom teachers attitudes toward ELLs are likely to affect what these students learn.
The survey developed by Karabenick and Noda (2004) not only assessed
teachers attitudes towards ELLs but also their attitudes towards particular practices and
their perceived self-efficacy to carry out such practices. The 78-item survey solicited
Likert-type responses to statements in 14 conceptual areas related to the education of
ELLs. Survey findings indicated that there was a significant inconsistency between
teachers generally favorable attitudes towards these learners, their knowledge of
appropriate practices and how language is acquired, and their sense of efficacy in
teaching these learners. The findings showed that they held many misperceptions about
second language acquisition and felt overwhelmingly unprepared to teach ELLs, yet they
were ambivalent about participating in professional development. While these survey
results allowed the authors to address both the constructs of attitudes and practice, they
did not make clear the relationship between attitudes and practices. Of note is that the
teachers were asked to provide their perceptions of particular practices rather than reveal
their own practices. What the authors did illustrate, however, was the complexity of the
relationship between attitudes and practice.

24
Lee and Oxelsons (2006) survey attempted to learn about teachers attitudes
toward learners heritage languages and their teaching practices in regard to those
heritage languages. Twenty-four of the items on the Likert-scale instrument assessed
attitudes towards heritage languages and perceptions of bilingualism, while 11 items were
about practices to affirm and maintain learners heritage languages. Their findings found
a clear relationship between attitudes and practices, such that teachers who had Englishas-a-Second-Language (ESL) preparation and who had had language-learning
experiences revealed positive attitudes towards heritage languages and reported
implementing practices that would affirm and maintain those languages.
The four above-mentioned surveys illustrate a variety of ways in which
researchers have chosen to study attitudes. Byrnes et al. (1997) and Youngs and Youngs
(2001) designed their surveys to investigate the origins of teachers attitudes. The
relationship between attitudes and practices was extrapolated from the existing research
rather than from their survey results. Karabenick and Noda (2006) incorporated items
regarding both attitudes and practices in their survey. However, the practices included in
the survey were not necessarily those the responding teachers had used or previously
considered using. Lee and Oxelson (2006) took their survey one step further by
including items that sought to capture the teachers attitudes as well as their own
practices.
The particular surveys reviewed for this paper are ones that sought to understand
teachers attitudes and practices. Babbie (1990) addresses the oft-made criticism that
attitudes are not measurable and that attempts to measure them are unscientific (p. 21).
He responds to the critics by pointing out that social science research does not try to

25
make exacting and unequivocal claims about attitudes or any other attribute of a
population but rather to offer comparisons among people and to illustrate social
regularities.
At the conclusion of their report on a survey of teachers attitudes towards ELLs
and the use of Spanish in classroom instruction, Garca-Nevarez et al. (2005) highlighted
a number of limitations of survey research. While these limitations emerged as the result
of one particular study, they may well be applicable to a wide variety of survey studies.
First of all, the authors noted that a small sample size could call into question the
generalizability of results. Babbie (1990) notes that low response rates also create
concern for response bias (p. 182). A second limitation Garca et al. identified was the
meanings the questions had for respondents of different backgrounds. Their third, and
final limitation was that the data were self-reported. The researchers ultimately
concluded that direct observations of practices would be needed in order to validate the
results of their survey research.
All in all, survey research is a method that, in limited ways, can measure teachers
attitudes and practices. It collects and reports quantified data that allow researchers to
observe patterns, make claims, and draw generalizations (Hatch, 2002). Much of what
we know about teachers attitudes comes from this approach to research. Yet by limiting
constructs to statistical representations, it can neither capture the complexity of
educational contexts nor reveal what happens in them (Hatch, 2002). In its efficiency, it
also overlooks the meanings behind participants responses. As Weiss (1994) puts it,
Quantitative studies pay a price for their standardized precision. Because
they ask the same questions in the same order of every respondent, they do
not obtain full reports. Instead, the information they obtain from any one

26
person is fragmentary, made up of bits and pieces of attitudes and
observations and appraisals. (p. 2)
Mixed methods approaches. In search of further understanding, some survey
researchers supplement their studies with additional data collection methods such as
semi-structured and focus group interviews. Lee and Oxelson (2006), whose survey was
discussed in the previous section, carried out semi-structured interviews with a subsample of their survey respondents either in person or by phone. Through these
interviews, they were able to derive deeper understandings of the survey findings and
identify differences that were not readily apparent in survey responses. Specifically, the
teachers who responded to the survey overall agreed that ELLs heritage language
maintenance was valuable. Through interviews, however, the researchers were able to
discover that teachers without formal preparation for teaching ELLs and teachers who did
not have fluency in a language other than English did not view heritage language
maintenance as their responsibility (p. 464). They perceived it as a family activity, not
something that should be addressed at school. By pairing the survey and interview data
as they did their analysis, the researchers were able to more fully report and illustrate
their findings. The paired data sources allowed the researchers and us to understand why
these teachers held the attitudes they did and how these attitudes shaped their practices.
McLaughlin et al. (2002) both surveyed and interviewed school and community
stakeholders regarding the education of immigrant ELLs. While all stakeholdersELLs,
parents of ELLs, teachers, and other school personnelresponded to the same survey
questions, focus groups were created for each of the sub-groups. Focus group interview
protocols were unique to each group interviewed. The open-ended questions developed
for focus groups of teachers included items to examine their attitudes and their practices

27
with ELLs. McLaughlin et al. found that, while the teachers generally expressed
favorable attitudes towards ELLs on the survey, they articulated attitudes to the contrary
in the focus group interviews. The practices they reported in the interviews appeared to
align with these negative attitudes.
Interviewing, Fontana and Frey (2000) assert, is one of the most common and
powerful ways in which we try to understand our fellow human beings (p. 645).
Through interviews, researchers can discover the meanings that people use to make sense
of the everyday, meanings that are often invisible to themselves and others (Hatch, 2002).
Whether interviewing is used alone or in conjunction with other data collection methods,
it has the capacity to reveal what people are thinking. Interview responses offer
researchers a depth and density of understanding that cannot be revealed through survey
responses (Weiss, 1994). The language of the interview forms the pivotal link in data
collection between the unseen mental worlds of participants and the public world of the
research process (Freeman, 1996, p. 367). By engaging in such discourse with teachers,
educational researchers can come to know deeply the attitudes found in their mental
worlds and why and how these inform and influence their practice.
Focus groups, or group interviews, can serve a variety of purposes. Fontana and
Frey (2000) suggest that they might be used to explore a topic, recall an event, define a
research problem, identify key informants, as well as to pre-test research tools and
designs. According to Bogdan and Biklen (2003), however, the primary purpose of a
focus group is to encourage talk around a particular issue or topic. The dynamics of the
group interview have the potential to elicit multiple perspectives on the topic, thus
allowing the researcher to understand the range and complexity of participants views.

28
They also have the potential to interfere with individual expression (Fontana & Frey, p.
652). Thus, when used to understand teachers attitudes and practices, it appears that the
dynamics of the focus group may have a lot to do with whether what is revealed is the
shared thinking of the group, the thinking of select members of the group, or the varied
perspectives of the various members of the group.
The interview as a singular method. In attempting to learn of teachers attitudes
and practices, some researchers have chosen to employ interviewing as their sole method
of data collection. Interview studies, as these are called, create a special kind of speech
event during which a participant shares his or her unique perspectives on a topic with
the interviewer (Hatch, 2002, p. 23). It is through the language and clues revealed
through the language that the researcher can come to understand the participants
meaning. In the context of an interview, the researcher can learn of participants
perceptions of events and relationships, interpretations of those perceptions, and the
subsequent meanings given to them, something Weiss (1994) refers to as internal
experiences (p. 1).
Brooks (1995) carried out an interview study that attempted to capture teachers
views of the impact of foreign language study on them as teachers and as individuals.
The teachers he interviewed revealed the ways in which their own language-learning
experiences influenced their attitudes and practices with ELLs. In the interviews, they
reported that their language-learning experiences helped them become more
understanding, accepting, and tolerant of ELLs. Subsequently, they reported
implementing practices that were sensitive to these learners needs and affirmed their first
languages.

29
Lpez and Vzquez (2006) spent several months interviewing teachers,
administrators, and staff across three counties who regularly interacted with the growing
population of Latino learners in that region. Through the interviews, the researchers
found that the participants perceived themselves and their practices as benevolent and
unproblematic while ascribing blame to the ELLs and their families for the language
barrier they created (p. 7). With the learners and their families at fault and the families
labeled as uncaring, these educators felt justified in not communicating with the families
in their first language or seeking ways to involve these families in their childrens
education.
Both of these interview studies show that interviews alone can reveal teachers
attitudes and practices as well as identify the relationship between them. The researcher,
however, is limited to what the participants choose to share during the course of the
interviews and how they represent themselves, others, and the actions of both parties.
Observation and interview approach. Interviews, as a qualitative method of
data collection, are frequently done in conjunction with observation. When this happens,
they provide ways to explore more deeply participants' perspectives on actions observed
by researchers (Hatch, 2002, p. 91). This study of contextualized meaning is what
Biklen and Casella (2007) call a fundamental characteristic of qualitative research (p.
3). When a particular interest is under study, this marriage of observation and interview
(at times accompanied by other data collection techniques) is referred to as participant
observation (Hatch, 2002, p. 22). The term participant refers to the role the researcher
plays in the context he or she is studying (p. 72). The goal of both observation and
interview is to come to understand the target phenomenon as the participant understands

30
it. When participant observation is used to study teachers and their teaching, researchers
first observe in order to capture external evidence of teaching and later interview to
reconstruct the teachers thought processes about his or her teaching (Freeman, 1996,
p. 370).
Verplaetse (1998) used observation in her study of the classroom interactions of
content area teachers with ELLs. During observations of their teaching, the researcher
noticed that the teachers limited ELLs opportunities for participation. In postobservation interviews, she shared her observation with the teachers and sought to
understand why this happened from their perspective. While claiming to be unaware of
differential teaching practices with the ELLs in their classrooms, the teachers revealed
underlying concerns that these learners oral participation would slow the pace of
instruction and deprive native-English speaking learners opportunities to participate (p.
28). Teachers also pointed out that they wanted to avoid embarrassing the ELLs. The
teachers in this study had been recommended because of their caring, interactive
approaches with ELLs (p. 25). The researchers observations had the power to reveal a
disparity between these teachers reported attitudes and their actual practices. The
interviews that followed were instrumental in uncovering benevolent yet unhelpful
attitudes motivating their practice.
Clairs (1995) observation study of three general classroom teachers of ELLs
uncovered their attitudes about practices that influenced their participation in professional
development. With the attitude that good teaching is good teaching, these teachers
denied needing specialized knowledge or skills to teach ELLs and, consequently, refused
to participate in professional development opportunities (pp. 192-193). They instead

31
suggested that any specialized needs ELLs might have could be addressed through
appropriate materials, which they did not believe they had. Clairs study was able to
clearly reveal a connection between teachers attitudes and their engagement in
professional development activities. What her report of the study did not make explicit
was the role that her observations played, in either identifying teachers attitudes and/or
practices.
Reeves (2004) also carried out an observation study with three general classroom
teachers of ELLs. Prior to beginning weekly observations of their teaching, Reeves
interviewed the teachers regarding their experiences with ELLs, their attitudes toward
ELLs inclusion in general classrooms, and attitudes toward accommodations. Following
the weekly observations, she again interviewed the teachers to learn of their perspectives
regarding the observed lessons. From the interviews and observations, she was able to
describe their attitudes, identify how each influenced the teachers practices, and even go
so far as to name the practices. The attitude that accommodations are a temporary fix
that do more harm than good influenced one teacher to treat his ELLs just like every
other learner, a practice Reeves labeled Universalism (p. 53). The attitude that ELLs
need to achieve the same standards as every other learner led another teacher to limit
accommodations to extended time and the use of a dictionary, a practice Reeves labeled
Differentiation (p. 55). The attitude that modifications were necessary for ELLs to
demonstrate what they know influenced a third teacher to offer multiple forms of
accommodations for ELLs, a practice Reeves also labeled Differentiation (p. 57). The
data Reeves drew from both observations and interviews painted a clear picture of these
teachers attitudes, practices, and the relationship between them. Because of her long-

32
term presence in the classrooms, she was also able to show how these attitudes and
practices affected learners academic outcomes.
General Classroom Teachers Beliefs about ELLs
General classroom teachersespecially those who have had little or no formal
preparation to teach ELLsmay rely on their beliefs as a sole resource to guide their
practice in teaching ELLs. Researchers have identified a number of inaccurate or
inappropriate pedagogical beliefs among general classroom teachers. These include: (a)
good teaching is good teaching for all learners; (b) accommodations for ELLs are unfair;
(c) ELLs are someone elses responsibility; (d) proficiency in English is a prerequisite for
academic learning; (e) being able to speak English means that ELLs have acquired the
language; (f) English can be learned quickly and easily; (g) all ELLs learn English in the
same way and at the same; and (h) ELLs should abandon their first language (L1) to learn
English.
The first beliefthat good teaching is good teaching for all learnershas been
called both an oversimplification and a misconception (Clair, 1995; Harper & DeJong,
2004; Karabenick & Noda, 2004). According to researchers, general classroom teachers
who hold this belief fail to understand the complex nature of second language acquisition
and all it entails academically and socially for ELLs. Resultantly, this belief obviates the
perceived need for these teachers to consider and implement alternative instructional
practices for ELLs (Karabenick & Noda, 2004). Additionally, it causes the teachers to
deny the need to learn more about teaching ELLs (Clair, 1995; Karabenick & Noda,
2004; Reeves, 2004).

33
Two of the three teachers in Clairs (1995) qualitative study turned down 12
consecutive opportunities to attend in-service workshops on teaching ELLs, explaining
that the workshops would not be useful as they already had the requisite skills and
knowledge to successfully teach all learners. In Reeves (2006) survey of 279 high
school teachers from four high schools in a suburban school district, 93% of participants
reported not having had preparation to teach ELLs; 51% expressed interest in such
professional development; yet none chose to participate in the in-service opportunities
offered to them by the districts ESL teachers.
General classroom teachers unwillingness to consider or implement alternative
instruction for ELLs is also rooted in a second belief: Accommodations for ELLs are
unfair. They offer two primary reasons for this belief. In Reeves (2004) qualitative
study of three general classroom teachers who were teaching ELLs for the first time, one
expressed the concern that giving ELLs special consideration was a temporary fix that
ultimately did more harm than good (p. 53). This teacher asserted that the outside world
would not make accommodations for the learner; therefore, his doing so would be unfair
to the learner and would not prepare him for life beyond school. A second teacher chose
to avoid accommodations, stating that she was concerned with providing equal treatment
for all learners. For her, accommodations for ELLs represented special and unequal
treatment. Elementary teachers responding to Manteros (2005) survey replied in a
similar fashion, with one respondent explaining that she tried to remind herself to treat
ELLs like her English-speaking students and to avoid excessive accommodations.
For a variety of reasons, general classroom teachers have been found to function
under the belief that ELLs are someone elses responsibility. That someone else has

34
traditionally been the ESL teacher. The majority of the 162 teachers in Penfields (1987)
study indicated that they did not believe themselves to be responsible for learning or
knowing how to teach ELLs. Not only did they believe that ESL teachers should be
responsible for ELLs language development, they also indicated that ESL teachers
should teach content, act as a home-school liaison, a cross-cultural interpreter, and
consultant to general classroom teachers.
In Meskills (2005) study of pre-service and in-service teachers in the Training
All Teachers (TAT) project, various participants expressed surprise upon learning that
they were indeed responsible for the education of ELLs. As Meskill put it, There
seemed to be a reaction of Oh, is that my responsibility? I didnt know (p. 749).
Some of the quotes Meskill documented included, I thought ELLs went to a special
school to learn English and I thought they were trapped in ESL classes from which
they could never escape (p. 750). Why these teachers expressed ignorance of their
responsibilities to ELLs may be related to a lack of teacher preparation. In their report of
the AACTE survey of 417 institutes of higher education, Menken and Antunez (2001)
revealed that fewer than one- sixth required elementary or secondary general classroom
teachers to have preparation for teaching ELLs.
Traditional interpretations of content-area teachers roles can also feed the belief
that teaching ELLs is someone elses responsibility. Secondary level teachers tend to
maintain their focus on helping their learners master the content and develop cognitively
while assuming that the learners language and literacy needs have been met or will be
met elsewhere (DeJong & Harper, 2005; Walqu, 2000).

35
When teachers believe that proficiency in English is a prerequisite for academic
learning, they often choose to not engage the ELLs in their classes, anticipating that they
will be unable to respond (DeJong & Harper, 2005). Seventy-five percent of the 279
respondents to Reeves (2006) survey of high school teachers concurred with the
statement that ELLs should not be mainstreamed until they attained a minimum level of
proficiency in English (p. 136). Leistynas (2002) qualitative study found that general
classroom teachers perceived ELLs as having a language proficiency problem (p. 229).
To solve the problem, Leistyna reported that these teachers declined to teach the ELLs
assigned to them, sending them back to their ESL teachers. A teacher in Wenger et al.s
(2004) study summed up the situation in her school context by explaining that teachers
and administrators believed that ELLs needed to have their English skills brought up to
speed before they could be considered contributing members of the school community
(p. 97).
When general classroom teachers believe that being able to speak English means
that ELLs have acquired the language, they may also assume that these learners have
sufficient English-language skills to function in an academic setting without additional
support or differentiation. The teachers in Manteros (2005) study felt confident that
their ELL students oral fluency provided sufficient evidence of English skills. A
representative responseLuckily, I have not encountered any ESL students who were
not fluent in Englishillustrates the perception shared by several participants that ELLs
language needs had already been addressed. As a result, many respondents
communicated that they did not feel a need to employ any particular accommodations or
strategies for the ELLs they taught (p. 5).

36
McLaughlin (1992) refers to ELLs emerging oral proficiency as a linguistic
faade (p. 5). He warns that teachers need to be aware of the intersecting continua of
language skills proposed by Cummins in 1984, where language ranges from cognitively
undemanding to cognitively demanding and from contextualized to decontextualized.
Oral fluency may well lie in the quadrant of cognitively undemanding and contextualized
language; whereas, the language ELLs must master for academic success tends to lie in
the cognitively demanding and decontextualized quadrant (Cummins, 2000).
Another belief general classroom teachers have been found to hold is that English
can be learned quickly and easily. For example, in Reevess (2006) survey of 276 high
school teachers in the southeastern U.S., more than 70% of her respondents agreed that
ESL students should be able to acquire English within 2 years of enrolling in U. S.
schools (p. 137). McLaughlin (1992) refers to such quick acquisition as a myth. He
wants teachers to know that language learning for a child may be as difficult or more
difficult than it is for an adult. In particular, he points out, experienced adult learners
have many more learning strategies from which to draw than do children.
The misconception that a second language can be acquired easily may be fueled
by teachers knowledge of first language acquisition and their assumption that first and
second language acquisition take place in similar manners (Harper & DeJong, 2004).
Gibbons (1991) notes that there are many differences between first and second language
acquisition, with less one-to-one interaction, less fine-tuning to learners needs, and a
much shorter time frame available for acquiring the second language. The diminished
time frame can contribute to greater stress for ELLs who must make up this gap as
quickly as possible if they are not to be disadvantaged (p. 10).

37
The belief that all ELLs learn English in the same way and at the same rate is
again a denial of difference, this time among ELLs rather than between ELLs and their
native English-speaking peers. In reality, however, ELLs come to American classrooms
with highly diverse profiles. As Peregoy and Boyle (2000) stated:
These students vary in age, prior educational experiences, cultural
heritage, socioeconomic status, country of origin, and levels of both
primary language and English language development, including
literacy development. Some are immigrants or children of
immigrants and represent languages from every continent of the
world Of course, English learners also vary along personal lines,
as do all students, in terms of their interests, desires, aptitudes, and
potentials. (pp. 237-238)
According to McLaughlin (1992), most teachers would be unlikely to admit
holding such a belief. Yet, he asserts that it implicitly underlies a great deal of
instructional practice. Harper and DeJong (2004) believe that two causes promote the
perception of universality in ELLs learning: (1) the perception that language learning is
a universal process, and (2) Cummins (1981) notions of Basic Interpersonal
Communication Skills (BICS) and Cognitive Academic Language Proficiency (CALP).
In fact, it is the unique profile that each ELL brings to the learning experience that will
influence what aspects of English he or she learns at what rate.
The belief that ELLs should abandon their L1 to learn English, more than any
other belief, lies at the intersection of pedagogy and ideology. From a pedagogical
perspective, general classroom teachers may perceive the first language as an obstacle or
a crutch (Cummins, Bismilla, & Chow, 2005; Walqu, 2000). From an ideological
perspective, teachers may perceive the first language as undesirable and even potentially
dangerous (Nieto, 2002).

38
In April 2007, the Associated Press reported on a speech former House Speaker
Newt Gingrich gave in which he called English the language of prosperity and
denounced languages other than English as the language of living in a ghetto (Hunt, p.
A05). The article also cited one of Gingrichs previous speeches in which he warned that
bilingualism poses long-term dangers to the fabric of our nation (p. A05). While
Gingrich is not a teacher, his rhetoric is not lost on teachers who adhere to such ideology.
In Reeves (2006) survey of 297 high school teachers from four high schools, 83% said
that they would support legislation to make English the official language of the United
States.
Numerous studies have confirmed that teachers hold beliefs that the L1 plays a
detrimental role in the acquisition of English. Karabenick and Nodas (2004) survey
respondents overwhelmingly believed that use of the L1 was an impediment to second
language learning. Almost 40% of the respondents to Reeves (2006) survey contended
that use of the L1 in school should be discontinued. The general classroom teachers in
Curtins (2005a) study believed that the L1 would interfere with the transition to English;
therefore, they did not encourage its use.
In their 2004 study of 729 teachers, Karabenick and Noda correlated teachers
attitudes towards ELLs with their beliefs about appropriate pedagogy for these learners.
The researchers discovered that teachers with more positive attitudes toward ELLs held
pedagogical beliefs that are in sharp contrast to the less-than-ideal pedagogical beliefs
just reported. Rather than seeing ELLs as someone elses responsibility, the teachers
with positive attitudes believed themselves capable of providing these learners quality
instruction. Rather than viewing proficiency in English as a prerequisite to academic

39
learning, they believed that oral language production and cognitive skills were
independent of one another. Rather than expecting that ELLs should abandon their L1,
the teachers with positive attitudes believed that bilingualism was beneficial both in and
outside of the classroom.
What contributed to these teachers positive attitudes towards ELLs? According
to Karabenick and Noda (2004), the strongest association had to do with whether or not
the teachers currently had ELLs in their classrooms. This finding may be in line with the
previously mentioned finding from Byrnes et al. (1997) that frequent and diverse
interactions with people from other cultures can contribute positively to teachers
attitudes towards language and the learners who speak them (p. 641).
A few studies were able to specifically identify pedagogical beliefs of educators
who had had language-learning experiences. I say educators because only some of the
participants were classroom teachers; others included bilingual paraprofessionals,
preservice teachers, and an administrator. These studies appear to add credence to the
positive attitude-appropriate pedagogical beliefs correlation Karabenick and Noda (2004)
identified.
In contrast to the belief that good teaching is good teaching for all learners,
educators who had had language-learning experiences were found to believe that
appropriate instructional practices for ELLs take their linguistic needs into
consideration. For example, bilingual paraprofessionals enrolled in a teacher preparation
program believed that ELLs would benefit from grammatical knowledge, support in
English word pronunciation, language comparisons, and explicit strategy instruction
(Lenski, 2006). Linguistic knowledge such as these bilingual pre-service teachers

40
describe can lead to informative analysis that assists teachers in identifying sources of
error and sources of understanding (MacGillivray & Rueda, 2001, p. 3). One of Nietos
(2002) doctoral students explained that his language-learning experiences helped him
understand why even the most fluent ELLs make the kinds of errors they do. Such
knowledge clearly has the potential to aid teachers in making informed assessments that
can lead to appropriate instructional decisions and practices for ELLs.
Rather than believing that accommodations for ELLs are unfair, educators who
had had language-learning experiences reported believing that accommodations are
appropriate practices for ELLs. In Paneque and Barbettas (2006) survey study of over
200 elementary school teachers of ELLs, they found that those with proficiency in the
home language of the ELLs were not only the most efficacious, but they also
accommodated and adapted instruction in effective ways for these learners. Some of the
accommodations these teachers reported implementing included allowing the learners to
communicate using their L1, assisting them in transferring L1 knowledge to English,
modeling responses, and translating.
Unlike the teachers who believe that English can be learned quickly and easily,
educators who had had language-learning experiences were found to believe that
language learning is challenging and time-consuming. Taylor (1999), a district-level
administrator in an urban school district where the number of Spanish-speaking learners
had grown, signed on to learn Spanish through a three-week immersion program in Costa
Rica. She assumed that, through this intensive experience, she would become proficient
in Spanish. She had to quickly set aside the assumption that language learning would be
quick and easy as she confronted a complex, difficult, and exhausting process. She found

41
that multiple-choice assessment tools can fail miserably to capture what a language
learner knows after she was the one being assessed. She discovered the powerful
affective impact of language learning that may cause the learner to feel stressed, fearful,
and incompetent.
The bilingual teachers in Lembergers (1997) qualitative study affirmed that their
language learning experiences, like Taylors (1999), had helped them develop powerful
insights into the reality of what it means to learn a language. They reported drawing on
these to empathize with their learners and to help them through their demanding
experiences. The bilingual paraprofessionals in Lenskis (2006) studyall ELLs
themselvesunderstood the complexities and challenges of learning a second language
deeply. They drew on these understandings to reassure the learners as they struggled to
learn English. One participant told of explaining to the ELLs she worked with, My jaws
ached for the first couple of weeks from using completely different face muscles than I
used in Russian (p. 109). It is not likely that a teacher who has not been through such
experiences would recognize the many ways in which learning English can challenge
ELLs.
Educators with language-learning experiences were found to believe that the L1
can be a valuable asset to ELLs learning, a stark contrast to the belief that ELLs should
abandon their L1 to learn English. In their survey of almost 800 school teachers in
California, Shin and Krashen (1996) found that teachers who had what they termed
second language proficiency show more favorable attitudes towards bilingual
education and, resultantly, the maintenance and use of the L1 in the learning of the L2 (p.
52). Garca-Nevarez et al. (2005) had very similar findings. Their survey respondents

42
who were bilingual demonstrated very positive attitudes towards ELLs use of the L1 in
the classroom unlike their monolingual colleagues. Lee and Oxelsons (2006) bilingual
survey respondents concurred that use of the L1 was a valuable and affirming practice for
ELLs in the classroom. An elementary teacher in Brooks (1995) qualitative study who
had studied a foreign language described the capacity to use two languages as having
another dimension of thinking (p. 133).
A Spanish-English bilingual first-grade teacher in Hite and Evans (2006) study
explained that she had been warned by her mentor and colleagues not to use Spanish, her
L1, with her Spanish-speaking learners as it was against school policy. In spite of such a
warning, the teacher used her L1 with her young learners. She defended her actions
saying, It helps (p. 103). She went on to tell the researchers that she wanted to learn
Haitian Creole to be able to help the young Haitian learners who were enrolling in her
school. She firmly believed that authentic communication in the L1 is a powerful tool for
supporting ELLs learning.
Best Practices for Teaching ELLs
Identifying Effective Teaching Practices for ELLs
Just as attitudes and beliefs held by teachers of ELLs play an influential role in
these learners linguistic and academic success or lack thereof, so do the pedagogical
practices their teachers employ. Using a variety of methods, researchers have attempted
to identify which teaching practices have been shown to be most effective for teaching
ELLs.
From their review of 33 empirical studies, August and Hakuta (1998) identified
eight pedagogical practices found to enhance ELLs language and academic learning.

43
The eight practices are: (a) modifying L2 vocabulary and structure, (b) embedding
explicit discourse markers in speech, (c) pointing out language as it is used, (d) revealing
the structure of language through its use, (e) explicitly discussing vocabulary and
structure, (f) explaining and modeling expectations, (g) connecting learners to content by
building on prior knowledge and experience, and (h) employing manipulatives, visuals,
objects, and media.
Gersten and Baker (2000) used a two-pronged approach in their attempt to
identify best teaching practices for ELLs. They traveled around the United States to
interview professional educators and researchers. They also conducted a review of the
literature, which consisted of 24 experimental, quasi-experimental, and descriptive
studies. The interviews, which took place in professional work groups, were carried out
to learn about practitioners and researchers perceptions of worthwhile practices and
persistent issues in the education of ELLs. From their research, they concluded that the
most effective target language development occurs within the context of content-area
learning and that five practices had proven particularly effective in helping ELLs
successfully negotiate academic content and language learning. The five practices they
cite include: (a) developing academic vocabulary, (b) supporting vocabulary and
conceptual development through visuals, (c) having ELLs participate in cooperative
learning groups and peer tutoring, (d) strategically using the L1, and (e) varying cognitive
and linguistic demands.
Waxman and Tellez (2002) carried out a review of 30 empirical studies they
deemed to have rigor in assessing the effectiveness of practices for K-12 instruction of
ELLs. In their synthesis of these studies, they identified seven practices that had been

44
shown to be effective for ELLs. These practices are: (a) developing collaborative
learning communities, (b) building on ELLs prior knowledge, (c) engaging in
instructional conversation, (d) employing culturally responsive pedagogy, (e) modeling
cognitive strategies for language learning, and (f) enriching instruction through
technology.
Curtin (2005a) conducted a qualitative study with six ELLs, their ESL teachers,
and their general classroom teachers. In this study, she first observed the instructional
practices of both sets of teachers and then interviewed the ELLs to find out which
practices they believed best supported their learning. As Curtin pointed out, the six
practices ELLs identified as most useful were those used almost exclusively by the ESL
teachers. These six practices are: (a) presenting multiple examples, (b) offering
opportunities for practice, (c) slowing down speech, (d) scaffolding instruction, (e)
paying attention to the needs of individual learners, and (f) having learners work in
groups. Curtin noted that she observed ELLs actively engaged in lessons where these
instructional practices were employed, in stark contrast to the disengagement and
avoidance behaviors she noted in lessons where these practices were not present.
Gersten, Santoro, and Jimnez (2007) sought to identify the most effective
practices for ELLs by reviewing two extensive syntheses of effective instructional
practices for ELLs and carrying out numerous classroom observations. The end result of
their efforts is a list they entitled Constructs for Promoting Learning and Language
Acquisition. The list offers six categories, some of which contain more than a single
teaching practice. They are as follows: (a) implementing mediated scaffolding, (b)
priming background knowledge and essential vocabulary, (c) providing feedback, (d)

45
involving the learners actively, (e) designing activities that are cognitively challenging,
and (f) respecting and being responsive to ELLs home languages and cultures.
The aforementioned researchers shared the common goal of identifying best
practices for teaching ELLs. From their syntheses, interviews, and observations, they
each extrapolated a set of practices they assert to be best practices for ELLs. While their
lists include similarly described ideas, the names they give the practices vary. To
coherently report their findings, I have analyzed the commonalities among the
descriptions and have given them each a single name, as shown in Table 1.
As previously stated, there is a strong relationship between beliefs and practices (Borg,
2001; Pajares, 1992). Therefore, it may be assumed that the asserted effective practices
for ELLs are also rooted in beliefs. Based on my reading of the literature, I have
composed Table 1 to assert what I believe underlies each of the practices, beginning with
the four teacher beliefs previously reported to be held by educators with languagelearning experiences, and proposing two additional ones.
Related to the belief that appropriate instructional practices for ELLs take their
linguistic needs into consideration are two practices: (a) explicit attention to instructional
language and (b) explicit vocabulary instruction.
Explicit attention to instructional language. Content is constructed through
language and in language (Schleppegrell & Achugar, 2003, p. 21). With the English
language as the primary means of instruction in general classrooms, ELLs can face
significant burdens as they attempt to learn content through a language they have yet to
master (Iddings, 2005).

46
Table 1. Beliefs and Related Best Practices for Teaching ELLs
Beliefs and Related Best Practices for Teaching ELLs
Belief: Appropriate instructional practices for ELLs take their linguistic needs
into consideration.
Practice 1. Explicit attention to instructional language
Modifying L2 vocabulary and structure, embedding explicit discourse markers in speech,
explaining and modeling expectations (August & Hakuta, 1998); slowing down speech (Curtin,
2005a)

Practice 2. Explicit vocabulary instruction

Modifying L2 vocabulary, explicitly discussing vocabulary (August & Hakuta, 1998);
developing academic vocabulary (Gersten & Baker, 2000); priming essential vocabulary
(Gersten et al., 2007)

Belief: Accommodations are appropriate practices for ELLs.

Practice 3. Scaffolding
Scaffolding instruction, paying attention to the needs of individual learners (Curtin, 2005a);
varying cognitive and linguistic demands (Gersten & Baker, 2000); implementing mediated
scaffolding; providing feedback (Gersten et al., 2007)

Practice 4. Contextual supports

Employing manipulatives, visuals, objects, and media (August & Hakuta, 1998); presenting
multiple examples (Curtin, 2005a); supporting vocabulary and conceptual development through
visuals (Gersten & Baker, 2000); enriching instruction through technology (Waxman & Tellez,
2002)

Belief: Language learning is challenging.

Practice 5. Explicit strategy instruction
Modeling cognitive strategies for language learning (Waxman & Tellez, 2002)

Belief: ELLs home language is a valuable asset to their learning.

Practice 6. Use of L1
Strategically using the L1 (Gersten & Baker, 2000); respecting and being responsive to ELLs
home languages (Gersten et al., 2007; Waxman & Tellez, 2002)

Belief: ELLs prior knowledge and experiences are resources for their learning.
Practice 7. Accessing and building on prior knowledge
Connecting learners to content by building on prior knowledge and experience (August &
Hakuta, 1998); priming background knowledge (Gersten et al., 2007); employing culturally
responsive pedagogy, building on ELLs prior knowledge (Waxman & Tellez, 2002)

Belief: Active engagement and involvement of ELLs facilitates their learning.

Practice 8. Purposeful peer interaction
Offering opportunities for practice, having learners work in groups (Curtin, 2005a); having
ELLs participate in cooperative learning groups and peer tutoring (Gersten & Baker, 2000);
involving the learners actively (Gersten et al., 2007); developing collaborative learning
communities; engaging in instructional conversation (Waxman & Tellez, 2000)

47
When teachers pay explicit attention to instructional language, they make the
language of instruction comprehensible (Krashen, 1982) and allow it to function as a
resource for making meaning (Schleppegrell & Achugar, 2003, p. 21). Strategies
teachers might employ for making input comprehensible include use of modified
language, repetitions and rephrasings, concrete referents, explicit discourse markers, and
a deliberate rate of speech (August & Hakuta, 1998; Byrnes & Cortez, 1996; Curtin,
2005a; Dong, 2004b). In summary, when the language of instruction is comprehensible
to the learners, so is the content of instruction.
Explicit vocabulary instruction. Both language learners and those who interact
with them understand the critical role of words and their meanings in communication
(Gass & Selinker, 2001; Gertsen et al., 2007). Without vocabulary, meaning cannot be
conveyed or comprehended (Folse, 2004; Gass & Selinker, 2001). Thus, for the L2 to be
a viable channel of learning for ELLs, they must be able to extract and create meaning
from it. As Folse (2004) found in his review of empirical studies on ELLs vocabulary
knowledge, ELLs who are most successful in the four communicative skills are those
who have the most extensive vocabulary knowledge.
To help ELLs have the best chance to be academically successful, general
classroom teachers must view vocabulary as background knowledge that needs to be
primed (Gersten et al., 2007). By assessing what vocabulary ELLs do and do not know,
helping the learners make connections to known vocabulary (in their L1 or L2), and
explicitly teaching them essential vocabulary, teachers can assure that ELLs will be able
to comprehend and engage with the content (Gersten et al., 2007). Optimal vocabulary
instruction includes identifying essential vocabulary (Gersten & Baker, 2000); explicitly

48
discussing and analyzing the vocabulary (August & Hakuta, 1998; Trumbull & Pacheco,
2005); and focusing on the contextualized and cultural meanings of the vocabulary
(Meyer, 2000; Trumbull & Pacheco, 2005). Additionally, ELLs need to be provided
plentiful opportunities to recognize and use the vocabulary in context. As Byrnes and
Cortez (1996) emphasize, Some research suggests that words must be heard over 200
times before they become part of a learner's repertoire (p. 67).
The next two practices relate to the belief that accommodations are appropriate
practices for ELLs: (a) scaffolding, and (b) contextual supports.
Scaffolding. The term scaffolding is a metaphorical way of describing the
graduated, assistive interaction teachers or more capable peers may provide so that
novice learners may eventually come to perform tasks that are just beyond their current
competence (Tharp & Gallimore, 1991; Wood, Bruner, & Ross, 1976, as cited in
Gibbons, 2002). Scaffolded assistance is task-specific and dynamic. It is future-oriented,
in that the task the learner can do with assistance at the present time, scaffolding will
prepare him or her to do it alone in the future (Gibbons, 2002).
Effective scaffolding for ELLs language development is a collaborative endeavor
between the English-speaking teacher and/or peers and the ELL (Gersten et al., 2007;
Gibbons, 2002) during which the assistance of vocabulary and language structure is
modulated according to the learners needs (August & Hakuta, 1998; Gersten et al.,
2007). The linguistic assistance that is provided is comprehensible but beyond what the
ELL can currently produce, allowing the ELL to use language functions over which he or
she does not yet have independent control (Fitzgerald & Graves, 2004; Gibbons, 1991;

49
Walqu, 2000). And, of great importance, is that the scaffolding gives way to
independent action (Walqu, 2000).
Contextual supports. Cummins (1981) offers a framework for conceptualizing
the language demands ELLs might encounter in an academic setting (Figure 1). This
framework, built around two intersecting continua, accounts for the cognitive and
contextual demands of language. Composed of four quadrants, the framework explains
ways in which language becomes successively more challenging for language learners.

Cognitively Undemanding
A

Context
Embedded

Context
Reduced
C

D
Cognitively Demanding

Figure 1. Framework for understanding cognitive and contextual language demands

(Cummins, 1981, p.12).
Quadrant A, the least demanding, represents language that is cognitively
undemanding and context embedded. Such language is grounded in an informal, hereand-now context and supported by auditory and visual cues. Quadrant B represents
language that is cognitively undemanding and context-reduced. While the language is
still rooted in the here-and-now, there is limited opportunity for visual cues to support
meaning. Quadrant C is cognitively demanding yet context-embedded. Such language
requires more cognitive attention from the learner while offering the non-linguistic tools
to support meaning-making. Finally, Quadrant D, the most demanding of the four
quadrants, represents language that is both cognitively demanding and context-reduced.

50
In other words, there is very little to no external support for learners comprehension
beyond the words themselves (Reiss, 2000).
The language of academic tasks and texts is more often than not located in this
final quadrant (Reiss, 2000). To facilitate ELLs ability to extract meaning from tasks
and texts, effective teachers implement strategies that support learners understanding
(August & Hakuta, 1998). It is through what I call contextual supportsauditory, visual,
and concrete representations of language and its meaningsthat ELLs will gain the
needed access to academic content and curriculum (Cummins, 2000). Researchers have
identified a wide variety of contextual support strategies, including: (a) body language,
facial expressions, intonation, and gesture (Drucker, 2003); (b) demonstrations (August
& Hakuta, 1998); (c) charts, graphs, diagrams, and graphic organizers (Gibbons, 1991;
Hill & Flynn, 2006; Reiss, 2000); (d) pictures and illustrations (Gersten & Baker, 2000;
Gibbons, 1991; Waxman & Tellez, 2002); (e) drama and mime (Gibbons, 1991); (f)
manipulatives and objects (August & Hakuta, 1998; Reiss, 2000); (g) multi-media
(Waxman & Tellez, 2002); and (h) realia (Walqu, 2000).
In short, contextual supports provide ELLs with an alternative form of
scaffolding. They help expose and clarify the meanings embedded in the language,
making it more easily acquired. At the same time, they make the academic content more
accessible while maintaining the cognitive integrity that learners need in order to achieve
academic success.
The next belief, the belief that language learning is challenging, is represented in
the practice of explicit strategy instruction, a practice focused on empowering ELLs to
deal effectively and independently with the academic challenges they face.

51
Explicit strategy instruction. Just as scaffolding offers ELLs the opportunity to
take control of their own learning, so does explicit strategy instruction (Cummins et al.,
2005; Walqu, 2000; Waxman & Tellez, 2001). ELLs have to juggle myriad mental
functions to learn both content and language, which may set them up for cognitive
overload (Fitzgerald & Graves, 2004; Meyer, 2000). Having a repertoire of strategies for
attacking their learning can ease this sense of mental burden (Chamot & OMalley, 1996;
Walqu, 2000).
One particular model of explicit strategy instruction for ELLs is the Cognitive
Academic Language Learning Approach (CALLA) model, which uses a five-step cycle
of preparation, presentation, practice, evaluation, and expansion. The goals of this cycle
are to activate ELLs prior content and strategy knowledge, connect these to new content
and strategies, offer opportunities for collaborative practice, evaluate the ELLs success
with the content and strategies, and finally to have them apply what they have learned to
new contexts (Chamot & OMalley, 1996).
In essence, explicit strategy instruction is one more way general classroom
teachers can think about scaffolding their ELLs learning experiences. Like other forms
of scaffolding, the assistance is temporary and has the learners academic and linguistic
independence as its ultimate goal.
When teachers hold the belief that ELLs home language is a valuable asset to
their learning they assure that the L1 has a legitimate place in ELLs learning and in the
classroom.
Use of the L1. Supporting ELLs learning through the L1 offers these learners
the opportunity to authentically communicate their understandings and to engage in

52
contrastive linguistics (Bruck & Genesee, 1995, as cited in Trumbull & Pacheco, 2005).
By using their L1, ELLs are able to access their full linguistic and conceptual repertoires
(Gibbons, 1991). These repertoires, which incorporate both the L1 and the L2, foster the
learners metalinguistic awareness, a conscious understanding of how language works
(Bialystok, 1997; Fitzgerald & Graves, 2004).
In addition to the cognitive, linguistic, and academic benefits derived from
ELLs use of the L1, there are social and intellectual benefits (Trumbell & Pacheco,
2005). One important social benefit is the ability for ELLs to maintain family
connections across generations (McLaughlin, 1992; Wong-Fillmore, 1991, cited in
Trumbull & Pacheco, 2005). Another is that being able to use their L1 provides these
learners educational equity and places them on an equal footing with their peers
(McLaughlin, 1992; Sumaryono & Ortiz, 2004). Valuing use of the L1 also values the
learners, their families, and their cultures (Gibbons, 1991).
Another belief that values what ELLs bring to the classroom is the belief that
ELLs prior knowledge and experiences are resources for their learning. As a best
practice, teachers both access and build on this prior knowledge.
Accessing and building on prior knowledge. As various researchers have
discovered, ELLs prior knowledge is a key contributor to their academic success (e.g.,
Gersten et al., 2007; Trumbull & Pacheco, 2005; Waxman & Tellez, 2002). It is
important that general classroom teachers avoid underestimating the breadth and depth of
these learners background knowledge (Short & Echevarria, 2004). ELLs, even those
with limited or no prior formal schooling, have a great deal of knowledge about the world
(Walqu, 2000, 2001). As speakers of a language other than English, they bring linguistic

53
knowledge (Gibbons, 1991). If they have been educated in their first language, they may
bring literacy and content knowledge on which they can draw (Gibbons, 1991; Hill &
Flynn, 2006). Schleppegrell and Achugar (2003) remind teachers that ELLs bring
abundant cultural and personal knowledge to the classroom along with practical skills and
abilities. They assert that the challenge for teachers is to discover what specific
knowledge ELLs bring to their classes and to exploit it to motivate these learners and
help them make meaning of the lessons being taught.
Not only should teachers assess their ELLs background knowledge (Meyer,
2000), but they must also activate it (Meltzer & Hamann, 2004; Meyer, 2000; Walqu,
2000, 2001). Two strategies that researchers strongly recommend for activating
background knowledge include the use of culturally-familiar texts (Drucker, 2003;
Meltzer & Hamann, 2004) and the use of advance organizers (Omaggio, 1986; Walqu,
2000). When the texts are culturally familiar, learners can more easily interpret clues and
make educated guesses about meaning (Meyer, 2000, p. 229). Additionally, through
cultural connections with text, learners can more readily make sense of it and thus
become more engaged with it (Freeman, Freeman & Mercuri, 2001, p. 207). ELLs can
also be the producers of these culturally-relevant texts, thus applying prior knowledge
that is embedded in their first language (Cummins et al., 2005). Advance organizers
serve multiple purposes related to background knowledge. They make explicit the key
concepts to be learned; they activate any prior knowledge the learners might have about
those concepts; they allow the teacher to assess the learners prior knowledge on the
concepts; and they promote learning connections (Hill & Flynn, 2006; Omaggio, 1986;
Walqu, 2000).

54
The final belief underlying a best practice is that active engagement and
involvement of ELLs facilitates their learning. The practice that embodies this belief is
purposeful peer interaction.
Purposeful peer interaction. Researchers have employed a wide variety of
labels to describe practices that purposefully and dialogically engage ELLs with their
peers, including cooperative learning (e.g., Byrnes & Cortez, 1996; Hill & Flynn, 2006),
collaborative learning (e.g., DeCapua, Smathers & Tang, 2007; Kasper, 2005), peer
tutoring (e.g., Byrnes & Cortez; Gersten & Baker, 2000), cross-age tutoring (Byrnes &
Cortez), and small group work (Gibbons, 1991, 2002). To capture the interwoven
linguistic, academic, and social benefits inherent in such a practice, I will refer to it as
purposeful peer interaction.
In purposeful peer interactions, the input is directed toward individual learners in
ways that whole-class instruction is not (Gibbons, 1991; Hill & Flynn, 2006), thus giving
ELLs more opportunities to listen to the L2 (Gibbons, 1991). With varied sources of
input, ELLs are likely to hear a greater variety of language and, due to the task-oriented
nature of the interaction, these learners will hear content-specific language (Gibbons,
2002). The redundancy of the content-specific input can provide powerful reinforcement
for academic language learning (Gibbons, 2002; Hill & Flynn, 2006).
In purposeful peer interactions, ELLs also have more opportunities, responsibility,
and reasons for producing speech (Gersten et al., 2007; Gibbons, 1991, 2002; Hill &
Flynn, 1996; Walqu, 2001). The opportunities come from the cooperative nature of the
groups, where turn-taking is expected and roles are often assigned (DeCapua et al., 2007;
Gibbons, 2002). The responsibility comes from the absence of the teacher at the site of

55
communication (Gibbons, 2002), and the reasons derive from the nature of the task at
hand. When the ELLs peer interactions are focused on accomplishing academic tasks,
they provide opportunities to use substantive language in substantive ways (Zehler,
1994).
Working within peer groups can have positive social outcomes for ELLs, which
can then lead to positive language learning outcomes. Gibbons (1991) points out that the
wish to communicate with ones peers is strong motivation for using and learning
language (p. 56). Additionally, the intimacy of the small group can provide a space
within which ELLs can comfortably communicate their ideas, thus encouraging their
engagement in more extended discourse (Gersten et al., 2007; Gibbons, 1991; Kasper,
2005; Zehler, 1994). As ELLs share their talents with their peers, their self-esteem can
be positively affected, countering the negative feelings they might have from the
challenge involved in learning through another language (Freeman et al., 2001;
Sumaryono & Ortiz, 2004).

Teachers Language-Learning Histories

From Language Learner to Language Teacher
Language learning, as Nieto (2002) points out, can be exhilarating as well as
challenging and uncomfortable. By experiencing language learning first-hand, teachers
develop in-depth and complex understandings that can inform their practices. The
studies that have attempted to understand this phenomenon have primarily been carried
out with pre-service language teachers. As multiple scholars have pointed out, personal
language-learning experiences are one of the primary sources of beliefs that language

56
teachers draw upon to guide their language-teaching practice (Freeman & Johnson, 1998;
Richards & Lockhart, 1994).
Three studies, in particular, sought to understand language teachers trajectories
from language learner to language teacher, focusing on how they interpret and draw on
their language-learning experiences in shaping their teaching practices. Numrichs
(1996) study with graduate students who were preparing to become language teachers
gathered data via diaries and memoirs. The students participated in a practicum where
they taught adult ESL learners 4 hours a week over a 5-week period. After each hour of
instruction, they recorded a diary entry in which they wrote about their insights, feelings,
and anything else they thought was important about the just-completed lesson. In
analyzing the 20 entries written by each of the 26 participants, Numrich was able to
identify attitudes her graduate students held toward particular teaching practices. She
found that the attitude expressed influenced whether they chose to employ a particular
practice or reject its use.
Hatch (2002) identifies both advantages and disadvantages of collecting data
through diary or journal entries. Among the strengths of this method, he identifies the
flexibility it provides participants as well as the directness with which it gets at
participants thinking. If the writers are comfortable with the format and articulate in
expressing themselves, journals can be a powerful data source. If they are not, this
advantage can quickly become a disadvantage. Data collection can also become stymied
if participants fail to fully complete or keep up with the journal entries.
Prior to beginning the practicum in which Numrichs (1996) participants
completed their diary entries, a strategy intended to learn how prior experiences

57
contribute to their current philosophies and practice (Bailey et al., 1996), participants in
Numrichs (1996) study wrote memoirs of their language-learning histories. In the
process of writing these memoirs, the students got in touch with both their thinking and
feelings about language learning and language teaching. It was through the lenses of
these experiences and attitudes that they reflected on the practicum teaching experiences
they wrote about in their diaries. By analyzing their practice in light of their languagelearning histories, the participants realized the influential role these had played in their
choices of teaching practices, practices that they had either replicated or rejected from
their past. In her secondary analysis, Numrich concurred that unobservable affective
factors grounded in the participants own language-learning histories had influenced
their teaching experiences and choice of practices (p. 148).
Bailey et al. (1996) carried out a study that also used autobiographical writing as
its sole method of data collection. The researchers introduced the language learning
autobiography as a tool for pre-service teachers to use in examining their experiences as
language learners and the impact these experiences had on their teaching philosophy and
practice. The autobiographies revealed unexamined experiences, factors, and critical
incidents from participants language-learning histories and helped them identify the
ways in which they influenced their current philosophies and practices. As one of the
participants wrote, It was particularly useful for us as teachers-in-training to realize that
we already had our own (in some cases inexplicit) teaching philosophies, which had been
molded by our language learning histories... (p. 14).
Cameron (2000) asserts that language memoirs, or autobiographies, have the
capacity to expose the characteristic mixture of pleasure and pain, triumph and

58
disappointment associated with language learning (p. 91). Through these memoirs,
learners reveal the strength and complexity of their feelings, attitudes, identity, and
meanings. Benson (2004) points out that there is the potential for participants to
inaccurately recollect their language learning experiences, but suggests that this can be
offset by their intimate knowledge of the contexts of their own learning and by the
insights that are gained from a longer-term view of the learning process (p. 14).
Golombek (1998) used observations, interviews, and stimulus recall to study how
two pre-service ESL teachers constructed their teaching practice. Through the course of
the study, both participants revealed how their language-learning experiences influenced
their teaching behaviors. One pre-service teacher recalled feeling terrified to speak in
class when she studied Russian as a result of constant correction. As a result, she
hesitated to correct her students errors despite being expected to do so by her university
supervisor. The other pre-service teacher chose to implement scaffolded instruction with
her students as a result of the positive experience she had had when her own teachers
scaffolded. Similar to Numrichs (1996) findings, one of the participants rejected a
teaching practice from her own language learning while the other replicated a practice
that had been used with her. Golombek, like Numrich (1996) and Bailey et al. (1996),
studied people who were entering the teaching profession with the intention of teaching
language and language learners. As such, participants in these three studies most likely
differed from general classroom teachers in their attention to language and associated
language-learning outcomes. As prospective language teachers, they were more likely to
be attuned and committed to issues of language learning and language teaching.
Additionally, they were more likely to have been successful language learners, an

59
outcome that might serve to facilitate making connections between language-learning
experiences and language-teaching practice.
Language-learning Outcomes of General Classroom Teachers
A fourth study I identified was the only one that examined general classroom
teachers language-learning experiences. Brooks (1995) interviewed 10 teachers of
various content areas, grade levels, and years of teaching experience within a single
Florida school district. The teachers, who represented a variety of cultural and ethnic
backgrounds, were not language teachers but had studied at least one foreign language
within a school setting at some point in their educational careers. In total, the teachers
had studied six different languages.
Brooks (1995) conducted semi-structured interviews with the participants to
uncover their views on the impact of foreign language study on them as individuals as
well as on the place of foreign languages in the educational landscape in the U.S. (p.
113). From participants interview responses, he identified three overarching themes:
motivation, recollection of experiences, and perception of benefits. Although the
participants characteristics varied widely, Brooks found no drastically different voices
among them (p. 115).
The teachers reported a variety of motivations for the languages they chose to
study, with the two most frequently mentioned being the practical purposes they
perceived the language to serve and the curiosity they had for knowing the language.
Recollections of language-learning experiences were both positive and negative, ranging
from fun to terrifying (p. 123). Despite the range of recollections, all participants
identified ways in which they benefited from having studied a foreign language. Among

60
the benefits, they emphasized several positive outcomes that they applied regularly in
teaching the ELLs in their classrooms. In particular, they perceived that they were more
accepting of these learners, had greater awareness and appreciation of their diverse
cultures, and viewed these learners cognitive and linguistic skills in a multicompetent
light (Cook, 1992).
Brooks (1995) concluded that the teachers were able to glean positive outcomes
from negative experiences as a result of time and reflection: As we become distanced
from the activity, we are more able to extract what are positive outcomes (p. 139). He
also found that participants with a greater number of academic and personal experiences
were able to extract more potential from their reflections on language learning (p. 140).
In his conclusion, Brooks identified an area for further study as the notable gap
between experience and outcomes (p. 140). I would add that there is also a gap between
outcomes and practice. By relying solely on participants self-report, Brooks was unable
to affirm and elucidate the ways in which participants positive attitudes and beliefs about
ELLs were enacted in their teaching practices. As Hatch (2002) suggests, the quality of
qualitative studies is improved when data are collected through more than a single means.
Summary of the Literature Review
In this chapter, I argued that cognitive constructivism is the most appropriate
theoretical framework for understanding how individual teachers construct knowledge
from experience. I described how Connelly and Clandinins (1985) Personal Practical
Knowledge framework can help explicate how the general classroom teachers in this
study constructed knowledge from their personal language-learning experiences that
could be drawn on in their teaching practice for the ELLs in their classes.

61
The review of the literature on pedagogical knowledge revealed that it is a
complex construct that includes teachers attitudes and beliefs among its component
concepts. Drawing on Ajzens (1988) work, I defined the attitudes I was studying as
dispositions underlying general classroom teachers responses and evaluations of ELLs
that would incline them to act favorably or unfavorably. Borrowing from several
theorists, I defined the beliefs under study as idiosyncratic and persistent understandings
with the potential to influence general classroom teachers practices for ELLs.
Prior studies of general classroom teachers attitudes toward ELLs employed a
range of methodologies that were able to reveal less and more about their attitudes, the
origin of those attitudes, and how their attitudes influenced their practice for ELLs. Of
particular note was that general classroom teachers who had had language-learning
experiences were found to have generally favorable attitudes toward ELLs, a finding that
motivated this study. Studies that employed multiple methods were able to paint a
clearer and more complex picture of the relationship between attitudes and practices, an
outcome that influenced the decision to utilize multiple methods in the current study, a
point that will be further elaborated in Chapter Three.
My review of studies that examined general classroom teachers beliefs about
ELLs identified eight widely held inaccurate or inappropriate pedagogical beliefs as well
as several beliefs that promoted appropriate practices for ELLs. The teachers who held
the latter beliefs were primarily those who also demonstrated favorable attitudes toward
ELLs, attitudes that appeared to be associated with experience teaching ELLs or with
having experienced language learning.

62
The literature on best teaching practices for ELLs pointed to eight research-based
practices that were deemed effective for promoting ELLs learning. I illustrated how
these eight practices aligned with the four appropriate pedagogical beliefs for ELLs
previously reported and two others that I added. An overarching theme of these practices
is that they take ELLs linguistic and cultural needs into consideration and draw on them
as resources and building blocks for ELLs language and content learning.
The final section of this literature review examined the limited number of studies
that have been done with teachers language learning histories. Three of the four studies
looked at the language-learning experiences of participants who were preparing to
become language teachers. The three studies prompted the preservice teachers
reflections on their own language-learning histories as they related to their current
pedagogical decisions in practica with language learners. In all cases, a strong
relationship was revealed between participants experientially based knowledge and their
actual practice. The fourth study was the only one that examined the language-learning
histories of general classroom teachers. The researcher, Brooks (1995), found that in
spite of mixed affective interpretations of language-learning experiences, the inservice
teachers in his study developed positive attitudes about ELLs and appropriate
pedagogical beliefs for teaching them. He emphasized the role that reflection played in
extracting favorable attitudes and knowledge.

63
Chapter Three Research Design
In this chapter, I explain how I chose the school districts that served as contexts
for my research and describe the process of gaining Institutional Review Board and
district-level approvals for carrying out the study. I relate the steps I took to locate
potential, and subsequently, consenting participants, and I offer relevant descriptions of
the five schools that serve as contexts for their teaching practice.
I describe the research methods used in this studysemi-structured oral history
and classroom interviews and classroom observationsas well as the reasons for
choosing these methods. I then illustrate how I applied the aforementioned methods in
the collection of data. I explain how I analyzed the data, using Labov and Waletzkys
(1967/1997) structural approach to narrative analysis. In conclusion, I present my
subjectivities statement in the form of my own narratives of language-learning
experiences and my analysis of them.
Contexts for the Study
According to an article published in a regional newspaper, the local urban school
district enrolled 1,670 ELLs during the 2007-08 school year, an increase of 28% since the
2000-01 school year (Kollali, 2007). In the same article, the reporter also highlighted
increases in the enrollment of ELLs in several suburban school districts in the
surrounding county. Clearly these reported trends and statistics correspond with the
national ones that I reported on in Chapter One.
As Kollalis (2007) article showed, student populations in both urban and
suburban schools in this region include significant numbers of ELLs. Therefore, I made

64
the decision to carry out this study with teachers in both urban and suburban school
contexts. By going beyond a single context, I hoped to gain additional insights regarding
the role the teaching and learning context plays in teachers interpretations of their
experiences and their actual practices with learners. I wanted to avoid being
inadvertently misled by the idiosyncrasies of one district or school.
I sought permission to do my research at urban Central City School District and
suburban Moss Creek School District, a district about eight miles east of Central City.
The former is a district of close to 20,000 students, 65% of whom received free or
reduced lunch in the 2007-08 school year. Approximately 70% of the student body
represented racially and ethnically diverse populations, and 8% was identified as ELL.
The latter district had slightly fewer than 3,500 students in that same school year and
provided free or reduced lunch to 22% of its student population. Around 9% of the
student body was reported to be racially and ethnically diverse, with a 1.3% ELL
population. As Moss Creek School District has a somewhat higher ELL population than
most suburban schools in the region, I thought there was a strong likelihood I would be
able to find potential participant teachers there.
Consent and Access
In early September 2008, I applied for expedited Institutional Review Board
(IRB) approval to pursue my study in the two aforementioned school districts. At that
time, I also completed Central City School Districts Request for Permission to Conduct
Research. On September 24, I received the IRBs deferred approval, pending letters of
cooperation from the districts. Central City Schools gave permission for me to pursue the

65
study in five of their schools on October 24; subsequently the IRB gave its approval for
me to proceed within that district on October 31.
With approval from the university IRB and the Central City School District, I
telephoned the principals of the five urban schools, all of which serve secondary ELLs.
The purposes of this contact were three-fold: (a) to schedule individual meetings in
which I could inform the principals more deeply about my study, (b) to enlist their help in
identifying potential participants within their buildings, and (c) to learn about the
buildings approach to ELLs. As a result of these phone calls, I learned from one of the
principals that her school was listed in error. A second principal did not return my calls,
despite multiple attempts and messages left with secretaries and voice mail over a period
of several weeks. The three remaining principals arranged to meet with me on November
6 (Northside Middle School and Eastside School) and November 10 (Westside High
School). A university professor of Educational Leadership encouraged one of his
students, the Parkside School principal, to consider having his building participate in my
study. This principal, who contacted me via email on December 12, agreed to meet with
me four days later.
I was not able to submit the Application for Doctoral and Research Proposal to
the Moss Creek School District until December 2 due to their need for a signed copy of
the dissertation proposal, which I had been in the process of revising until early
November. On December 18, I received Moss Creek School Districts approval to
conduct research in their two secondary buildings. On December 23, the IRB gave its
amended approval to add Moss Creek to my study. Due to the proximity of the winter
recess, I was not able to make contact with the principals until early January 2009. I met

66
with the high school principal on January 12 and the middle school principal on January
15.
Participants
The participants I sought for this study were secondary-level general classroom
teachers. Secondary-level teachers are those who teach high school and/or middle
school. I decided to focus on secondary-level teachers for three reasons. First of all, the
majority of the research on general classroom teachers of ELLs appears to have been
done with elementary teachers or with teachers across all grade levels. I wanted to focus
on a population of teachers that has been less represented in the literature. Secondly, as
previously indicated, teachers at the secondary level tend to focus their teaching on
content and cognitive development and not on language and literacy (DeJong & Harper,
2005; Walqu, 2000). It is posited that they are the teachers most likely to assume that
ELLs language and literacy needs have been or will be met elsewhere (DeJong &
Harper, 2005; Walqu, 2000). Thirdly, these teachers students, secondary-level ELLs,
are at the greatest risk of dropping out of school (Crawford, 2004) due in part to
inflexible secondary school structures and practices (Walqu, 2000).
The secondary-level teachers I set out to find were those who had had languagelearning experiences. Their experiences could have been either formal or informal,
related to learning English as a second language or learning any language as a foreign
language. As Nieto (2002) puts it, No matter how empathic teachers may be of the
ordeal that students go through to learn English, nothing can bring it home in quite the
same way as going through the process themselves (p. 208). Thus, my goal was to learn

67
from teachers who may have developed personal practical knowledge from the process of
learning a language, no matter where and how that took place.
An additional criterion I chose to seek in participants was that of being a first-time
teacher of ELLs. As Clandinin and Connelly (1985) point out, personal practical
knowledge emerges from experience and, therefore, is subject to change as new situations
are experienced. From this I hypothesized that teachers who were new to teaching ELLs
would not have accumulated as many ELL-specific experiences and, as a result, their
own prior language-learning experiences would serve as a greater source of personal
practical knowledge than their experiences teaching ELLs.
To locate potential participants for this study I met one-on-one with the principals
in each of the participating schools. I requested that they or a knowledgeable staff
member identify general classroom teachers on their staffs who had ELLs in their classes
and were first-time teachers of ELLs. I provided the principal a detailed letter in which I
specified these criteria and provided them my contact information. A copy of this letter
is found in Appendix A. The dates of these meetings and the dates when the principals or
their representatives responded with names of potential participants are found in Table 2.
Table 2. Calendar of Principal Meetings and Identification of Potential Participants
School
Central City School District
Northside Middle School
Eastside School
Westside High School
Parkside School
Moss Creek School District
Moss Creek High School
Moss Creek Middle School

Meeting with Principals

Potential Participants
Identified

11/6/08
11/6/08
11/10/08
12/16/08

11/24/08
11/6/08
12/2/08
12/16/08

1/12/09
1/15/09

1/20/09
2/2/09

68
It had been the intention of my dissertation committee to review the pool of
potential participants and select eight to ten for me to contact. Due to the lengthy
identification process and limited number of potential participants identified, my
committee gave me permission to contact all of the potential participants the principals or
their representatives had named. In each case, principals recommended that I contact
potential participants by email and provided me their email addresses. A representative
email sent to potential participants is located in Appendix B.
I sent emails to the 17 identified teachers, and all but three responded. Of the 14
who replied, 13 arranged to meet with me to learn about my study and what participation
in it would entail. The one teacher who did not schedule a meeting communicated that he
was interested, but he ultimately was never able to find the time to meet. Of the 13
teachers with whom I did meet, nine agreed to participate and signed letters of consent. A
copy of the letter of consent is found in Appendix C.
One of the four teachers who declined did not provide a reason. Of the other
three, onea first-year teacherexplained that she could not handle any more
obligations as she was already overwhelmed by her daily demands; onea second year
teachercited personal reasons; and the thirda 30-year veteran of teachingrevealed,
after considerable conversation, that his confidence as a teacher was shaken by the
unfamiliar situation of teaching ELLs. He expressed discomfort having me in his
classroom for fear I would view him as a less-than-competent teacher. Despite ongoing
assurances and dialogue with this final teacher, I was unable to convince him of the value
of participation. He continued to say, Im thinking about it each time I passed him at

69
the school, but apparently had already made the decision not to participate. The pool of
potential participants, their responses, and their participation status is found in Table 3.
Table 3. Potential Participants and Their Participation Outcomes
Potential
Content Area
Response to Email
Participants*
Northside MS
Mike Joseph
Science
Meeting 1/8/09
Nick Perotti
Health
Meeting 12/12/08
David Roehm
Social Studies
Meeting 12/10/08
Felicia Sparks
Mathematics
Meeting 12/9/08
Eastside School
Marissa Conner
Mathematics
No response
Lance McIntyre
Mathematics
Meeting 1/20/09
Dale Scanlon
Social Studies
No response
Westside HS
Genevieve Allison
Mathematics
Meeting 12/9/09
Victor DiNardo
Business
Meeting not scheduled
Grace Jensen
English
Meeting 12/15/08
Lou Rivoli
Technology
Meeting 12/18/08
Parkside School
Melanie Eaton
English
Meeting 1/9/09
Alex Stewart
Physical Education Meeting 2/13/09
Moss Creek HS
Rebecca Larson
Biology
No response
Wendy Morrow
English
Meeting 1/29/09
Moss Creek MS
Gina Lenhardt
Social Studies
Meeting 2/6/09
Valerie Sumner
Science
Meeting 2/4/09
* All potential participants names are pseudonyms.

Participation
Outcome
Declined
Participant
Declined
Participant
Participant
Declined
Participant
Participant
Participant
Participant
Declined
Participant
Participant

Contexts of Participation
At the end of the participant identification process, I had nine participants who
taught seven different content areas in five different buildings in two school districts. To
learn more about the particular contexts within which they taught ELLs, I briefly
interviewed the principals. Specifically, I wanted to learn about the ELLs in each

70
building and what the school district and/or building did to prepare general classroom
teachers to teach ELLs.
Northside Middle School. At the Northside Middle School, where participants
Nick Perotti and Felicia Sparks teach, the principal reported that there are currently close
to 100 ELLs in the building. They comprise approximately 14.5% of the 675 students at
the school and speak 19 different languages. This is a significant jump from the
previous year when 73 ELLs made up 11% of the 645 students at Northside. The
schools two ESL teachers participate as members of academic teams where they support
general classroom teachers as well as the ELLs. The principal explained that this is the
first year beginner ELLs have been placed in general classrooms, referring to this as a
cultural shift. Therefore, the school has arranged to bring in an outside ELL expert to
work with a different academic team each month for a period of three days.
Eastside School. Eastside School, where participant Lance McIntyre teaches, has
been recently reconfigured as a K-8 school from its former middle school status. The
principal reported that there are 26 ELLs in grades 7 and 8, about 12% of the student
population in those grades. This is an increase of 10 ELLs or 5% over the previous
school year. According to the principal, the ELLs at Eastside speak multiple languages,
including Spanish and various African languages. Spanish is not a language that was
spoken by ELLs at Eastside in the past. One ESL teacher services all the ELLs in grades
K-8 through a pull-out model of instruction. The principal reported that there are no
formal or informal efforts to prepare general classroom teachers to teach ELLs in her
school.

71
Westside High School. At Westside High School, where participants Grace
Jensen and Lou Rivoli teach, the administrative intern who spoke to me on behalf of the
principal reported the ELL population to be stable at 10% of the 1,100 member student
body. According to the administrative intern, the ELLs at Westside are speakers of
multiple languages. While Spanish was traditionally dominant in this school, there are
now many speakers of African, Middle Eastern, and Asian languages. A four-member
team of ESL teachers provides sheltered instruction to beginner ELLs for English, social
studies, and mathematics. Beginner ELLs are placed in general classrooms for other
content areas. Intermediate ELLs are placed in general classrooms for all content area
instruction. Preparation of general classroom teachers to teach ELLs consists of an
informal system whereby ESL teachers may reach out to offer support. No formal
preparation is offered.
Parkside School. Parkside School, where participants Melanie Eaton and Alex
Stewart teach, is a K-8 school that has historically served ELLs. The principal stated that
there are currently 192 ELLs in grades K-8, a 17% increase over the 2007-08 academic
year. While the typical ELL population at this school has primarily spoken Vietnamese,
the most recent ELL arrivals speak Burmese and have had limited prior schooling. While
the principal and ESL teachers meet for dialogue and professional development on a
weekly basis, general classroom teachers are not included in these meetings. The
principal described the ESL service delivery model as inclusive, meaning that ESL
teachers push into general classrooms.
Moss Creek Middle School. The principal at Moss Creek Middle School, where
participants Gina Lenhardt and Valerie Sumner teach, is new to the school this year. She

72
admitted that she was unaware of the number of ELLs in her building or the languages
they speak and referred me to the ESL teacher for this information. State data reports
from the three prior years indicate that this middle school has served between six to ten
ELLs annually, approximately 1% of the student population. I did not have the
opportunity to speak with the ESL teacher.
The lone ESL teacher at Moss Creek Middle School is part-time and provides
service to ELLs through a pull-out model. The principal reports that there is no ELLspecific preparation for general classroom teachers. She expressed the belief that the
teachers preparation through the district-wide Forward Learning initiative would support
their work with ELLs.
Methodology
The Oral History Interview
Qualitative methods, because of their concern for subjectivity, have the power to
capture peoples inner states as well as their outer expressions (Hatch, 2002, p. 9).
As my study is concerned with understanding inner states in the forms of attitudes and
beliefs as well as outer expressions in the form of pedagogical practice, I have
employed qualitative methods to address my research questions. Qualitative studies
seek to grasp the processes by which people construct meaning (Bogdan & Biklen,
2003, p. 38); therefore, qualitative methodology serves as an appropriate tool for this
study with its constructivist theoretical framework.
Clandinin and Connelly (1994) suggest that the study of personal practical
knowledge is the study of narrative through narrative. The researchers claim that
narrative is both the phenomenon (the story) and the mode of inquiry (method).

73
Narrative as a phenomenon is the means by which narrators gain insights from their
experiences. Narrative as a method acknowledges the storied lives people lead. It views
the resultant knowledge as the construction and reconstruction of these stories (Connelly
& Clandinin, 1990). One of the narrative methods Clandinin and Connelly (1994)
recommend for inquiring about teachers construction of their personal practical
knowledge is oral history. They describe the oral history interview as a dynamic vehicle
through which the teachers experiences are acknowledged and meanings are constructed
or reconstructed.
Yow (1994) indicates that oral history may be the oldest kind of research,
pointing to evidence that the ancient Greeks used it in their history gathering (p. 4). Oral
history has been referred to by a variety of names, some of which include: in-depth
interview, personal narrative, self-report, life story, oral biography, memoir, testament
(Yow, 1994), life history (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003), oral data collection (Starr, 1996), and
recollection (Moss, 1996). Like other narrative studies, oral history is based on the idea
that people make sense of their lives through story (Hatch, 2002) and, through the process
of telling stories about their past, they practice and shape their current identity (Bogdan &
Biklen, 2003; Errante, 2000).
The oral history interview process itself is intended to inspire the narrator to
engage in the act of remembering (Yow, 1994). The focus of this remembering may be a
persons whole life, a period during the persons life, or experiences related to a
particular topic (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). Yow (1994) calls the resulting recollections
and accounts the making of evidence (p. 4). This evidence, Moss (1996) asserts, is
complex, including not only the reality of the events, but selective recollections regarding

74
the events, the narrators interpretations of the events, and the uncertain influence of the
researchers questions on the retelling of the events. This evidence, or oral record, is
rooted in a particular time and context (Dunaway, 1996).
In comparing oral history interviews with other types of interviews, Fontana and
Frey (2000) draw attention to the fact that they are methodologically similar but differ in
purpose. The purpose of oral history interviews is to understand the meanings
individuals have given to events of the past and the way these meanings have shaped
their evolving definitions of self and their perspectives on life (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003,
p. 57). As Errante (2000) notes, all interviews are telling events (p. 17); however, in
oral history interviews the dynamic between the interviewer and the oral author (Starr,
1996, p. 42) is influenced by the ways in which events are remembered and the reasons
for which they are remembered (Errante, 2000).
In comparing oral history narratives with written history narratives, Nevins (1996)
argues that oral history interviews have the ability to elicit more of the truth than a
person would be likely to include in his or her written autobiography (p. 37). With a
knowledgeable interviewer who actively seeks to collect the best evidence possible,
Hoffman (1996) explains that oral history is likely to collect a record far superior to that
which can be produced solely through the narrators writing. Part of this superiority has
to do with the opportunity it creates for an interviewer to probe a participants thinking
and promote further reflection, something Yow (1994) calls the open door of the
interview (p. 10).
Additionally, the oral history interview elicits a different kind of story than the
written record. Due to the mediating effect of the interviewer, the story becomes

75
immediate and interactive (Errante, 2000), as well as fresh, candid, and conversational
(Hoffman, 1996). Finally, as Hoffman points out, oral history allows the life experiences
of people who do not have the time or skill to write their memoirs to be preserved.
In addition to some of the aforementioned strengths, oral history as a data
collection method has the power to reveal the lives and perspectives of ordinary people
engaged in ordinary activities of home and work (Yow, 1994). These are the
perspectives that form the basis of individuals philosophies and rationale for their
actions. Teachers may be considered representative of ordinary people engaged in
ordinary activities. Coming to understand the events and experiences of their past and
the meaning given to these can help us understand the reasons for their actions and
practices in the classroom.
Dickson (2003) employed oral history interviews to come to understand three
teachers who had been influential in her education. The 70- and 80-year-old women had
collectively taught more than 100 years. They had been literacy educators of
schoolchildren as well as teacher educators. One had won state and national awards
while the other two had pioneered progressive educational programs. To the researcher,
their practices already seemed evident. It was their histories she was hoping to discover
in order to understand the thinking, emotion, and meanings that informed those practices.
In spite of the fact that Dickson (2003) was successful in gaining her former
teachers enthusiastic participation in the study, she ran into numerous roadblocks
throughout the process. She had promised the participants the opportunity to review and
edit the interview transcripts. How she interpreted review and edit was quite different
from two of the teachers interpretations. These two were particularly concerned with

76
their words and how they sounded, and chose to correct the transcripts, despite the
researchers attempt to explain the differences between oral and written text. Ultimately,
Dickson had to concede but did so feeling that much had been lost in the process. One of
the two women was so many years removed from her teaching practice that she did not
recall much of what had made her a celebrated teacher.
In her conclusion, Dickson (2003) told readers, ...it is far from simple to be
either the teller or the receiver (p. 191). While Dicksons (2003) study was successful to
some degree in revealing the relationship between teachers attitudes and practice, its
greatest success may well be the lessons that it can offer other oral history interviewers.
The first lesson regards what Moss (1996) calls the intrusion of purposes (p. 111), a
reference to a narrators motivation for self-presentation. Yow (1994) explains that
narrators are always motivated to present themselves in the best light possible. In
Dicksons study, the participants who chose to correct the speech in their transcripts were
at cross-purposes with the researcher as they tried to assure they would be presented in a
positive and professional light. An unfortunate result of such behaviors is that the oral
history report may end up being narrow, idiosyncratic, or ethnocentric (Yow, 1994, p.
16).
A second lesson that Dicksons study teaches regards memory. Yow (1994)
reminds us that oral history research is retrospective. However, memory is fallible
(Starr, 1996, p. 40). Humans may forget things or remember them inaccurately (Cutler,
1996). Clearly, a 20-year time lapse between leaving her practice and the oral history
interviews played a key role in one of the teachers difficulty recalling the events and
their meanings that Dickson had so hoped to capture. Errante (2000) offers

77
encouragement when she says that, through trial and error, researchers may come across
watershed questions, questions that have the power to unleash a stream of memory (p.
19). Cutler (1996) also reminds researchers that inaccuracies in narrators reports may
actually provide important insights into their states of mind.
Not revealed in Dicksons (2003) study are two additional issues related to oral
history methodology: narrator selectivity (Errante, 2000; Moss, 1996; Yow, 1994) and
the consistency with which the narrator speaks about particular events across time and
interviews (Hoffman, 1996). Narrators choose what they wish to tell (Cutler, 1996;
Errante, 2000). They may do this because of the emotions evoked by particular
memories or because they prefer to keep particular memories in the private rather than
the public domain (Errante, 2000). Yow (1994) assures researchers that people tend to
become more open with time rather than less. She also asserts that omissions are less
likely to occur when the interviewer consistently probes responses. When an interviewer
suspects that there may be more to the story than what the narrator is revealing, Errante
(2000) suggests that the interviewer attend to non-verbal cues or verbal hiding patterns
that have the power to communicate what is not being communicated through words (p.
23). Oral history consistency, Yow indicates, is mediated by the narrators feelings. The
stronger the feelings are that are associated with the memories, the more likely the telling
of them will be consistent.
To come to understand participants language-learning experiences (the
personal) and the sense they make of these (the knowledge), I conducted oral history
interviews. In this study, the focus of participants remembering was experiences related
the particular topic (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003) of language learning. Through oral history

78
interviews, I learned not only of the meanings that participants give their languagelearning experiences but also have to come to understand attitudes, beliefs, philosophies
and rationales for action in the teaching of ELLs that emerged from them.
Biklen and Casella (2007) remind us that a researchers goal should be to provide
readers a different way to consider something they may not understand well. From my
review of the literature, it is my observation that oral history is a rarely used method for
examining the relationship between teachers attitudes, beliefs, and practices; thus, it has
the potential to open up to readers new ways of seeing and thinking about this
relationship.
Semi-structured Interviews and Classroom Observations
After conducting oral history interviews, I visited participants classrooms on two
occasions to observe their teaching practices with ELLs (the practical). I recorded my
observations of the teachers practices with ELLs through field notes and in consultation
with an observation guide, a process I describe in greater detail in the next section. Prior
to and following each observation, I conducted a semi-structured interview with the
participants for the purposes of understanding the attitudes and beliefs underlying their
practice with ELLs and unearthing connections that exist to their own language-learning
experiences. The interactive nature of the semi-structured interview creates
opportunities for the participant to construct his or her own meanings and for the
interviewer to seek clarification of those meanings (Anderson & Jack, 1991).
Additionally, the semi-structured interview has the ability to get at meanings that are
rooted in a particular context (Fontana & Frey, 2000), such as the classroom.

79
When observation is used to study teachers and their teaching, researchers first
observe in order to capture external evidence of teaching and later interview to
reconstruct the teachers thought processes about his or her teaching (Freeman, 1996,
p. 370). The goal of both observation and interview is to come to understand the target
phenomenon as the participant understands it (Hatch, 2002). By engaging in discourse
with general classroom teachers of ELLs regarding their observed teaching practices, I
attempted to learn of the meanings they have given to their practices and what they
believe has informed and influenced them.

Data Collection
Oral History Interviews
I began data collection by conducting individual oral history interviews with
participants. Each was conducted in a single session, although I had given participants
the option of spreading the oral history interview out over more than one session. The
average length of these interviews was approximately 45 minutes, with variation
depending on the individual participants desire to talk about their language-learning
experiences, their recollections of them, and the breadth and depth of the experiences and
resultant narratives. I digitally audio recorded the oral history interviews with the
participants permission. Prior to and following the interviews, I offered participants the
option of requesting that any portion(s) of the interview be stricken from the data if they
preferred to have it excluded or kept confidential. None of the participants made this
request. I personally transcribed all portions of the audio-recorded oral history interviews
for subsequent analysis.

80
I prefaced each oral history interview by articulating its three primary purposes.
Specifically, I told participants that the goals of the interview were for them to (a) reflect
on their language-learning experiences, (b) make sense of those experiences, and (c)
identify ways in which their language-learning experiences may have influenced their
teaching of ELLs. I subsequently asked participants to provide an overview of the
contexts of their language-learning experiences. Using the contexts as a springboard, I
carried out a semi-structured oral history interview using some or all of the following
questions or variations of them along with probes of participants responses and
meanings.
1. When you think about your language-learning experiences, what stands out in
your mind?
2. Can you tell me why that particular experience (person, place) stands out for
you?
3. What happened? Tell me your story.
4. How did that experience affect you?
5. What did you take away from that experience?
6. What do you recall from your own language-learning experiences that informs
your teaching with ELLs?
Semi-structured Interviews and Classroom Observations
Once the general classroom teachers had related their oral histories of language
learning, I arranged to conduct two classroom observations of each as they taught their
students, some of whom were ELL(s). Through the letter of consent, my participants
understood that I might request additional observations if I felt the data I collected were

81
insufficient (Charmaz, 2006). In all but one case, I felt that I was able to collect
sufficient data through two observations. This was particularly true of classes taught in
block schedules, where class periods were double the traditional length. The one class
where I would have liked to return for an additional observation happened to be a
semester course. The point at which I knew I wanted to collect more data was the nextto-last day prior to the start of final exams. As I was unavailable to return for the final
day of classroom instruction, I arranged a follow-up interview with the teacher about the
specific aspects of the class in which I was interested. I will address this more fully in
the portrait of participant Nick Perotti. The schedule of interviews and observations with
all participants is found in Table 4.
Table 4. Schedule of Interviews and Observations
Schools and
Participants
Eastside School
Lance McIntyre
Moss Creek MS
Gina Lenhardt
Valerie Sumner
Northside MS
Nick Perotti
Felicia Sparks
Parkside School
Melanie Eaton
Alex Stewart
Westside HS
Grace Jensen
Lou Rivoli

Content
Area

Oral History
Interview

Classroom Interviews
and Observations

Mathematics

2/12/09

2/27/09; 3/9-3/10/09;
3/16-3/17/09

Social Studies
Science

2/11/09
2/10/09

2/26/09; 3/4-3/5/09
2/25/09; 3/3/09

Health
Mathematics

12/16/08
1/20/09

1/7/09; 1/13-1/14/09
1/26/09; 3/6/09

English
1/21/09
Physical Education 2/25/09

2/12/09; 2/23/09
3/9/09; 3/18/09

English
Technology

1/8/09; 1/15/09
1/6/09; 1/14/09

12/18/08
12/18/08

In each case, prior to the first observation, I conducted a pre-observation

interview for the purpose of eliciting information about the ELLs in the classroom, the

82
teachers experiences, attitudes, and beliefs about teaching those particular learners, and
the practices and resources they intended to use in teaching them. With participants
permission, I digitally audio recorded the interviews and later personally transcribed them
for subsequent analysis. Again, I gave participants the option of having me exclude any
portions of the interviews they preferred to have stricken from the data. None of the
participants made such a request. Using a semi-structured interview format, I asked
participants some or all of the following questions or variations of them.
1. Tell me about the English language learners in your class.
2. What do you see as their strengths? How did you come to know about these?
3. What learning needs do the ELLs have? How have you come to know about
these?
4. In what ways have you provided accommodations for these learners in the
past? What were your reasons?
5. Tell me about the lesson you have planned for todays class. How do you
anticipate the ELLs will respond to this lesson?
6. How have you accounted for the ELLs needs in your lesson planning?
7. In what ways do you draw on your own language-learning experiences when
planning for ELLs learning in your class?
In most cases, I also drew on knowledge I had gained from the oral history interviews to
formulate questions specific to the participant. Throughout the pre-observation
interviews, I probed participants responses to be able to understand them more deeply.
To document the events of the classroom, I took hand-written field notes referring
to categories of an observers guide. Field notes describe the people, objects, places,

83
events, activities, and conversations (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003, p. 110). An observers
guide provides a flexible space in which field notes can be recorded about data that are
both expected and unexpected. In particular I attempted to record observations that
would inform my research questions regarding participants personal practical knowledge
for teaching ELLs. To focus my attention, I included the following categories in my
observers guide: the physical setting of the classroom, the teachers instructional
language and non-linguistic instructional behaviors, instructional resources, instructional
strategies, learning resources, linguistic accommodations, teacher-to-ELL interactions,
student-to-student interactions, and assessment of student learning. These categories are
ones that were suggested by the literature I reviewed in Chapter Two. The complete
Categories of Observation guide is found in Appendix D.
Following each observation, I conducted another semi-structured interview with
participants. In particular, I hoped to learn how the teacher drew on his or her personal
practical knowledge in carrying out interactions and instructional practices with ELLs. I
used some or all of the following questions and variations of them to capture participants
reflections.
1. Tell me your thoughts about the lesson. How did it go compared with how
you planned?
2. How successful do you believe your planning was for the ELLs learning?
Why do you think this?
3. What were your observations of the ELLs during class? Why do you think
this was so?

84
4. What were some of the decisions you made regarding the ELLs during the
lesson? What led you to make these decisions?
Prior to this post-observation interview, I quickly reviewed my field notes to
identify specific events and actions I had noted. I shared these with participants as a
springboard for further discussion and probing. In seeking to remain a skeptic of the
data in my field notes, I chose not to assume that I knew or understood what had
happened. Rather I tried to remain open-minded so I could learn what meanings
participants had assigned to them.
A particularly powerful example of the importance of remaining a skeptic came
during my first post-observation interview with Lance McIntyre, an 8th grade
mathematics teacher. During the lesson, I had written in my field notes that a native
English-speaking student yelled out, Theyre talking in Spanish in reference to a
Spanish-language conversation between two Latina girls in the class. My notes also
indicated that Lance responded to the young man by saying, I dont care what language
theyre speaking. My gut reaction upon hearing that exchange was to think that Lance
held a positive attitude toward ELLs use of their home language, a conclusion that
would be consistent with my preliminary analysis of his disposition toward languages
other than English. I share here an excerpt from the transcript that validates the
importance of my withholding judgment and seeking the participants meaning.
Joanne: Now, at one point in the class, one of the boys yelled out,
Theyre speaking Spanish or something to that effect.
Lance: Oh right.
Joanne: [reading field notes] Here you go. Theyre talking in Spanish.
Lance: Yeah.

85

Joanne: How did you think about that?

Lance: I dont know. They were talking, and I addressed that, and I said,
You need to stop talking. And he said something like, Theyre talking.
Theyre speaking Spanish. And I said, I dont care what language
theyre speaking. They just need to stop. You know?
Joanne: [reading field notes] You said, I dont care what language
theyre speaking. Thats exactly what you said.
Lance: Yeah. It wasnt so much what they were saying, its just that it
was a disruption. I mean they werent speaking loud enough for me to
decipher anything that they were saying. Hes just goofed around with
that. I think he gets paranoid that somebodys talking about him. But, I
mean, in reality, hes just joking around. Ive seen him say that a bunch of
times. And hes always laughing when he says it. It doesnt really bother
him, I dont think. But, I dont know. They were speaking it. I dont
know what it is they were talking about. It seems like they speak to each
other in Spanish for the most part when they talk to each other, so Im not
going to assume that theyre speaking in Spanish to hide things, but I
mean, I cant really be sure. (LM, #4)
From this exchange, it is apparent that my initial sense that Lance made this statement in
defense of the girls right to speak their first language was clearly off target. By
remaining a skeptic, I instead learned that Lance was expressing concern for the
disruption that the girls conversation had caused. I also learned the value of remaining a
skeptic.
To capture these follow-up interviews, I again sought permission to digitally
audio record the interviews. I provided participants the option of requesting to have any
portion(s) of the interview stricken from the data that they preferred to have excluded or
kept confidential. None of the participants made that request. I personally transcribed all
included portions of the recorded interviews for subsequent analysis.
To avoid misrepresenting my participants and their intended meanings, I offered
participants the opportunity to read all transcripts of the audio recordings and to offer

86
clarifications or additional perspectives. While a strength of interviews is their ability to
find out whats on a participants mind, some interviews may not provide appropriate
time, sensitivity, or context for eliciting what is truly on the participants mind (Hatch,
2002). Making interview transcripts available for further input creates an additional
means by which participants can choose to verify, share, and extend their thinking.
Participants were under no obligation to read or offer feedback on interview transcripts.
When asked, none of the participants chose to receive or read the interview transcripts.
All digital recordings were transferred from the digital recorder onto my personal
computer, where I stored them in files. I transcribed the recordings onto the same
computer. Following transcription, I replaced all names with pseudonyms and
identifiable details with substitutions in order to protect the privacy of participants, their
students, and their colleagues. I will delete the digital recordings when all aspects of this
study are complete. However, I will retain the typed transcripts with pseudonyms for
future reference.
Data Analysis
Narrative Analysis
As oral history interviews are conducted to understand the meanings individuals
give to events of the past and the way these meanings shape their current perspectives
(Bogdan & Biklen, 2003), it was essential that the analysis of the datalike the data
collectionmaintain the integrity of each participating teacher. With my unit of analysis
being the individual teacher and the data composed of each ones narratives of
experience, I employed narrative analysis to examine the stories participants related
during the oral history interviews. Unlike approaches to analysis that fragment narrators

87
accounts, narrative analysis offers the benefit of preserving those accounts, thus honoring
participants individual agency and revealing the details that contribute to their
meaning making (Riessman, 2008, p. 12).
Riessman (2008) emphasizes that good narrative analysis prompts the reader to
think beyond the surface of a text (p. 13). To deeply examine the text of my
participants stories and the meaning embedded in it, I chose to employ Labov and
Waletzkys (1967/1997) structural approach. The structural approach offered me the
ability to organize narratives that were often fragmented (Labov, 1997) and out of
sequence (Riessman, 1993). Even more importantly, it provided me the tools to make my
participants meanings explicit while systematically reducing and analyzing what might
otherwise have been an unwieldy amount of more- or less-relevant text (Riessman, 1993,
2000).
Labov and Waletzkys (1967/1997) structural approach identifies six common
elements of a fully formed narrative (Riessman, 1993, p. 18). Together, these elements
give structure to the narrative; decomposed they can be analyzed to expose the essential
parts of the narrative, the meanings implied within it, and the meanings extracted from it.
The abstract summarizes the substance of the narrative; the orientation indicates the
time, place, situation, and participants of the story; the complicating action represents the
sequence of events; the evaluation reveals the meaning of the action to the narrator and
his or her attitudes toward it; the resolution tells what finally happened; and the coda
returns the perspective to the present.
Labov and Waletzky (1967/1997) claim that a narrative limited to an orientation,
complicating action, and resolution is not a complete narrative and, as such, it lacks

88
significance (p. 35). It is through the evaluationthe soul of the narrativethat the
narrators attitude toward the experience emerges, thus giving it meaning (Riessman,
1993, p. 20).
To prepare my participants oral history narratives for analysis, I reduced and
reorganized the text of the transcripts using the following systematic process:
1. I read through each participants complete set of transcripts and isolated all
text related to his or her language-learning histories. In most cases, these
were isolated to the oral history interviews. In a few cases, they were
interwoven with pre- and post-observation interview text.
2. I divided the text into what I determined to be the individual stories of
participants larger narrative, at times moving text from one part of the
document to another. I made decisions about moving text based on what I
believed to be the narrators intended meaning, something Riessman (1993)
refers to as beginning from the inside (p. 61).
3. One story at a time, I labeled each clause according to the structural element it
seemed to represent in Labov and Waletzkys (1967/1997) structural
approachabstract, orientation, complicating action, evaluation, resolution,
or coda. Again, I drew on the apparent meaning to determine which label to
apply.
4. After I had labeled all clauses in a story by element, I grouped all clauses that
had been assigned the same element and then placed the elements in the order
suggested by Labov and Waletzky (1967/1997). I subsequently read the nowisolated story through for meaning to determine if I had mislabeled any of the

89
clauses. In several instances, I decided to re-label and subsequently move
clauses.
5. Once I had all element groups within each story placed in the order indicated
by the structural approach, I edited the text in the following ways:
a. I deleted the narrators false starts. For example, Very, today,
back then it wasnt described that way (LR, #1) became Back then,
it wasnt described that way.
b. I deleted redundancies when I did not interpret them to be purposeful.
For example, Sometimes I used French conversationally. Sometimes.
Yup, yup. Sometimes if we were having a lunch or a dinner (ME, #1)
became Sometimes I used French conversationally if we were having
a lunch or a dinner.
c. I deleted the narrators self-corrections when I did not interpret them
to add to the story. For example, I already had three art classes. It
was two art classes, and that was the third (FS, #1) became I already
had two art classes, and that was the third.
d. I deleted backchannel cues (Gass & Selinker, 2001) and other
conversational strategies that did not contribute to the participants
meaning. For example, Um, lets see, I mean, I definitely remember
a lot that went on (LM, #1) became I definitely remember a lot that
went on.
e. I deleted asides that participants included that did not contribute to the
point of the particular story being told. For example, I deleted

90
participant Nick Perottis story of ELLs response to a Christmas
Bureau food giveaway that entered into his story of conversing in a
second language (NP, #1).
f. I replaced pronouns with nouns in places where the referent would
otherwise be unclear. For example, You avoided them like the
plague (VS, #1) became You avoided your parents like the plague.
g. I added words when they were part of the narrators intended meaning
but not expressed. For example, between the two (LR, #1) became
between the two languages.
My purpose in making the aforementioned types of edits was to enhance the
readability, increase comprehensibility, and ultimately make the narrators
meaning more accessible to the reader.
6. After editing and reorganizing the stories, I re-read each one and, in some
cases, did further editing for the purposes outlined in step 5. I then gave the
story a title which I derived from its abstract (the point of the story) (Labov &
Waletzky, 1967/1997).
7. In most cases, the participants had more stories than would be reasonable to
include in this report. Therefore, I made decisions about which stories to
include and which to exclude based on Riessmans (1993) logic: By studying
the sequence of stories in an interview and the thematic and linguistic
connections between them, an investigator can see how individuals tie
together significant events and important relationships in their lives (p. 40).
Therefore, I looked for the stories that composed the sequence of significant

91
events. Where there was more than one story that could have fit into a
particular part of the sequence, I chose to include the one that was more fully
formed and/or that had a fuller evaluation as I assumed that it was more
meaningful to the narrator.
How I applied the steps outlined to one participants narrative above can been seen
in the following excerpt from Lou Rivolis oral history interview (LR, #1):
Steps 1 and 2: After reading through Lous oral history interview transcript, I
isolated and extracted the following text that I determined to constitute a story.
Growing up in a family of first-generation Italian immigrants, okay? The
difficulty came with what I learned at home and how they spoke,
modeling, okay? And then going to actually school, myself, okay? When
I was growing up I went to Perry School, which is no longer there. Then
Town Street, very Italian neighborhood, but some of the terminologies or
just how I spoke would be modeled from my parents. So I went to speech
therapy, kind of thing, just to get rabbit to get the Rs correctly done or
said, and so that was always a difficult thing. For example, instead of, in
Italy, they reverse things. Instead of saying cold water, theyll say water
cold. I went [sic] up learning that. When I went to lunch and sat down
with my friends at the lunch table, it was fish atun [sic] sandwich, not tuna
fish sandwich. So when they would ask me, What are you eating? Im
eating fish atun [sic] sandwich. What is that? So, you see how that
could really make a big difference in my growing up and in using those
types of terms incorrectly in an environment where kids were there 3rd, 4th,
5th generation American kids? So, okay, that was very difficult for me.
So
Step 3: With Lou Rivolis story text isolated, I labeled his clauses according to
the structural element they seemed to represent in Labov and Waletzkys (1967/1997)
structural approach, maintaining his original order.
Abstract:
(point of the
narrative)

Orientation:
(time, place,
situation,
participants )

Growing up in a family of first-generation Italian immigrants, okay?

The difficulty came with what I learned at home and how they spoke,
modeling, okay?
And then going to actually school, myself, okay? When I was growing
up I went to Perry School, which is no longer there. Then Town Street,
very Italian neighborhood,

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Complicating but some of the terminologies or just how I spoke would be modeled
from my parents.
Action:
(sequence of
events)

Evaluation:

so that was always a difficult thing.

(narrators
commentary on
complicating
action)

Complicating For example, instead of, in Italy, they reverse things. Instead of saying
Action:
cold water, theyll say water cold. I went up learning that. When I
(sequence of
went to lunch and sat down with my friends at the lunch table, it was
events)
fish atun [sic] sandwich, not tuna fish sandwich. So when they would
ask me, What are you eating? Im eating fish atun [sic] sandwich.
What is that?
Evaluation:
So, okay, that was very difficult for me.
(narrators
commentary on
complicating
action)

Resolution:
(plot resolution)

Coda:
(narrative
returned to the
present)

So I went to speech therapy, kind of thing, just to get rabbit to get the
Rs correctly done or said, and
So, you see how that could really make a big difference in my growing
up and in using those types of terms incorrectly in an environment
where kids were there 3rd, 4th, 5th generation American kids?

Step 4: I clustered all clauses that I had assigned to the same structural element
and then placed the elements in the order suggested by Labov and Waletzky (1967/1997).
Abstract:
(point of the
narrative)

Orientation:
(time, place,
situation,
participants )

Growing up in a family of first-generation Italian immigrants, okay?

The difficulty came with what I learned at home and how they spoke,
modeling, okay?
And then going to actually school, myself, okay? When I was growing
up I went to Perry School, which is no longer there. Then Town Street,
very Italian neighborhood,

Complicating but some of the terminologies or just how I spoke would be modeled
Action:
from my parents.
(sequence of
For example, instead of, in Italy, they reverse things. Instead of saying
events)
cold water, theyll say water cold. I went up learning that. When I
went to lunch and sat down with my friends at the lunch table, it was
fish atun [sic] sandwich, not tuna fish sandwich. So when they would
ask me, What are you eating? Im eating fish atun [sic] sandwich.
What is that?
Evaluation:
so that was always a difficult thing.
(narrators
So, okay, that was very difficult for me.
commentary on

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complicating
action)

Resolution:
(plot resolution)

Coda:
(narrative
returned to the
present)

So I went to speech therapy, kind of thing, just to get rabbit to get the
Rs correctly done or said, and
So, you see how that could really make a big difference in my growing
up and in using those types of terms incorrectly in an environment
where kids were there 3rd, 4th, 5th generation American kids?

Step 5: I extracted the reorganized story text from the chart and set it up in
paragraph form. I then deleted the Lou Rivolis false starts, redundancies, selfcorrections, phenomena specific to conversation, and asides. In this particular story, I did
not have to replace pronouns with nouns and or add words to make his meaning explicit.

Step 6: After editing Lous story, I re-read it to see if further editing was
required. I then added a title, which I extracted from the abstract or point of the story.
The following is the version of his story that I present in Lou Rivolis Chapter Four
portrait.
The Difficulty Came with What I Learned at Home
Growing up in a family of first-generation Italian immigrants, the
difficulty came with what I learned at home and how they spoke,
modeling, and then going to actually school, myself. When I was growing
up I went to Perry School. Some of the terminologies or just how I spoke
would be modeled from my parents. For example, in Italy, they reverse

94
things. Instead of saying cold water, theyll say water cold. I went up
learning that. When I went to lunch and sat down with my friends at the
lunch table, it was fish atun [sic] sandwich, not tuna fish sandwich. So
when they would ask me, What are you eating? Im eating fish atun
[sic] sandwich. What is that? So I went to speech therapy, just to get
rabbit, to get the Rs correctly done or said. That was always a difficult
thing. That was very difficult for me. So, you see how that could really
make a big difference in my growing up and in using those types of terms
incorrectly in an environment where kids were 3rd, 4th, 5th generation
American kids?
Clandinin and Connelly (1994) posit that the researcher becomes a collaborator in
the construction of the teachers stories as he or she transforms the narratives to text. I
clearly functioned as a co-constructor in the acts of parsing, editing, selecting, and representing my participants narratives. It is through these processes, however, that I have
been able to discover, test, clarify, and deepen my understandings of participants
meanings (Mishler, 1991). As Reissman (1993) summarizes, narrative analysis is
ultimately a series of representations of the stories told by participants. These
representations range from what the interviewer attends to, the ways she tells and
represents the events and experiences contained within the narrators stories, the ways the
stories are reshaped through analysis, and the meanings given to the stories as they are
read by others.
Interview and Observation Data
To be able to understand how the personal knowledge my participants derived
from their language-learning experiences may have influenced their teaching practices
with ELLs, I collected data through semi-structured interviews and classroom
observations. After transcribing the interviews, I systematically analyzed them for
themes from which to generate codes. As these were semi-structured interviews, the
overarching themes that emerged were clearly influenced by the questions I asked. As

95
Bogdan and Biklen (2003) state, Particular research questions and concerns generate
certain categories (p. 161). These themes became the general categories or codes
within which I placed the sub-codes that emerged. I named these codes using gerunds for
the purpose of identifying the larger processes they appeared to represent (Charmaz,
2006). To identify both the codes and sub-codes, I used an inductive approach in seeking
patterns of meaning within the data (Hatch, 2002, p. 161). An inductive approach is
characteristic of qualitative research (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003; Hatch, 2002).
My approach to coding began by reading through the data to identify potential
codes. Subsequently, I entered all interview transcripts, excluding the oral histories, into
the computer software program OSR Nvivo7 where I engaged in initial and refining
coding processes. This software provides organization, storage, and retrieval capabilities.
I chose to do line-by-line coding to initially code the data, an approach that helps the
researcher step back from the worldviews in which they are embedded (Charmaz, 2006).
Although I coded all my participants data using the same set of codes and subcodes, I did not merge them. With individual participants as the unit of analysis and a
constructivist framework guiding this study, I maintained each participants coded data
separately. The particular codes and sub-codes I used to analyze the semi-structured
interviews are as follows:
Expressing perspectives on ELLs: attitudes toward ELLs, attitudes toward
teaching ELLs, attitudes toward languages other than English, perceptions
of ELLs as learners
Examining what it means to teach [content] to ELLs: content area
demands and obstacles for ELLs, language differences, reflections on
teaching ELLs, time

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Explaining ones practice for teaching ELLs: approach to teaching ELLs,
connections to own language-learning experiences
Getting to know the ELLs: communication with ELLs, descriptions of
ELLs, learning about ELLs
Interacting with the ESL teacher: communication with ESL teacher, ESL
support for content area teacher, ESL support for ELLs
Teaching ELLs: assessment of ELLs behaviors, assessment of ELLs
learning, assessment of ELLs prior knowledge, culturally-responsive
teaching, expectations for ELLs class participation, expectations for
ELLs learning, goals for ELLs, grading ELLs, incorporation of L1 in
classroom, planning for ELLs learning, planning for ELLs peer
interactions, strategies for teaching ELLs
I chose to restrict coding to the contents of the pre- and post-observation
interviews. Although I took field notes during classroom observations, I did not directly
code them. Instead, I used the data from the field notes during post-observation
interviews to prompt discussion with participants and seek their interpretations. The
primary role my field notes play in the report of this study is to narrate, illustrate, and
provide context for interview data that refer to phenomena I observed, the participant and
I discussed, and the participant interpreted.
The following is an example of how I used field notes to prompt discussion and
seek interpretation from participant Gina Lenhardt. In my field notes, I documented the
following exchange between Gina and Mai, a Chinese ELL in her 8th grade American
History class:
The second [PowerPoint] slide, entitled Herbert Loser Hoover contains
a political cartoon in which President Hoover, represented as Uncle Sam,
pours money into a pipe that leads to a well. At this point Gina asks the
class, What does he pour into the pipe? Although several students raise
their hands, she calls on Mai, whose hand is not visibly raised, and asks
her to get up and approach the screen. When Mai hesitates, Gina
encourages her verbally and with hand gestures. As Mai gets up and
walks to the screen, Gina repeats the question and tells Mai to point to the

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answer on the screen. Mai points to the money, smiles at Gina, and then
returns to her seat. Gina then asks her, What do you like to do with
money? and she replies, Buy. Gina completes the brief interaction
saying, Spend, spend, spend. (GL, #3)
One thing that was not clear to me was whether or not Mai had volunteered to
answer Ginas question. To understand what happened and the meaning Gina gave the
sequence of events I had just observed, I referred to my field notes as I initiated the
following exchange that took place during our post-observation interview:
Joanne: At one point, you asked Mai, I believe, to come up and point
something out.
Gina: Yup.
Joanne: If I observed correctly, she had not volunteered an answer. Is that
what happened?
Gina: Before that, I asked her to come up.
Joanne: Oh, you specifically asked her. How did you come about
choosing her to respond to that question and do it in that way?
Gina: I was trying to balance who was participating. That would be it.
(GL, #3)
This excerpt demonstrates how I used field notes to prompt Ginas explanation and
interpretations of the decisions and actions involved in this sequence of classroom events.
Using this approach, I encouraged Gina to talk about an aspect of the lesson that she had
not previously recalled and to add details that I had not observed. Again, it assured that I
would remain open-minded regarding my participants meanings.
Having isolated and analyzed the data that reflected individual participants
teaching practices for ELLs, I returned to my analysis of each ones personal narratives
of language-learning experiences. Keeping my research question in the forefront of my
mind (Charmaz, 2006), I looked for connections between these personal experiences and

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teaching practices for ELLs. In other words, I sought to learn what participants prior
language-language experiences contributed to the personal practical knowledge in
teaching ELLs. I acknowledge that, in my attempt to identify what I saw as significant
in the data and to describe what I understood to be happening (p. 47), both the process
and the outcome were my own constructions, one view among many possible
constructions (p. 54).
Subjectivities Statement
Narrative and Story
I offer a note to readers about the terms narrative and story that I use in this
section and in subsequent chapters. Riessman (2008) explains that narrative and story
have been considered distinct entities both over time and in particular fields.
Historically, narrative referred to classic literary and dramatic structures while stories
were oral structures. Some disciplines apply different definitions to each, such as
sociolinguistics that define narrative broadly and story specifically. Riessman points out
that contemporary use favors the interchangeability of narrative and story in referring to
personal accounts of experience, a point supported by other researchers as well (Coffey &
Atkinson, 1996; Mishler, 1986). Therefore, I will adhere to contemporary use and use
the terms narrative and story interchangeably.
Bracketed Interview
the end of the research process brings us full circle to the beginnings of
the inquiry, because in personal experience methods, we must
acknowledge the centrality of the researchers own experience: their own
tellings, livings, relivings, and retellings. Therefore, one of the starting
points is the researchers own narratives of experience. (Clandinin &
Connelly, 1994, p. 418)

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Clandinin and Connelly (1994) assert that the researcher interprets the
experiential artifacts embedded in teachers narratives through the filter of his or her own
experiences. Like my participants, I am someone with a collection of language-learning
experiences. Because of the dominant role language has played in my life, these
narratives have shaped not only who I am but also my attitudes and beliefs about
language learning, language learners, and appropriate pedagogical practices for language
learners.
To explore and understand my own narratives more deeply and how they might
influence my interpretations of my participants narratives, I participated in a bracketed
interview with a colleague. A bracketed interview is one in which the researcher engages
in order to reveal his or her own assumptions, feelings, and preconceptions (Ely et al.,
1991, as cited in Hatch, 2002, p. 86). To truly hear what participants are saying, the
researcher must be aware of his or her own experiences, knowledge, and theories that
have the potential to influence how he or she interprets what participants say and do
(Ahern, 1999; Anderson & Jack, 1991). By bracketing, I believe I became more
receptive to what I was trying to understand and more capable of sorting my attitudes,
beliefs, and perceptions from those of my participants. In addition, with increased
transparency that comes from bracketing, my readers will better be able to assess the
validity of my study (Ahern, 1999).
I chose to analyze data from my bracketed interview using Labov and Waletzkys
(1967/1997) structural analysis, just as I did with my participants narratives. With them
in the forefront of my mind, I attended more closely to the narratives of my participants
and the personal meanings they extracted from their language-learning experiences. Here

100
I present my personal portrait, so that readers of this study may understand the starting
points of my own narratives of experience (p. 418).
Language in My Life
Language-related experiences have played a significant role throughout my life. I
am the grandchild of Italian immigrants who never developed more than survival skills
with the English language. I am the daughter of a man whose first language was not
English and who held much resentment at the differential treatment he received over the
years as a result of his Italian heritage. I spent part of my early childhood growing up in
an area where several of my classmates and neighborhood playmates were recent Cuban
refugees who spoke only Spanish. I was my older sisters practice partner as they studied
for their high school French and Spanish classes. I was a student of Spanish and Italian
in high school and later Spanish, Italian, and French in college. I spent a semester of my
junior year of college studying abroad in Madrid, Spain.
In my first professional position, I translated audio product instruction guides into
Spanish for a national corporation. Several years later, I became a certified Spanish
teacher. During my 16 years as a public school teacher, I sought opportunities to finetune my Spanish skills, which resulted in my studying in Spain, Venezuela, and Puerto
Rico. For 10 of the past 14 years, I represented the foreign language teaching community
throughout the region and state as an officer in two language teachers associations.
Finally, I am the mother of three grown children, all of whom have studied two or more
languages other than English, and two of whom majored in Spanish in college.

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Learning Language in High School
I present my narratives here, beginning with my high school experiences. While I
strongly believe my childhood experiences played a role in my coming to embrace
diverse languages and cultures, most of my recollections of them are too vague to share
in storied form. When my interviewer asked the first question, So, when you think
about your language learning experiences, what stands out to you? my 9th grade Spanish
class came to mind. So that is where I begin.
What Stands Out Most Is My Experience in High School
My language learning experiences are many, but probably what stands out
to me most is my experience in high school. Seor Iannino was the
Romance language teacher in my high school. Im the youngest of four
girls, so all of my sisters had had him for either French or Spanish before I
got there. He was a man about my fathers age who was from Italy. He
was a very brusque, demanding man, and he was just like my father.
Everybody dropped out of language in our school because they couldnt
deal with this man, but I understood him because of my own personal
experiences.
I always studied with my sisters. They used to bring home their textbooks
because they had to memorize their dialogues. Back then, they used the
Audiolingual Method to teach language. It assumes that you learn
language by imitating language. You hear it, you repeat it, you memorize
it, and then you know it! It doesnt allow you to create with language. Of
course, real language use has you creating.
By the time I got to Spanish 1 with Mr. Iannino, I already had those
beginning dialogues memorized because I had studied them so many times
with my sisters. So I went in particularly comfortable because I already
knew them.
I Spent Every Sunday Listening to My Relatives Speak Italian
All the years I was growing up, Id spend every Sunday listening to my
relatives speak Italian to each other. Only my grandmother directed any
Italian at me, which was generally no more than a few of her favorite
words: mangia and benedica.

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When I was a sophomore in high school, it dawned on me that my Spanish
teacher was from Italy and that he could speak Italian, so I asked him if he
would teach Italian the next year. He told me that he would if I could find
enough students to form a class. I wasnt sure how many students that
would be, but I went around with a petition asking others to join me in
taking Italian. I got seven other students and the Business teacher, Mrs.
Travis, to sign up. I returned the petition to Mr. Iannino and asked him if
nine students were enough. He agreed that it was, and the next year, we
had Italian class. Most of the people in the high school class were students
like me who had already taken French or Spanish with Mr. Iannino, so we
knew what to expect.
After high school, I took several more semesters of Italian in college.
When I finally felt confident that I could communicate in Italian to some
degree, I went to see my Italian grandmother. I began talking to her in my
classroom Italian only to discover that she didnt understand me. I was in
disbelief. Come to find out, she spoke a dialect of Italian that was very
different from the formal Italian I had learned. I guess I just wasnt meant
to speak Italian.
In the first of these two narratives of high school language learning, I reveal how
my knowledge of and experience in implementing two distinct strategies gave me
confidence as I began my formal study of Spanish. I knew how to memorize a foreign
languagethe expectation of the eraand how to deal with an Italian man. These two
strategies were both ones that I had learned from my family, and they served me well in
the context of the high school language classroom. Beginning with such confidence
facilitated my development of a positive attitude toward formal language study, selfefficacy as a language learner, and motivation to continue further language study.
The second narrative reveals how I drew on that same confidence in asking my
Spanish teacher to help me fulfill my life-long dream of speaking Italian. The once-aweek visit to my grandmothers house had been insufficient for me to develop more than
word-level knowledge of Italian. By not directing more than individual words at me, it
appeared that my relatives never intended for me to learn Italian. My teachers

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affirmative response created the possibility; it was up to me to make it a reality. My
recruitment efforts and the particular student roster I garnered convinced the teacher that
I was serious and that this endeavor was worth his time. While I had the confidence in
the school and classroom contexts, I needed much more time to develop confidence with
authentic language use before attempting to communicate with my grandmother in
Italian. The confidence I developed with Italian over time was clearly shaken when I
discovered a mismatch between the classroom language with which I was so successful
and the real-life application of language, a point that I will revisit in an upcoming
narrative. I end this story resigned to the fact I would never be able to communicate in
my familys heritage language, a goal I had so long desired. What this story does not tell
is that, shortly after that incident, I stopped dividing my linguistic energies between
Spanish and Italian and chose to focus solely on Spanish. The desire to speak Italian was
no longer there.
Both of these narratives highlight the important role strategy knowledge played in
my foreign language learning. I had both learning strategies and interpersonal strategies
that allowed me to be successful in negotiating an area of study that was unfamiliar to
most of my classmates. By knowing and successfully implementing these strategies I
developed confidence and a strong self-concept as a foreign language learner. This
confidence motivated me to continue to study Spanish and to add Italian. While my
practical application of Italian did not result as I might have hoped, that did not take away
from the success I had had with the Spanish language.
Another aspect these stories have in common is that they focus solely on me. In
the first story, I fail to include a coda that would make connections to the present. The

104
second storys coda simply defines my current-day relationship to the Italian language. It
is in these next stories that I make connections to my teaching of language learners.
Language Learning in College
I began my freshman year of college as a political science major. However, I
convinced myself that I needed to have a back-up major just in case that did not work
out, so I chose Spanish. It was a content area that I had grown to love and with which I
had much confidence. The following narratives reveal how my college experiences both
shattered that confidence and re-built it.
There Was Nothing to Memorize
Once I moved beyond the context of the high school classroom, I was all of
a sudden expected to use language for communication. There was nothing
to memorize. It was what I knew and what I could communicate.
One of my very first courses I took in college was a conversation course.
There were native speakers in the classroom for the first time. I remember
the professor, Seora Luz. She was South American. I didnt participate in
conversation class because I was unsure of how to create my own language.
I didnt have the strategies to use. I was intimidated by the fact that there
were native speakers in the room, and that I would be judged against the
Spanish they were using. It really just shut me down. I went from being at
the top of the heap to being at the bottom of the heap. It was me comparing
myself continuously with the native speakers.
In the high school classroom, my success was based on how well I had
memorized the dialogue. Having one set of strategies that worked really
well for me, I knew what was expected. I knew how to accomplish it.
When I got to the college classroom there was nothing I could have
memorized, so it was easier not to speak than to speak and be evaluated
negatively. So I went from being an A student in Spanish to being a C
student.
When I became a teacher of language learners, I was always trying to
ensure that I set up opportunities for every student to be successful, no
matter how much language they had. All my focus was on making students
feel safe in using the language in the classroom, whether it be oral
language, whether it be written language, and to allow them to succeed at
whatever point they were, building on what they knew. Im sure that came

105
directly out of my own experiences. I went from being fairly successful to
feeling totally unsuccessful. One would think I would have walked away
from it.
I Had a Passion for Language
Language was still an area, number one, that I loved. I had a passion for
language. I had a lot of language in my background as a child. It wasnt
like I could be easily convinced to abandon it. So I took the risk of
studying abroad, thinking, Okay. If Im ever really going to learn it, this
is what Ive got to do. When I got there, all those feelings of anxiety are
just haunting me. Im living with a family that I cant communicate with
well. Im still working with that very memorized sort of speech, and I
dont have strength in my capacity to create my own language. But I also
didnt have the option of being quiet. I had to communicate. I was living
with these people who spoke no English. If I was going to have a hot bath,
if I was going to have a meal, if I was going to have clean laundry or going
to get directions somewhere, I had to find a way to communicate. So
having the need to communicate and having authentic situations was huge
to push me to that next step.
Thats also something that I built into my classroom. I designed authentic
communicative activities where it was about what we had to talk about less
than it was about the exact words we chose to do that with. The
communication was the priority. That would keep students from having to
think so hard about whether they were right or not in how they
communicated it.
I Did Not Realize How Much Language I Had Acquired
I remember going back to college at the end of the study abroad semester,
not even realizing how much language I had acquired, how much
confidence I had acquired with the language. Acquisition was taking place
rather than learning.
The professors were absolutely dropping their jaws at what I was able to
say and do in Spanish. All of a sudden I could do things that were very
abstract and at length. I could dream in Spanish. I could think in Spanish.
I had a thorough comfort level with the language.
I probably changed more so than the typical student, because I was the
student who didnt talk in class. I remember what a difference the
experience made for me. I just dont remember specifically what increased
my capacity because it was kind of invisible for me.

106
It made me realize that its possible to have that happen. Often people
critique the language classroom. For example, on parent night, parents
come and say, I studied three years of Spanish, and I dont remember
anything. Or students sitting in my classroom going, Im just not getting
there. I just cant do it. I say to them, Itll come. Then I have students
come back and report to me, Seora, I thought in Spanish. Their
testimony that it happened to them in a high school classroom became
testimony for the others that it was possible.
The first story of my college language-learning experiences is one in which my
prior skills and understandings of what it takes to be a successful language learner
clashed with the approach and expectations of the Spanish conversation course. I quickly
discovered that the strategies that I had used successfully in high school were inadequate
for the demands of this course, and I did not have alternative strategies. My negative
self-assessment and my fear of negative evaluation dictated my behaviors, impeded my
learning, and stripped me of my former confidence. Ironically, I had no evidence that the
professor or my classmates would have evaluated me as harshly as I evaluated myself.
The coda I add to this story reveals the connections I have made between experience and
practice. Not wanting my students to feel what I felt, I made it a goal to set all my
Spanish students up for success with whatever knowledge and skill they might have.
Rather than knocking down their confidence, I worked to build it up.
The second story of college language learning reveals how my desire to learn
language outweighed my fears and recently-deflated confidence. My long-held desire to
be able to speak a language other than English made me willing to take the risk of
studying abroad. By living with people who knew no English, I did not have the option
of being a non-participant as I did in the classroom. The need to communicate served as
my motivation to use Spanish when I was less than confident. By applying the language
to authentically communicate I was, in fact, re-building my confidence as I developed a

107
repertoire of communication strategies. The coda reveals that I recognized that authentic
contexts for communication had helped me develop skill and confidence with Spanish.
Assuming the same would be true for my students, I made it a goal to create authentic
opportunities for communication within my Spanish classroom.
In the final story of my college language-learning experiences, I tell of returning to
the place where I had felt most uncomfortable with language and where I had perceived
myself to be negatively evaluated. It appears that I needed to have my newly-acquired
language skills affirmed so that any negative evaluations might be reversed. As I began
speaking Spanish with my professors, I surprised not only them, but also myself. By resituating myself in the familiar context of the college classroom with an unfamiliarly
strong set of language skills, I suddenly understood the breadth and depth of how I had
changed. What I could do with language had soared from low-level, memorized speech
to high-level, abstract communicative skills that permeated my thinking day and night.
More than that, my comfort and self-confidence with language had returned. In the coda,
I tell how I draw on this personal experience to offer testimony to students and parents
about what is possible in language learning. By positioning myself as just like my
learners, I offer them motivation when they may feel challenged. In response, students
have shared their testimony as they reach milestones on the road to language learning, a
cause for celebration.
As a set, these three narratives tell a larger story of how I came to be a proficient
speaker of Spanish. They also reveal the role context played in my motivation and demotivation, my confidence and lack of confidence. More than that, they illustrate how
my interpretations of personal language-learning experiences have shaped my pedagogy

108
for language learners. I make the assumption that my obstacles are my students
obstacles and that what worked (or did not work) for me is the same for them. Through
these stories, I clearly see that my approach to language teaching is as personal and
emotionally-rooted as my language learning.
Reflections on the Bracketed Interview
During the bracketed interview, I shared many more stories than the ones I
present here. I selected these particular stories as they come together to form the larger
narrative of how I learned language and how my interpretations of experience came to
explicitly influence my teaching practice with language learners. Telling, retelling,
reorganizing, and analyzing my own stories have made me keenly aware of the strong
connectedness between my personal experiences and teaching practice. It also makes me
wonder about how well I have served students who do not approach their language
learning as I do. Reflecting on my narrative also heightens my awareness of my own
passion for languages as well as my tendencies and biases about language learning and
language teaching. As I said to my interviewer,
Ive seen every advantage culturally, linguistically, interpersonally.
Whereas I think about the people in my study who dont necessarily see
all those advantages because they havent had all the experiences Ive had.
So I have to temper some of my enthusiasm, understanding that Ive had
experiences they havent had that have shaped my thinking, and they can
only be shaped by their own experiences. So I have to keep in mind what
those experiences are and to not try to impose what Ive learned from my
experiences on how they see the world, how they see languages.
So that is how I approached this study: tempering my enthusiasm, trying not to
impose my experiences on my participants, and being open to learning about how
they view the world and languages.

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Chapter Four Heritage Connections
In Chapter Four, I present the portraits of three of the nine participants in this
study: Lou Rivoli, a high school technology teacher; Felicia Sparks, a 7th grade
mathematics teacher; and Gina Lenhardt, an 8th grade American history teacher. What
these participants have in common is that they all have an additional layer to their
language-learning narratives, that of their heritage. As Weisman (2001) pointed out,
teachers who retain a strong connection to their cultural heritage have a greater
consciousness of the needs of ELLs and an awareness of the role their home language
plays in all aspects of their lives.
Lou Rivoli is the son of Italian immigrants, Felicia Sparks is the granddaughter of
Italian immigrants, and Gina Lenhardt and her family had ongoing contact with relatives
from Germany. As their stories unfold, they all identify ways in which they believe their
heritage influenced subsequent experiences with language and shaped their practice with
ELLs. In addition, I suggest several further connections that I believe remain implicit to
my participants.
I present each of my participants portraits in multiple parts, beginning with their
narratives of language-learning experiences and my analysis of them. Subsequently, I
share my observations of their teaching practice with ELLs and follow them with
participants interpretations and my analysis. I conclude each portrait with the
connections participants identify between their language-learning experiences and
teaching practices with ELLs followed by the additional connections I believe exist.

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Lou Rivoli, High School Technology Teacher
Getting to Know Lou
Lou Rivoli is a 54-year-old technology teacher in urban Westside High School.
This is his third year of full-time teaching, the tenure year as he points out. In our
initial meeting, he enthusiastically agrees to participate in my study and offers me two
motivations for doing so. First and foremost, he emphasizes that he is sure that he will
learn a lot. Secondly, he reveals that he wants his principal to see that, by participating in
a study, he is sincerely interested in continued learning, something he hopes his principal
will take into consideration when the tenure decision is made. Although the
administrative intern provided me his name, I remind him that I must keep his
participation confidential. He tells me he plans to thank the administrative intern and let
his principal know of his decision.
Prior to coming to Westside High School, Lou says he worked as an engineer in
private industry for many years, an experience that appears to profoundly influence his
approach to teaching. Due to unstable employment in the private sector, Lou made the
decision to return to college for a masters degree in teaching at nearby State College.
After graduation, he was a substitute teacher in area schools until he was hired in his
current position. In addition to teaching technology, he coaches the schools modified
baseball team.
Lous classroom is located at the end of the long basement hallway of Westside
High. The large main area serves as both classroom and workshop. A back office with
windows looks onto the open classroom. We carried out all the interviews in the

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classroom and workshop areas, at times sitting at student or supply tables, at times
walking through the workshop so Lou could point things out to me.
Italian Language Influence
Of all the participants in this study, Lou is the most avid storyteller, relating a total
of 18 stories. As explained in Chapter Three, I made decisions about which stories to
includeand, consequently, which stories to excludeby identifying the ones that most
fully composed each participants sequence of significant events (Riessman, 1993, p.
40). In excluding some of Lous stories, however, I realize that I have omitted important
biographical and contextual information. Therefore, I have excerpted such information
from several of the stories I omitted and have pieced them together to present here as a
backdrop and source of context for Lous larger narrative.
My fathers mom came to the U. S. My father was born here, and then
they went back to Italy, and then later came back again.
[In Italy], when my mothers father passed away, my grandmother and six
kids got booted off the farm. They went into convents that would raise
kids, until finally my older aunt got to the point where she was out of the
convent and took my mother to this country. They brought her over and
paid so much money. It was kind of a pre-arranged marriage with my
father, who knew my uncle, my moms brother.
I was born in Arbor City. Thats where a lot of my family is now even on
my fathers side. Around the table, Italian was spoken all the time. When
my father was working in Arbor City in a garage with my uncle, all people
were saying bad, negative things toward Italians.
My older sister and brother, they got the first taste of the Americanized
[sic] dream. My brother and sister are older than myself by four to five
years.
Lou is the only one of my participants who never formally studied a language at
any point in his educational career. He is the child of parents for whom English was not
a first language. Although he rather matter-of-factly states, My first language is

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English, his narratives tell of a much more complex set of experiences rooted in
language.
The majority of Lous stories focus on his childhood experiences at home, at
school, and in the neighborhood. The first four that I present here are ones in which Lou
explicitly discusses the role language played in his formative years and how it influenced
his perspectives then and now.
You Werent Quite American
It was difficult growing up, because you were made fun of sometimes
because of the language difference or because you werent quite
American, in a sense.
The environment that I grew up in was my father was more Americanized
than my mom, but raised by an Italian background, with an 8th grade
education at most, for both of them. My father spoke very good English.
My parents spoke more English, broken English, then Italian once in a
while, especially if they were mad at you. Most of the time they would
speak to me in English. It would be Italian if somebody was around, and
they didnt want them to hear or to understand.
They couldnt sit down and help with homework. They couldnt sit down.
It made it very difficult.
I understand it more than I speak it, which is crazy. So back then can you
imagine me trying to learn what I had to learn, especially in English with
parents who didnt know it very well themselves? My mother today still
breaks, still speaks very broken English. Even today, parents who are
born here and went to school here even have a tough time with all the
modern types of math and what have you. So if you could imagine all
these things being bombarded as a kid growing up, you wonder how first
generation... For a lot of these kids, its worse than it was for me. Im
sure a lot of kids have it worse.
The Difficulty Came with What I Learned at Home
Growing up in a family of first-generation Italian immigrants, the
difficulty came with what I learned at home and how they spoke,
modeling, and then going to actually [sic] school, myself. When I was
growing up I went to Perry School. Some of the terminologies or just how
I spoke would be modeled from my parents. For example, in Italy, they

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reverse things. Instead of saying cold water, theyll say water cold. I
went up learning that. When I went to lunch and sat down with my friends
at the lunch table, it was fish atun sandwich, not tuna fish sandwich. So
when they would ask me, What are you eating? Im eating fish atun
sandwich. What is that? So I went to speech therapy, just to get
rabbit, to get the Rs correctly done or said. That was always a difficult
thing. That was very difficult for me. So, you see how that could really
make a big difference in my growing up and in using those types of terms
incorrectly in an environment where kids were 3rd, 4th, 5th generation
American kids?
People Treat You a Little Different
You always feel a little short-changed by the idea that you werent first,
you werent born here. So people treat you a little different.
I lived on the north side of Town Street. There were older kids. I
remember getting beat up. The first time I got beat up, five kids beat me
up. We were just playing. Then boom, boom, boom. Thats your first
taste of what the outside world was like. It wasnt related to my being
Italian. Maybe it was. I dont know. I didnt know any other kids who
were involved in it.
Its just a communications thing. Trying to get the English language out
wasnt very easy at first. I think just the bully-thing. I dont think it was
ethnically related, but it was there, like most kids who come into a new
neighborhood. But then again, it could have been because of that.
You Kind of Hide Your Mom, Especially If Shes Broken
You hide your mom, especially if shes broken, if she speaks broken
English. At the time you didnt know any other way.
A lot of kids would say, Whatd she say? Whatd she say? I would
understand, because shed speak a little Italian, a little English. I would
understand it.
Going back and thinking about it, you dont think very happy about
yourself. Youre kind of embarrassed for your parents. Most kids are at
that age, anyways. It was an embarrassment.
Shes kind of gotten better through the years, but she still goes back to
that, you know, broken English. My mom, this is how she speaks, but I
understand her.

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Lous opening line in the first story, It was difficult growing up, is a theme that
underlies this story and foreshadows subsequent ones. He clearly identifies language
difference as the primary source of his difficulty and implies that language difference
made others view him as less American and, resultantly, treat him in ways he found
uncomfortable. To explain the source of his language difference, he describes his
parents home language use. Although he critiques his father favorablynoting that he
is more Americanized and able to speak very good Englishhe also criticizes the nature
of the English spoken at home, calling it broken. While asserting that his parents
generally spoke to him in English, he points out exceptions. The contexts of his parents
home language use are consistent with ones reported by many bilinguals (Grosjean,
1982).
An additional limitation Lou attributes to his parents is their education. With
broken English and an 8th grade education at most, he claims they are unable to support
him academically. In essence, Lou seems to blame his parents for his linguistic and
academic difficulties. While he mentions having developed some receptive and
productive skills in Italian from his parents, he fails to see them as valuable. He thinks it
is crazy that he understands Italian while not being able to speak it well, a fairly common
outcome for children of immigrant parents (Grosjean, 1982). Ultimately, he returns his
perspective to the present and projects these negatively-evaluated home language
experiences onto ELLs. While he seems to feel pity for himself, he expresses even
greater pity for ELLs who he is sure have it worse.
This second story is a continuation of the first. It begins by reminding us that the
way Lous parents spoke at hometheir modelingcaused him to have a language

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difference. He brought this language difference with him to schoolan American,
English-speaking school. The specific areas of difference he names are terminologies
word knowledgeand how I spokesyntax. His example of fish atun sandwich
illustrates these two points perfectly. Atun is neither English nor Italian. Lous word
knowledge here is most likely a hybrid of the two languages. The placement of the
adjective after the noun shows the influence of his parents Italian syntax on his English.
At the beginning of the lunchtime story, Lou does not appear to know that his English is
not standard. His friends questioning and lack of comprehension are what seem to make
him aware he has a difficulty. It appears that the school is also aware he has a difficulty.
As the issue they identify is phonological, he is sent to speech therapy. Through his
friends questioning and the schools therapy, Lou receives the message that his language
is a problem, something that is in need of being remedied (Ruz, 1984). This is a
message he seems to internalize. He also appears to feel very alone in having these
difficulties as he describes the other students as being American and generations removed
from the immigrant experience that is so fresh to his family.
In this third story, Lou returns to the theme of differential treatment. He describes
how this made him feel short-changed. It is interesting that he implies he was not born
here when we know he was born in Arbor City. Rather than interpreting this as a
misrepresentation, I believe this an expression of how Lou feels directly affected by his
parents immigrant experience.
As he recounts the beating incident, Lou presents several dichotomies. There are
older children in the neighborhood; he is younger. They are established; he is new to the
neighborhood. There are five of them; he is only one. They are more experienced; he is

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nave. These contrasts illustrate the helplessness he feels as he is victimized
unexpectedly by their beating. By emphasizing that this was his first taste of the outside
world, he seems to communicate that his victimization was ongoing and that the older
boys harsh behavior was just one example of other harsh realities he faced.
Lou offers an uncertain evaluation of why he was victimized. He considers the
possibility that he was targeted because of his ethnicity, his language, or his recent arrival
to the neighborhood. While he cannot know for sure, any or all three are possibilities for
the differential and victimizing treatment he describes.
In the fourth and final story in this section, it is clear that Lou now understands that
there are negative consequences of language difference. A particular strategy he appears
to have learned is to avoid making that difference more visible to those who find his
language difference problematic. Just as his friends in the second story questioned what
he was saying, here they question what his mother is saying. This makes him perceive
his mother as someone with diminished valueshes brokenand as a barrier to his
social acceptance; therefore, he must hide her. Her brokenness contaminates the image
he wants to present to the world of himself as a speaker of English and as an American.
An interesting approach he takes in this story is shifting from the first person I to
the more general you. It appears that he uses this impersonal form as an adult who is
trying to distance himself from childhood actions he now regretsyou dont think very
happy about yourself. He also seems to use the generalized you to reinforce the
universality of his actions, something done by most kids at that age. While he may regret
having hidden his mother during his youth, he does not seem to have changed his

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perspective on her language. As he says, shes kind of gotten better, but he makes
clear that her language problem is not gone.
What these first four stories serve to do is explain how Lou came to have a
language difference and to describe the impact of that language difference on him both as
a child and as an adult. He clearly identifies his parents as the source of his language
difference and seems to blame them for having been poor language models. He presents
himself as unaware and unaffected by the difference until others point it out. His friends,
school, and neighbors perceive his Italian-influenced variation of English to be a
problem. They attempt to address the problem in less and more extreme ways, from
questioning to therapy to physical abuse. As a result of their reactions to his nonstandard English, Lou comes to view language difference as a problem as well. He feels
victimized by others perspectives and behaviors. Ultimately, he develops strategies for
avoiding their wrath but, at the same time, feels sorry for himself. He appears to adopt
the language-as-problem orientation (Ruiz, 1984) not only as a way of interpreting his
personal and family situations but also as a lens through which to interpret what currentday ELLs are going through. The regret he feels for himself, he feels for them.
Cultural Differences
This next story is a brief one in which Lou focuses on his cultural differences.
Given the interwoven nature of culture and language (Nieto, 2002; Omaggio, 1986), I
have chosen to include this among Lous stories of language-learning experience just as
he did.
Wed Tell About How the American Culture Is
Wed come home and tell about how the American culture is, what we
either needed for school, or what have you. It was a constant

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interpretation. Its tough enough to not know the language, but its even
tougher when you dont know the culture too, because youre trying to
conform, but you dont know how to conform, because you dont know
whats right. You do as they do. When youre in Rome, do as the
Romans dootherwise you stand out.
So, how does one act coming in who isnt being shown that? Youre
basically being shown that by your relatives who are here before you.
Your brother and sister, in this case, my moms uncle and my aunt or a
neighbor.
In Lous fifth story, he relates the experience he and his siblings shared of serving
as their parents interpreters of American culture and American school norms and
expectations. They can do this because they are constantly moving between the worlds
of home and school. Lou emphasizes that his lack of American cultural knowledge adds
to the complications already posed by his language difference. Again, he adopts a
strategy to avoid being perceived as an outsider. The strategy here is to do as they do.
He views conforming as the key to acceptance and belonging. By educating their
parents, Lou and his siblings are seeking their support in shedding artifacts of cultural
difference. Interestingly enough, Lou again uses the impersonal form you in this story. I
believe he has a dual purpose for doing so. First, this story is not just about him, but
rather about him and his siblings. Secondly, he extends the experience beyond his
immediate experience to be the story of any child, past or present, who finds themselves
in his circumstances. In this way, we can see an indirect application of what Lou has
learned to the ELLs he teaches.
Life-long Influence of Language Difference
This next story again includes Lous siblings. This time he reflects on the role
language difference has played in their educational and professional success.

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Im the Only One Out of Three Thats Actually Gone As Far
Im the only one out of three thats actually gone as far as they did
education-wise. My first language was English. I was the third child in
the family. My brother and sister before they went to school were
speaking fluent Italian.
I graduated with my four-year degree from State College. Im proud of
the fact that I was able to do that, but I often think back. Theyre living
their life, and theyre good people, successful in that sense.
My brothers done very well. Hes vice president of engineering down in
a company south of Central City. My sisters out in California, a buyer,
and shes doing well. They suffer on one hand, but they made it, got by,
surviving, through other means. To this day, when I speak with my mom,
I feel hindered by it too. Would I have done it differently? No. You love
your parents, your brother and sister, the whole nine yards, and my
relatives. You dont regret it, but you wish things could have been a little
bit different to help you along.
Lou uses this sixth story as an opportunity to re-affirm himself as a speaker of
English, unlike his siblings whose first language is Italian. It appears that he is also
establishing a relationship between speaking English and having educational success.
The evidence he draws on is that he is the only one of the three with a college degree.
While he describes various ways in which his siblings are successful, none of them seem
to measure up to his academic achievement. Instead, he seems to feel sorry for them as
they suffer, get by, survive. In empathizing with his siblings circumstances, he begins to
dwell on his own, still feeling hindered by his mothers imperfect language. His
question, Would I have done it differently? is an interesting one, because it makes it
seem like the language of his family is something over which he had control. As it
clearly is something that has never been within his control, this is merely a rhetorical
question. In answering, he affirms his love for his family as he expresses regret for the
struggles he perceives his familys language to have caused him and his siblings. As he

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does this, he returns to themes of his childhood stories and applies them to all the
children in the family: that the parents are to blame for the childrens language
differences, and that the children have sufferedto greater and lesser degrees
throughout their lives as a result of what their parents modeled.
Communicating with the Italian Relatives
The final story within Lou Rivolis narrative is one in which he describes the
numerous strategies he employs to be able to communicate with relatives while visiting
Italy as an adult.
I Was Locked into the Language Barrier
My wife and I went to Italy, part of a tour group that was organized
through Community College. [In Italy] I couldnt really go out to find my
relatives myself, because I was locked into the tour group, locked into the
language barrier, locked into the idea that I dont know where Im going.
Everybody was speaking Italian. We had a couple guys that could speak
and did interpretations. I caught onto the fact that the tour guide could
contact my cousins. I brought numbers and stuff of my relatives. I told
the tour guide what I wanted to do. We tried to contact my relatives. I
had him do the interpretation for me. He got a hold of them, told them
where I was.
I talked with them the whole night. One of the students who spoke it very
little was able to interpret a lot of what we talked about. To speak, we sat
down and tried to interpret between the three of us. We were talking,
saying, Tell him this. Ask him this. When you spit out the words,
they were, Oh yeah. S, s, s. And theyd go into the Italian.
I must have talked with them until about 1:00 in the morning. I drew, like
where we live in the state and the family tree. They would ask you about,
Hows your aunt? and Hows this one? And what they remember of
the relative tree. Finally, they said they had to go.
It was just such a good, good feeling to be able to touch the relatives in
Italy, because I never thought I was going to be able to do thisespecially
with the communications thing. I really dont speak much Italian. But
when you start hearing it, you can throw these things back and forth. It
comes to you. You know, if I lived there, Id be all set.

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What we did was so similar to what we do in class. We have verbal,

hands, pictures, whatever. How did early man do it? You know, I mean,
it was hand signals. Youd have to try to guess. Its like playing at the
game of Charades, which I was never really good at anyway. Its like
constantly doing that. Its like me talking with my hand to get a point
across.
It appears that one of Lous goals for this trip to Italy is to meet and talk with
relatives. He comes prepared with their phone numbers but not with a plan for
communication. He only sees barriers to making contact until the tour guide is revealed
to be a resource. From this point on in the story, Lou presents himself as an empowered
communicator. Contact and communication take place with the relatives fully, for a long
time, and in multiple ways: first, via the tour guide; later, with a student interpreter; then,
through the strategies of drawing and gesture; and ultimately, because of his recollection
of Italian. Not only do these strategies permit communication to happen, they also
remove the barriers Lou had earlier perceived. He then links this successful use of
strategies in Italy to the strategies he employs in his classroom to communicate with the
ELLs he teaches. The confidence he conveys about classroom communication is
somewhat less empowered as he reminds us he never was good at the game of Charades.
Reflections on Lous Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
From Lou Rivolis many personal stories, we clearly identify several attitudes and
beliefs he formed as the result of the social, emotional, and physical discomfort he
experienced as someone with language and cultural difference. Most evident is his
unfavorable attitude toward languages other than English and non-American cultures, at
least in the context of the U.S. society and schools. A strong belief that accompanies
these attitudes is that these languages and cultures serve as obstacles for ELLs personal

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and academic success. Although Lou appears to hold a favorable attitude toward the
ELLs he teaches, this negative belief leads him to feel badly for them and their
circumstances: For a lot of these kids, its worse than it was for me.
When Lou tells of his encounter with relatives in Italy, we discover that he has
knowledge of strategies that facilitate communication across languages. Although he
uses his strategies of drawings, gestures, limited Italian, and an interpreter with varying
degrees of confidence, they all help him understand and be understood. He is no longer
locked into the language barrier.
Teaching ELLs in the Materials Processing Course
At Westside High School, I have the opportunity to watch Lou Rivoli teach two
different sections of the Materials Processing course. As a former engineer, Lou tells me
he likes to think about his classroom as a professional environment. His lessons are
influenced by his reflections on a question he frequently asks himself, How did we do
this in industry? He admits, however, In industry, its a little bit more complicated.
In the two 80-minute classes I observefirst and fourth blocksLou teaches four
and ten ELLs respectively. He has ELLs in classes I do not observe as well. During the
first post-observation interview, when I ask Lou how he comes to know about the ELLs
he teaches, he explains,
I get the Individual Lesson Plans [sic], and I look at them. For the most
part, its too difficult to look at everybodys individual plan individually
and focus on that individual and work on that with them, that individual,
when I have all these other students that also have individual plans.
At no point during our conversations does Lou indicate that he or his students receive
support from the ESL teacher for technology education. In fact, he complains, Ive gone

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several times upstairs to tell these people, Youve got to get somebody down here to
help me out.
Throughout our interviews, Lou is eager to share his perspectives on being a
teacher of ELLs and on how he believes they are best educated. Lou perceives that the
school has put ELLs in his technology classes because they needed to stick them
somewhere. He is particularly bothered that ELLs have been assigned to his classes
six, seven weeks after the fact, noting that this creates more work for him and places
the ELLs at a disadvantage.
Lou makes it clear that he does not believe ELLs should be in his class or any
other general classroom. I think were doing a disservice to these kidsby doing it this
way, by mainstreaming them. Its not always a good thing. It really isnt. Instead, he
suggests that ELLs should come in two years [a]round the clock, 365 days a year, go to
school, learn how to read it, write it, and speak itthe English languageand then put
them through school. He bases this argument on the idea that language difference is a
problem both for the teachers and the ELLs. He assesses that the ELLs are not getting it
this way and that theyre not getting it fast enough. As a teacher, he says it is
frustrating when you want to move ahead faster than they can move and illustrates his
point by saying, I give kids [ELLs] something to read. They dont have no idea. They
just sit there. They look at it like they have no idea. They cant read it. Recognizing
that others may disagree with him, he defends his position by saying, You may think,
Well, thats going to put them back. No. I dont think it will.

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At the heart of Lous argument for wanting ELLs out of general classrooms is his
assertion that theres a language problem. Language difference appears to make him
feel less capable as a teacher of ELLs.
So how do I help four or five who are speaking Spanish or Vietnamese or
what have you? I cant sit down with each one of them and show them,
because I dont know the language. They dont know English, and I dont
know their language.
Just as others viewed his language difference as a problem to be remediated, Lou sees his
ELLs language in the same way. He communicates a helplessness in being able to
remediate their language difference, saying, When they dont understand it, how do I
make that better?
Lou moves beyond his personal ideology about language difference to highlight a
practical concern in the technology classroom.
My situation, technology, differs from a regular classroom situation. In
here I have to be careful of the safety thing. Thats a big, big issue. I
really have to watch them use the machine, and if theres no
communication so they dont understand, its too late to tell them after the
fact.
As someone familiar with speakers of a language other than English, Lou knows not to
trust language learners non-verbal responses, realizing that these are not always
indicative of understanding.
They might be nodding their head thinking they understand, and you
might think, Oh, okay, they understood me. But they didnt really
understand you. What theyre telling you is, Oh, okay. I thank you. So
its tough. It just makes it tough.
Although Lou may view language and the educational system as problematic for
ELLs, he does not view the learners themselves in a negative light. In fact, he professes,
I love them all and suggests that he does for them what anyone would for your own

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kids. He explains, Youve got to be sympathetic for their language and background,
and says that he understands that theyre fighting upstream basically against all odds.
One of the ways he shows his sympathy for his ELLs is through grading. I have to be a
little softer on gradingI have to give them a little more cushion, a little bit more credit
for what they do.
In preparing to observe Lous first block class, I ask him about the ELLs I will see
him teach. He names a few ELLs but then admits to me, Theres a bunch. When
theyre in the class, its not a problem. Its when I try to say, Which class are they in?
That becomes a problem. As we are talking just prior to the start of class, one of the
ELLs enters the room, set her books on a table, and then leaves. Lou tells me this is
Shway and then mentions that her classmate, another ELL, is Sandi. When I ask about
their background, he replies, Asian language is the best way to describe it. I dont want
to put myself in the position of, Okay. Thats them over there. Theyre all students in
my eyes. It doesnt matter.
First Block Lesson: Project Design
At 7:55 a.m., high school students of assorted ages, sizes, backgrounds, and
languages sleepily enter Lou Rivolis technology classroom, a spacious basement
classroom that houses several work tables on one side and power equipment and supplies
on the other. Four of the 15 students in this first block class are ELLs: Shway and Sandi,
females, and Bourey, a male, who appear to be Southeast Asian, and Sadia, a female,
who appears to be African. These first three sit beside one another at adjoining tables
and chat quietly in their home language. Sadia sits alone at a table near the door, but is
quickly joined by three African-American males who direct much conversation at each

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other but not at Sadia. She turns her chair perpendicular to the table, facing it toward Lou
who is at his desk. The room and seating arrangements in this first block class are
illustrated in Figure 2.
Cabinets

< Models >

Student
materials

Boy

Saw

Boy

Bourey
Shway Sandi

Sadia
Boy
Boy

Boy

Girl

Boy

Compressors

Storage table

Boy

Planer

Power Saw

Chalkboard

Boy

Girl

Boy

Student
projects

Back
office

Lous
desk

Doors

Drawings

Student
projects

Scrap wood
Storage cabinets

Figure 2. Lou Rivolis first block class.

Lou greets the class and points to the agenda that he has written on the
chalkboard. It indicates that students will be working on personal projects and either
completing drawings, selecting wood, or cutting wood as per the drawing. He takes
attendance calling each and every student by name and offering personal greetings and
comments to some of them. Shway, Sandi, and Bourey all smile as Lou speaks to them.

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After taking attendance, Lou retrieves a stack of manila envelopes from a back
shelf and places them on a table. All the students, including the ELLs, get up from their
seats to retrieve the envelopes that contain the drawings they have done for this project
and others. Lou then unlocks a cabinet door where some students go to retrieve a
drawing board. It appears that Lou has established a classroom routine with which the
students are very familiar.
As most students begin working on their projects independently, Lou approaches
Sandi to discuss her drawing. You done? he asks her directly. He then says, I know
you dont understand. Despite believing she does not understand, Lou invites Sandi
over to his desk to discuss her project. During much of the subsequent hour, Sandi
moves back and forth between independent work at her table and short conferences at
Lous desk. On Sandis first trip to Lous desk, he looks at her paperwork and explains
how she should label the drawing and how to create a materials list. As he provides an
oral explanation, he points to the papers and writes on them as she watches. After
modeling expectations in writing, Lou tells Sandi, Well let you finish this. Sandi
returns to her table to work. After a while, Lou goes over to her, looks at her papers, and
says, Youre getting it.
When Sandi completes her paperwork, she again approaches Lous desk. He
looks everything over and then signs each paper, a practice he tells her is one done in
industry to show approval. He then asks her, Paint or stain? Sandi parrots a response,
Paint or stain. Lou then points to two completed models that are sitting on a shelf to
communicate the difference between paint and stain. Sandi then points to one. Finally,
Lou tells her, Youve got to find wood in the scrap pile that works for you. To

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communicate what size pieces of wood she should look for in the scrap pile, he picks up a
small piece of pine off his desk, pinching it between his thumb and forefinger. With his
other hand, he then removes the wood from between his fingers, which he continues to
hold them in the pinched position to represent the desired thickness of the wood.
Throughout the class, Lou also interacts with Shway and Bourey. He
recommends that each of them look at Sandis materials list as a model, something they
do. After he approves each of their drawings, he again models the thickness of the wood
they should seek, using a block of wood and his fingers. Toward the end of class Sandi
and Shway to go the scrap wood bin together, picking up pieces and measuring their
thickness with a ruler. Sandi brings her selected wood pieces to Lous desk. He explains
to her in words and gestures that they are too small for her project. We need a bigger
piece. Put those back. Sandi sets them on table instead of returning them to the bin.
Lou tells Bourey, Next time we meet, well cut your wood. Good job. Then Lou
shakes Boureys hand.
Infrequently, Lou interacts with the native English-speaking students in the class.
When one expresses impatience with Lous inattention, Lou responds, Ive got a lot of
people who dont know what theyre doing. One particular student he does not speak to
or acknowledge is Sadia, a girl I perceive to be an ELL who spends the entire class period
sitting in a hunched position and drawing on papers in her lap.
Lous Reflections on the First Block Class
After the lesson, I ask Lou to tell me about his thoughts and the decisions he made
for ELLs during the class. He points out that his students were at different stages in
project completion, so he chose to individualize the lesson, breaking it down for each

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level of understanding, particularly for the ELLs. As he recounts the lesson, he focuses
on his interactions with Sandi, Shway, and Bourey. His step-by-step narration generally
concurs with my observations, differing mostly in the amount of detail included.
Lou describes the approach he used to teach his ELLs as doing a more visual
instead of verbal instruction. He explains that he takes this approach because We cant
communicate verbally. Assessing that his drawings and hand gestures were successful
with Sandi, he declares, Now we have communications.
Lou sees that having successfully instructed Sandi, she, in turn, was able to
instruct Shway and Bourey, peers with whom she shares a home language. When they
sit downthey can help each other. He perceives this as something particularly
valuable for the ELL who does the teaching: They love to teach someone else who has
a question, because right away they feel empowered. Thats what I want them to do. I
told them, You become the experts. Lou also acknowledges the limitations of
drawings and hand gestures as a form of communication: One thing she [Sandi] didnt
understand was the soft pine. All three of them didnt understand that.
Lous interpretations of his interactions with Sandi, Shway, and Bourey seem to
exemplify the contrasting orientations he has previously expressed toward language and
learners. His statement, We cant communicate verbally, expresses both a fact and his
attitude toward language difference. By implementing the communication strategies he
told us about in his adult language-learning narrative, he is able to bridge the language
difference to a great degree. Having successfully communicated and taught the ELLs
with these strategies, he now roots for their empowerment.

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The one student with whom Lou did not interact during the lesson was Sadia, a
withdrawn, dark-skinned girl dressed in mismatched clothing. I am inclined to believe
that she is an ELL based on my prior experiences with such learners, so I ask Lou about
her.
Joanne: If I observed correctly, there were four English language learners
in this room, the three who sat here together and then Sadia?
Lou: Three, four, thenright, four. Sadia, from what I understand, [she]
speaks no English, doesnt understand. So I really have to do a one-onone. But she doesnt come forward when she has a problem. So,
sometimes thats overlooked. I have to admit that. The squeaky wheel
gets the most grease kind of idea. Shes not asking for help, raising her
hand, very seldom. I dont attend to her needs right away, because
everybody else is squeaking or hollering. But theres no understanding.
She does not understand any English. I dont know what she knows. She
doesnt talk to me.
As the conversation continues, Lou assures me that he does attend to Sadias
needs in class: If she looks like shes not doing something right, Ill go over right away
and try to correct her. He then retrieves her napkin holder project from a shelf to show
me evidence of her prior success. He explains, I show them how to do it, then theyre
off on their own. I kind of look over everybodys shoulder and make sure theyre doing
it right.
Today was not a day when Lou looked over Sadias shoulder. He opens her
manila envelope to review the work she did during class. As he studies her drawing, he
tells me,
She drew this upside down. Its on formatted paper, but its drawn upside
down. So, Ill have to talk to her. But shes probably confused too,
because of the environment shes in. Where shes sitting doesnt help her.
The fact that I cant get in and ask some questions doesnt help. The fact
that I cant speak in her language doesnt help.

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Again, Lou identifies language as a problem. Sadia speaks no English, doesnt
understand. He expresses helplessness in being able to communicate with her despite
having just demonstrated communicative competence using non-linguistic strategies with
his other ELLs. The difference he indicates is that that he would need an entire period
to see where we are with her something he states is going to be hard for me to do.
Lou also seems to blame Sadia for what happened since she doesnt come forward and
she doesnt talk to him. Throughout Lous narratives of language-learning
experiences, we observe him blame others when he feels their language differences have
caused him difficulty. It seems that Lou reverts to the act of blaming others whenever he
feels unsuccessful in dealing with language difference.
Fourth Block Lesson: Project Development
Eight of the ten students who enter this 12:55 p.m. class appear to be speakers of
languages other than English. Four are Latinos, three appear to be Vietnamese, and one
is Middle Eastern. The two remaining students are African-American and White. The
only female in the group is a Latina, Teresa. The students begin the class in the seats
indicated in Figure 3.
This class, which I observe eight days after the first block class, is working on
building projects they have designed. Lou begins the class with the routine of
taking attendance, setting out students manila envelopes, and unlocking the cabinet that
holds the drawing boards. From this point on, however, similarities between the two
classes basically disappear.
Nine of the ten students in this class move independently from place to place,
gathering materials and using tools. They talk continuously to one another, in shared

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languages and different ones. When not speaking the same language, they enhance their
words with gestures and movement to communicate. For the most part, the mood among
the students seems to be productive, supportive, and congenial. In turn, Lou seems rather
relaxed as he alternates interacting with the students and cutting wood at the power saw
station on the other side of the room.

Cabinets

< Models >

Student
projects

Student
materials

Hahn

Boy

Compressors

Storage table

Kin

Planer

Power Saw

Lous
desk

Carlos
Jos

Chalkboard

Saw

Teresa

Thuc

Back
office

Akram

Orlando
Boy

Doors

Drawings

Student
projects

Scrap wood
Storage cabinets

Figure 3. Lou Rivolis fourth block class.

When Orlando, a Latino student who seems to speak Spanish exclusively,
approaches Lou for help, Lou immediately calls for Carlos Vega, a Spanish-English
bilingual. In a previous interview, Lou told me about Carlos, a member of the modified
baseball team, who stepped up to translate for the Spanish-speaking players on the team.

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When Lou has Carloss attention, he says, Show him [Orlando] what he needs. Carlos
immediately complies and gets Orlando on track with his project. Lou then yells over to
Carlos, Where were you yesterday when I needed you? Throughout the class, Lou
relies on Carlos for such things as telling Teresa to work softly (suave, suave) and
intervening in a conflict between Teresa and Orlando (djala en paz). Each time,
Carlos matter-of-factly does as told and Lou expresses gratitude.
Although Carlos serves as the primary communicator between Lou and the
Spanish-speaking students, Lou also employs some of his own communication strategies
with them. To demonstrate how Orlando should construct the project he has designed,
Lou holds two pieces of wood together, first in the air, and then atop Orlandos drawing.
He does this twice until receiving Orlandos nod of understanding. After Orlando has
glued the wood together, he seeks Lous approval with a questioning facial gesture and
accompanying thumbs up. Lou returns an approving facial gesture and a convincing
thumbs up. These same modeling strategies are ones Lou uses with the Vietnamese
students in this class as well.
The other strategy Lou attempts with his Spanish-speaking students is speaking
what he believes to be Spanish. In attempting to explain that a student should do a
particular aspect of his project first, Lou tells him, Primo. Primo in Italian means first;
in Spanish, it means cousin. Lou seems unaware of his error, and the students do not
correct him.
Amidst the activity of the classroom, there is an ELL sitting by himself facing the
wall of cabinets. Lou approaches me to tell me that this is Akram, a Middle Eastern
student who entered schooland Lous classroomjust two days ago. As a matter of

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practice, Lou has taped graph paper with scaled, color-coded architectural drawings to the
cabinet doors as a resource for his all his students. Lou has seated Akram in front of
them so he can begin to learn about drawing through copying. I observe Akram stand
and stare at the drawings, measure them meticulously, and then sit to draw what he has
seen and measured. He is so focused and efficient in doing this that Lou tells him, Good
job. Let me sign off on your drawing. He then moves Akram to a table to begin the
next step.
At the end of class, Lou tells his studentsin Englishthat it is time to clean up.
I observe Akram and Orlando grab hand brushes while a Vietnamese student gets a
broom. They and all the other students set about completing what appear to be their
assigned tasks.
When the classroom has been tidied, Lou asks the students to sit down for a
moment so he can explain something. Unsolicited, Carlos calls out, Calle, calle
(Quiet down.) Lou says to Carlos, Tell them. Carlos then adds, Que le escuche
(Listen to him.) All the students appear to understand the meaning of Carlos words as
they give Lou their attention, despite the fact that only a few of them are speakers of
Spanish.
Lous Reflections on the Fourth Block Class
The most obvious difference between the first and fourth block classes is the
presence of Carlos Vega, the young man who serves as an interpreter. In the postobservation interview, I ask Lou about how Carlos came to serve in that role. He tells
me, He would speak up right away to help me out, so now I kind of key in on him. He

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also points out that the other students tell Carlos what they need or if theres something
that they need me to do. In essence, everybody goes through him now.
Lou communicates the great value he places on Carlos interpretation skills:
Well, it helps mebecause I have to get that message out to them. I dont
have time to sit down for each one or to try to do it with hand signals or to
show them and answer a question that they may have specifically to what
Im showing them.
Lou also indicates that he encourages Carlos to interpret. He believes it gives him a
leadership role in the classroom and makes him feel good. In turn, however, Lou now
finds it problematic when Carlos is not available to interpret: He wasnt here yesterday,
which put me in a bad spot, because I didnt have him to quickly interpret what I needed
to tell the students.
Just as the tour guide who interpreted for Lou in Italy was able to unlock the
language barrier, Carlos unlocks the language barrier Lou perceives in his fourth block
class. He facilitates Lous communication, allowing it to be spontaneous in a way that
Lou does not believe he can achieve with his other communicative strategies. I find it
ironic that Lou feels so confident when Carlos interprets, as Carlos shares a language
with only three other class members. As I noted in the previous section, however,
students in this class seem to communicate comfortably across multiple languages,
creating an environment where language differences are both valued and bridged. I also
believe that this environment is what encourages Lou to speak the little Spanish he
knows. He tells me that the students like it and want him to speak more. He doubts
that he will do more, however, as its like someone speaking not very good English,
something he clearly finds problematic.

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Lou sees that his strategy of using visuals has been particularly effective for his
new student, Akram, whose completed drawings Lou exclaims are good enough to
build. Lou explains that he sat Akram in front of the graph paper drawings to visually
see what I have up there and to simulate or copy. He explains his rationale saying,
I think copying is learning. You learn from that. As children, we learn
from looking at other things, and how was it done? It may not be done the
same way. But we, as children, kids, students, theyll do it the best way
they can do it.
These drawings are one of Lous many successful strategies for non-linguistic
communication with ELLs. His rationale for why they work seems to be closely
connected to the explanation he gave for having learned incorrect English from his
parents. What was modeled, he imitated. Through imitation he learned English the best
he could.
Lou also describes for me how Akram so readily understood to join his classmates
in performing the end-of-class chore of brushing the tables:
I just handed him a brush and I gave him like a wave over the table, and he
understood that and he went brushing off the tables. In a case like that,
its just a matter of the motion and the brush and they understand what I
want, what I want them to do. Probably next time we sit down, he may
pick up the brush again and think thats his job to do.
Again, Lous use of a non-linguistic strategy clearly supports this new students
understanding and promotes his entrance into the classroom community.
Connections between Lous Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
In our conversations of his practice with ELLs, Lou can only identify two
connections he makes to his own language-learning experiences. The first one he offers
is: I relate to what theyre going through. Because he relates, he says he tries to get
them to understand. How he gets them to understand is by employing the many

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communicative strategies that he used to communicate across languages in his personal
life. Just as he felt more efficacious using an interpreter in Italy, Carlos Vegas SpanishEnglish interpreting is the strategy he finds most empowering in his classroom. When
Lou used non-linguistic strategies to communicate with relatives in Italy, he and his
relatives could take hours to get their messages across. In the time constraints of the
classroom, Lou feels these strategies are time-consuming. As such, he does not always
choose to employ them, which is what happened to Sadia in his first block class.
The other connection Lou makes is with the use of a dictionary: Sometimes I
see some of them with a dictionary. Theyll look up everything you say. I did that. I had
a dictionary with me all the time. This was not a strategy that I observed the ELLs in his
classes use nor that I observed Lou use with them.
While Lou limits himself to these two connections, I see others. He appears to
continue to hold the language-as-a-problem orientation (Ruiz, 1984) he developed from
his childhood experiences with language difference. At times, this results in his finding
fault with the ELLs, just as he found fault with his parents whose English was broken.
While he claims the ELLs should not be in his class, he never fails to include them. He
has them do the same projects and the same chores as all the other learners. This seems
to reflect his experience, where he just learned to do as others did in the classroom, so as
not to stand out. Because he brings multiple communicative strategies to the classroom,
it appears that he facilitates an inclusive classroom for ELLs.
In his final reflection, Lou tells me that participating in this study reinforces the
idea that Ive got to be a little more sensitive to that barrier, to that cultural and language

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barrier. It appears that he already brings this sensitivity into his classroom, one of the
outcomes of his own language-learning experiences.

Felicia Sparks, Middle School Mathematics Teacher

Getting to Know Felicia
Felicia Sparks is a 43-year-old teacher at urban Northside Middle School where
she has taught for the past 16 years. She is the mathematics teacher on the schools 7th
grade inclusion team, which teaches students who receive special education and ESL
services within the context of the general classroom. Felicia informs me that her team
has taught ELLs for years, but always those who had intermediate level English skills and
uninterrupted education. This is the first year that she and her colleagues are teaching
ELLs with beginning English-language skills and whose education has been sporadic or
interrupted.
At the request of the principal, one of the ESL teachers at Northside provided me
names of potential participants for my study. The four teachers she identified are all
members of this inclusion team. In agreeing to participate, Felicia explained that she had
been a participant in other studies and found the experience to be particularly interesting
and helpful to her learning.
Although Felicia has her own classroom at Northside Middle School, we held our
first two meetings in the library. Our subsequent interviews and observations were held
in her second-floor classroom. Whenever we met in the classroom, Felicias student
teacherMiss Farmer, a graduate student from State Collegewas present. Although
Felicia seated herself at a distance from me before the start of each interview, she seemed

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quite comfortable talking openly and at length about the topic at hand. At times, during
interviews, she got up to retrieve materials or to point things out to me.
Ninth Grade Spanish Class
Unlike other participants, Felicia Sparks does not tell so many stories that I need
to exclude any. The five she tells are all presented within this portrait. The same
expressiveness, animation, and detail with which she delivers instruction permeate her
stories; therefore, the unedited versions are particularly lengthy. To make their essence
stand out and enhance their readability, I have edited them in all of the ways described in
Chapter Three.
I have chosen to include Felicias narratives in Chapter Four because of her
heritage background. During the interview process, however, she begins by relating
stories of her 9th grade Spanish class. It is not until later that she reveals her heritage
background. Therefore, I will begin where she did, with two stories from 9th grade.
I Just Didnt Feel Confident about Going into It
When I was in ninth grade, I signed up for Spanish. I just didnt feel
confident about going into it. I was pretty much an A student, and I was a
math-art person. I recall it was a very large class probably 30 kids. I
recall exactly where I was sitting, up in front and in the middle. I do recall
people around me being able to speak the language to some degree, not
with fluency, but to some degree being able to say things.
I just remember being in the class and being nervous. I was not doing well
in that class, and I fell further and further behind. I did try to get some
extra help, and the teacher gave me stuff to work on. I learned how to
count. I learned some of the sounds. I learned some of the words. I
couldnt put anything together. Other people were learning at a rapid
pace, and I was thinking, Why is it that cant I grasp this? The teacher
would talk in Spanish. I was trying to follow. I just couldnt grasp it. I
just recalled cringing, thinking, I cant get this.
I think because I was so nervous, that set up barriers that didnt allow me
to learn as much as I should have, which wasnt my norm in school. I just

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felt like, Okay. This isnt for me. Im stupid with this, and I cant do it.
I liked going into things that I felt I could accomplish. This was just so
foreign to me that I went into it thinking, I cant do this. I set myself up
for failure. This didnt have anything to do with the teacher. The teacher
would try. It was difficult for her to focus just on me. I didnt even try
hard enough as I reflect on it. I thought I did.
I got to the point where I was so frustrated that I asked to be withdrawn
from the class, and my guidance counselor did it. When I dropped the
Spanish class, I just got put into another art class. As I reflect on it now,
that was probably one of the worst things that could have happened for me
because I only got about three-quarters of a year worth of another
language. Then I just went on to college, and I never needed another
language, so I never got one. It really was a negative for me. Good for
art, but I was already good in art. I didnt need that. I still know how to
count in Spanish, and thats about it.
I Just Felt Like I Didnt Belong with a Second Language
I just felt like I didnt belong with a second language. I also had my
passion for art and mathematics, and I knew I felt like I belonged there.
I remember the boy sitting next to me [in Spanish class]. I dont recall his
name, but I remember that he was very brilliant, and I was not. I wasnt
really comfortable, and I just remember shrinking in. Everybody behind
me would know, She doesnt know what shes talking about.
I know in the Spanish class that I took, if I was sitting next to one of my
really good friends that could have helped me. I might have felt better.
But I wasnt. It wasnt like I could hide in the back corner. I think if I
was more comfortable in my seating situation that maybe I would have
been a little bit more willing to learn.
I think a lot of it came full circle to me when I was an adult. I dont want
to put these poor children [ELLs in my mathematics class] in separate
little pockets, here and here and here and here. Theyre drowning in the
pocket by themselves or theyre looking for help from somebody across
the room. I want them in a BIG pocket so that they can be together and
they can talk to each other if they need to, or just be close to somebody
that they feel comfortable being close to. I want them to be comfortable.
I dont want them to feel like, I dont want to go to that class. I
wouldnt want them to feel that way at all.
I dont care if they learn anything. Seriously. As long as they feel like
theyre okay and theyre safe and they belong and I care about them,
because I did not feel that. Even though the teacher may have tried really

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hard, I just did not feel that I belonged in there. I should have belonged in
there. If I did, I might have gone further with it, and I might have a
second language in my life, which I dont have. I know that my students
not only need it to belong, but they need it to survive. I want them to be
really comfortable. I want them to know that I care about them. Thats
important to me.
When Felicia begins foreign language study, she is an adolescent who has already
completed at least eight years of formal education. Over those years, she has developed
an identity for herself as a learneran A student, a math-art person. Although she enters
the Spanish classroom by choice, she seems to be trepidatious about how well this new
context will support her established learner identity. The large class, conspicuous seat,
and classmates she perceives to be more capable together seem to intensify her concerns
and erode her self-confidence.
Felicia offers two assessments of her learning in this story. The first is from the
perspective of the 9th grade student who deems herself a failure based on multiple forms
of evidence: her knowledge of Spanish as limited to discrete lexical and phonological
items, she cannot put anything together, her classmates learn at a faster pace, and she
cannot grasp what her teacher is saying. This self-assessment leads her to experience
overwhelmingly negative physical and emotional responses to learning Spanish. The
adult Felicia re-assesses the situation. She sees that her own emotions were instrumental
in inhibiting her learning. She recognizes how the dissimilarity of the language
classroom to the art and mathematics classrooms contributed to her anxiety. She takes
full responsibility for the negative outcomes. Despite this re-assessment, the perceptions
of the 9th grader are the ones that stay with her, as we will see in the next story.
Dropping the class is Felicias remedy for the physical and emotional discomfort
she feels. With the counselors approval, she returns to the comfort zone of her art class.

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Again, the evaluation of this decision as an adult is in contrast to the student evaluation.
She now regrets the decision to abandon her study of Spanish and views it as a decision
that has had a negative impact on her personally.
This second story is an extension of the first. Felicia more specifically defines the
reason for her discomfort in the Spanish classroom. She does not feel the sense of
belonging here that she does in the mathematics and art classrooms. A second reason for
discomfort is one she describes but does not name: fear of negative evaluation. She
compares herself negatively to a capable classmate and worries what the students seated
behind her will say about her imperfect Spanish skills. To alleviate her first problem she
claims she needs a friend to sit beside her. Her solution to the second problem is to be
seated in a less conspicuous part of the classroom. As neither occurs, she cannot move
beyond her emotions to even be willing to learn.
The lengthy coda of this story makes explicit how Felicia draws on the feelings of
her 9th grade self and uses them to inform decisions she makes for the ELLs in her 7th
grade mathematics classroom. She implements the solutions she has identified for
alleviating her own discomfort. In doing so, she hopes to assure that her ELLs have a
sense of belonging in her classroom. She claims that their social-emotional well-being is
more important than their learning; however, in drawing parallels to her own story, it
seems that she perceives their social-emotional well-being to be a pre-requisite for their
learning. While Felicia knows that learning a second language was optional for her, she
understands the reality of the situation for her ELLs: They need it to survive. By
creating an environment where they will be comfortable enough to learn language and
mathematics, she is fulfilling a moral responsibility to these learners as well.

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Language at Home
The 9th grade Spanish class is not Felicias first experience with a language other
than English. She grew up listening to family members speak Italian around her. In this
third story, she reveals some perspectives on language learning that she developed at
home and brought with her when she entered the Spanish classroom.
I Just Felt Like Im Not Supposed to Be Part of Another Language.
I went into the Spanish class feeling like, I cant grasp this, because I
didnt ever grasp anything at home, and I wasnt part of that. I
internalized that and thought Im not supposed to be part of another
language.
My mom and my grandma and my uncles used to speak Italian. I knew I
couldnt understand them. They would always be whispering. It wasnt
constant; it was just really when they didnt want us to know what they
were talking about. Maybe it was Christmas stuff or maybe they were
gossiping about somebody or my grandmother would be referring to back
in Italy. My family growing up, it was, Kids are to be seen and not
heard. Im the youngest of seven. So when adults were having
conversation and it didnt include you, you left.
They would just have their conversation. We could sometimes hear the
Italian going on. They never taught us any Italian, but I never even
approached asking if they could teach me. I thought, I cant understand
them, and they talk it all the time.
That was their way to communicate and not let us know what they were
talking about, which is really unfortunate because I wish they had taught
us something. I only learned things that I probably shouldnt have
learned. So how am I going to go in and learn something else when I have
this language around me? As I reflect on it later in life, they werent so
evident about it. It wasnt as if we were immersed in the language,
because we werent part of it. You had this understanding that when that
language was being spoken, you werent even to be there.
My own children, I have three. My oldest is sixteen, and she is in her
fourth year of Spanish, so she teaches my 11 and 5 year olds. They know
more Spanish now than I ever knew and that I ever will know. Breanna
will always talk to my two other children, and shell tell them what shes
saying, and shell speak to them in Spanish. To me its important.

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In this story, Felicia reveals an additional source of the discomfort with language
learning she felt in the 9th grade Spanish classroom. From her distanced observation of
family members communicating in Italian, she develops the perspective that the Italian
language is not hers nor is it intended for her. She does not comprehend it, and she is not
included in it. She also understands that she is to leave when it is being spoken, which
illustrates that her exclusion is both mental and physical.
Again, Felicia offers two assessments of her home language experience, one from
a childhood perspective and a second from an adult perspective. As a child, she nively
assumes that she should be able to learn Italian because it is around her. As an adult, she
recognizes that the language was not directed at her and that she often was not present
when it was spoken. Additionally, she acknowledges that she never made her family
aware of her desire to learn Italian. Through the coda, she expresses pride that her
children have accomplished what she never did with Spanish and emphasizes that
knowing a second language is something she values as an adult.
Adult Language Experiences
In these final stories, Felicia describes two encountersone unplanned and one
intentionalthat she and her family had with languages other than English in church
settings. She prefaced the stories by explaining that she was a teacher of ELLs at the
time she had these experiences.
One Weekend We Missed Mass at Our Church
My husband and I go to church every weekend. One weekend we missed
Mass at our church. My husband looked in the phone book, and he found
a Mass that was happening at St. Joes in the city. There were a few
people in there. It didnt strike us too much. Then more and more people
came in and more and more and more and more. People were looking at
us like, What are you doing here? Then the priest walked over to us,

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and he said, I would like you to know that this is a Vietnamese Mass, and
you may want to leave because youre not going to get much of it. I
looked at my husband and I said, I want to stay. He said, Yeah. Id
like to stay. We just sat there in awe and just looking around and just
watching. Thats when I realized, Wow! I was never a part of any of
this I remember that you could follow the chunks of what Mass was
all about, so I did take that, and I did try to follow along what was
happening. I watched everybody to see what they were doing so I could
mimic and do the same thing. I didnt necessarily understand what the
Mass was about, but I understood the Mass itself. It just made me realize
like I never made that real strong attempt to be a part of another language.
I remember thinking to myself, This is such a comfort zone for me. Im
not out of my comfort zone being at church, but there I was out of my
comfort zone, even though it was church. I was like in another world. I
took it to heart because I was the one that felt intimidated. I felt like I
dont belong, and I have to make myself belong here. Having to follow is
when it made me realize, This is what our students go through. I
thought, Thats what our kids get from a lot of the other students.
Lets Go to the Latin Mass
Just a few weeks ago, my daughters and I went to church. It was 4
oclock, and we needed to go to Mass. There were two Masses available.
There was one available over in Greenview, and there was one down in
the city that was a Latin Mass. I said, Lets go to the Latin Mass. And
the girls said, Okay.
We couldnt follow it. We could not follow it. We really were just
watching everybody else, doing whatever they were doing. I kept saying
to my daughter, When they stand, we stand. When they sit, we sit. We
were just following. One gentleman in church realized that we had no
clue, so he went in the back and got a book and he brought it over to us
and he said, This is what you want to follow. He said, Heres some of
the English, and this is the Latin. Try to follow this. So my 16-year-old
and I were going back and forth, and we were trying to follow. I had the
two books right in front of me, and Im trying to make the connection
back and forth, and I couldnt! My daughter gave up.
The Mass was set up differentlywhen communion was given, when the
homily was given. The routine was different. What I grasped from there
was that it was so hard at such a quick pace to see, because it was so hard
for me to go back and forth. Latin was just too far for my daughter, and
she takes Spanish. It was too much to try to concentrate on a Sunday
afternoon, I guess.

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I thought really with our students its the same thing. We just teach and
teach and teach and teach. Maybe we go over to them and we try to help
them but, to them, we must be going at such a fast pace.
As Felicia and her husband sit down to await Mass at St. Josephs Churcha
parish that offers home language services for its sizeable Vietnamese populationthey
first sense being out of place when people begin to stare at them. They later have their
outsider status confirmed by the priest who offers them the unusual option of leaving
Mass. Unlike in her adolescent experience, where the feeling she did not belong drove
her to abandon the language classroom, here Felicia decides to stay. She can do that
because she has a companion at her side, there is no long-term commitment, and there are
no potentially significant consequences. Instead, she and her husband take the
opportunity to marvel at other attendees facility with a language other than English.
Within the comfortable and familiar routine of the Catholic Mass, Felicia
successfully employs the strategies of observation and imitation to gain full participation.
She admits that she does not understand the specifics of this Mass, but that she does
understand the Mass itself. Her success in achieving this level of understanding through
effort reinforces her previous conclusion that she could have been successful in the
Spanish class if she had made a strong attempt. As she reflects further, she realizes the
parallel between her personal situation and that of the ELLs in her classroom. She
recognizes the work it takes for ELLs to move from outsider status to insider status.
The fifth story, again about attending Mass in a language other than English starts
out as a seeming repetition of the previous one with only minor revisions. Felicia starts
out empowered by the previous experience and, as a result, recruits her children to attend
a Latin Mass with her. What she discovers is that the Latin Mass does not have the same

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routine and structure as the Mass to which she is accustomed, and the strategies of
observation and imitation are insufficient without the context of those familiar practices.
In trying to fit in, she becomes conspicuous, drawing the attention of a parishioner. He
offers her a bilingual missal, a strategy intended to support her comprehension. As she
tries mechanically to move between the two languages, she realizes the important role
pacing plays in the successful implementation of this strategy. Just as the fast pace of the
Mass is keeping her from utilizing an apparently good strategy, she realizes that a quick
pace of instruction in the classroom might undermine effective strategies that are in place
for her ELLs.
Together these final two stories illustrate the consciousness Felicia has developed
as an adult and as a teacher of ELLs. She seems empathic to her ELLs situation and is
willing to engage in activities that help her understand what they are going through more
deeply. As she does so, she employs strategies and examines which ones work and under
what circumstances. In the end, she has developed a set of understandings that help her
critically examine her own classroom practices for ELLs.
Reflections on Felicias Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
Not evident at the beginning of Felicias narrative, but clear at the end is the
positive attitude she has toward languages and language learning. She regrets not having
learned a language other than English and several times emphasizes the belief that
language learning is important. Another favorable attitude Felicia holds is toward
language learners themselves. She expresses admiration and awe for people who can
speak more than one language: her oldest daughter who is teaching her younger siblings
to speak Spanish and the bilingual attendees of St. Josephs Vietnamese Mass.

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From her uncomfortable experiences as an adolescent language learner, Felicia
has developed strong beliefs about appropriate instructional practices for language
learners. In particular, she believes that ELLs must be made to feel comfortable and be
fully included in the classroom in order to learn. The solutions she believes would have
made a difference for her in the Spanish classroom are the ones that she claims to
implement in her mathematics class to create a comfortable, inclusive learning
environment.
As we learn about Felicias attempts to negotiate the language differences she
encountered at the Vietnamese and Latin Masses, we discover that she has active
knowledge of several language-learning strategies. She not only knows and uses
strategies, she also evaluates them. From her evaluations, she develops deeper
understandings of the strategies themselves and about what influences their effectiveness.
Teaching ELLs in a 7th Grade Inclusion Mathematics Classroom
At Northside Middle School, I observe Felicia Sparks teach two different 7th
grade mathematics classes. The school operates on a rotating schedule, an arrangement
Felicia describes as confusing. This is a point that becomes evident the day of my first
observation when the ELLs she has described in the pre-observation conference are not
the ones in the class I subsequently observe.
As previously stated, Felicia is the mathematics teacher on Northside Middle
Schools 7th grade inclusion team. In describing the number of ELLs she and her
teammates teach, she says, We have 48 ESL students on one team of 110 students, so
half of our population is ESL. When the school year began, however, the team only had
31 ELLs. In late October, early November 17 newly immigrated Burmese refugees

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started school and were placed on Felicias team. She portrays the scene as seventeen
new students scared out of their minds and then adds, So was I! To accommodate
this sudden influx of ELLs, the team had to transfer some of their general education
students to another team, a move that Felicia says bothered her.
Felicia describes the 17 new ELLs as beginner, beginner students with no
formal education whatsoever. She goes on to tell me, Theyre the sweetest little things
in the world. Little is not an adjective she has chosen randomly. In fact, Felicia
mentions several times that she does not think the Burmese ELLs are age appropriate for
7th grade. Look at the size of them! They look like 5th graders! It is an observation
with which I concur.
The 48 ELLs are distributed among three of Felicias classes. They come from
such countries as Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, the Ivory Coast, Russia,
and Burma and speak a variety of languages. Felicia explains, Some of them are
advanced, some are intermediate, and a whole lot are beginners. The beginners, she
points out, are adjusting to the idea of what school is about. She also is adjusting to
being a first-time teacher of beginner ELLs stating, Its been hard.
Felicia offers a favorable assessment of these beginner ELLs saying, They do
good. Theyre great. Theyre so eager to learn. Theyll do whatever you ask them.
She reflects on the range of achievements of the individual beginners from one little girl
[who] draws me pictures every day and is very proud as she copies off other students
to a boy who started with addition in October and is getting 100s on my regular math
tests right now.

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To serve her ELLs well, Felicia reports keeping in contact constantly with the
two ESL teachers in this building, who are just incredible. She tells me, Anything they
say, I do, because theyre the experts. The ESL teachersMiss Nolan and Mrs.
Allisonnot only provide academic support for the ELLs but also emotional support and
encouragement for Felicia, a point she illustrates as she recounts the following:
In the beginning of the year, I was overwhelmed. I admit that. I was in
tears. I said, Im doing nothing for these kids. Absolutely nothing. I feel
like Im teaching them nothing. Finally, Mrs. Allison talked to me and
she said, Youre doing so much more than you realize.
Felicia tells me that this is the hardest year Ive had teaching. In spite of
whatever frustration she has felt in trying to meet the needs of learners with such diverse
needs, she explains the strong commitment she feels to them. When the principal
suggested to her and Miss Allison that the ELLs should be split up so they wont all be
on one team, Felicia reports having replied, No, thats not a solution, because youre
not going to take my kids away from me. Theyre my kids now. She summarizes the
experience of teaching her many ELLs, especially the new arrivals, saying, Its made me
more aware of how hard I have to work, how much I have to differentiate, how
comfortable I need to make them feel. All of that has to come into play. Its not just
teaching. Felicia relates the story of a recent incident that clearly illustrates how she
works to make her ELLsand all her studentsfeel comfortable in ways that go beyond
the teaching and learning of mathematics:
We had a class meeting two weeks ago, nothing to do with mathematics or
education. In this hallway, Im the only one that has all of the students. I
dont mean just ESL; I mean ALL of the students. There were a number
of teachers that were coming by my classroom, and at least three said to
me, You really need to do something about the odor in your room. It is
so bad. The odor is so bad. And I said, How do you know its the ESL
students? I was a little upset. These particular teachers dont have ESL

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students on their team, so they just made the assumption that my room
smelled because this is the population that I had. I know that my room
doesnt smell because of that population. I know those ESL students cant
wear deodorant and stuff. There may be some, but its just students in
general. So we had a class meeting, and we talked about hygiene. I was
very careful about how I worded it. I started by pinpointing myself and
saying that Im allergic to perfume, so I have to be really careful about the
products that I use. We talked about brushing our teeth and going to the
dentist and, that maybe we dont have a washing machine at home, so we
might have to wash our clothes in the sink if theres not a time when
Moms making it to the laundromat. I said, It doesnt matter what your
ethnic background is. It doesnt matter what your beliefs are. What does
matter is that each and every one of us is taking responsibility for being
clean. It was important for me that there wasnt a target there. The
students were fine, absolutely fine. They took it to heart. And we havent
really had as much of a smell issue since then. I dont think the teachers
meant any harm. I just think theyre unaware.
Lesson One: From Fractions to Decimals to Percentages
Felicia stands at the door as the students enter this 1:00 p.m. mathematics class,
greeting each one with a smile or comment. They all head to what appear to be assigned
seats and sit down chatting with those around them in a variety of languages. When
Felicia realizes that this is not the class she previously described, she quickly approaches
me to point out which students are her ELLs. Thirteen of the 22 students in this class are
ELLs, 10 boys and three girls. The seating and room arrangements are illustrated in
Figure 4.
After the bell has rung, Felicia gets the students attention saying, Its my turn,
and then reads aloud the written agenda from the chalkboard. Todays lesson is about
conversion of fractions to decimals and then to percentages; therefore, she asks the
question, Does anybody know the term conversion? Numerous students raise their
hands and others call out answers. When Maricela responds, to change, Felicia
approaches her with hand extended and says, Knuckles. Felicia touches the knuckles

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of her closed fist against Maricelas in celebration of the correct answer. Before the class
moves on to the conversion of fractions to decimals, Felicia says they will first practice
fractions. She offers a familiar example to get them started.

Girl

Chalkboard

Girl

Rahim

Ismail
Chart-paper posters

Easel

Boy

Girl

Hashim Tana

Jos Roberto

Cabinet
Shelves

Screen

Podium

Dani
Chart-paper posters

Chalkboard

Rabit

Girl

Girl

Boy

Miss Farmers
Desk
Shelves

Table

Girl

Khin

Carmen Fahim Min Kyung

Girl

Mateo

Felicias Desk

Closet

Windows

Shelves

Projector

Windows

Door

Figure 4. Felicia Sparks 7th grade mathematics class lesson on conversion.

Felicia and her student teacher, Miss Farmer, then distribute worksheets to the
students who set about solving the problems. Felicia moves among students on the left
side of the room while her student teacher does the same on the right side. Felicia
approaches each of the ELLs on her side, indicating which problems they should work on

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and which ones they should wait on. The ELLs talk to both their teachers and each
other as they work through the problems. At times, they sit quietly and wait for help.
When Felicia comes over to Mateo, the ELL who is sitting next to me, she tells
him to try three of the 14 problems on the worksheet. A step in the first of these
problems is to determine the number of days in a week. Mateo seems confused as to how
to begin, so Felicia scaffolds his understanding through a question-and-answer exchange:
Felicia: Seven days equals one week. You get that? Okay. Today is
Monday. Together
Mateo and Felicia: Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday,
Sunday.
Felicia: How many days in a week?
Mateo: Seven.
Felicia: How many days in two weeks?
Mateo: Fourteen.
Felicia: Smartie! Knuckles! Now, if you have one of them, how many do
you have? I know that seems like a trick question. May I write on your
paper?
By writing the days of the week out on Mateos paper and circling one of them, she helps
him understand that one day out of seven equals 1/7 and that one day out of 14 equals
1/14. Mateo watches intently and then yells out, Aha! once he understands.
After the students have worked on these worksheets for some time, Felicia calls
out, One, two, three, to gain their attention. She then explains that they will be moving
on from this activity. Felicia and Miss Farmer distribute a set of worksheets, calculators,
and chips to the students. The worksheets are ones the students began working on in
class the day before. They are designed to scaffold students from fractions to decimals to

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percentages using data they collected from the colored candies in a package of Skittles.
The calculators are numbered, and each student calls out his or her assigned number to
receive a calculator. The chips are 2 by 2 pieces of red, yellow, and green poster
board. Each student receives one of each color.
Once the materials are distributed, Felicia places her calculator and a copy of the
Skittles Activity worksheet on an opaque projector and leads the whole group through the
process of converting to .25 to 25%, something they seem to do easily. She then
models the conversion of 11/59 to .186 to 19%. As she does this, she calls out, Chips!
and all the students lift a red, yellow, or green chip to indicate their comprehension.
When Felicia sees that Dani has lifted a red chip, she says, You dont get it. She then
returns to the problem and says, Were going to look at Mrs. Sparks work. She walks
through the steps of the problem again, breaking them down even further until Dani
indicates that he understands.
Felicia then takes a few minutes to review vocabulary words that are handwritten
on the easel in the front of the room. She defines each word, checks for students
understandings, and has them chorally repeat the words prediction, tally marks, and
frequency. In the final step before having the students work independently, Felicia calls
students up to the opaque projector to do examples for the class. When Roberto hesitates,
other students start to give answers. Felicia interrupts them saying, Give him time.
Later on, she asks Min Kyung, Do you want to help me? Min Kyung declines with a
shake of the head, so Felicia asks another student.
When the students begin working independently on their Skittles Activity
worksheets, Dani raises his hand for help, and Felicia goes over to him. She points to a

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number on his paper and then tells him to put the number into his calculator. She shows
him what function to perform on the calculator, and he tells her, I get it. Shortly after
this portion of the lesson begins, the bell rings. As the students pack up their materials
and head off to their next class, Felicia and Miss Farmer gather the calculators and return
them to the box.
Felicias Reflections on Lesson One
Felicias first reflection on this lesson starts with her pointing out that the ELLs
had more difficulty with the mathematics than the vocabulary and ends with her noting
that rounding stumped the whole class. Later in the conversation, as she discusses and
describes the strategies she uses in teaching ELLsexamples, pointing, choral repetition,
vocabulary, chip checkingshe concludes by saying she does these not just for the
ESL students, but for all the students. It appears that Felicia thinks about her ELLs
within the larger context of this inclusion classroom and that she believes the strategies
she uses for them are beneficial for all her learners.
From my observation, Felicia employs a large number of the research-based
strategies for ELLs I reviewed in Chapter Two. Felicia confirms that her particular
knowledge of ELL strategies is an outcome of having worked closely with the ESL
teachers. She recalls having team taught with an ESL teacher last school year: I learned
a lot from her, an immense amount from her, just watching what she did and how she
handled the kids. Thats where I got a lot of my tips from.
Not only does Felicia use the some of the same strategies for all learners, she also
differentiates instruction: Sometimes we give different sheets to different students, or

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we may just limit the number [of problems] that they would be responsible for, as long as
theyre working hard. She explains her rationale for differentiation by saying,
I dont want them to say, I have no clue. Im stupid. I dont ever want
them to feel that Im not smart enough to accomplish this. I just feel
like if you shut them down from the start, you have this brick wall, and
now, how are you going to break through it?
Having seen Felicia limit the number of problems on the initial worksheet for
most of the ELLs and having noticed the absence of a reaction from their peers, I inquire
how this came to be. Felicia tells me about a class meeting she initiated early in the year:
Mrs. Allison took the ESL students over to her room one day, and we
talked to the regular ed. students about, Imagine what it would feel like if
you had limited language. Sometimes our objective is not necessarily
getting the whole thing done, but maybe just learning some of the
vocabulary, some of the mathematics. Whereas, youre fortunate enough
that you understand, so you may be expected to finish it. They may be
expected to do this much. That doesnt mean that you have more work to
do than they do. Its actually harder for them than it would be for you.
One boy said, Its not our fault if theyre stupid. So then I said, First of
all, we dont put anybody down. And secondly, it has nothing to do with
being stupid. It has to do with approaching something that youve never
known. I took out a factoring problem, x + 5x + 6, and ask them to
factor it, and they have no clue. I say to them, The frustration that youre
feeling right now, is what they feel. There werent really many negative
responses at all. It was just an, Okay. So we had a better
understanding. So, we dont have that battle.
At the heart of Felicias approach to differentiation appears to be a strong
commitment to creating a learning environment for ELLs in which they feel comfortable
and fully included, something she particularly longed for in the narrative of her 9th grade
experience with Spanish. To ensure that this happens, she takes the time to educate her
other students about her approach to differentiation for ELLs and about what it means to
be an ELL. From my observations of Felicias class, the students clearly have learned
these lessons.

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Felicia also attends to cross-cultural differences in attempting to make ELLs feel
comfortable in her classroom. When I ask about her seeking permission to write on
Mateos paper, she replies, You cant assume that you can write on their paper. For a lot
of them, thats their possession. Its their work. They dont want it to be yours. She
tells me that this perspective was evident with the kids [ELLs] from the first day of
school and was later confirmed in a conversation with the ESL teacher. To address the
ELLs discomfort, Felicia reports often getting another paper or Post-Its on which to
write examples. While she claims that the ELLs discomfort with others writing on their
papers was evidentfrom the first day of school, it seems to me that it was evident to
her because she was seeking to assure their comfort in her classroom.
In addition to differentiating instruction, Felicia appears to individualize
instruction for ELLs as much as she can. During the lesson, I observe her move from
student-to-student on one side of the room while her student teacher does the same on the
other side of the room, both spending the majority of their time with the ELLs. Felicia
explains, They just want the attention as much as possible. Thats why Miss Farmers
here. Felicia also calls on other studentsELLs and non-ELLs aliketo help those
who need it. She recalls an event from todays class that I did not observe:
At one point today, Min Kyung wasnt understanding me. And I said to
Khin and Shana, Can you guys help Min Kyung? And Shana leaned
right over, and Khin, and they were showing her with their sheet. Then I
went to check and she did have it done, and it was in her own work. So,
sometimes, its just other ESL students helping ESL students.
When narrating her own 9th grade Spanish class experiences, Felicia regrets that
the teacher did not have more time for her. She expresses an understanding of the
dilemma the teacher faced in a large class saying, It was difficult for her to focus just on

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me. In the context of her own classroom, however, Felicia does not see barriers to
helping individual learners but rather seeks solutions for being able to provide
individualized instruction. Some of those solutions include having a student teacher as
well as tapping other students. In her second lesson, we will see some of the additional
resources Felicia draws on.
Lesson Two: Preparing ELLs for the State Mathematics Assessment
This observation comes a month and a half after the first. Five of the 15 students
in this class are ELLs. According to Felicia, the four Burmese studentsOhnmar,
Htway, Myat, and Lwinare beginning ELLs; Maricela, from the Dominican Republic,
has intermediate level English skills.
The classroom desks have been arranged in four clusters where students will sit in
differentiated groups to prepare for next weeks state mathematics assessment, as
indicated in Figure 5. Felicia will work with the five ELLs; Miss Farmer, the student
teacher, will work with a group Felicia refers to as the naughty boys; the special
education teacher will work with the third group; and Miss Rossi, a tutor from State
College, will work with the final group. Before the lesson starts, Felicia shares several
concerns about her new ELLs having to take the state mathematics assessment, a test, she
says, they may not even know they have to take:
We have students who came to this country in November who have not
had any formal education and, in less than a week, theyre responsible for
taking a math test which is about 70% reading. It does not come in their
language. We cant talk to them once the test starts. When I walk into a
classroom on a day of the test, these ESL kids are going to try to eat me
alive to get me to help them. Im probably going to want to cry because I
cant say anything to them. Its very frustrating. Last year we didnt meet
our math criteria from the state by two ESL students. So we fell short.
We didnt meet the states standards, and so we get put on the list of
schools that are in need of intervention.

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When the students enter the classroom, they go to their pre-assigned cluster. Just
as class begins, Miss Blazowicz, the special education teachers student teacher, enters
the room and loudly announces that she is taking her students to another room. When
none of the students come forward, she yells out, the ones with the IEPs. Three girls
get up and leave quietly with her. One boy becomes agitated and immediately heads to
Felicia, who calms him down. He then leaves with the student teacher. After this
incident, Felicia approaches me to explain that students receiving special educational
services are never segregated on the inclusion team. When they leave the room with
their special education teacher, it is always in mixed groups and treated as something
special. The student teacher apparently does not know this. The emotion of this incident
seems to add visibly to the anxiety Felicia already feels about preparing the ELLs for the
impending state mathematics assessment.
Felicia retrieves her desk chair and wheels it over to the cluster where the ELLs
are waiting for her. She positions herself in the middle of the ELLs five desks as
illustrated in Figure 5. She begins test preparation by assuring that all the ELLs have the
same packet and are on the same page. Were on the same page. Knuckles. They all
join in with knuckles.
Together Felicia and the ELLs look at a histogram and complete a data table using
tally marks, the first problem in the packet. She asks the students why they use tally
marks, and Maricela responds, count. Felicia visually monitors the students work and
verbally celebrates each ones success.

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Girl
Girl

Girl

Girl

Chalkboard

Girl

Maricela

Boy

Boy

Lwin

Chalkboard

Students
removed
from class

Screen

Podium

Table

Htway Myat

Miss Farmers
Desk

Shelves

Table

Projector

Boy

Boy

Closet

Windows

Shelves

Felicias Desk

Cabinet

Windows

Ohnmar
Easel

Shelves

Chart-paper posters

Chart-paper posters

Door

Figure 5. Felicia Sparks 7th grade mathematics class in preparation for the state
assessment.
The next problem asks students to determine probability using two six-sided cubes.
Felicia grabs a bag of dice from her desk. Pulling out two, she tells the students, Sixsided. See? As she shows each side of a single die she asks, Whats the first one?
The students respond chorally and then write each number in their packet. Felicia
continues, Im going to draw for you. Okay? Do you understand? Thumbs up. The
students return the thumbs up. She then states, It says were going to roll two dice to
come up with the same number. Whats the same number? Together, the ELLs recite,
two plus two, three plus three, four plus four, five plus five, six plus six. Felicia asks,

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Can we get seven? They answer, No. Again, they individually write the possibilities
as the group counts aloud. Felicia explains, This is called probability. These are all the
possibilities. The group counts again, two plus one, two plus two and again, three
plus one, three plus two Felicia then asks, Three plus seven? The ELLs reply,
No! They continue on their own while Felicia watches them. When one of the
students has a question, Felicia refers to a die and a drawing of a die.
When not working with Felicia, the Burmese students speak to each other in their
home language. When Felicia attempts to regain the groups attention, Ohnmar continues
in Burmese. Felicia then tells him, Speak in English. He replies, No.
Felicia has the ELLs read the directions to the third problem aloud with her. She
tells them to draw circles to represent the concepts in the problem, then leaves the group
to check on the other students in the room. When she returns, she says, Good job,
Maricela! Good job, everybody! She tells them that they have done many problems
like this one. She reassures Maricela, You know how to do this for sure.
When Felicia looks over the ELLs answers to the last problem, she notes that
Ohnmar has written 80 as 08. She explains the difference, draws the difference, and
enters the numbers into the calculator to demonstrate the difference. The Burmese ELLs
seem to confer on the issue, showing their papers to each other, and discussing it in their
home language.
When the bell rings, it is the end of the school day. Maricela gets up and leaves.
The other ELLs stay seated. Felicia wishes them a good weekend and says she will see
them next week, at which point they leave.

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Felicias Reflections on Lesson Two
As in the previous lesson, Felicia seeks to individualize instruction for her students
as best she can by bringing in other adults. This time, she has a tutor from State College
in addition to her student teacher and the special educator. About the tutors, Felicia says,
When they come in, I snatch them and I try to put them with a group. In the last class I
actually had an ESL tutor with them as well as a math teacher. So that was good.
In response to the incident with the special education student teacher, Felicia tells
me she started this lesson incredibly irritated, beyond irritated. After recounting the
situation and her response to it, Felicia then apologizes saying, Thats not even what you
wanted to talk about. Sorry. She then explains her emotional response to the student
teachers actions with a perspective I believe she applies in thinking about all the learners
in her inclusion classroom, one she wished for in her own language-learning experience:
How they [the students] think about themselves is the biggest thing for
me. I try so hard to pump them up on even the littlest success that they
make. I try to make my classroom as comfortable as possible and as safe
as possible.
Differentiation takes on a different appearance in todays class. Felicia explains
that she tries to have a cooperative classroom when were not getting ready for a math
testbecause theyre learning from each other. With the state mathematics assessment
approaching, however, she has decided to differentiate by level. She explains,
Were trying to go through the booklets at a steady pace. If we have some
kids that are on question six, and then one or two ESL kids in the group
that are still on question one, it would be frustrating for the ESL kids, and
it would be frustrating for the regular ed. kids.
Again, Felicia tries to create a learning environment where every student can be
comfortable and successful. By differentiating groups by level for this task and keeping

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ELLs together, she also helps prevent a situation where ELLs might negatively evaluate
their skills in relation to those of their peers, something that led her to drop out of her 9th
grade Spanish class.
Another strategy Felicia employs during this lesson to increase the likelihood of
her ELLs success is to choose which problems they work on.
I opted to go for the extended response instead of the short answer
because, with multiple choice, there are so many on the page. With the
extended response, theres more room to write, so I could show them a
little bit more.
She also admits that she does not have the ELLs do all parts of all problems. Instead, she
says, By making choices of things that I know Ive already done in class maybe that
would jog something for them.
To make the steps in the problems comprehensible to the ELLs, she again uses a
variety of strategies, many at the same time. She describes her multi-strategy approach,
I just try to show them and say it and have them say it and look at it. She constantly
assesses the success of the strategies and makes adjustments when she sees that the ELLs
do not understand.
They had some of them wrong, so we did it together. We went choral
response down through to check them, and I made sure that at least
somebody had it right so we could show. I would point to that booklet,
the one that had it right, so they knew which one to say.
In Felicias two adult language-learning narratives, we see that she actively
applies strategies to try to make the Vietnamese and Latin languages comprehensible. As
she applies the strategies, she assesses how well they are serving her and makes
adjustments when she senses the need. As she was already a teacher of ELLs when these

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two adult experiences occurred, it may be that she applied what she had learned as a
teacher of ELLs in her personal life rather than the other way around.
One particular assessment Felicia has reaffirmed while working with the ELLs is
that Ohnmar, a Burmese ELL, is not on par with his peers who entered the U.S. the same
time he did. She says,
Did you see at one point where he [Ohnmar] was talking, and I said, Say
it in English, and hes like, No? I said, Youre being naughty. He
was saying something that wasnt pertaining to the math. They all want to
listen and pay attention. I think that sometimes what happens with him
[is] that he doesnt grasp things, so his behaviornot that he was bad
his behavior goes in other directions.
She tells me, Its just a hunch, but she believes Ohnmar has a little bit of a
disability with mathematics. Her evidence includes the 80 he transposed to 08, the
circles he drew in random fashion that were to have been drawn in groups of four, and his
work which was all over, all over the page. She says, He just doesnt comprehend
even the simplest of mathematicswhen all of the other kids want to do one of the other
questions. Realizing how difficult it is to assess learning disabilities in ELLs, Felicia
admits that what she is saying seems odd. She then lends credibility to her assessment,
adding, I think I have a little bit of experience. This time, her knowledge does not
appear related to her language-learning experiences but rather to her years of experience
in teaching both learners with special educational needs and ELLs on this 7th grade
inclusion team.
Connections between Felicias Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
When I ask Felicia about the connections she makes between her languagelearning experiences and her teaching practice for ELLs, not surprisingly she tells me:

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I was the child that I knew if I couldnt learn, I was going to shut down.
So I dont want them to shut down from learning because they feel that
theres a language barrier and they cant do it. So I try to make them
comfortable, and I touch their shoulders. And, You can do this. Let me
show you how. Always calling them by their names, so they know Im
addressing them and that I care about them. Im trying to get them to do a
little bit. And we applaud. We cheer. We do knuckles all the time.
Felicias adolescent language-learning stories are grounded in her need for comfort and
belonging. This seems to be such an overarching theme for her that it is likely one that is
part of her other childhood learning narratives as well. Whether it is or whether it is not,
it clearly guides her teaching practice with both ELLs and all the learners in her inclusion
classroom.
A second connection she makes is a related one: The only thing I keep thinking
about is the level of stress. Clearly, when she did not feel comfortable in the language
classroom, she felt a significant amount of stress. This stress led her to drop Spanish and
stay within the comfortable environments of art and mathematics class. She tells of
sharing her personal experience with stress to try to reassure Rahim, an ELL who is
nervous about the state mathematics assessment.
Rahim is very brilliant in math. Hes so nervous about the test, and he
keeps wanting me to give him individualized attention. Im trying my
best, you know, to help him out. Im thinking to myself, He just so wants
to do well on this test. I said to him today, You know what, Rahim? I
was never the best test-taker either, but the more anxious you getand
then I had to explain to him what anxious meant the worse its going
to be for you. So you have to kind of calm down. Youre a smart boy.
You know what you know, and thats what you have to do.
The final connection Felicia makes is regarding the types of strategies she uses
with her ELLs: Im a visual learner. So, when I say something and then I see those
faces [of the ELLs], it makes me think like, Okay. For me, I would need to see it. She
relates how this connection is what motivates her to use visual strategies such as

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modeling with the ELLs. Clearly she knows and utilizes many more strategies than
visual ones. As these may be ones she learned from the ESL teachers, it is possible that
they were not ones she drew on in her own language learning.
A connection I observe that Felicia did not identify is the positive attitude she has
toward the ELLs and the respect she has for their home languages and cultures. In both
her home and adult language-learning stories, she expresses a positive affect toward those
who have come to this country and have learned to speak a second language. In
observing Felicias relationship and interactions with her numerous ELLs, it is apparent
to me that she has brought this same attitude into her teaching and into her classroom as
she attempts to deepen the understandings of her non-ELLs.

Gina Lenhardt, Middle School Social Studies Teacher

Getting to Know Gina
Gina Lenhardt is a 43-year-old social studies teacher in the suburban Moss Creek
School District. Previously a reading specialist, she has taught 8th grade American
history for the past three years. Due to her relatively new employment status at Moss
Creek Middle School, she does not yet have her own classroom. Instead, she moves from
room to room and floor to floor as she fulfills her planning, teaching, and supervision
responsibilities. As a result, we moved from room to room and floor to floor to carry out
the various interviews and observations.
As the Moss Creek Middle School principal was new to the building in the 200809 school year, she was not familiar with faculty members prior teaching situations and
experiences. Therefore, to identify potential participants for my study, she sent an email

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to faculty in which she briefly described the goals of the study and criteria for
participation. Gina is one of two teachers who self-identified as meeting the criteria and
interested in participating in my study. When I follow up with Gina personally, she
explains to me that she stepped forward to participate because she thought it would be
interesting.
German Heritage
As with all my participants, I begin the oral history interview by asking Gina to
tell me about the contexts within which she has had language-learning experiences. She
summarizes them as follows:
I started in 8th grade. There was an afterschool program that was offered
a few times in German, and thats what I took in high school. So I took it
in, I think, 9th and 10th. I dont think I took it in my junior year. Im not
even sure what the requirement was back then. So that would be my
exposure to formal lessons. And then, as an adult, I did take a German
class in a community thing later on.
After providing me this summary, Gina goes on to tell me about a series of
personal and family interactions with relatives from Germany that took place in her
youth. She does not identify these as language-learning experiences; instead she offers
them as a backdrop for her subsequent decisions about language study. I present these
narratives here to provide a frame of reference for Ginas academic encounters with the
German language. Additionally, I examine why Gina does not perceive these as
language-learning experiences in spite of the potential for such opportunities.
A Letter Came from a Foreign Country
Every so often, Id see that a letter came from a foreign country, Germany.
My mother and her cousin from Germany would exchange letters. I dont
know if my mother spoke German. German was not a home language
not at all. The letters were in English except for some parts, maybe the
address-ish parts. My mother would share the letters with me.

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My Brother Spent His Entire 8th Grade in Germany

My brother actually spent his whole entire 8th grade in Germany, going to
school. He was in 8th grade when he went to Germany, which makes me
about 2nd grade. I was pretty young. I remember when he came back. His
hair was different. He didnt teach me anything. Theres too much of an
age difference I think. He was more interested in his own life.
My Cousin and His Father Stayed with Us from Germany
My cousin and his father stayed with us from Germany one year. They
visited when I was going into high school. We were similar age. He was
a couple years older. They spent two weeks in and out, because they were
traveling the country. They spoke fluent English. Communication was no
problem.
My cousin wanted to listen to Fleetwood Mac Tusk, and drink Coca-Cola,
and eat toast. We tried to get him to do other things. He just really wasnt
interested. They went and traveled and did some sightseeing here and
there, so I didnt spend a lot of time with them. I just learned some swear
words, and he would write some German here and there. It was the usual
teenage stuff. I cant say it was anything overt.
In this first story, Gina starts out by making us aware that the arrival of a letter
from Germany was an infrequent occurrence, a point that she seemingly uses to minimize
its significance. She then goes on to label Germany as a foreign country, indicating
that it is not a place with which she was familiar or connected at the time. She identifies
two actors in this exchangeher mother and her mothers German cousinmaking it
clear that she is not a participant in the communication and, perhaps, in the relationship.
Gina points out that the adults corresponded in English, something that makes the story
more ordinary and less reportable (Labov, 1997). She matter-of-factly recounts that her
mother shared the letters with her but fails to include any details or provide an
accompanying evaluation, something that does not reveal any attitude she may have had
regarding the experience (Labov & Waletzky, 1967/1997).

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Ginas second story tells of her brothers lengthy time spent studying in Germany
and, implicitly, immersed in the German language and culture. She introduces his
accomplishment emphatically with the word actually. Her emphasis seems to try to
persuade us that this is an extraordinary occurrence, one she might not have been able to
imagine doing. As she orients us to the timing of her brothers experience, she seems to
focus primarily on their two ages as well as their age difference, two points she returns to
in her evaluation. Upon the brothers return from Germany, she reports focusing on the
visible ways in which he has changed rather than any intellectual or emotional growth
something she attributes to her young age. She further observes that her brother didnt
offer to share with her what he had gained (i.e., linguistically, culturally) from the
experiencesomething she credits to their age difference. Ultimately, Gina makes two
points: (a) This was her brothers experience, and (b) she did not benefit linguistically or
otherwise from his experience.
In Ginas third and final narrative about her German heritage, she again orients us
to the limited nature of the experience. It happened one year; the cousin and his father
were in and out over a period of two weeks. She emphasizes that there was no
demand on her linguistically due to the German relatives ability to communicate in
English. Gina points out the similarity in ages between herself and her cousin and draws
on this to evaluate an action she subsequently relates. She portrays her cousin as
enamored with American culture and disinterested in interacting with her, dispositions
that she seems to feel impeded social, cultural, and linguistic exchanges. For the first
time, she identifies having learned some of the German language from a German relative:
swear words. She attributes the choice of language to be learned to the adolescent

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mindset. Its not clear, however, whether this was her mindset, her cousins, or their
shared mindset.
These three narratives offer several clues as to why Gina does not count her
personal and family contact with relatives from Germany among her language-learning
experiences. First of all, they are primarily someone elses experiencesher mothers,
her brothers, her cousins, and his fathers. Her lack of ownership of the experiences
disconnects her and keeps her from deriving meaning from them. Secondly, she
describes each of the experiences as being of a limited nature. Due to insufficient time
and contact, she does not have adequate opportunity to learn the German language from
these relatives. Thirdly, she reports that all of the German relatives are able to
successfully communicate in English. Without any apparent communication difficulties,
there is no demand on Gina to learn German. Additionally, she illustrates her cousins
affinity for American culture, something that may have encouraged her to maintain a
monocultural view. Finally, she highlights the role youth played in her inability to make
mature meaning and decisions from these experiences.
Of particular interest is that none of Ginas narratives of experience with her
German relatives have a coda, the structural element that returns the tellers perspective
to the present (Labov & Waletzky, 1967/1997). In returning to the present, the narrator
can reveal connections she makes between past and present. Within these stories
specifically, Gina does not reveal any connections between her German heritage and her
teaching practice with learners of diverse cultural heritages.

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German in School
As Gina points out in the opening summary of her language-learning experiences,
she started in 8th grade. What language she starts is the one with which she is already
familiar: German. Where she starts is not in foreign language classroom as I expected
but rather in an afterschool program. Her explanations of why she starts, what happens
next, and how she feels about formally studying German are at the center of the next
three stories she tells.
There Was an Afterschool Program in German
There was an afterschool program that was offered a few times in German.
I started in 8th grade. The German teacher was coming over. A lot of my
friends were doing it. We just did it to do something after school. I just
remember attending once or twice. I guess they must have made it sound
exciting that a bunch of us went.
I was the only one that actually went on to German from that group. I did
because of my family heritage and having a cousin that visited and then
having a brother that spent a year there going to school, thinking maybe
Id do something like that some day. I think now, in retrospect, the
German teacher was trying to get people to take the class by coming over
and doing the afterschool program. Again, in retrospect, Im sure it must
have been because her numbers were low, and she needed to get them
boosted. The knowledge of an adult.
German Is What I Took in High School
German is what I took in high school. I took it in 9th and 10th. I dont
think I took it in my junior year. Taking German was seclusive [sic],
because none of my friends were in the class. It was a lot of
upperclassmen. It was very few younger, freshmen. It was a choice I
opted for because I didnt feel smart enough for Latin, so German was a
good one. Then it was more challenging. I was confused, very confused
trying to understand the pronouns, nouns, verb locations
Im not even sure what the requirement was back then. I think we had to
take a language. I think second language is challenging for me. It was
overwhelming, and, I think that with the mixed levels in there, probably
instead of it being a supportive environment, it was just overly
challenging. The change from English to a different language was

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overwhelming for me. I was not successful in the German classroom, not
in high school.
Nothing interested me, motivated me enough to carry on. Once the
requirement was fulfilled, I was done. I found other things, other
activities and clubs. I didnt study a language in college.
The German Teacher Seemed Almost Anti-American
The German teacher seemed almost anti-American. There was definitely
a tone from the teacher that Germans were better than Americans. It kind
of created resentment and strife. I found it very unpleasant. So that kind
of played a role in as far as learning. My interest in learning German
dropped significantly. She was a toughie. It was a very negative
experience, big turn-off. I dont think it was the language. I have
positive feeling towards German. Its connected to that loyalty.
I definitely wouldnt be portraying that Americas better than anything
else. Id be trying to give a more secular perspective, especially on the
topics that we cover. There have been moments where its been nice when
Ive done certain topics where weve been able to incorporate the
Manchurian [sic] language into the classroom and had a student actually
reading it for the whole class, poetry, things like that. Its been wonderful,
but theyre very rare.
In Ginas story of starting a language, she does not discuss the afterschool German
program from a language-learning perspective. What she does describe is a social
activity, something to do with friends. As in her previous stories, she emphasizes the
brief length of her participationa few timesa strategy she seems to employ to
communicate both the limited nature of the experience and what she learned from it. Her
story emphasizes that her decision to attend the afterschool program is one that she makes
under the influence of othersher friends who are looking for something to do and the
teacher whom she perceives to have marketed the program in an appealing way. Within
this story Gina foreshadows elements of her subsequent story of studying German in high
school. This aside reveals the importance she places on the social aspect of her learning
and how, when deciding what language to study, she allows her German heritage to carry

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more influence than her friends. Gina never evaluates the experience of participating in
the program or what she gleans from it. In her coda, however, she offers an interpretation
of the German teachers motivation. Using her current teacher lenses, she now views the
German afterschool program as a recruitment tool, nothing more and nothing less. She
perceives that the German teachers sole concern is for her own needs, not those of the
learners.
As she relates her two-year experience in the foreign language classroom, Gina
makes it clear that she feels out of place from the very beginning. She says she chose
German because she didnt feel smart enough for Latin, something that made German
a good one. It appears that she is drawn to the familiarity of German over the
unfamiliarity of Latin, a language her friends might have opted to take. As her friends do
not choose German, she is cut off from her social network, something she has already
revealed to be important. As she comes to discover the academic demands of German, it
appears that she does not feel smart enough for German either. She is challenged,
confused, and overwhelmed academically and emotionally yet forced to continue
language study in both 9th and 10th grades because of it being a requirement. In this, two
years takes on both a limited and limitless nature. It is limited because not much facility
with language can generally be acquired in two years of high school study. It is limitless
because of the constant frustration she feels cognitively and affectively. As she points
out, nothing interested or motivated her to continue. Without friends, motivating
content, or academic success, she opts to drop German as soon as her requirement is
fulfilled, a decision she extends into her college career. In its place, she returns to her
comfort zone, the social environment of activities and clubs.

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In her final story of high school German class, Gina adds one last rationale for her
negative attitude toward German study: the teacher and her anti-American tone. From
her heritage stories, it is clear that Gina holds the English language and her American
culture in high esteem. She appears to have experienced cultural conflict from the way in
which her teacher presented the German language and culture. While she calls the
teachers approach an impediment to her learning and a turn-off, she later reveals that it
turned her off to studying German but not to German, the language of her heritage. As
she concludes this story, Gina considers how she, as a teacher of American history,
presents culture. She rejects the one-sided approach to culture teaching taken by her
German teacher and offers an example from her classroom teaching to illustrate how she
acts to the contrary.
Unlike her heritage narratives, Ginas three stories of school language-learning
experiences are more fully formed. She orients us, tells us what happened, and evaluates
the actions in all three; and offers connections between the past and the present in two of
them. The narrative of the afterschool program initially seems somewhat enigmatic as
Gina does not talk about learning language and does not tell us what she took away from
it. What we later realize is that she uses this story to help us understand the important
role her friends play in her learning and the conflicted relationship she has with the
German teacher, two points that are more fully illustrated in the subsequent stories of
emotional and academic discomfort in the German classroom. She concludes this series
of stories by positioning her teaching of culture in direct contrast with the German
teachers approach. She illustrates this using a recent classroom episode in which she

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incorporated the home language of Mai, a Chinese ELL, into the lesson, an occurrence
that I will return to later in this portrait.
Adult Language Learning
With a positive affect toward German, Gina has continued to engage in language
learning during adulthood. As she declared in her opening summary of languagelearning experiences, this happened after her exposure to formal lessons.
I Have a Friend that Was into Learning German
I have a friend that was into learning German. After college, she had a
Family Circus fun [video] tape that you can listen to, and it uses real-life
experiences like going to the zoo and its all in song, in German. They
expose you to the song, to the language that way. We were playing
around with it. Youre kind of getting more immersed in what an actual
interaction might be or something along those lines. Ive always been
faithful to German.
I Did Take German in a Community Class
As an adult, I did take German in a little community class, just a few
weeks class. I did it for something to do. It was an evening class. Some
people were planning on going on to visit Germany, and some people
were just taking it to take it, like myself. There were probably 15 people
or so in the group. The guy who taught it was German. They were part of
a bigger German community thing.
The teacher was just going through some basics. They try to get you
involved in using the language. I can just remember showing up, feeling
ready to learn. Did I get much of the language? No. I think I learned the
language minimally, if anything, but no more than when I walked through
the door. I didnt retain anything. Thered be break times before class or
after class, when I might go and have coffee with a few people.
I think it was fun. It was interesting and comfortable. It was nice to meet
other people. I met some nice people. So thats how it ended up.
The story of viewing the German-language Family Circus videotape with her
friend re-emphasizes the draw that social learning has for Gina. Additionally, the video
itself, one created to appeal to American children, is equally appealing to Gina with its

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multimodal format and entertaining style. What she seems to most enjoy is the videos
contextualized, communicative approach to language learning, a stark contrast to the
grammar approach she experienced in the German classroom. Watching the video with a
friend made it play, not work. As she recounts this pleasurable way of learning German,
Gina reaffirms her loyalty to the language of her heritage.
Ginas final story is of a language-learning experience she chooses to undertake
with the familiar motivation of something to do, a motivation she claims to share with
many of the other adult participants in this small class. The instructor and the community
he represents share the German heritage Gina has affirmed time and again. The language
of the course is basic, probably demanding no more of Gina than what she already
knows. While she describes herself as ready to learn, she is untroubled by her minimal
learning outcomes and lack of retention. Gina describes this as a fun, interesting, and
comfortable experiencefun and interesting because the teacher engages the learners
with authentic language use; comfortable because of the social relationships she forms
with classmates, the minimal linguistic demands, the connection to her German heritage,
and the limited timeframe of the course. Gina clearly evaluates this language-learning
experience in a positive manner.
Ginas two adult language-learning experiences are positive ones where she is
finally able to learn language on her own terms and in ways that are most comfortable for
her. She is not challenged to learn much language through them, but is content to use
them to maintain a connection to her heritage and to connect socially. Neither of these
narratives includes a coda. In other words, she does not make connections between these
experiences and her current life or teaching practice.

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Reflections on Ginas Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
Looking at the whole of Ginas stories, we see that she has multiple experiences
through which she has had the potential to learn German. While she does not learn the
German language from her heritage experiences, she comes away with a positive attitude
toward the German language that she carries with her through adulthood. This attitude
seems to mediate her negative experiences in the high school German classroom and
inspire her adult return to German language study. Additionally, she appears to develop
a belief from early experiences with her English-speaking German relatives that she only
needs to know English to be able to communicate with others, including others whose
first language may not be English. This belief seems to make it acceptable for her to
abandon language study in high school and accept minimal language learning in her adult
experiences.
Gina experiences two different approaches to language learning. The first, a
grammatically-based approach where the focus is on form rather than meaning (LarsenFreeman, 2000), dominates her high school language learning. Trying to understand
pronouns, nouns, and verb locations makes Gina feel confused and unsuccessful,
ultimately leading her to believe that a second language is challenging for her.
A dominant theme of Ginas language-learning stories is the importance of having
a social network present to support her learning. While it is likely that this is true for all
her learning, not just language learning, it appears to strongly influence her sense of
success and satisfaction in language-learning contexts. Therefore, I would also posit that
Gina believes in the need for a comfortable social context for successful language
learning.

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Teaching ELLs in the 8th Grade American History Classroom
At Moss Creek Middle School, I have the opportunity to observe Gina Lenhardt
teach two 40-minute classes of 8th grade American history. In the 8th period class I
observe, she has three ELLs: Mai, An, and Tien. In the interview prior to my first
observation, Gina reports that this is Mais second year at the school since coming to the
U.S. from China and the first year for Vietnamese sisters An and Tien. Although Tien is
older, Gina says that the district made the decision to keep the girls together in 8th grade.
What she knows about the girls she has learned from the guidance counselor and the ESL
teacher.
Gina describes Mai as a shy student who is capable, very smart, and able to
work independently. She proudly recalls, When weve done some different things, shes
been able to contribute different language. She offers little description of the other
ELLs saying only, An lets herself get distracted and Tien is more reserved. As our
conversation continues, it becomes clear that Gina does not believe An and Tien should
be in her class.
I addressed with our ELL teacher that they really shouldnt be in here any
more or that they need more support or they need something else, because
were getting into a lot more. If anything it baffles me. It makes me more
confused and more frustrated the way the system is. Really this is beyond
what they should be doing for first year here. You know, theyre exempt
and learning English yet theyre expected to learn English and apply it in
social studies without learning it, technically.
In reality, Gina seems to be frustrated with more than the system. Throughout
our interviews, she emphasizes two specific issues that frustrate her: the ELLs English
language skills and the part-time nature of the ESL teachers employment. She tells me
that, in class, the ELLs copy information rather than connect to it because of the

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language issue. She observes that they get nothing out of class videos, because they
cant understand the language. She explains that class participation is too challenging
for the girls because theyre not understanding the language, so they cant participate at
that level. As a result, she feels incapable of effectively teaching them. As she says,
Its disappointing that youre not reaching all your kids and you know it in a way. And
you try a lot of different things, and you dont really know if youre being successful or
not. When I probe whether she sees that some things she is doing are reaching the
ELLs, she answers, I dont know and summarizes the situation by lamenting, Thats
the hand Ive been dealt, you know?
Mrs. McKee, the ESL teacher, is employed part time at Moss Creek Middle
School. Due to time constraints of the part-time position, Gina stresses that the ELLs are
getting no social studies support [from the ESL teacher] whatsoever. The time they
spend in the ESL classroom is dedicated to mathematics and science instruction,
something the school views as a priority. The ESL teachers schedule also makes faceto-face communication difficult for Gina who explains that she would have to give up her
20-minute lunch in order to talk with Mrs. McKee. What communication they do have is
for like two minutes.
As previously stated, Gina was a reading teacher prior to becoming a social
studies teacher. This is an identity she appears to bring into the social studies classroom
with her. When the conversation turns to her approach to teaching ELLs, she explains, I
prioritize [sic] it as just an emerging reader or learner versus secondary language.
Basically, I do the same approaches across the board for all my reading learners. When
I inquire whether the ELLs are literate in their home languages, she very hesitantly

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replies, Mostly, I think so, yeah. It appears that this may not be something she knows
for certain. Another reason Gina may focus on ELLs as readers is because of the very
reading-writing intensive nature of social studies. She asserts that this is challenging
enough for an eighth grader, let alone somebody who has to come in with little
background historically or language-wise.
As we discuss her approach to teaching ELLs further, Gina identifies a single
strategy that she employs:
Gina: Visuals. I rely more on the visuals to make the connection to help
them versus language.
Joanne: Youre doing that specifically for their language needs?
Gina: I wouldnt know what else to do. I wish I knew what were the
other options, but I dont really know what else to do that would work or
worth attempting or considering to attempt.
She adds, however, that visuals are a strategy she uses not just [for] ELL students but
a lot of emerging learners in that room. She believes visuals take some of the abstract
into something concrete.
Lesson One: From the Great Depression to the Current Recession
Without her own classroom, Gina enters Mr. Martins room alongside students
coming to this 8th period American history class. She heads directly to the computer in
the center of the room and projects her PowerPoint presentation entitled The Great
Depression onto the screen in the front of the room. Studentsincluding ELLs Mai, An,
and Tienfind their assigned desks that are arranged in pairs, as shown in Figure 6.
Gina begins the lesson by handing students a packet and saying, On your
learning goal, were going to learn about how the government dealt with the Depression.
As Gina previously pointed out, she incorporates a large number of visuals to illustrate

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the text of each slide. One slide at a time, Gina narrates and explains U.S. presidents
responses to the Great Depression and the current-day economic crisis. As she does so,
she points to the visuals on the screen and engages the students orally through
questioning. Mai, An, and Tien appear to watch their teacher and the PowerPoint
presentation attentively.
Chalkboard

Chalkboard

Window

Screen

Mr. Martins desk

Boy
Boy

Bookcase

Girl
Boy

Girl

Boy

Mai

Projector

Girl

Boy

An
Tien Girl

Mr. Jones
Table
Ginas storage

Boy

Door

Window

Computer

Bulletin Board

Figure 6. Gina Lenhardts 8th grade American history class.

The second slide, entitled Herbert Loser Hoover contains a political cartoon in
which President Hoover, represented as Uncle Sam, pours money into a pipe that leads to
a well. At this point Gina asks the class, What does he pour into the pipe? Although
several students raise their hands, she calls on Mai, whose hand is not visibly raised, and

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asks her to get up and approach the screen. When Mai hesitates, Gina encourages her
verbally and with hand gestures. As Mai gets up and walks to the screen, Gina repeats
the question and tells Mai to point to the answer on the screen. Mai points to the money,
smiles at Gina, and then returns to her seat. Gina then asks her, What do you like to do
with money? and she replies, Buy. Gina completes the brief interaction saying,
Spend, spend, spend.
When Gina arrives at the slide that graphically illustrates President Hoovers
Trickle Down Approach and President Roosevelts Pump Priming Approach, she asks the
students to take written notes on a sheet in the packet she distributed earlier. As the
students begin to copy text from the slide, Mr. Jones, the teaching assistant assigned to
Ginas class, approaches each of the ELLs and a few other students, says something to
each of them, and points to the sheet. All the ELLs work on copying the notes after Mr.
Jones takes leave of them. Gina moves around the room but does not interact with the
ELLs.
The final activity during this 40-minute class is prompted by a slide entitled
Cooperative Learning Partners/Groups. Prior to distributing the packets to students at
the beginning of class, Gina had written numbers on each. To partner students for the
activity, she calls out these numbers two-at-a-time, One and eight, two and ten As
students identify their partners, some are obligated to move to different desks. Mai and
Tien move to the far right side of the room while An stays in her assigned seat. Mais
new partner is Jasmine, a student I later learn has been attentive to Mai in the past. Tien
sits next to a boy, and An becomes a member of a foursome of girls.

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As the partners and groups come together to write a comparison of the U.S.
presidents approaches to economic crises, both Gina and Mr. Jones circulate around the
room observing and commenting on students work. I observe Mai and her partner
engage in on-task, two-way conversation, laughing and making eye contact. Tien seems
attentive to her partner as he talks her through the activity, pointing and explaining. The
three girls in Ans group act as if she were not present, directing their words and attention
to one another, but not to An. She looks down at her paper and appears to write.
Ginas Reflections on the Great Depression Lesson
After the lesson, I interview Gina with the goal of learning her perspectives on
what I observed. I first inquire about her perception of the ELLs reaction to the lesson, a
lesson filled with historical references that may be quite foreign to these learners.
Gina: I think that its a mixed reaction. I think they like it when you have
some visuals and some interaction. But as soon as it starts getting to
comprehension and documenting whats going on, applying it to the notes,
then its a turn-off. You know? Because they dont know the language,
so they feel frustrated. Im sure.
Joanne: Was that what you observed in them today?
Gina: At different times, yes. Especially I see it in Mai, [be]cause she
likes to be pert. She likes her things to be nice, so when they were making
some mistakes in filling out her packet, it just shuts her down more.
I am somewhat surprised by Ginas interpretation. I did not observe any of the
ELLs express frustration in response to the assigned tasks. Mai, in particular, seemed
highly engaged with her partner and with the task. The only negative response I noticed
was Ans dejected expression after being socially excluded during the partner/group
activity. It appears that Ginas perspective of the ELLs and their knowledge of English
may have colored her perceptions.

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In wanting to understand Ginas public interaction with Mai, I inquire about that
as well.
Joanne: At one point, you asked Mai, I believe, to come up and point
something out.
Gina: Yup.
Joanne: If I observed correctly, she had volunteered an answer. Is that
what happened?
Gina: Before that, I asked her to come up.
Joanne: Oh, you specifically asked her. How did you come about
choosing her to respond to that question and do it in that way?
Gina: I was trying to balance who was participating. That would be it.
Although Gina says, That would be it, there was more:
Joanne: And you felt that was something she would be comfortable with,
confident with?
Gina: Successful at. Yeah. And thats why the reinforcement of having
her come up and point to it, so she knew she was getting it too.
Joanne: Is that something shes done before?
Gina: Well, in different ways, yes. Shes read some Asian poetry when
weve done different things like that. Weve done interpretations of
poetry where the kids have seen it in English and theres a second copy in
Mandarin, and shes read that in Mandarin for the kids, and different
things like that.
As I listen to Ginas explanations of Mais participation, I develop two
understandings. First, it appears that Gina is making an effort to actively include Mai
the ELL with more advanced English skillsand to do so in a way that assures her
success. Secondly, it seems that Gina values Mais home language and culture and has
taken steps to incorporate them in the classroom. My second undergoes modification
when Gina and I have the following conversation at the end of the interview:

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Joanne: Youre teaching American history. Do you think theres a
disconnect for these kids?
Gina: They may not even know their own history, but there are some
connections in this course for them. When we talk about immigration, we
learn about Angel Island in San Francisco Bay. Angel Island is where
Asian immigrants arrived. Mai read a poem in Mandarin about it. The
poems were in English and Mandarin with an audio recording of someone
reading them.
Joanne: How did it come about that Mai read them in Mandarin?
Gina: It was Jasmines idea. She said, Look, Mais lip-synching. Lets
hear her read them. So we asked Mai if shed read the poems in
Mandarin. We compared how she read to the person in the recording. We
heard the same tones and sounds.
Clearly, it was not Gina who thought to have Mai speak Mandarin in class but one
of the native English-speaking students, Jasmine. Gina, however, was open to the
possibility and now seems proud of having incorporated Mais home language and
culture into her lesson.
Having observed Mr. Jones, the teaching assistant, interact with the ELLs to a
great extent, I inquire about his responsibilities as well. Gina tells me that he replaced the
special education teacher who used to push into her classroom. He has a special list
and is assigned to circulate among the learners on that list. The ELLs are included on his
list because, as Gina says, Theyre the ones who need the most support. Something
that is still unclear to me, despite multiple attempts at clarification, is whether Gina
placed the ELLs names on Mr. Jones list or whether this decision was made elsewhere.
Finally, I ask Gina to talk about the ELLs and the group work I observed. In
response, she explains that the groups are broken out randomly with the goal of a
balanced match. She explains that she switches partners if the ELLs are randomly
paired with one another or with a student who is not a stronger co-worker. In

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describing her own interaction with the groups, Gina tells me that she is checking to
make sure that theyre both following and both cooperating, that theres a mutual, a fairly
balanced mutual exchange of information.
In reflecting on Ginas response, two things stand out to me. First, by not
allowing the ELLs to work together, especially the sisters who share a home language,
Gina prevents their home language communication and social interactions, two things she
particularly valued in her own experiences as a language learner. Even though she tells
me she is checking for cooperation and mutual exchange of information among
partners/groups, I did not observe her intervene when Ans group members failed to
include her.
Lesson Two: The Dust Bowl
A week after the first observation, I return to the same classroom for a second
one. Before I have an opportunity to talk with Gina about the upcoming lesson, she
enthusiastically reports that the ESL teacher has begun working with her three ELLs on
social studies, and that she has seen results:
What Im noticing immediately is that, now that theyre going two days a
week with the Mrs. McKee, the ESL teacher, a huge improvement and a
huge motivation booster for them. Its a very noticeable, dramatic change
since they are now actually getting some support outside of our classroom
for social studies. And even just two days, and its just, Thank God.
You can see that theyre more interested in whats happening in the class
and theyre retaining attention span longer.
She then tempers her enthusiasm as she tells me that the ESL teacher is not able to
keep on pace with the class due to her limited time with the ELLs. Shes a unit behind
usId rather her be doing the Great Depression with us as we do it, but [that is] the pace
that she has, because of the time allotment.

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The topic of the second lesson I observe is the Dust Bowl. The classroom setting,
seating, and Ginas approach to instructional delivery in this second lesson are consistent
with what I observed in the previous lesson. Gina opens this whole group lesson asking
students a series of display questions about the Dust Bowl, the Great Depressions impact
on the American people, and the U.S. governments responses. Students raise their hands
and Gina calls on them. None of the ELLs raise their hands, and Gina does not call on
them. Gina moves slide by slide through her visual-filled PowerPoint presentation,
explaining, commenting, and continuing to ask questions of students who have raised
their hands while students take notes on a packet they were given the previous day. The
ELLs attend to each slide and copy notes from the screen into their packets.
Two of the slides include audio recordings of people who experienced the Dust
Bowl. A man tells how he covered his face with his hand to avoid breathing in the
deadly black dust adding, I kept bringing my hand up closer and closer and I still
couldnt see my hand. Thats how black it was. Gina then asks her students to replicate
his actions and imagine not being able to see their hands. Tien, along with a few other
students, does not do as Gina has asked. Gina then insists, Do it! Tien looks at her
classmates and then complies. At the end of class, Gina reminds students to study for the
next days test on the 1920s and 1930s.
Ginas Reflections on the Dust Bowl Lesson and Beyond
Again, I begin the post-observation interview asking Gina to reflect on her
observations of the lesson. In her response, she says, The level of [the ELLs]
engagement tends to be intermittent. Thats what I observe. Theyre not able to really
ask questions. I find it interesting that Gina chooses to focus on the ELLs lack of

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question asking when, in fact, she delivered the Dust Bowl lesson around the IRE pattern
of questioning: teacher Initiation, student Response, and teacher Evaluation (Cazden,
2001, p. 30). Accordingly, there was no expectation that any student would ask
questions.
When I mention to Gina that I did not observe the ELLs raise their hands to
answer questions, nor did I see her call on them, she quickly confirms my observations.
To pursue her thinking further, I ask,
Joanne: Would you have called on them?
Gina: No, because I didnt have any visual backup to go ahead and help
them if they struggled.
Joanne: Okay. So, like the other day when you asked them to come up
and point
Gina: I know that there is some room for me to help them be successful.
Something for me to build more of if they dont get it right away, that kind
of a thing, and to make them feel successful or comfortable.
At the same time as Gina seems to find fault with the ELLs engagement, she does not
welcome it either. She appears to be insecure in knowing how to respond to the
imperfect English they might use in answering questions. Her own discomfort, therefore,
serves as a barrier to the ELLs class participation.
A final issue I explore with Gina is how she thinks about tomorrows test for the
ELLs, especially in light of the support they are now receiving from Mrs. McKee, the
ESL teacher. She immediately reminds me that Mrs. McKee is working with them on a
different unit so is unable to provide them adequate support. She then explains that she
grades An and Tien on a pass-fail basis, a point I probe further:
Joanne: So, from a pass-fail perspective, how do you think about that as
you look at their tests? What are you looking for?

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Gina: I dont really. I look for more whats going on in class. I dont
really evaluate their tests, unless it was something they were really
confident about doing and want to receive feedback. I dont even know if
theyll turn it in. I may not get that for two or three weeks. So, at that
point, its really useless for me and them, because theres no immediate
feedback or no way to re-teach parts to them or whatever, to pinpoint what
they really need to get.
Ginas response illustrates the complex situation created when ELLs take tests over a
period of time and in another room. She uses this point to argue for the importance of her
in-class evaluation of the ELLs. As previously noted, however, her own insecurities
cause her to limit ELLs opportunities in class, thus setting them up for negative
evaluation.
Connections between Ginas Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
Each time I met with Gina Lenhardt, I asked her about the connections she saw
between her own language-learning experiences and her teaching practice for ELLs. The
first time I asked, her response consisted of the single word, None. In our last
interview, her reply had not changed significantly, but was more fully explicated:
No, its either too many years ago or its just very different than the way I
was learning language, because at least I had an English background as
well as the teacher having some of that connection versus this being like a
blank slate. Again, I rely more on the visuals to make the connection to
help them versus language. That seems to be the best I could do with that.
In her analysis, she explicitly offers a single connection: the use of visuals, a strategy she
uses generously in her class PowerPoint presentations. This is a connection that can be
seen in her story of learning German from a Family Circus video, where the visual format
supported her language learning and made it pleasurable. From my observations of
Ginas teaching, it appears that the visuals are not only for the ELLs and other emerging
readers, they are for her as well. For it was when Gina had a visual backdrop that she

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felt confident in asking Mai to come forward to answer a question. When she did not,
she chose not to include the ELLs in the class question-and-answer session.
In this comment, Gina also points out the value she places on English as a shared
language of communication. This is consistent with her heritage narratives that expose
her understanding that English is the only language she needs for communication and that
it is up to others to know English to communicate with her. In her interview comment,
she likens not knowing English to being a blank slate, a perspective that helps us
understand why she seems to perceive her ELLswho are emergent speakers of
Englishfrom a deficit perspective.
Returning to my analysis of Ginas narratives, I identify several other connections
that she does not acknowledge or, mostly likely, realize. First of all, in recounting her
experiences with high school German, she reveals a discomfort with second language.
It challenges and overwhelms her. From our conversation about her ELLs class
participation, it appears that Gina feels this same discomfort with the ELLs language and
allows this uneasiness to inhibit their opportunities. What participation she does allow
them is moderated, keeping communication safe for Gina.
Another set of connections I see is related to the pro-American stance Gina
expresses in the story of her anti-American German teacher and the positive attitude
toward the German language that she communicated across narratives. When teaching
her students about Asian immigration to the U.S., Ginaan American history teacher
focused her instruction on the American perspective. She most likely included the firstperson immigration account to fulfill the state learning standard that asks students to
describe historic events through the eyes and experiences of those who were here (New

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York State Education Department [NYSED], 1996, p. 5). Admittedly, she had not seen
the narrators bilingual poetry as an opportunity to incorporate Mais language and
culture into her lesson. It took another student, Jasmine, to suggest this culturallyresponsive opportunity for Mai to read the poetry in Mandarin and share her first
language with her classmates.
The final connection I see between Ginas language-learning narratives and her
practice with ELLs is the important role a support system plays in her comfort level and
confidence. As I previously asserted, I do not believe that this is exclusive to situations
that involve language. However, it clearly played as dominant a role in her languagelearning experiences as it appears to in her practice with ELLs. Having Mr. Jones, the
teaching assistant, interact with the ELLs during class supports her by allowing her to
avoid placing herself in the uncomfortable position of communicating with learners
whose English is still developing. In reflecting on Mrs. McKees ESL support for social
studies, Gina declares,
I think its beneficial, the support, with a special language teacher. It just
makes it so much easier for them and more motivating for them, which is
inspiring as the content teacher. So, that, having that in a program is
essential.
At the conclusion of Ginas participation in my study, she summarizes what she
has taken away from it:
I think Ive taken away that its always good to re-evaluate teaching
practices and making sure I connect with all my learners, for not just
comprehension of content but different activities and structures, a way to
do learning styles, the different learning styles, and how that can benefit
every student. That its always good to think about what youre doing, the
practices that youre putting out there for kids.

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After several weeks of discussing the ELLs in her class, Gina continues to hold fast to her
position that she is a teacher of all learners whose differences can be accounted for as
differences in learning styles. She has used this experience to validate her prior thinking,
much of it rooted in prior experience as a reading teacher, some of it rooted in the
narrative of her language-learning experiences.

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Chapter Five Foreign Language Learners, Experienced Teachers
In Chapter Five, I present the portraits of three more participants of this study:
Nick Perotti, a middle school health teacher, Valerie Sumner, a middle school science
teacher, and Alex Stewart, a K-8 physical education teacher. All three of these teachers
began their language-learning experiences as adolescents in the formal setting of a
classroom. What sets them apart from the previous three participants is that they have no
heritage language or cultural connections. What distinguishes them from the three
participants who will be portrayed in Chapter Six is that they all have prior teaching
experience. As Connelly and Clandinin (1985) emphasize, when teachers are in the
midst of practice, their entire armory of personal practical knowledge is on call (pp.
183-184). Thus, Nick, Valerie, and Alex have additional teaching experience at their
disposal as they teach the ELLs in their classrooms. The format for the portraits in this
chapter has the same organization as those presented in Chapter Four.
Nick Perotti, Middle School Health Teacher
Getting to Know Nick
Nick Perotti is a 30-year-old health teacher at urban Northside Middle School. He
teaches every 6th, 7th, and 8th grade student at the school through 10-week courses. This
is his third year teaching, but his first year teaching ELLs. He explains that health
instruction for ELLs was previously delivered in the ESL classroom. Prior to becoming a
health teacher, Nick worked at a local sports medicine company as an injury prevention
specialist.

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At the request of the Northside principal, one of the ESL teachers provided me
names of four potential participants for this study. All four teachers, including Nick, are
members of the schools inclusion team that serves ELLs and learners with special
educational needs. Nicks enthusiasm for participating in my study is evident from the
very beginning. He replies to my initial email saying that he would love to hear about
the study. When a snow day closes school the day of our initial meeting, Nick calls me
to say he is at school hoping I can still come. Without hesitation, he agrees to participate
and is so enthusiastic that he approaches several colleagues to encourage their
participation.
Each time I come to Northside Middle School to meet with Nick, he arranges to
meet me on the first floor. From there, he accompanies me to his out-of-the-way second
floor classroom. During each interview, we sit in his classroom at a cluster of student
desks a short distance from his teachers desk.
Studying French
Nick is a prolific storyteller. He relates a total of 16 stories during the course of
our interviews. They begin with his middle and high school experiences as a student of
French, move to his high school study of Latin, and continue on to his adult experiences
working as an injury prevention specialist with a Native American lacrosse team that
competed in Australia. I made decisions regarding which stories to select for inclusion in
Nicks portrait based on the process I outlined in Chapter Three. The stories I include
here reflect the significant events (Riessman, 1993, p. 40) within Nicks languagelearning experiences as well as those stories where he makes his strongest connections to
the ELLs in his health class. More than any other participant, Nick uses the codas of his

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personal experience stories to make connections to his teaching for ELLs. To make these
many connections explicit to the reader, I have chosen to present eight stories, more than
I have done for other participants. The three opening stories are those that provide us
insights into his experiences as a learner of French.
I Started Studying French
I started studying French when I was in the 8th grade, probably somewhere
around 1989ish, at the time in the Greenview School District.
It was a real textbook curriculum. I always remember my teacher seemed
more interested in the fact that she had lived the culture than teaching it to
us. She didnt seem to want to be bothered with us. She was right at the
end of her career. She was very knowledgeable of culture, knew the
language inside and out, but didnt seem too interested with us as a class.
There was a definite requirement for the state diploma, and I had an older
brother and an older sister who had chosen that route, a sibling thing.
I just thought it was going to be something to pick up for a year or two
because my principal said I had to. So I read the textbook and did what I
had to do. It was something I had to do, but it was kind of fun to speak
and talk and sound with the accent. What I experienced, I enjoyed, but not
enjoying the teacher.
I Got in Line with the Very Crazy Energetic Teacher
When I got to high school, I got in line with the very crazy energetic
teacher, who really, really loved the language. She had lived in France.
She was really passionate about conversation and what that does for you
as a person. She was the craziest woman Ive ever met. She didnt appear
to follow anything [i.e., curriculum] I have to follow today as a teacher,
but loved the culture.
At the time City View Mall had just opened up. I remember I brought in
[to school] an Orangina, that French orange juice soda. Im sitting in the
mall. I just saw it. I was thirsty. I had a drink. She rinsed that [the can]
out. You would have thought I saved a relative.
After 9th grade is where I decided really to pursue the state requirement,
because I really had fun. The stories that I heard were good. We read in
French. We watched movies in French. Here I am watching, going uh
huh, uh huh, and I could follow right along so I said, Its not that bad.

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I just remember that passion, experiencing your American culture and how
it impacts French culture.
The French Teacher Had a Lot of Traveling Stories
The French teacher had a lot of traveling stories. She compared the
cultures, always comparing this to the French, American to the French.
Just constantly, That wouldnt happen over in France. Im like, Okay,
very discerning, dissenting.
I recognize that through stories I learn better. I try to put stories into any
lessons I dofor ELL or a standard studentbecause I think it creates
connections. What I tell the story for and what they take from it are
usually different. I know my teachers never intended for me to grab
certain aspects based on their stories. I tell them about it, and theyre like,
How did you get there?
Nick uses this first story to provide us background information about his decision
to take French and how his language-learning journey begins. He makes it clear that he
enters the foreign language classroom with the mindset that he is there simply to fulfill a
requirement. The teacher, although knowledgeable, does nothing to encourage his
motivation for learning French. His only potential source of external motivation, at the
beginning, are his siblings who studied language before him. Interestingly, we discover
that it is the French language itself that appeals to Nick. The novelty and lure of the
language turn an otherwise unmotivated middle school student into an inspired learner of
French.
In this second story, we learn that the intrinsically motivated Nick finds an added
source of motivation in his ninth grade French teacher. Everything about this womans
approach to teaching French fascinates him. She teaches from lived experience; her
passionate, energetic, and out-of-the box approaches captivate him; and her concern for
her students impresses him.

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Nicks account of buying Orangina at the mall reveals how his attraction to
French has moved beyond the language to include the culture. He has an awareness of
culture in everyday life and beyond the walls of the French classroom. He begins to see
the global impact of one culture upon another. In the end, the French teachers
enthusiastic response affirms Nicks actions as much as it seals his decision to continue
studying French. He is clearly no longer fulfilling a requirement; he is pursuing
something he truly enjoys.
Nick uses this third story to highlight a particular strategy that his high school
French teacher used to teach culture and to illustrate cross-cultural comparisons. In
describing his response to her stories as discerning, dissenting, we realize that he
actively, albeit covertly, engages with her storytelling. These two adjectives imply that
Nick is not only analyzing what she has to say, he is also evaluating the content of the
stories. By engaging in such high level thinking, Nick is able to learn from the tales his
French teacher tells. Recognizing the power stories play in his own learning, he now
applies this strategy to his own teaching and with all learners. From personal experience,
however, he keeps in mind that the connections a teacher hopes the learners will make
from the stories may not be the ones the students make.
Qualities of a Language Learner
In these next three stories, Nick reveals who he is as a learner and how his learner
characteristics influence and are influenced by language learning. The stories, based on
experiences in both the French and Latin classrooms, serve as jumping-off points for
Nick to relate his thinking about how he teaches the ELLs in his classroom.

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I Was Not Self-Conscious When It Came to School
I was not self-conscious when it came to school. I was always willing to
speak and talk. I always have been.
When you speak with a French accent that first time, for a lot of people it
sounds different. I knew I was going to sound funny. It never bothered me.
I would keep going and going, and I would destroy words left and right
and just keep working on it. Come back the next day and Id have the
word down.
I try to create opportunities for ELLs to speak as often as I can. Its not
often in the classroom or during the lesson but, good morning or goodbye. If I am handing out some sort of class work assignment, Im trying
to use simple words to gauge whether or not they understand or if theyve
picked up on it. I try to initiate them in conversations. I dont believe I
can teach them English because Im not in that setting for them. We work
on hello and good-bye and a handshake or a high-five. Its not part of my
curriculum, but thats going to get them very far if they can say hello and
good-bye.
I Was Mastering What I Thought Was Nothing
I had one experience where I was like a 99 student in this Latin class. I
was mastering what I thought was nothing, and I went to the teacher in
tears, broken down.
I studied Latin with my 10th grade French teacher for two years. It was
almost June. Tests were about to begin. She asked me questions, and at
the end she asked, What do you think youre missing? Well, I dont
have this, I dont have that verb, noun. And shes like, Nobody does. I
dont have like one student who has that.
I remember feeling frustrated about nothing, which was the way I was. I
remember what the frustration felt like. I meet these kids [ELLs] coming
innew country, new home, new language. We wouldnt put any of our
students through any of that all at once, as much as I want to push them
right through. I know my minimal frustration. I can imagine that them
being pushed into a culture and not allowed to leave would bring huge
frustration. I would hope that at least being there and being sympathetic
with what theyre going through can make it a little easier.
I Believe I Was a Successful Language Learner
I believe I was a successful language learner. For French and Latin, I can
remember repetition. Awareness, awareness, awareness. Keep reading it,

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keep looking at it. Practice, practice, practice. Just drilling, constant
repetition.
I definitely employ the strategy of repetition [with the ELLs]. The
activities that I try to share with them are basic, basic, introductory
vocabulary. It focuses a lot around word puzzles and word searches. I
find some of them not into the language yet, but theyre not at the point
where they are basic. So Ive been having them take highlighted words
out of standard newspaper articles. I highlight words for them and say,
Can you copy these words? because theyre words that are important in
our language related to my curriculum of health: vaccine, disease,
prevention, protection. Just an awareness of the word. And they can pick
everything out.
In this fourth story, we learn about Nicks personality and how it affects his
language learning. He describes himself as someone who is outgoing, perseverant, and
goal-oriented. In addition, he appears to have high self-esteem. As a result, he is
unbothered by aspects of language learning that can serve as obstacles for self-conscious
or insecure adolescents. In other words, Nicks personality seems to facilitate his
language learning.
As someone who is outgoing, Nick values the opportunity to speak French, the
language he is learning. He draws on this perspective when he says he encourages his
ELLs to speak in English. Although he holds a perspective that has the potential to
empower ELLs language development, the practice he describes seems to limit the
degree with which the ELLs can actually carry it out. The limitation is intentional. Nick
does not view his health classroom as a context where language can be learned, and his
curriculum does not tell him to teach it. Therefore, he views his efforts to have his ELLs
engage in brief acts of socializing in a positive light. He believes he has gone above and
beyond what is required of him.

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What the fifth story helps us understand about Nick, as a language learner, is that
he is a high achiever or, potentially, an over-achiever. He sets high standards for his own
learning and constantly assesses whether it is good enough. His negative self-assessment
and resultant frustration are what led to the incident he depicts from his Latin class. It
takes an understanding teacher to help him move beyond his frustration and accept his
imperfect knowledge. In the coda, Nick attempts to draw a parallel between his personal
experience of frustration in language learning and the frustration his immigrant ELLs feel
learning English and acclimating to a new country and culture. As he makes this
connection, he takes into account that his situation pales in comparison to what his ELLs
have experienced. In doing so, he takes the stance of the sympathetic teacher who
attempts to understand the ELLs frustration and help them move beyond it.
In the sixth story, Nick reiterates what we already know about his success as a
language learner and then goes on to acquaint us with an additional reason for his
success. He is a strategic language learner. In the coda of this story, Nick shares the fact
that he draws on his knowledge of language learning strategies to plan for his ELLs
learning in health class. Believing that word awareness is the first step to language
learning, he designs activities to have the ELLs become familiar with the vocabulary of
the content area. As he assesses that some of the ELLs do not yet know basic English,
his goal is awareness of words in his content area. As he describes them, these
activities do not appear to promote understanding of word meanings. In saying, and
they can pick everything out, we realize that Nick has a favorable assessment of the
ELLs ability to meet this singular language goal he has set out for them.

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Cross-cultural Employment
The final two stories that Nick tells are about his adult experience of working with
Native American lacrosse players in the context of an international tournament just prior
to becoming a teacher. Although the players and the people who accompany them to
Australia speak English, Nick realizes that their approach to communication is strongly
influenced by their culture, a culture he does not share.
I Worked with a Native American Team
In my job with sports medicine, I work[ed] with a Native American team.
Its not a language, but they have a way of communicating that if they
want you out of the conversation, you would not have an understanding of
what theyre talking about. If they want you in, theyll give you a bit and
piece.
I got bits and pieces. I was with them for three weeks, and I stayed out of
most conversations, because I did not know what was happening, except
on the odd piece that I picked up. They were particularly vague at many
points, referencing a lot of symbols. More speaking with hands in some
cases. So they were having very private conversations in open cafeterias
of 45 to 50 lacrosse players of different teams. Im at the table going,
Yow.
The first couple weeks, I was like Lets see if I can and then, I was like,
Eh. I didnt gain enough knowledge, not in three weeks. I showed an
appreciation for wanting to fit in, trying new things.
Thats why I have their [the ELLs] seats like that, grouped together, so
they can have social interactions. Maybe they arent comfortable right
now with the interaction with the other kids. I at least want them to be in a
place where school is about interaction, interactions in a classroom. While
theyre not asked their opinions about healthy development, theyre still
getting a chance to have a discussion, even if its in their common
language. Theyre having that discussion with their peers. And peer
involvement, thats definitely a part of it, a part that gets overlooked.
I Had an Opportunity to Work with a Different Culture
I had an opportunity to work with a different culture. My experience with
the Nation [lacrosse team] brought me to Perth, Australia, for the World
Cup. My job to them was injury prevention specialist. If they got hurt, I

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had to be able to talk to them. In their culture, there is a set hierarchy of
who must be communicated with, and its not parents. Its clansmen,
clansmother, assistant chief, spiritual advisor. If Im going to the wrong
person in the wrong order, thats a big-time deal.
The athletes were anywhere between 18 and 40-something. The council
traveled, and needed to be kept up-to-date. The other teams werent
reporting to anybody other than coaches. For me, I often didnt report
anything to the coach. It wasnt his call. They were always nearby. Same
hotel, same game sideline.
I had a Native American well-adapted to everything about American life
work with me. At every step, he would see my questions or see me look
like, Whos that? and he would say, We gotta talk. In the case of one
person, I had to do really heavy cleaning, which involved chemicals, and
that is an issue for the spirits and their beliefs. I got done, and hes like,
You have to report to the chief immediately. He was very nice.
The talking to the multiple members of the different councils definitely
works on your communication skills from the aspect of clarity. I get to
my next job in a high school, and I dont leave any point unturned.
You have to gain trust. In order to trust me when they [the ELLs] see me,
they have to like the way that makes them feel, because I think thats the
beginning of the basic connection. From there we can do as much as
possible.
In this seventh story, Nick finds himself in an unexpected situation when he
discovers that the Native American lacrosse players he has been hired to work with
communicate amongst themselves in a way that Nick cannot decipher. Their in-group
communication includes references, symbols, and gestures that are unfamiliar to Nick
resulting in his exclusion from their conversations. Rather than feeling rejected, Nick
makes an effort to respond positively to the situation. He puts his previously successful
language learning strategies to work to see what he can learn and understand. When that
does not work, Nick contents himself with appreciating the players culture and doing
what he can to feel comfortable among them.

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Nick uses this story as a springboard for reflecting on how his ELLs must feel in
his classroom where they are both cultural and linguistic outsiders. He believes that
when they are able to communicate to others who share their home language is when they
feel most comfortable. Therefore, he has chosen to seat them together to assure that they
feel at ease and can communicate fully. Being able to have social interactions is the
concern Nick has for his ELLs. Whether they use language for academic purposes is not
his priority.
In this eighth and final story, Nick reflects on a different aspect of his experience
working with the Native American lacrosse team. This time the focus is purely cultural.
He is expected to know and follow a set of practices that are embedded in perspectives of
a culture that is not his. Nick has a clear understanding of the expectations, however,
thanks to a mentor who is able to guide him. As Nick describes the cultural differences
to me, he seems to display a great respect, a disposition that may have been nurtured over
his many years of foreign language study.
As Nick reflects on how his experience working with the Native American
council has influenced his current practices, Nick shares two connections. First of all, he
informs us that he is a better communicator. With significant consequences for
communicating with the wrong people, in the wrong order, or inaccurately, Nick has
learned to be an attentive, detailed, and explicit communicator. Secondly, in order to be
able to do his job effectively, he had to earn the trust of the council and the players,
people with whom he did not share a culture. He views his relationship with his ELLs in
the same way. He understands that the cultural differences that exist between him and his

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ELLs have the potential to serve as an obstacle to their learning. By working to earn the
ELLs trust, Nick believes that he can better facilitate their learning.
Reflections on Nicks Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
Just as Nick tells more stories than most of the participants of this study, he also
articulates a larger collection of attitudes, beliefs, and knowledge from his languagelearning experiences than the other participants. The attitudes Nick reveals toward
languages other than English, language learning, and diverse cultures are all favorable
ones. While he does not begin his language-learning career with a particularly favorable
attitude toward the language requirement, he clearly develops one as the result of both
internal and external factors. The positive attitude he now holds toward diverse cultures
is one that was nurtured by French teachers who brought culture to life through their
storytelling, an approach Nick finds particularly appealing. This perspective on cultures
is called into practice and serves everyone well during his time working with the Native
American athletic team.
Throughout his stories, Nick reveals beliefs and knowledge about both language
and culture that he has derived from his personal experiences. He believes that language
learning is facilitated when the learner has multiple opportunities to practice speaking the
target language, even if mistakes are made along the way. He also believes that aspects
of language learning can be frustrating, even to the most conscientious learners. Nick has
knowledge of several language-learning strategies that helped him succeed in his study of
both French and Latin. He also knows that language is strongly influenced by culture.
From his classroom and work-related experiences, Nick has a strong cross-cultural
awareness as well as cross-cultural communication skills. He understands that members

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of a culture have the power to exclude outsiders, intentionally or unintentionally, through
their language and practices. Finally, Nick believes that storytelling as a pedagogical
practice can help students learn and forge connections; he also understands that the
connections they forge may be unique and unintended.
From Nicks self-report, his perspective on how to teach ELLs appears to be
based to some degree on the aforementioned attitudes, beliefs, and knowledge. He
assumes the ELLs feel some frustration as they learn a new language in a new context.
As a result, he takes a sympathetic stance toward the learners. He imagines that the
ELLs lack of cultural and linguistic knowledge precludes them from being able to
comfortably interact with English-speaking peers. Therefore, he seats them in a way that
encourages them to have interactions in their home language. He also believes that the
ELLs will learn best when they have a trusting relationship with the teacher, a trust that
Nick understands is not automatic with someone who does not share a culture.
Therefore, he reports working at earning their trust and being sensitive to cultural
differences. Finally, he recalls the learning strategies he has used in language learning
and tells of using them to a limited extent to help the ELLs learn vocabulary.
From what Nick tells us, his approach to teaching ELLs seems to also be
influenced by beliefs that come from places other than language-learning experiences. At
times, these other beliefs have the power to influence the degree to or the way in which
Nick acts on the previously cited beliefs and knowledge. Most salient is the belief that he
is not responsible for teaching his ELLs English. He believes that English teaching is the
responsibility of the ESL teachers. He defends this perspective saying that it is not in his
health curriculum. Additionally, he seems to believe that his immigrant ELLs are not yet

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ready to learn English beyond the level of awareness. These two beliefs appear to keep
Nick from drawing on his repertoire of language-learning strategies to support ELLs
English language development and provide them greater access to the content of his
health curriculum.
Teaching ELLs in the 7th Grade Health Classroom
At Northside Middle School, I observe Nick Perotti teach the same first period
health class in two successive weeks. Fifteen of the 26 students enrolled in this 7th grade
class are ELLs, although several are absent the day of the first observation. Nick
explains that a number of the newly arrived ELLs are going through the shot problem,
his way of communicating that they are prohibited from attending school until their
immunizations are complete and verified.
One thing that is immediately evident is that Nick has sorted the ELLs into two
groups both in the physical space of the classroom as well as in his mind. Both of these
groups are seated apart from the English-speaking students in the class. The way Nick
has arranged the physical space can be seen in Figure 7. The larger group, which he has
assigned to a large cluster of desks in the back of the classroom, consists of nine
immigrant learners who Nick says are fairly new to our school. He tells me that they
are all from the one place, but they come from different regions. From discussions with
Nicks colleague, Felicia Sparks, I learn that the one place is Burma. Nick says he is
unaware of the ELLs background as teachers are not actually given ethnicity and
cultural background unless we ask. He confirms that he has not asked. It is generally
unclear how well Nick knows these ELLs on an individual basis, as he says, Were still

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trying to figure out whos who. The tenth learner at this cluster is the only one he
mentions by name. Dani is a young man Nick says came at a different time than the
others and whose tall stature and mature appearance sets him apart from the very petite
ELLs with whom he sits.

Windows

Windows

Bookcase

Cabinet

Podium
Jos Ismail
Malik

Nicks
desk

Chalkboard

ELL F ELL F ELL F ELL F*ELL F* Dani

ELL MELL M*ELL M*ELL M*

Juan

Closet

TV

Shelves

Screen

Boy

Girl

Boy

Girl
Girl

Boy

Girl

Boy

Girl

Bulletin board

Joey

Boy

Girl

Table
Bulletin board

Chalkboard

Door

th

Figure 7. Nick Perottis first period 7 grade health class. Note. The ELLs whose
names are unknown are identified by their gender (F = female; M = male). Additionally,
the ELLs who were not present the day of the first observation are indicated by an
asterisk (*).
The smaller group of ELLs includes five boys, four of whom are seated at a
cluster of desks in the front of the room: Ismail, Malik, Juan, and Jos. The fifth boy,

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Joey, recently moved himself to a desk across the room among the non-ELL students, a
move that Nick calls against better judgment. According to Nick, what differentiates
these boys from the ELLs at the large cluster is that they have been here much longer.
Malik is the only boy whose background Nick attempts to identify, stating Malik is
African. I say Nigerian. I overhear Jos, Juan, and Joey speak Spanish.
In talking about the ELLs in the large cluster, Nick tells me, Some of these kids
possess no formal language. They got the name down, and they got the greetings, and
past that nothing. Nick does not judge these learners or their skills harshly. He clearly
has admiration for them saying, Theyre a really special group of kids, because not
everybody can do what they did. He describes them as cooperative, willing, and
solution-oriented. In addition, he highlights their behaviors, including their tendencies
to draw and talk throughout the class. The language of their constant communication is
their home language. Although Nick encourages them to speak English, he explains, I
dont push it too much, because Im not back there. I hate to push them into English and
not be back there to help them to monitor and support it.
A point Nick emphasizes about this group is that the girls are more enthusiastic
about learning than the boys. The girls seem to be a complete set of Lets go. We want
to get this. He views one girl in particular as the group leader and has considered
advancing her to the front cluster. Afraid that her peers will lose her support, Nick has
decided to leave her back there as shes bringing those kids to a level while not
hurting herself.
In contrast to the generalizations he makes about the ELLs in the back cluster,
Nick talks about the other five ELLs as individuals. The two boys Nick assesses

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favorably are Ismail and Malik saying, Theyre ready to go. While Nick does not offer
any details about Ismail, he lauds Maliks effort explaining, Just tries his butt off, just
sits there, and just works. Just grinding it out. Nick does not think as highly of the
effort the other three boys put forth in health class: Juan would sleep if you allowed him
to. He just really isnt into challenging himself. Jos has kind of plateauedand
would be much happier just socializing. Joey wont work unless hes constantly
prompted.
Not only is this Nicks first time teaching ELLs, it is also the first time ELLs have
had health instruction outside of the ESL classroom. Nick reports that the support he
receives for teaching ELLs comes from Miss Nolan, one of the two ESL teachers at
Northside. He laments that their schedules do not permit them to meet frequently. When
they do, however, Nick says they use the time to bounce ideas. He admits that there
are limited amounts of things I can do with them [the ELLs], but is comforted knowing
that theyre getting everything else with their curriculum with the ESL teachers. While
he has considered implementing alternative strategies for teaching content to the ELLs,
he has not yet done so. He explains, Its been an overwhelming experience.
Lesson One: The New Food Pyramid
At Northside Middle School, homeroom takes place in the first period class.
Nicks 7th grade homeroom/health students begin entering the room from the snowy
outdoors well ahead of the 8:25 a.m. homeroom start time. Nick has prepared a
PowerPoint presentation for the upcoming class 50-minute class on nutrition and the
New Food Pyramid. The first slide, with its DIN (Do It Now) activity is projected onto

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the screen as the students enter the room. It asks students to Write 5 7 good and
creative sentences using vocabulary words related to the topic of nutrition.
When the Pledge of Allegiance begins, most of the students rise to their feet.
Some become quiet, while a few recite the pledge. The three ELL girls sitting at the back
cluster seem oblivious to the purpose or meaning of this ritual and engage in animated
conversation with one another. When school announcements begin, Nick walks back to
these girls and the male ELLs at the back cluster and hands them a worksheet entitled My
Pyramid, a black and white photocopy of a transparency of the new food pyramid. Nick
points emphatically to aspects of the worksheet as he tells the ELLs what their assigned
task is. He speaks in one- and two-word expressions and commands. When he asks if
they have questions, he models how to raise a hand. No one asks questions. Finally, he
invites them to watch the PowerPoint if they want. One girl glances at the slide show for
a moment, but then returns to the worksheet. As soon as Nick leaves the group, one of
the girls retrieves a box of colored pencils for the group from a shelf. They all begin to
color the labeled areas of the worksheet enthusiastically and closely observe what each
other is doing.
With the ELLs engaged in coloring, Nick walks to the front of the room to explain
the DIN activity to the rest of the students. As he does so, he stands beside and with his
back to the four ELL boys seated at the front cluster of desks. When he finishes giving
directions for the DIN, he returns to the back cluster of ELLs to observe their progress.
When he inquires if they need anything, one of the girls tells him that they have no
purple. Nick returns to the front of the room, and they continue coloring intensely,
talking in their home language the whole time.

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Instead of writing sentences for the DIN activity, the four ELL boys at the front
cluster copy the words from the PowerPoint. Joey, who has chosen to sit apart from
them, draws pictures on a piece of notebook paper. After 10 minutes, the ELLs at the
back cluster call Nick back to let him know they are done with the assigned task. Nick
approaches them, responding, Since youre done, color. Color it all! He points to the
illustrations of food at the bottom of the worksheet and asks, What color should cereal
be? What color should lettuce be? They return to coloring as Nick returns to his
previous position in the front of the classroom with his back to the four ELL boys. He
then asks the rest of the class, Who has an awesome sentence to share? A child shares
a sentence about the number of cups of water needed each day. Nick then expands on the
increased importance of water in places such as Arizona. The four ELL boys begin to
talk to each other about Arizona. Nick then asks for a sentence about healthy eating. The
ELL boys raise their hands along with the other learners, but Nick does not see them.
Ten minutes later, the ELLs at the back cluster let Nick know that they are done
coloring the food pyramid worksheet. He goes to the back, collects their papers, and tells
them, You can draw. One of the male ELLs then retrieves an Aladdin coloring book
from his binder and begins to color.
Nick distributes paper copies of the PowerPoint presentation to all the students
except those seated at the back cluster. Dani, who has not received a handout, intently
watches both Nick and the PowerPoint presentation. From the front of the room, Nick
moves through the slide show, lecturing at a fast pace and asking occasional questions.
Three of the four ELLs at the front cluster attempt to follow along by looking at the
handout. Joey, sitting across the room, now doodles on the handout.

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With only minutes to go in the class, Nick invites the students who have just
watched the PowerPoint to stand up and approach posters that are taped to the chalkboard
in the front of the room. He tells them they may want to take notes from the posters for
their food log projects. All the students, except for those at the large cluster, stand up and
approach the posters. Many are copying information from the posters into their
notebooks. From the back, Dani watches his classmates at the board as he rolls a toy
motorcycle across his desktop. None of the other ELLs at the back cluster attend to the
action in the front of the room. After a while, the bell rings and all the students filter out
of the room.
Nicks Reflections on the Food Pyramid Lesson
As Nick talks to me about the lesson he just taught, his reflections refer to the
specific ELL clusters as well as individual ELLs. Beginning with the back cluster, he
tells me, Ive been making a much more conscious effort to check in on them. This is a
statement that takes me by surprise as it implies that Nick believes he spent a
considerable amount of time with these learners during the class. In fact, I observed him
at the back cluster for no more than five minutes, some of these occurring during
homeroom announcements.
One reason Nick may not feel an obligation to spend more time at the back cluster
is because he believes he can depend on the girl in the very far cornerto assist and
monitor the group. This is something he recently learned from colleagues on the
inclusion team. When I ask Nick what he did to communicate his expectations to this
girl, he instead describes her language skills: She doesnt speak a lot more English than
the other kids. She just seems to understand. It may be a reflex. While Nick seems to

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use this nave explanation to justify his decision to rely on the girl, it makes me think that
he is really relying on his colleagues judgment. When he finally answers the question I
posed, he states, I went over an extra set of directions with her and said, Can you tell
everyone else? He offers evidence that she was able to carry out his wishes saying,
They did the basics of what I wanted them to do on the worksheet. The basics were
to label (using a word bank) and color the rays of the new food pyramid on a worksheet
that Nick photocopied from a transparency. This minimal use of language seems to align
with Nicks belief that these beginner ELLs are only capable of an awareness of English.
I also inquire about Nicks response when the ELLs finished the assignment
quickly. He says, I asked them to color the food the way they think it appears, the way
they see it. At the bottom of the worksheet, there are illustrations of food in typical
American packaging. It does not seem that Nick drew on his cross-cultural awareness in
assigning this task, as the foods in the illustrations may not be familiar to the learners or
may not be packaged in familiar ways.
Nick takes a moment to reflect on Dani, the one ELL at the back cluster who does
not appear to share a background with the Burmese learners. What stands out for Nick is
that, Today was the first day that I saw Dani look over his shoulder, so as to say, What
am I missing? He notes, Most times he just does his assignment. Nick seems
surprised at the way Dani asserted an interest in engaging in the lesson. It appears that
Dani may have more awareness of the English language and more readiness to learn than
Nick has assumed.
In moving on to the front cluster, Nick talks about Ismail and Malik as hard
workers who will not ask for a lot of help. Because of that, he says, You dont have to

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worry about them. Nick points out how pleased he is that they joined the other students
in copying information from the board at the end of class. He does not mention any
observations of them from earlier in the class, something I do not find surprising. It may
be that not having to worry about these boys has led Nick to feel comfortable in turning
his back to them.
Nick does not reflect so favorably on Juan or Joey, saying that Juan does not
speak and Joey does not work. Nick indicates that his goal for these students is seat
time. With seat time as the goal, Nick may feel justified in not attending to these
learners either.
Finally, I ask Nick what expectations there are for the ELLs to participate in the
food log project that is assigned to the class. Nick explains the way in which he believes
the ELLs in the back cluster are working toward the goals of the project:
We have a variety of projects we work on in recognizing food and where
food comes from, which would be the very basic level of a food log
project in the future for them. So I have them at the basic, introductory
level. This is an egg. It comes from a chicken. Its about a worksheet a
day.
When I ask about expectations for the ELLs in the front cluster, Nick says, Theyre
gonna try it. My goal for them is to have it turned in.
With the exception of the boys whose behavior Nick finds problematic, he
appears to demonstrate an understanding stance towards the numerous ELLs in his class.
His beliefs about their limitations with language seem to override his knowledge about
how language is learned. Despite having cross-cultural awareness, Nick does not call on
it in this particular lesson. If anything, it appears that he has unknowingly replicated his
understanding that members of a culture have the power to exclude outsiders through

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language and practices. At the end of this interview, Nick makes clear that his current
approach to teaching ELLs is not set in stone. The more opportunities I have to reflect, I
change things. I do find that thinking about these situations here, trying to meet their
needs, Im recognizing a lot more.
Lesson Two: Fitness
As homeroom is about to begin, nine Burmese ELLs head to the back cluster
chatting in their home language, five girls and four boys. The girls sit to one side and the
boys on the other. Dani walks to the back cluster and sits beside the girls but does not
seem to engage with the other ELLs. Nick distributes information sheets to the students
about the upcoming English Language Arts exam. When he approaches the large cluster
of ELLs, he says, Home. Read. No sign. Home. Not you. Papers home. The girl in
the very far corner turns to her peers and appears to interpret what Nick has just said in
her home language.
After announcements have been aired, Nick begins this class by standing in his
customary position with his back to the ELLs and giving instructions for how students
should complete todays DIN activity, a true-false quiz on fitness that is projected on the
screen. Although the ELLs at the back cluster are chatting when Nick starts giving
directions, three of the girls stop and look up. One of the three distributes paper to the
girls on either side of her, and all three engage in copying the true-false statements.
Nick approaches the back cluster and says, Good morning. How are you guys?
When he sees the girls working on the DIN activity, he says, You can sit up closer. You
dont have to sit back here. No one moves. Nick then passes out a word search activity
entitled Decisions for Health and tells them, Copy those words, then find them. One at

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a time he moves among the students asking, Got it? Sound good? He asks one of the
boys, What do you do if you have a question? He then models hand raising. The boy
raises his hand. Nick then approaches the girl in the very far corner with his attendance
list. He reads the names one at a time and asks, Is she here? The girl points to the
ELLs who are present and tells Nick, No for those who are absent. Nick asks, Shots?
gesturing an injection by pointing his index finger to his upper arm, but does not appear
to receive a response. Another ELL girl raises her hand. Nick asks her, Pencil? She
nods. He then goes to his desk, retrieves a pencil, sharpens it, and brings it over to her.
At this moment a female teaching assistant, Ms. Stanley, enters the room. She is
a tall slender woman with shoulder-length wavy brown hair barretted in back. She sits
down at the back cluster of desks next to one of the boys. She compliments one of the
girls saying, Pretty scarf, and then asks her what color it is. When the girl answers,
Orange, the TA corrects her saying, Gold. G-o-l-d. Gold. She begins to talk to the
students about the words in the word search, focusing first on the word strength.
Strength, thats a big word. That means youre strong. She models strong by flexing
her arm muscle. Nick seems content to let her take full responsibility for the ELLs at the
back cluster, as he does not return his attention to this group for the rest of the class.
In the front of the room, Nick reviews answers to the DIN quiz with his back
again to the front cluster of ELLs. The three ELL boys behind him are quiet throughout,
looking at the transparency as Nick talks about each statement. When Nick asks for
student volunteers to read sentences from the next transparency, Benefits of Exercise, he
does not look at the ELLs, who appear to want to participate in the activity. Two of the
three then look away, with one boy studying a poster on the wall behind him and another

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sliding down in his chair. Nick looks over, notices their distraction, and approaches the
boy who is studying the poster. He moves his hand in front of the boys eyes. The boy
turns back when Nick says, Why dont you look up there? in reference to the screen.
Nick tells the students to get out their notebooks and take notes from a third
transparency. He then goes to his desk and sits at his computer while the students copy
notes. At the front ELL cluster, two boys copy notes while a third puts his head down.
He laterwithout promptinggets up, sharpens his pencil, and begins to take notes.
Joey, sitting across the room, also has his head on his desk.
When Nick gets up from his desk, he stands at the overhead projector, again with
his back to the front ELL cluster. Although he does not attend to the back ELL cluster,
Dani watches and listens as Nick talks about the notes the other students have just copied.
When Nick is done reviewing the transparency, he asks the class if they have any
questions about the sheet from the day before. A boy at the front ELL cluster raises his
hand. Nick never looks at him. The boy finally lowers his hand with his question
unanswered.
Nick ends this class with an activity he calls, a race around the block. He
invites the students to follow him into the hallway for the activity. All the Englishspeaking students go out as do two of the three ELLs at the front cluster. While Nick and
the other students are in the hall, one of the girls from the back cluster comes over to me
and proudly shows me her word search paper. She then walks back to her desk, stopping
to stare at the posters along the way. Just before the bell rings, Nick and the other
students return to the room. The ELLs from the back cluster walk up to Nick and hand
him their word searches as they exit the room.

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Nicks Reflections on the Fitness Lesson
Again, Nicks reflections on the lesson begin with the ELLs in the back cluster.
He immediately highlights the girls engagement with the presentation and how that
made todays lesson much different from other lessons. Although surprised, Nick
perceives their initiative in a positive light, calling it an improvement and saying, I
was happy. He believes that they are now ready to learn because they have become
acclimated. When I inquire about how he will prepare to teach these learners in the
future, Nick laments that this is the last lecture in this 10-week course. He does
suggest, however, that he has pages and pages of notes that I can give to them instead of
a word search, that they can copy and work on and still have good information. It
appears that Nick interprets the girls readiness to participate as a readiness to deal with
complex English. His concern is for them having good information, a point that fits
with his belief that his sole responsibility to the ELLs is to teach them the health
curriculum.
Nick explains that he did not give these girls the word search activity because he
didnt want to encourage them to go backwards. He did distribute it to the other ELLs
in the back cluster, describing it as the simplest of the activities I can give. He has
done this in defiance of his administrations building-wide mandate against the use of
word search activities. He defends the practice by arguing, Id say theyre fairly
challenged by the word searches. The word search activity, which asks students to
identify the words by their spelling, seems to fit with Nicks belief that these ELLs are at
the level of building an awareness of English.

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When I ask about the teaching assistant, Nick tells me that Ms. Stanley is an ESL
assistant. Despite the title, he says, I dont believe she has any background. He
acknowledges that what she does is different from what I would do, but is very
appreciative of her presence. I feel good when shes in the room. It gives me that time.
Its more attention than I can provide. Its almost like a reward. It appears that the
reward is as much for Nick as for the ELLs as it allows him to turn his focus to the other
learners in the classroom.
As I noticed that Ms. Stanley stopped to talk with Nick at the end of class, I
inquire about the substance of their conversation.
Nick: She was referencing how one of her things is to get them up and
talkingand it got too loud for her to hear. She almost feels as if she
would like to see a separate room where she can take them.
Joanne: How do you think about that?
Nick: When she first said it, I kind of thought like maybe good idea, but
then that would take them away from me.
As Nick says this, I perceive his rejection of a separate room to be related to the affection
he has developed for the ELLs. Instead, he talks about the educational benefits he
believes they gain from being in his health classroom.
Nick: Its a nice idea to think that thered be a special room for them, but
I also think part of mainstreaming would mean that they should be in the
classroom. And I think one of my points was immersion. Well, this is
immersion, even if theyre not listening. Theyre being surrounded by
English conversations and formal greetings and what-not. I think thats
good.
What Nick is expressing is a belief that language is best learned through immersion.
Interestingly, he seems to believe this can happen with or without the learners attention.
It is possible that this belief contributes to why Nick does not feel obligated to attend

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closely to the ELLs in his class or concern himself with their English language
development.
When I ask Nick about his reflections on the other ELLs, his thoughts
immediately turn to his frustration with Joey. Didnt open up his notebook. Pretended
he didnt know where the notebook was. He does not mention the other boys. When I
ask if he noticed that they followed him to the hallway for the race around the block, he
responds, No. I didnt see any of them actually. Did some of them follow out? When
I affirm that they did, he reasons, They know the way I talk, and I think they read more
face and body language. They probably knew that something was going to happen.
From this explanation, it appears that Nick believes that non-linguistic cues can facilitate
comprehension.
The Next Day: Whole Class Activity
Having observed evidence that the ELLs in the back cluster want to be more
engaged in the lessons, Nick decides to design an activity that includes them with their
peers in a whole class activity. Although it is his intention to do the activity the day of
my second observation, he realizes there is not sufficient time. As I cannot return for the
next days class, Nick agrees to communicate with me after the activity. Through email,
Nick responds to prompts from me in relating the experience:
I walked directly back to the grouped desks and repeated the directions to
stand up. I used hand gestures to indicate my directions. The TA, Ms.
Stanley, assisted. The ELLs were very willing, a little surprised. I
explained that pulse was a part of fitness, from the notes yesterday. As I
was talking, I made repeated gestures to my heart, trying to indicate what
we were discussing. During the directions they would look at me, then
Ms. Stanley, and then each other. A few helped the others get on track. I
could see facial recognition of some understanding on all. Many smiles.
With Dani I even received an audible recognition and very large smile.

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When I ask Nick what he has learned from doing this activity with the ELLs, he
responds, Experiences = meaningful lessons. Hands-on and experiential teaching has
the ability to ease other classroom barriers. He concludes his reflection telling me, It
certainly was a pleasant surprise to see those reactionsfrom ALL the students. From
this report, it appears that Nicks belief in the capacity of his ELLs has shifted as his
capacity to teach them has grown.
Connections between Nicks Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
At various points in our conversations, I ask Nick to tell me about the connections
he sees between his own language learning and his practice with ELLs. The most
prominent one he identifies is the concept of immersion, which he defines as being
surrounded by language. He emphasizes that there are different forms of immersion
including a reference to the word search activity where the students see the words
jumbled on a sheet. He calls immersion a powerful strategy but warns that it can lead
to misunderstandings, the reason he had the ELLs removed from his classroom during
sex education lessons earlier in the course. As Nick does not talk explicitly about
immersion in his stories of language learning, it is not clear when and how he
experienced it and how those experiences shaped his current understandings. Nicks
interpretation of immersion is what seems to influence his practice with ELLs, believing
that mere presence in an English-speaking environment is sufficient for language
acquisition to take place and that copying and searching for content words is sufficient
for ELLs to develop an awareness of the English language.
A second connection Nick articulates comes in the post-observation email about
the whole-class pulse activity. Nick writes that his connection to his own language-

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learning is: ACTIONS SPEAK LOUDER THAN WORDS. I do not believe this is a
connection Nick would have made early on in our discussions, but rather one that has
developed as a result of observing the ELLs engage in a hands-on learning experience
about health.
Although the above are the only two connections Nick states in direct response to
my probing, he conveys several others in the codas of his stories of language-learning
experiences already reported here. Some of these are present in his practice while others
are not. Of those I observed, most notable are his positive attitudes toward the language
learners and their home languages. He speaks highly of the majority of the ELLs in his
class and values the role their home language plays in making them feel comfortable in
his classroom. His interactions with these learners, brief as they may be, are encouraging
and upbeat, an approach that may serve to build the trust he believes is important to
develop.
Where Nick does not seem to act on the personal knowledge he derived from his
language-learning experiences is in supporting the ELLs English language development.
He points to the dissimilarity between his teaching situation and that of his language
teachers: My French teachers could always talk French and talk English. He regrets
not being able to communicate with his ELLs like my teachers could talk with me. It
may be that this particular difference impedes his ability to make connections in this area.
As we conclude our conversations, Nick tells me that participating in the study
really got me thinkingits a stimulus. It appears that he has already started to put
some of that thought into action.

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Valerie Sumner, Middle School Science Teacher
Getting to Know Valerie
Valerie Sumner is a 44-year-old life science teacher in the suburban Moss Creek
School District. She has taught 7th grade science at Moss Creek Middle School for the
past five years. Prior to that, she taught in Central City School District for ten years.
The Moss Creek Middle School principal sent an email to her faculty to inform
them of my study and solicit participation. After reading her principals email, Valerie
contacted me directly to express her interest in participating. When I met with her
personally, she told me that she had recently received her National Board certification
and was looking for ways to continue working on her professional growth. She believed
that participating in my study would provide her that opportunity.
Each of my interviews with Valerie began with us seated at student tables in her
second floor science classroom. Twice, however, we had to relocate mid-interview to
accommodate a teacher who was seeking space in which to work with students. In both
instances, we moved to the back room of a nearby art classroom.
Beginning Language Study
Valerie Sumners language-learning experiences took place during her middle and
high school years when she studied French, then Spanish. In this portrait, I present five
of her seven stories. The two I have chosen not to include overlap with those that are
here. In some cases, I have extracted information from them to provide the reader
additional background.
When Valerie first signed up to study language in 7th grade, she decided to take
French. She reasoned that the proximity of her home to Canada would offer her

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opportunities to use my French. Additionally, she assumed that her mother, who had
studied French, would be able to help her. Her mother dispelled this assumption by
reacting to Valeries decision with: Youre taking French?! I dont remember any of
my French. This first story is one in which Valerie tells about her three-year experience
studying French.
I Dont Think I Was Mature Enough
I think 7th, 8th, and 9th grade was very young for me. I dont think I was
mature enough. I dont think I understood how to study.
In 7th and 8th, I remember a lot of sitting in our individual cubicles with
our earphones on. It was a very individual thing. There was a lot of rote
in class. My 9th grade teacher was not a warm and fuzzy person. This
was everybody sitting in their rows.
Getting the first low scores in my life and feeling like I was confused, it
snowballed on me. Everybody was progressing forward, and I felt lost.
The teacher didnt support me. There was never any extra credit or extra
help offered after school. It was more or less, You arent good at this,
and maybe we should think about something different. Obviously, it
played out in giving up. Then I moved, so it was very easy to say, See
you later, French, and Im gonna try Spanish now.
Mostly the things that stand out in my mind are the things that I was
unable to achieve. It very well could have been all internal in that it was
one of the first times that I ever saw a failing grade on a quiz or a test. I
could definitely see her [the 9th grade teacher] saying, You know what?
We better think about something else when you get further on into high
school. Or I could also see her never saying that and thats just how I
interpreted things.
From the very beginning, we realize that Valeries experience with French was
not a positive one. She begins and ends this story from an adult perspective. The adult
Valerie acknowledges her own contributions to the difficulties she experienced in French
class: youth, immaturity, and lack of study skills. She also recognizes that her
adolescent memories may be less than accurate. The heart of the story, however, is told

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from her adolescent perspective, the one she had at the time the events occurred. Here
she blames her difficulties on teachers whose methodology, classroom practices, and
personality make her feel isolated and uncomfortable. She evaluates herself negatively in
relation to her peers achievement and her own achievement in other classes. She also
recountsaccurately or nother teachers negative evaluation of her as a student of
French. As all these internal and external factors converge, Valerie loses confidence in
her ability to learn French and opts for Spanish in its place. Interestingly, it is not
language that she finds problematic but rather the way in which she is expected to learn
language. Therefore, she is willing to give it another try. The fact that her family is
moving seems to facilitate her decision as well.
Studying Spanish
When her family moves, Valerie Sumner gets a fresh start in school and,
particularly, in language study. This time, she chooses Spanish, the language her father
took in high school. She counts on his remembering more language than her mother did
to help her along the way. The next two stories come together to reveal the evolution of
Valeries experiences as a Spanish student and language learner.
I Wanted a Clean Slate
It was 10th grade that I picked up Spanish here. I wasnt going to do
French again. I wanted a clean slate.
At the end of 9th grade, I moved, changed districts, changed language, and
attempted Spanish. Also, to go to college, you needed it on a transcript,
so I felt that there wasnt a choice. In 10th grade, my teacher was fun and
young. It was a lot of memorization. My grades were good.
When I would learn new words, I would play back and forth with my dad
or say things with him or he would say things in Spanish to me and initiate
it. In high school, I can remember studying and doing projects with
friends. I can remember doing lots of group activities. We would cook,

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and we would have special days, and we would dress up and describe our
clothing.
It was a whole different ball game. It was more fun when it was in high
school and my dad was much more interactive. I never had those
interactions with my mom. In middle school, it was all very independent.
Spanish was fun. I remember that as being a lot of fun, but its your first
year of a language. I found that to be easy, and I enjoyed it.
Thats When I Would Have a Lot of Difficulty
I started Spanish in high school because it was simple memorization.
Then, as I had to go from the fun of memorizing new words to figuring out
how to link them properly, thats when I would have a lot of difficulty.
My Spanish Two teacher was from Cuba. He was difficult to understand.
I liked him. He also was not into projects and group work. Again, it was
more individual. I can picture my seat in his class: I sat smack dab in the
middle. I was just one of the crowd, third row back, about fourth row
over. I dont remember speaking much. I can picture my textbook.
The second year things, all of a sudden, got far more difficult. I was
starting to feel the same confusion that I felt before in my second year. I
would get so bogged down with learning the parts of speech that I never
got the flow of the language. I wasnt learning a language any more. I
was studying strategies, following the example that was provided in the
textbook. When the teacher would speak it, I was very confused because
he would speak with a different dialect, and he would speak so quickly.
Just as soon as I was starting to get it, we were already on to the next
thing.
Learning the new words is easy for me but then, when I would have to
learn the grammar, the more complex part of language, thats when I
would struggle. It wasnt fun anymore. It was a chore. To me, it wasnt
learning a language. It was surviving and learning strategies to pass a test,
to get a homework assignment done.
That was my last year of a foreign language. I stopped. I could say on my
transcript that I took two years of a foreign language. I never went into
my third year. I was worried because the rumors were that when you got
into your third year, they only spoke Spanish. Even though I heard it was
fun and you did a lot of the hands-on, I was intimidated, and I stopped.
In contrast with Valeries story of studying French, this first one is very upbeat.
She seems relieved to have a clean slate as she begins her study of Spanish. Although

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she is positive about starting language again, she makes it clear that she is fulfilling a
requirement. It is, therefore, possible that she would have stopped language study if not
for the requirement. The problem areas she identifies in her study of French are all
alleviated in her study of Spanish. The teachers methodology, classroom practices, and
personality are all ones she values. Not only does she have enjoyable interactions in
Spanish class, she also has them at home. She no longer feels isolated and
uncomfortable. Instead she is engaged with language and engaged with people as she
uses the language. The good grades she receives provide her evidence that she is a
successful learner of Spanish. Although she interprets her learning as a lot of
memorization, she appears to employ strategies that go well beyond memorization.
Valerie concludes this story by returning to the adult perspective. Here, she foreshadows
the next story by acknowledging that what promoted her success in the first year of
language study is not sufficiently present in the subsequent one.
This second story of Spanish study, in contrast to the first, is about the challenge
and frustration Valerie re-experiences in the language classroom. While she points out
that she likes her teacher, she also identifies multiple ways in which he has complicated
her language learning. He has a native and unfamiliar accent, a quick rate of speech, and
a didactic approach to language teaching. The interaction she so enjoyed in Spanish One
does not exist here; the only interaction she describes is with a textbook. To negotiate the
textbook successfully, she needs strategies that go beyond memorization. Strategy
learning, in her mind, is not language learning. It appears that her definition of language
learning is in conflict with this teachers approach to language teaching. In essence,
learning strategies is the process of learning how to learn. Valerie is not interested in the

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process of language learning but rather in being able to use the product of her language
learning in meaningful ways. In two years, she has gone from experiencing joy and
success in learning Spanish to a state of confusion, survival, and intimidation. By
describing her struggles in such detail, she provides strong justification for discontinuing
her study of language despite the fact that Spanish Three seems to fit her definition of
how language learning should take place.
Adult Experiences with Language
The final two stories Valerie tells are recent ones. In the first one, she reflects on
herself as a language learner past and present. The focus on the present is in regard to
helping her adolescent daughter learn Spanish. In the second story, she reflects on her
Spanish language skills and her relationship to Spanish after unexpectedly finding herself
among native Spanish speakers while on vacation.
Im Not a Very Strong Second Language Learner Myself
I am not a very strong second language learner myself. Ive tried French
and Spanish. My grade was an A in my first year of Spanish and a C- in
my second. I was so confused most of the time, I cant even tell you.
I think it was trial and error. I can just remember looking at examples and
looking at directions and just, Okay, well they changed that word, so Im
going to do it again or kind of guessing my way through conjugations.
Sometimes it worked, and I dont think sometimes it did. Obviously, my
strategies werent working consistently.
I have fun with my daughter [who is studying Spanish Two] now. I pick
out things. Shell say words, and Ill say, Well, doesnt that mean? I
would say, Lets look at this example. It says, blah, blah. Then you
could see the little spark. Its funny the things that Im doing with her are
those strategies that worked in your second year of going back and lets
try to muddle our way through and see if that little light goes off. In
trying to help her go through this same process, all of a sudden, some of
these little connections are clicking in for me that never did before. Id be
interested to try it again and see.

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The Whole World Speaks English
The whole world speaks English, so you really arent forced to speak too
much Spanish.
We [My husband and I] took a cruise that left San Juan, did the islands,
and came back. There were a lot of Puerto Rican people on the boat, even
though it was an American ship. There were a lot of college kids because
they would fill the rooms at the end for very inexpensive rates.
So the boat filled up. It was the first time that I ever felt like a minority,
because theyre all speaking their language around me. I tried to figure
out what theyre saying and that feeling, Nope. I dont remember quite
as much Spanish as I thought I might. Of course, none of the discussions
were directed at me. Any time someone spoke to me, I had American
labeled on my forehead, so they would speak in English.
It was very interesting. It wasnt that it was intimidating almost. It
wasnt the same immersion that if I had gone to Spain, in a real village,
where I had to work at Spanish.
It would have been fun to maybe do it for longer than a weekend to see if,
all of a sudden, I would start to pick things up more. This language is not
mine, even though I did try it for a couple of years.
Valerie opens her adult stories by reminding us that she is not a successful
language learner. She reinforces this statement by providing evidence from her
adolescent experiences. One piece of evidence she highlights is her use of trial and error
as strategy. As she describes it, however, trial and error does not seem to be a random
strategy. To the contrary, she describes the higher level thinking skills of analysis and
application, appropriate strategies for the more complex demands of the Spanish Two
course. It appears that her lack of confidence, discomfort with ambiguity, and occasional
error in analysis are what led her to think of her actions as trial and error. In comparison
to the trustworthy nature of memorization, she evaluates this approach as less effective.
The tone of this storys coda sits in contrast to what leads up to it. Helping her
daughter with Spanish is fun for Valerie. It appears to be fun because she experiences

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success. Her success, ironically, comes from applying the same strategies she previously
evaluated negatively. With positive feedback from her daughter, she realizes that her
strategy approach is successful. This success renews her self-confidence as a language
learner to the point where she even thinks she might like to try language learning again.
This story reinforces the important role Valeries confidence plays in her language
learning. With success, she is confident. With confidence, she is willing to try.
In this final story, Valerie provides a conflicted reaction to the experience of
unexpectedly finding herself surrounded by native speakers of Spanish on a cruise ship.
The experience is unexpected because she enters into it assuming that the passengers on
an American ship are going to be English-speaking Americans and failing to take into
account that the ship is leaving from a Spanish-speaking port. She emphasizes the sense
of feeling like a minority by telling us that there are a lot of Puerto Ricans who are
speaking their language around me. The fact that they are college students emphasizes
their differences even further. There are large differences in age and socioeconomic
status in addition to language and culture. The first time nature of feeling like a
minority tells us that she generally spends her time with people who are like her. In spite
of feeling like an outsider, Valerie makes an effort to connect to these people with the
one thing they have in common: the Spanish language. She assesses her ability to
understand Spanish-language conversations that are not directed at her, and decides that
she does not remember quite as much Spanish as I thought. Given that she only
studied two years of Spanish, it is highly unlikely that she ever learned the amount and
type of Spanish necessary to be able to understand informal conversations between native
speakers of Spanish. We already know that she struggled with her Spanish Two teachers

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native accent and rate of speech. Through this self-assessment, she reaffirms that she is
not a successful language learner. She is almost intimidated by the experience. The
saving grace is that no one, other than herself, expects her to know any Spanish.
Everyone communicates with her in English. In the end, while she suggests that it would
be fun to extend this immersion experience to see if, all of a sudden, I would start to
pick things up, she accepts her monolingual status. The fact that she has no ownership
of Spanish is all right as the whole world speaks English.
Reflections on Valeries Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
Valerie studied French for three years and Spanish for two. Despite the fact that
some of her language-learning experiences confuse and frustrate her, it appears that she
has a positive attitude toward languages and language learning. She recounts enjoyable
experiences with language in class and at home with her father. She even indicates a
desire to try learning Spanish again after she is successful in helping her daughter.
Comfort appears to be the key to Valeries satisfaction and confidence as a
language learner. She is comfortable when her learning strategies function well, when
she is able to use language interactively, and when the teachers approach to language
teaching aligns with her preference for language learning. When these are in place, she
becomes both confident and successful, enjoys language learning, and gets good grades.
When Valerie is not comfortable learning language, she seeks an escape from the
discomfort she feels. In school, this escape takes the form of dropping the study of first
French, then Spanish. In her adult experience among native speakers of Spanish, she is
unable to escape the confines of the cruise ship, but she realizes that this is a short-term
experience.

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The most glaring source of Valeries discomfort in the language classroom seems
to stem from the mismatch that exists between her beliefs about how language should be
learned and how she is expected to learn it. It appears that she believes language should
be learned by using it to communicate meaningfully as she did at school and at home
when she took Spanish One. The methodology used in classes where she is most
uncomfortable seems to have a focus on learning decontextualized vocabulary and
grammar.
An additional belief Valerie seems to have about language learning is that it can
happen quickly if conditions are right. The particular conditions she suggests are longer
than a weekend or immersion in a place where she does not have the option of
speaking English, such as a real village in Spain. This unrealistic belief about language
learning may have additionally contributed to her dissatisfaction in her French and
Spanish classes.
Although she values languages other than English, she is clear that they are not
hers. She is willing to try, but trying does not imply commitment. She seems
comfortable accepting her monolingual status when she comments, The whole world
speaks English.
A final observation of Valeries narratives is that none of them have codas that
connect to the ELLs she teaches. From these stories, it is not evident that she makes
connections between herself as a language-learner and her ELLs.
Teaching ELLs in the 7th Grade Life Science Classroom
At Moss Creek Middle School, I have the opportunity to observe Valerie Sumner
teach her 4th period life science class on two separate occasions, a week apart. In this

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particular class of 18 7th graders, she has a single ELL, Taj. Valerie explains that Taj
came to the U.S. from Yemen a little over a year ago and that he had no formal schooling
prior to his arrival. She teaches two other ELLs, each in a different class.
Valerie has only praises for Taj and his accomplishments. Regarding his
linguistic growth, she exclaims, Its incredible what hes able to accomplish, written,
verbally. He doesnt even have much of an accent. She is equally impressed with his
academic growth. I expect far more of him than I ever would have thought hed be
capable of doing. Im just continuously amazed. She attributes this success to his
motivation and work ethic. He really is driven to do almost everything that everybody
else does. So very dedicated, and the desire to learn is wonderful. On top of everything,
Valerie makes sure I know that Taj has socially fit in wonderfully.
Joanne: You were talking about Taj fitting in socially really well. Can
you describe what that looks like for me?
Valerie: Hes on teams. Right now, hes in basketball. I think he plays
soccer. So I think the social aspect there just with the sports has helped
him out tremendously. Hes a bit of a flirt, so he fits in real well with the
girls.
Valerie describes a supportive relationship with the schools part-time ESL
teacher, Mrs. McKee. She describes their typical interactions as informal and quick.
Were scrambling. Shes free kind of when were in lunch, so very often shell swing
through. Or we drop notes, either email or in a mailbox. Valerie trusts Mrs. McKees
advice and employs strategies that she recommends when working with Taj. She also
relies on Mrs. McKee to work one-on-one with Taj on assignments. Most of his
assignments he will take with him. And he will say, Can I take this with me? And Ill
say, Of course. His ESL teacher can kind of walk him through the things that he

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doesnt quite understand. Additionally, Valerie values Mrs. McKees insights. When
he [Taj] gets bogged down, either she will clue me in and say, Hes a little bit
overwhelmed, and well excuse him from an assignment or Ill tell him to cut back, I
want you to work on this one, this one, and this one.
The one concern Valerie expresses about teaching ELLs is her lack of
preparation. Ive had no instruction on how to address these kids who are coming in.
So I guess I just kind of teach the kids and I go with my multiple ways of doing things
and just hope that it clicks.
Lesson One: Cycles and Succession
At 10:00 a.m., the 7th grade students enter Valeries classroom and head toward
their assigned seats. As soon as Taj walks in the room, a female classmate calls to him
and asks him for candy. He smiles, reaches into his pocket, and tosses her a treat. He
then sits down at an adjacent table as seen in Figure 8.
To start class, Valerie focuses the class on the to-do list she has written on the
white board. The first item tells students to take out their homework. On hearing this,
Taj jumps out of his chair and tells Valerie that he has not brought his homework to class.
She inquires as to how many he completed and then explains why the homework may
have been difficult for him. She recommends that he retrieve the assignment so he can
refer to it during class. Taj leaves the room and returns shortly thereafter with a folder in
hand. As he re-enters, he makes a flirty face at the girl who asked him for candy, and
then sits down and copies information from the white board.
In the meantime, Valerie moves from table to table, checking students homework
and chatting momentarily with each one, including Taj. When she finishes, she places a

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labeled overhead transparency of the water cycle on the projector, and says to the class,
Part of the problemand Taj, it drove him nuts She explains a difference between
this water cycle diagram and the one that the students saw on the assignment.
White board

Screen

Valeries
desk

Girl
Taj

Girl

Girl
Boy

Girl
Boy

Boy

Girl

Girl
Boy

Girl

Girl

Lab area
White board

Cabinets

Figure 8. Valerie Sumners 7th grade life science class on cycles and succession.
Next, Valerie reviews the definition of a water cycle, a task several students
struggled with on their homework. She calls on a girl to read a definition, and then asks
the class, Whats missing? In chorus, they respond evaporation. She points to the
sun illustration on the transparency and tells Taj, Taj, you can add that to your paper.

Window

Door

Girl

Boy

Girl

Boy

Lab
table

Bookcases

Counter with class materials

Magazine
TV
rack
Projector

Window

Counter

Bulletin board

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Valerie then changes the transparency to one of the nitrogen cycle. Again, she
calls on a student to read her definition from the homework. Apparently, this student has
a complete definition. Valerie then asks the class to check their definitions for all aspects
of the definition just provided. Valerie tells Taj specifically what to add to his paper.
After homework review is complete, Valerie passes out envelopes to each pair of
students. Inside the envelopes are slips of paper with illustrations of ecological changes
that the students have not seen before. She gives students the directions to put the
pictures in sequence. Taj works with the girl seated to his left to manipulate the papers.
The partner appears to defer to Taj. As some students start yelling out that theyre done,
Taj tells his partner, I dont know.
When Valerie sees that students have their papers placed in the sequence they
believe to be correct, she tells them, This is an example of succession. She then asks
for a definition. She subsequently asks the class, How does a pond get more and more
shallow? The students begin explaining succession forward and backward. Valerie
problematizes their explanations to help them hone in on an accurate definition. Taj
suddenly raises his hand. He is persistent in maintaining his hand raised as Valerie does
not see him for a while. When she does acknowledge him, he says, In my country
He then tells of a lake that has dried up. Valerie explains, That would be evaporation.
Taj adds, Before I was born it was there. Valerie places an overhead of the accurately
sequenced succession illustrations on the overhead projector and talks through the
process for the entire class. At one point she states, Taj was saying this pond just kind
of dried up. When he left the country it was gone. She then gives examples of when
succession can happen quickly and when it takes time. Students copy the definition of

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succession from the overhead into their notebooks, then pack up and leave when the bell
rings.
Valeries Reflections on the Cycles and Succession Lesson
The first reflection Valerie offers after this lesson is about the connection Taj
made between the science concept of succession and the dried-up lake in his homeland.
She tells me,
Taj usually is real short and doesnt share too much about his other
country, so I thought that was interesting. And, of course, here he was
doing it when everyone else was talking, and it was sort of like, No! I
want everybody else to hear and learn from it. I dont know what to say. I
was just very glad that he shared, because he doesnt usually share much
about his home country. So, to have him do that today was kind of neat.
She is both pleased that he made the connection and a bit frustrated with her own
response. I felt bad that I didnt have a real definite answer for him like he wanted, but
it was kind of neat to see him make those connections. Her reflections on this event
continue through the course of the interview as she considers ways to encourage Taj to
build on this in future classes. She hopes, The more comfortable he is, the more hes
willing to share. As she thinks further, she tempers her enthusiasm somewhat. I have a
feeling that hes not going to have much to share just because of where it is in the world.
Things dont move into deserts very quickly. Nevertheless, Valerie highlights the
unique knowledge Taj brings to the class. He knows some area of the world that none of
us do.
In between the conversations around Tajs connection, Valerie talks about other
aspects of the class. She explains that she walks around to check students homework
one-on-one to get an idea of the misconceptions out there. She finds this approach
particularly helpful when working with Taj, because it gives me a chance without

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singling him out to be able to find out exactly how far he got. Today, she says, He was
able to tell me he was confused, because the pictures were different. She reports that
Taj also used that time to negotiate additional time to work with his ESL teacher on the
assignment, something Valerie feels good about. Im hoping that when he goes down
and talks to Mrs. McKee, it might click in a little bit easier for him or he may actually be
able to get the words down on paper a little more easily.
To facilitate Tajs understanding of the nitrogen cycle and his subsequent work
with Mrs. McKee, Valerie discusses the ways she drew his attention to a key point.
I knew that if I just said to him, Jot down nitrogen-fixing bacteria.
Ooop! You know, that would be easily lost for most of the kids. So thats
why I pointed to it on the notes, and its the part that was underlined in
red, so that he could just copy it down. That was one of the things that he
was writing off to the side. So, at least he has the terminology, and then
Im hoping that Mrs. McKee will be able to pull the pieces together later.
And, if not, hell tell me tomorrow. So, when he turns it in tomorrow, Ill
be able to skim it real quickly, and see if its in there.
Although Valerie discusses her actions in response to Tajs needs, she makes
clear that his difficulty is one that other students might have. She goes on to
clarify that the strategies she uses are also for all students. He was having a hard
time comparing the two pictures, so thats why I put those up on the board. But I
did that for everybody.
Taking the conversation full circle, Valerie talks about the activity that led
up to Taj sharing the story of the dried-up lake. In detail, she recounts what
happened when Taj set about manipulating the illustrated papers to form the cycle
of succession.
He started immediately, grabbed the forest one. Then he started putting
things around it. He really wasnt sure. He looked at me a couple a times,
and I just kind of smiled and let him keep going. Then you could tell he

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was starting to get a little frustrated. I said, Well, you can ask Andrea for
her ideas. And then thats when Andrea said, What if we put that one at
the end? Once his forest was at the end, all of a sudden, it clicked, and he
kind of put them right in.
It appears that Valerie is attentive to Tajs needs academically and emotionally
and plans for supporting him personally and with the assistance of a peer. Shes a sharp
kid. I pick who sits next to him kind of deliberately. So when it was time, she gave him
that one little hint. Valerie feels comfortable that this approach is not only a positive
one for Taj but also his partner, Andrea. Im sure she had it all figured out in her head
already. But you could tell she was enjoying watching him.
Lesson Two: Inside-Outside Circle
Valerie is standing at the door as students enter for this days class. She tells each
one to find his or her 7:00 partner, a pre-assigned partner based on the hours of the
clock. When she tells Taj, You have to sit with your 7:00 partner, he heads directly to
a table on the far side of the room as seen in Figure 9.
Valerie quickly calls Taj back to select a card for the upcoming cooperative
learning activity. He takes two cards and tells her he does not have his homework, a
point she acknowledges. Taj walks away, reads the cards, and quickly returns to
Valeriewho is now in front of the roomto tell her that both cards are too hard for
him. Valerie lets him look through the cards again until he finds one with which he feels
confident. Taj then returns to his table. When other students inquire about what is going
on, Valerie tells them, Its top secret.
Valerie requests that students take out their homework and then moves around the
room, checking it and assuring that everyone is sitting with the 7:00 partner. As she does
so, she distributes activity cards to the other students. At Tajs table, students again

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inquire about the cards Valerie previously gave him. She repeats, Its top secret. Some
people know how to keep a secret. When she gets to Taj, she tells him to retrieve his
homework from his locker. He leaves the room and quickly returns with it in hand.

Screen
Magazine
TV
rack

Girl

Girl

Valeries
desk

Boy Girl
Taj

Lab
table

Boy

Boy Boy

Girl Girl

Boy

Girl Boy
Boy Girl

Girl Girl
Window

Door

Girl

Bookcases

Counter with class materials

Projector

Bulletin board

Window

Counter

White board

Lab area
White board

Cabinets

Figure 9. Valerie Sumners 7th grade life science class inside-outside circle lesson.
After taking students questions on the homework, a review packet for the next
days test, Valerie says that one of the two 7:00 partners must stand up. She then walks
around the room identifying exactly where and how each should stand, back to the table
and facing outward as seen in Figure 9. Next, she tells the seated students to stand up and

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face their partners. To perform inside-outside circle, (Kagan, 1992) Valerie explains
that students will ask their partner the question on their card and, as the partner answers,
Your job is to help guide your partner. If they make a mistake, she tells them to say,
Youre close, not, Youre wrong.
While the students set about asking and answering questions, Valerie moves
around the room observing and listening. Every couple minutes, she indicates that they
are to change partners, by saying, Five, four, three, two, one, go ahead and move one
partner. Taj follows these procedures without difficulty. He appears confident and
excited to ask his question and happy to let his partners know when they are correct. In
contrast, he seems to struggle when expected to answer his partners questions. His
responses range from briefly attempting an answer to requesting a repetition of the
question to saying, I dont know to just offering a confused facial expression. He does
not answer a single question correctly. The various partners also range in their responses
to him. One tells him, Close. Another rephrases the question and uses gestures. Most
just read him the answer, to which he replies, Okay.
After the students have moved around the room one time, Valerie tells them to
trade cards. She immediately heads to Taj to see if he understands the card he has
received. He nods that he does. The activity repeats itself with Taj and his peers
responding to the new questions in the ways previously described. Despite the fact that
he has not answered a single question correctly, Taj is always pleasant to his peers and
makes strong eye contact. At the end of class, Valerie collects the cards and briefly
explains how to prepare for the next days test. Then the bell rings.

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Valeries Reflections on the Inside-Outside Circle Lesson
Valerie refers to this lesson as planned mass confusion. Part of her planning
was to assure that Taj had cards he understood and that would allow him to participate
fully in the inside-outside circle activity. She explains that when she handed him the first
two cards, he told her, I cant read these. After he confirmed that the third card was
one he could read, she describes having him practice it with her:
I said, Why dont you try it right now with me? And he read it out loud
to me, and I said, Look at the answer. And he read that out loud, and I
clarified a couple of little things. I said, Theyre going to be telling you
that. I said, Do you understand what that means? And he said, Yes.
And he kind of paraphrased it. And so I said, Youre okay with this
one? And he said, Yep. And I said, Okay. Take that back to your
seat. Thats top secret though. Dont let anybody know what it is.
From my observation, this practice session prepared Taj to participate fully and
competently with his peers, at least as a question asker. By keeping her intervention top
secret, it appears that Valerie wants to assure that Tajs classmates view him as a
competent peer.
While the students engaged in the activity, Valerie says she was checking the
homework packets on their desks. She describes listening in as she moved around the
room, but found it hard to evaluate what Taj was doing because he doesnt enunciate, he
doesnt project his voice. Because of this, she explains that she checked with him
personally a couple of times. She used that opportunity to offer him participation
strategies.
If theres one that youre unsure of or you dont know how to explain it,
all you have to do is ask the person, Can you explain that to me? And
he said, Oh, okay. So, it gave him an out, that if he was stuck, he had a
response.

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From my observations, Taj took Valeries advice to heart. This explicit strategy
instructionone of the best practices identified in Chapter Twoempowers Taj as it
facilitates his full participation.
In spite of her thorough planning, Valerie reveals that she had not taken Taj into
account when she asked the students to exchange cards. She describes quickly forming a
back-up plan in case the card he received was too difficult, a plan that went unused
after she heard his partner say, You did well with that one, Taj. You know that one. Its
an easy one for you. When Taj confirmed his confidence, Valerie says she told him,
Okay. Go for it.
The other aspect of this lesson I inquire about is the homework that Valerie sent
Taj to retrieve. Valerie explains that although she was not initially concerned that Taj did
not have it, she then realized that it was preparation for the next days test and that she
would not have another opportunity to look at what he had accomplished. Valerie
describes what she saw when she reviewed Tajs assignment and how she responded to it:
He tried bits and pieces of each page, which was kind of good. I liked
that, because it meant that he was looking through it, and he able to
answer a bunch of them. What I wrote on there was, Thank you very
much for your effort. And I said, This looks good. You dont need to
finish any more, but Id like you to review your biomes. Because I
noticed he kind of left that out. But there was a lot of reading in that
section, so Im thinking if he just does a quick biome review with Mrs.
McKee.
From this description, it is clear that Valerie recognizes the demands of the assignment
and is comfortable making accommodations for Taj in light of these demands. Again,
she is proud of Taj for what he has accomplished and is confident that the ESL teacher
can support him in areas she has identified.

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Connections between Valeries Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
From the first conversation to the last, whenever I ask Valerie what connections
she makes between her language-learning experiences and teaching ELLs, she expresses
ambivalence about the existence of any specific connections. For instance, she tells me
she seats students in groups because she does not want anybody to feel alienated, as she
felt at various points in both her French and Spanish classes. She starts to explain, Im
sure that has something to do with my language learning, but then stops and modifies
this explanation to learning in general. Later, Valerie recalls her unwillingness to put
my hand up and say, I dont get it in language classes and, states that is why she
tends to partner her language learners with someone whos strong. Within moments,
she qualifies this statement with, But thats in general. Thats not even just language.
She offers similarly conflicted explanations for having students draw pictures to
accompany new vocabulary words, making a sample binder for students reference, using
hands-on and interactive activities, manipulatives, and lots of visuals. In essence, Valerie
believes that anything she can do to make ELLs successful is also something that helps
any learner be successful. She clearly connects this to her own language learning, but not
exclusively to her language learning.
Anytime that I was successful, because I struggled so much, I just felt just
that much better. I think thats probably why I do things like this in
general. I think its true for any learner, not just the language learners.
Looking back at Valeries language-learning narratives, the most visible
connection I identify between her language-learning experiences and teaching ELLs is
one she mentioned, albeit about learning in general: the importance of comfort. From
my observations, Valerie makes regular and diverse efforts to assure that Taj is

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comfortable using language in science class in multiple ways and for multiple purposes.
Secondly, in her stories, she felt strongly that language should be contextualized for it to
be meaningful. This is a belief she seems to act on in preparing Taj to use language in
the context of science. A third belief she expresses in her stories is that language can be
learned quickly. Her assessment of Tajs language skills seems to lend support for her
belief. It may be a belief that causes her to overestimate his linguistic skills, as evidenced
by his inability to respond to any of the 16 questions he was asked by peers during the
inside-outside circle activity. Finally, Valerie revealed a positive attitude toward
languages and language learning despite the difficulties she experienced learning French
and Spanish. While these attitudes are not directly visible in her teaching, she obviously
presents a very favorable attitude toward a learner whose first language is not English and
toward the knowledge he brings from his home country. There may or may not be a
relationship between these attitudes.
As the last interview ends, Valerie shares with me the realization that she has
sometimes forgotten that the ELLs in her other classes, Kayla and Sanyatwo girls
whose skills, progress, and work ethic she admiresare still learning. She says that
participating in this study has reminded her that her other ELLs need a little more of the
TLC that I do for Taj.
Alex Stewart, K-8 Physical Education Teacher
Getting to Know Alex
Alex Stewart is a 34-year-old physical education teacher at urban Parkside
School. He teaches students in every grade except kindergarten in this school that houses
preschool through 8th grade. This is his first year teaching at Parkside, although he has

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been a teacher in the Central City School District for 10 years. The principal identified
Alex as a potential participant for my study believing that this was Alexs first year
teaching ELLs. In our initial meeting, however, I discover that Alex has previously
taught ELLs in both high school and elementary settings. While he clearly does not meet
the criteria I set forth for participants, I have chosen to include him as he teaches a
subject area not represented by any of my other participants and because he expresses a
strong interest in participating.
Prior to coming to Parkside School, Alex first worked as a teaching assistant for
students with special educational needs in the Central City School District. Later, he
taught physical education at Hillside High, Strong Elementary, and Main Street
Elementary Schools. Hillside and Main Street are both well-known for their culturallyand linguistically-diverse student populations. As Alex puts it, You name the country,
Im sure theres a student from there.
To understand the ways in which these prior teaching experiences have informed
Alexs practice with ELLs, I ask him to talk about them. He tells me that he observed
experienced physical education teachers to see how they approached teaching ELLs. The
two strategies he reports having learned from his colleagues are to ask ELLs who have
been in the country longer interpret expectations to the new arrivals and to physically
demonstrate his expectations to them.
As Alex shares his teaching and office space with a colleague and numerous
school activities, we carry out the oral history interview in the school library. Subsequent
interviews, however, take place in and around Alexs office, a small room with
cinderblock walls located within the basement area that houses the gymnasium. Both

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pre- and post-observation interviews begin in the gymnasium itself, as Alex needs to set
up and take down equipment used in class.
At the close of the oral history interview, Alex and I set about scheduling the
dates and times for me to observe him teach. It is at that time that Alex reveals that he
does not currently have ELLs in his secondary classes, 10-week classes that recently
changed. Instead, he schedules me to observe him teach 5th grade, an upper level
elementary grade.
High School French Class
Alex recounted a total of four stories from his language-learning experiences in
high school. I present all four of them in this portrait. When Alex begins recalling his
years of foreign language study, he tells me, I took Spanish for three years in high
school and one year of French in high school also, I immediately make the assumption
that I am talking with someone who enjoyed studying languages. I also assume that Alex
took three years of Spanish prior to adding French. This first story sets the record
straight and reminds me to avoid making assumptions.
The Whole Language Thing Was Kind of a Hard Thing for Me
The whole language thing was kind of a hard thing for me to learn. I was
extremely hyperactive. It was hard for me to concentrate at that point in
my life.
Most of my peers were taking foreign languages in the middle school. I
had a learning disability, so I was taking reading stuff and trying to get a
more of a grasp of the English. I had support around me as far as resource
teachers and other things.
I took one year of French in high school. I didnt really get along with the
French teacher. If you didnt really get a grasp on it, she really would
ignore you. For me to try to have to go from English, which I was
struggling with, to another one language I didnt have the strongest
studying skills at that point. I would almost ignore the language and just

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focus on my other strengths which were Englishbecause I was really
trying at thatsciences, math. Whenever I was doing French, I was like,
Whatever. I just had no interest in it, because of all those things that
would add up.
That was a huge turn-off for me. It made it easier for me to say, Look.
Im just going to go try a different language. Then several other friends
of mine brought it to my attention that Spanish would be easier, so then I
went to Spanish.
From the opening line of this first story, we realize that language learning is
difficult for Alex. He begins by pointing out that the primary source of his difficulty is
internal. His hyperactivity appears to make his school experience difficult both
academically and socially. It complicates his learning French and as well as other
subjects. It also precludes him from joining his peers who begin foreign language study
in middle school while he works with special educators on his English skills. To
compound his difficulties, Alex perceives that his French teacher does not care about him
or his learning. For a student whose academic success relies on extra support from
teachers, this appears to be a blow too big for him to tolerate. He responds by adopting
an indifferent attitude, minimizing his effort, and arguing against having to study a
foreign language. We get the sense that this unfortunate experience in French class has
primed him to walk away from language study. Surprisingly, however, he does not give
up on learning language, just on learning French. Convinced by friends that Spanish is
less difficult, he is willing to try again.
A Fresh Start with Spanish
After one unhappy year studying French, Alex opts for a fresh start with Spanish.
In these next three stories, Alex reflects on his experiences as a Spanish student, both
good and bad.

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I Was More Successful
When I got to Spanish, kids were more my age. I was more successful,
picked up quicker.
I tried Spanish in high school and stuck with it for three years. Foreign
language was required.
My other friends were into it. At that time, it was almost a cool thing to
be smart. If you really werent trying academically, sometimes there
would be peer pressure. I was starting to get a little bit better study skills,
and I started to care more about wanting to learn another language. I
began to understand the whole idea of learning a new language.
Gratefully for me, the school had Spanish. It was easier than French. It
was nice. I think the fact that I decided to do Spanish when I got older and
I was more willing just made it easier for me. So, when I put all that
together, it just made sense.
The Spanish Teachers Were More Open
The Spanish teachers were more open. They were younger teachers, so
they were fresh, and they were trying to really help. I had two different
ones. They both would just go out of their way. They would do different
strategies as far as learning: small groups, big groups, individual, one-onone, that kind of stuff.
The Spanish teachers were much more open to my learning style, because
I had so many issues with learning a new language. They were just so
willing to do whatever you needed. I didnt get 90s and 100s. Were
talking mid-70s. A couple times one of them would ask maybe two or
three of us who were struggling to come for help during lunch. She would
go over some of the verbage [sic] and how everything comes together.
She made suggestions about what might be good for studying, like
flashcards.
Whenever you see that as a student, youre just like, Wow. Ill sink more
time into it, which made it so much easier. Theres a lot of stuff that I
didnt really get, but as far as whenever I was doing French, it was a huge
step up. Being a teacher now, I can understand that more. I think that was
a big thing.

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It Was a Constant Struggle
I dont mean to reiterate, but I it was a constant struggle. I now had all
these new things I could do that I didnt have when I did French. At the
same time, my interest had gone up. But still I just didnt like having to
try to learn another language. Verbage [sic] was pretty hard, and then
making it make sense. I could say words, but it didnt flow right. A lot of
the times whenever the teacher would say something in Spanish, I would
just be like no idea. I would be able to pick up maybe one or two words. I
think, because I would constantly write, write, write, thats the one thing
that I focused on. Whenever you would have to change the format and the
wording so that it would flow right, that was pretty hard for me.
It was a constant struggle for me. It was a battle. It was one of the hardest
subjects that I ever had. I knew that once I got out of high school and I
got into college, one of the things was looking to see was what the
requirements were. If I didnt have to take a foreign language, it was a
relief, because I just totally didnt want to do it. I didnt take any foreign
languages in college.
Im trying to teach my son language. Hes four. Hes in a day care that
our district provides, and a lot of the women there are Spanish. So theyll
teach him some of the different things they say, and he picks up on it, and
hell say them at home. You ask him about it, and hell tell you about it. I
wish I could have been like that, but I had my own issues back then.
Alex opens this second story by telling us about two positive changes that
accompany his transition from studying French to studying Spanish. First, he fits in
socially, as his classmates are now his same-age peers. Secondly, Alex feels more
capable personally of learning language this second time around. Although he
communicates that taking Spanish is a better situation than his experience in French class,
he seeks to have us avoid any misunderstandings by making it clear that language study
is not an elective, but rather a requirement.
In elaborating on the role his peers play, Alex describes a helpful form of peer
pressure, the pressure to work hard and do well. As much as he might have wanted to
work hard and do well in French class, he was not prepared to do so at that time. He now

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has the study skills he acquired working with the special educators, appears to have his
hyperactivity under control, and has deeper insights into what it means to learn a
language. All three of these facilitate his ability to live up to his peers expectations.
Ultimately, Alex seems relieved to have an alternative to French and to be given a second
chance. He is able to acknowledge the contribution both external and internal factors
make in his significant turn-around.
In addition to the supportive social environment of the Spanish classroom, Alex
identifies the important role his two Spanish teachers play in making his Spanish
language-learning experience a positive one. He describes two teachers who are
sensitive, flexible, and attentive. They use varied teaching strategies that appeal to his
need to move around. They understand his issues and provide him the personal attention
he wants and needs to succeed in language learning. He clarifies, however, that academic
success for him in Spanish is not what others may perceive as success. It is his success
nonetheless.
What we learn most about Alex from his second and third stories is that he is
someone who relies on social, emotional, and academic support in the foreign language
classroomand potentially elsewherefor motivation. When these are absent, as they
were when he studied French, he finds it difficult to maintain motivation. He not only
knows this about himself as a learner, but now, as a teacher, he observes this response in
students he works with. In particular, he understands the power he has as a teacher to
influence his students attitudes, motivation, and success.
In his final story, Alex emphasizes that whatever success he had in Spanish was
success not easily achieved. Although his skills and motivation are greatly improved

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since French class, they have not improved to the point where he enjoys language
learning. He offers multiple examples of his struggles, especially in speaking and
listening. While he identifies writing to be his strongest area, he clarifies that it is still
difficult for him. In essence, Alex wants to make it perfectly clear that he finds language
learning to be demanding in a way that no other subject is. The motivation he is able to
muster from his peers and teachers gets him through his requirement, but are not enough
to make him want to continue in college. In fact, he goes out of his way to assure that he
will never have to study a foreign language again.
In the coda of this last story, Alex brags about his 4-year-old son who is learning
Spanish from his daycare providers and can speak it to some degree at home. He admires
the boys accomplishment and wishes that he had been able to learn language with the
same ease. Alex puts the situation into perspective when he acknowledges that the
obstacles he faced in learning language are not ones his son has to deal with.
Reflections on Alexs Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
From Alexs four years of language study, we can identify his attitude toward
language learning as well as a variety of beliefs he seems to hold about language
learning. His attitude is one that turned negative in his first year of studying French but
became more positive in subsequent years as he found support in the Spanish classroom.
As he proudly tells of his sons achievement in learning Spanish from his daycare
providers, we realize that he feels favorably about language learning, even if it is
something that causes him great difficulty personally.
From his stories, it appears that Alex holds two beliefs specific to language
learning. First and foremost, he believes that languages are hard to learn, harder than any

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other subject area. Based on his struggles, he also seems to believe that learning
disabilities create obstacles to language learning. He often refers to his learning
disabilitiesor issuesas influencing his struggles.
In addition to Alexs specific beliefs about language learning, he reveals several
general beliefs about learning in the context of discussing language learning. From his
perspective, both teachers and peers have the ability to strongly influence a students
attitude and motivation toward learning. He clearly felt most positive and motivated
when his Spanish teachers reached out to him and when his peers held high expectations
for him. Alex also seems to believe that varied instructional strategies facilitate learning.
He highlighted how much he valued the fact that his Spanish teachers used flexible
grouping and varied approaches to language learning in the classroom. Alex also
believes that knowledge of study skills and learning strategies aids learning. He tells of
the strategies that his Spanish teachers taught him in lunch hour help sessions and points
out that when his study skills improved so did his success in learning language. Finally,
it appears that Alex believes that success in learning can be measured in variable ways.
He made significant progress as a language learner from his French to his Spanish
classes, yet his grades were in the mid-70s. Those grades did not reflect the success he
knew he had achieved.
A final note on Alexs stories of his language-learning experiences is that only
two of the four have codas and neither makes connections to the ELLs he teaches. The
first presents his belief that teachers have the ability to influence students attitudes and
success. The second is about his four-year-old son. This omission leaves to question

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whether Alex has indeed made any connections between his own language-learning
experiences and his teaching with ELLs.
Teaching ELLs in the 5th Grade Physical Education Classroom
At Parkside School, I observe Alex Stewart teach his 5th grade physical education
class on two occasions, nine days apart. When I first inquire about the ELLs in the class,
he is unable to recall who they are. He looks for, but cannot find, his class roster and,
eventually admits, I cant think of this off the top of my head. As a result, I must
attempt to identify the ELLs for myself during the first observation. What Alex is able
tell me is that there is a huge Asian population at Parkside and that most are fluent in
English. He does comment that the ELLs he teaches seem to understand more and more
every week that goes by.
How communication about ELLs takes place may contribute to Alexs uncertainty
about the ones he teaches. When I ask how he finds out about the ELLs in his class, he
explains,
Sometimes the whole class is like, Theres a new student. Or the
teacher will go ahead and point out Sometimes with the older grades,
like 5th, you dont get that at all. They just kind of blend in, and you have
to point them out. So you dont really get to meet them. You look, and
youre Whos that? And youre like, I guess I have a new student.
In addition to the lack of communication about the ELLs, Alex describes a lack of
communication with and by the ESL teacher. As he portrays it, discussions with the ESL
teacher only take place when students have issues, something that has not happened
recently. I cant recall off the top of my head this year any direct issues with any of the
students.

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In describing his approach to teaching ELLs, Alex relates two strategies he relies
on: other learners and modeling. If they dont understand, most of the time, the
students themselves will actually intervene before I can even get to the kids. Or Ill get
there maybe before that happens and then Ill do more of a visual. With these two
resources, Alex believes that the ELLs can go about it just like the rest of the students.
Lesson One: Upper Body Workout with Scooters and Ropes
Twenty-two students wearing their navy blue Parkside Falcon t-shirts line up in
the hallway leading to the gym accompanied by their 5th grade classroom teacher and
await instructions from Alex. Alex approaches the students and, one-at-a-time, directs
each to sit at a particular spot on the right side of the gym. In doing so, he has formed
four groups, with some students seated near cones and others near scooters that are
placed on the gym floor as in Figure 10.
Once all the students are situated, Alex selects a group of five students to model
the upcoming class activity. He directs four boys to hold taut the ends of a 15-foot long
piece of rope, two at each end, and tells them, You are an anchor. He then places a
square plastic scooter with wheels over the rope, and tells a female student to lay atop
the scooter on her abdomen. He first warns the boys not to pull the rope and then tells the
girl to pull herself and the scooter from one end of the rope to the other using only her
hands, which she does.
After the demonstration, Alex has all the students choose roles as anchors or
riders within their groups and to use the equipment in front of them to do the activity.
The students do as asked, taking turns and laughing throughout. Alex wanders from one
group to another, stopping to speak to students who are not following the rules or who are

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having difficulty. After the students complete multiple turns, Alex blows his whistle, and
the students stop what they are doing. Alex tells them to return to their groups to watch a
second demonstration. In this demonstration, the girl on the scooter lays on her back and
pulls herself from one end of the rope to the other. After the demonstration, the groups
reassemble to do the activity in its new format. Again, Alex moves about the room
engaging with students who are off-task or who need help.

Rope

Scooter

Cone

Gym
entrance

Bleachers

Alexs
office

Figure 10. Alex Stewarts 5th grade physical education class on upper body strength
Up until this point, I am not sure who the ELLs in this class are. Then I notice an
Asian girl at the far end of the gym laying on a scooter and struggling to figure out how
to use it. Alex approaches her and gestures how she should turn her body so that her

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back is touching the scooter. He places her hands on the rope above her and appears to
be talking to her and gesturing what she needs to do to move herself along the rope.
After a short while, she is able to do the activity as modeled. Once Alex sees evidence
that the girl can perform the task, he leaves her. As I assume that this girl is an ELL, I
choose to observe her and Alexs interactions with her through the rest of the class.
After students have engaged in the second scooter activity for a while, Alex again
blows the whistle and directs students to find a falcon, one of the images of a falcon
that are taped at regular intervals to the gym floor. The girl I have identified as an ELL
looks at another Asian girl to confirm what she needs to do. Once all students are
standing on a falcon, Alex shouts out the name of an exercisejumping jacks, butterflies,
and mountain climbersand the students do the exercise in unison. It appears that this is
a familiar routine as Alex does not model the exercises, yet all the students do them
without problem.
After the exercises, Alex tells the students, Find a big cone. The students move
to the far side of the gym and form groups of four to six behind each of five large cones
placed along a painted line. The girl I have identified as an ELL follows the girl she
consulted earlier to a group with other Asian girls. Sitting just to the left of this group is
a group of 3 Asian boys. I observe the way two of the boys seem to be directing a third
boy and wonder if that third boy might also be an ELL. I do not observe Alex interact
with this boy on an individual basis at any point during the class.
I watch the two potential ELLs and Alex during the two final activities, a relay
race and a jumping activity. Alex maintains a distance from individual learners, blowing
his whistle at intervals. Both potential ELLs seem familiar with these activities and

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complete the activities without issue. When the half hour is up, the 5th grade teacher
arrives. Alex blows the whistle, and the students stop jumping and head over to their
teacher who is standing at the entrance to the gym.
Alexs Reflections on the Upper Body Workout Lesson
Immediately after the lesson, I ask Alex to tell me which students are ELLs. He
responds, Theres pretty much two, and confirms that the students I identified are
indeed the two ELLs. When I ask about their background, he admits he unfortunately
does not know either where they are from or what home language(s) they speak, a point
consistent with the minimal communication about ELLs that he previously described.
Alexs reflections on this lesson are specific to the two ELLs, whom he refers to
as the Asian girl and the Asian boy. As he recalls trying to help the Asian girl use
the scooter, he tells me, She didnt really understand what I was trying to say, so I had to
kind of show. She didnt even really get it then. What he believes helped her was
watching her peers. I kind of noticed that she looked around and watched some of the
other kids. Then she kind of got it. In effect, Alex seems to see peer modeling as a
more effective strategy for this ELL than his ability to explain expectations.
Alex goes on to suggest that the Asian boy also learns best from his peers. He
also does it by just looking around and seeing what theyre doing. But Alex points out
that the peers are not always the best examples. He was kind of pulling on the rope. He
shouldnt have been, but I think what he saw was he was looking around, and he saw all
the kids who know what theyre supposed to be doing. Theyre pulling the rope. Alex
is sympathetic to the boys situation, saying, I cant really fault him for that, because
hes just picking up on what theyre doing. Dealing with the boys misguided behaviors

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is not always easy for Alex who says that the boy backed away when he approached him
today. I figured that he felt he was in trouble or something.
Alex clearly employed his two strategies of modeling and relying on other
students today to help the ELLs. From his reflections, it appears that he sees peer support
and modeling as the more powerful of the two.
Lesson Two: Sink That Ship
Prior to the 5th graders arrival, two middle school girls come to the gym and
assist Alex in setting up 20 plastic bowling pins along each of two parallel lines in the
gym. Alex lays mats just behind each line of pins and sets up a barrier between the

Gym
entrance

Bowling pins
Bleachers

Scooter
Mat

Portable walls

halves of the gym, as seen in Figure 11.

Alexs
office

Figure 11. Alex Stewarts 5th grade physical education class Sink That Ship game.

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As the students enter the gym, Alex tells them to run laps around the bowling
pins. He observes them run single file for a while and then blows his whistle. He shouts
directives for the students to do jumping jacks, butterflies, and mountain climbers, the
same exercises the students did last class. The Asian ELL girl watches her classmate
with each transition, appearing to need confirmation that she is doing the right thing.
I look for the Asian ELL boy and am not sure which of the several Asian boys he
is. Having only noticed him at the end of the prior observation and with the students
wearing uniforms, I did not have time to differentiate him from other learners of
similar appearance and stature. I do, however, notice a girl that was not in the previous
class. She is dark-skinned and wears a red, glittery headscarf, a school t-shirt, a long
black skirt with a red and white geometric pattern, and leather boots with heels. I wonder
if she may be another ELL as her appearance is similar to that of Somali ELLs I have
observed and worked with in other settings.
After the exercises, Alex tells the students to line up against the wall. He then
stands in the middle of the gym to explain and demonstrate the days activity, Sink That
Ship. He explains that some students will kneel behind the mats and will throw balls at
the pins on the opposite side of the gym. Some students will be on scooters retrieving the
balls. The goal is to be the first team to knock down the other teams pins. As he
explains these rules, he physically demonstrates by pointing at the pins, kneeling, and
throwing a ball. He then quizzes the group with questions such as, Can I stand up and
throw? In choral response, they reply no to this question and others.
At the end of the demonstration, Alex divides the students into two groups and
sends one group to one side of the half gym and the other to the opposite side. The Asian

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ELL girl walks to the far mat on the side of the gym where she has been directed. The
girl whom she has previously consulted begins talking and gesturing to her. It appears
that she is re-explaining Alexs directions. As the activity begins, the Asian ELL girl
hands balls to her teammates rather than throw them herself. Alex observes that she is
kneeling on the mat instead of behind it. He approaches her and says, Off the mat,
gesturing that she should move back. She does as asked.
When one team has won, Alex blows the whistle. He asks the students to re-set
the pins and suggests that different students should get on the scooters. The Asian ELL
girl volunteers to get on the scooter. She appears to understand what her task is and
actively retrieves balls for her team.
The girl wearing a headscarf, long skirt, and boots that I believe may be an ELL
also mounts a scooter. She seems less focused on retrieving balls than on rolling around
on the scooter. When Alex blows the whistle to announce the end of the game, she stays
on the scooter and continues rolling around the floor. Alex doesnt seem to notice or
acknowledge her as he tells the class to prepare for a third match. Finally, she gets off
the scooter and returns to the side of the gym where she was originally assigned. When
Alex tells teams to send some of their teammates to the scooters, she returns to the
scooter she previously rode. This time she picks up balls and throws them at her own
teams pins. She stops when her scarf gets tangled in the wheels of the scooter. She
stands up to untangle the scarf and then gets back on. Alex whistles for the end of the
third game and asks students to pick up. She again stays on the scooter and rolls around
while her peers pick up. Again, Alex doesnt seem to acknowledge what she is doing.

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During the third match, the Asian ELL girl returns to her original spot behind the mat and
throw balls alongside her companion.
As the half hour comes to a close, Alex has the students pick up the pins, balls,
and scooters. Shortly thereafter he lines them up to walk over to their classroom teacher
who is waiting for them at the entrance to the gym.
Alexs Reflections on Lesson Two: Sink That Ship
After the lesson, I am curious to find out about the girl with the red headscarf.
Alex tells me, I think shes a new student. I havent really gotten to know her too
wellyet. I ask whether she is an ELL, and Alex replies, I would assume so, but Im
not definite. When I wonder how he interprets her continuous scooter riding, he
responds, If thats where you feel comfortable, and youre doing what you need to do,
thats fine. So, if thats where she felt most comfortable

From my observations,

however, it is not clear that he actually noticed the girls behavior.

The learner Alex did notice is the one I could not: the Asian ELL boy. I think
he just kind of got overly excited, kept getting on the mat, and there were a couple other
boys doing it that werent ESL students. Again, Alex does not blame the boy, but
perceives his peers to be a bad influence. Alex also credits a peer for setting the boy
straight. One girl, in a nice voice, said, You gotta get off the mat. You gotta get off the
mat. So he got off.
Alex also acknowledges the support peers gave the Asian ELL girl. I cant say
enough about the kids that actually go out of their way to do that. He appears to believe
that these children know how to help their peers from personal experience. Something
tells me that maybe they had that kind of experience when they were younger.

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Again, the reflections Alex offers center on the role peers play in the ELLs
learning, both positive and negative. Interestingly, he does not offer a single reflection
on his own role as teacher of these two, or three, ELLs.
Connections between Alexs Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
As Alex considers what connections exist between his language-learning
experiences and his practice with ELLs, he identifies two. First, he says that he learned
language best with hands-on stuffdemonstrations, that kind of thing. In the physical
education classroom, Pretty much everything we do is hands-on stuff, so a lot of the kids
will remember it. Given the ways in which Alex previously described himself as a
learner, I suspect that he learned all content best with hands-on stuff. Although this is
clearly a connection, it is probably more his motivation for teaching physical education
than a strategy he calls on for teaching language learners. In addition, he makes it clear
that he believes this approach is of benefit to all learners.
Secondly, Alex points out the importance of patience. When Im learning a
language, I found that Ive had the most success when people are patient with me and
give me a chance to try to figure it out on my own. So I hope I do that with them. Just
like the previous connection, I believe that Alex appreciated patience with all his
learning, not just language learning. I observe, however, that he is particularly patient
with his ELLs. He seems to appreciate that their apparent off-task behavior is the result
of their attempts to make sense of the tasks and the modeling their peers offer.
In returning to Alexs language-learning narratives, I see very little evidence that
he has derived personal practical knowledge for teaching ELLs from specific languagelearning experiences. His favorable attitude toward language learning may or may not

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influence the positive attitude he seems to hold toward the ELLs in his class. His
expressed belief that languages are harder to learn than other subjects is one that he does
not appear to consider when thinking about the ELLs he teaches. To the contrary, he
emphasizes ELLs language development when he tells me, It seems like every time,
every week that goes by, they seem to understand more and more.
What may have the most influence on Alexs approach to teaching ELLs is his
prior experience. As previously reported, from having observed other physical education
teachers teach ELLs, he learned to depend on other students to interpret expectations and
to model expectations. Both of these approaches are clearly evident in his teaching.
Alexs final reflections on participating in this study cause him to realize that he
has not thought as much about the ELLs and what they are experiencing as he teaches
them. He tells me that he plans to think a little bit more about what the students that
dont know English might be going through, what their nerves might be, what their social
skills might be, how theyre thinking. He acknowledges that they probably get lost in
the whole chaos of a class. He believes that he can improve his teaching for ELLs and
all his students by modifying his explanations, increasing his clarity, and increasing his
use of visuals. So hopefully, Im going to be a more effective teacher for my students.

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Chapter Six Foreign Language Learners, First-Year Teachers
In Chapter Six, I present the portraits of the remaining three participants in my
study: Lance McIntyre, an 8th grade mathematics teacher, Melanie Eaton, a 7th grade
English teacher, and Grace Jenkins, a 10th grade English teacher. All three of these
participants are first-year teachers. Westerman (1991) describes the thinking of
beginning teachers as qualitatively different from that of experienced teachers,
especially in regard to planning for and accommodating the diverse needs of learners (p.
302). It is for this reason that I have decided to present the portraits of these three former
foreign language learners separately from those of the other three participants who
learned language in the foreign language classroom and have years of teaching
experience.
Lance McIntyre, 8th Grade Mathematics Teacher
Getting to Know Lance
Lance McIntyre is a 24-year-old mathematics teacher at urban Eastside School.
He teaches 8th grade mathematics and AIS (Academic Intervention Services) in this K-8
school. He started this school year, his first year of teaching, in a co-teaching situation,
working side-by-side with an experienced mathematics teacher. When the class became
overcrowded, it was divided at the end of the first marking period with Lance being given
his own classroom and his own students. As a result, Lance teaches in the only room that
was available, a room less than half the size of a typical classroom. Prior to the current
school year, Lance worked part-time with at-risk students in the Star Partnership Program
at a Central City high school for two years.

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As a first year teacher, Lance receives mentoring through a district-level
mentoring program. Two of the days that Lance and I schedule interviews and
observations, his district mentor, a veteran high school mathematics teacher, also decides
to observe him. Rather than suggest that one of us should re-schedule, Lance decides to
meet with each of us, one after the other, at a student table in his classroom during his
planning period. To accommodate two observers, he arranges side-by-side seating for the
two of us in the corner of his tiny room.
An additional complication of observing Lance teach his ELLs is that he only has
two, and they are both in the same class. During our first pre-observation interview,
Lance forewarns me that the two girls attendance is spotty. His premonition is
fulfilled when the girls do not come to class. Realizing that they are not coming, I leave
after 20 minutes of the 80-minute block period and contact him later to re-schedule.
Successful Spanish Student
Lance studied Spanish from 7th through 11th grades and then again in college.
Although he took two semesters in college, the only story he told about the experience
focused on his frustration with not being granted credit for his prior language courses;
therefore, I have chosen not to include it. I present here five of his nine stories, most of
which center on his recollections of middle and high school Spanish. I divide his stories
differently than I have for most of the other participants. Rather than a chronological
presentation, I present them thematically, beginning with his stories of success.
Spanish Always Came Fairly Easy to Me
Right from the start, in 7th grade, Spanish always came fairly easy to me.
They gave you a template of how it was going to work, and it never really
strayed that far away from what you first learned, other than the irregulars
[verbs] and things like that.

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I think I was able to make a lot of connections between the English

language I knew at that point and what I was learning as a Spanish
student, in learning new words and then conjugating verbs. Im not sure
exactly why that is. A lot of the words sound similar, so I was making
connections with that. I liked it not only because it was coming easy to
me; I found it useful. It was kind of neat to be learning a different
language.
Learning to become a teacher, theyre always telling you [that] you need
make connections to whats going to happen outside of the classroom, and
its obvious with Spanish. Its a language. Any language you know is
going to give you more opportunities.
I Was Pretty Visual with Learning Spanish
I was pretty visual with learning a lot of the Spanish. I definitely
remember having pictures and being able to study those diagrams to help
me remember vocabulary. I used that a lot.
That visual connection was something that really helped me when learning
it a lot too. What made it easier for me was to use visualizing what the
vocabulary was in order to understand it better. It makes more sense to
see it on something tangible like a picture or a person that youre familiar
with as opposed to just seeing a bunch of translated words and a list thats
very [un]friendly. When I think about vocabulary words that I know, like
right now, theyre running through my head, some of the words.
I dont know if I implement the strategies I used with my ELLs. I guess I
havent really thought much about itjust because I have so few. Im
going to try to be more conscious of it as much as I can. Its just I havent
had a chance to think about it that much, just because it being my first
year. Im just thinking about a million things. Its tough. Its just
something I hadnt put a whole lot of thought into quite yet.
Right from the beginning, Lance identifies himself as a successful language
learner. Although he is not completely sure why Spanish comes easy to him, he details
his language-learning strategies in a way that allows us to figure out reasons for his
success. In particular, he points out his understanding that languages have patterns and
rules, and he tells us that he uses these to learn Spanish grammar and vocabulary. He

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appears to seek patterns within the language as well as across the two languages he
knows, Spanish and English.
The other key point that that stands out in Lances first story is his high degree of
motivation for learning Spanish. Whether he is motivated because he finds Spanish easy
to learn or whether he learns it easily because he is highly motivated is unclear. Either
way, we realize that he finds it both enjoyable and practical.
Lances second story continues where the first one left off, as he shares another
one of his successful language-learning strategies. He describes a three-pronged visual
approach to learning Spanish vocabulary, using pictures, diagrams, and mental images to
learn new words. In addition to telling us how he learns vocabulary, he explains why he
uses the particular strategies he does. He emphasizes that his visual approach makes
words meaningful and connects unfamiliar words to the familiar concepts, unlike
decontextualized vocabulary lists. To assure that we understand the value of this
strategy, he reveals that he still has images of Spanish vocabulary in his mind.
As Lance recalls the numerous strategies he has employed to successfully learn a
language, he begins to ponder whether he has implemented any of that knowledge with
the ELLs he teaches. He seems to experience tension when he realizes that he has
knowledge that might help his students who are learning language but is caught up in the
struggle to survive the demands of his first year of teaching. He offers both excuses for
not having drawn on this resource as well as promises to do so when he can, a time that is
not quite yet.

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Struggling Spanish Student
From Lances two initial stories, we come to know him as a strategic and
motivated Spanish student. His strategies and motivation, however, have their
limitations. In this next story, Lance reveals what he finds difficult in Spanishand
Englishthat influences his decision to drop language study after his junior year of high
school.
I Didnt Do As Well with Reading Comprehension
Speaking, I did fine with that. Reading comprehension was a little bit
different. I didnt do as well with that. I struggled.
In high school, I wasnt really reading a lot. For English, I was reading
just the bare minimum. A lot of those books we had to read, I was not
reading the whole. I was just kind doing what I needed to get by.
[In Spanish], I felt like I was a lot better with the conversational stuff than
comprehending what I was reading. Just the volume of what you had to
do in order to comprehend a passage of reading in Spanish was tough for
me. I just remember that being real difficult to get through. It would be
tough to get through if it was written in English.
I dropped Spanish as a senior in high school. Part of it might have been
the fact that it was getting into a lot more of the reading. Part of it was
that I was a little lazy with what I was doing.
Just knowing how I struggled when we had a big chunk of text, I try to
simplify my language as much as I can when Im making questions and
creating work. Even the kids who are primarily speaking English have so
much struggling with reading. I dont want to dumb it down. You still
want to be able to challenge the kids a little bit, but I think its also
important that youre creating something that is reasonable and you can
expect them to understand, where its not going to be a long shot. I dont
want my kids to give up because they cant read the question or
understand what the questions asking. I want them to be able to interpret
what is being asked and go on and use that information. More than
anything, I try to make my language simple enough so that someone
whos new to English could learn, could read it and understand whats
being asked.

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From this third story, we discover that Lance is not quite as successful a language
learner as we are led to believe in his first two stories. He not only identifies the cause of
his difficulty in Spanish, but also a potential underlying reason for it. In essence, he
understands that the weak reading skills and habits he has developed in English limit his
ability to read in Spanish. Faced with this obstacle, his motivation to study advanced
Spanish is diminished, and he elects to drop out.
It appears the role his weak reading played in his own learning and motivation is
something on which Lance has reflected and acted. Therefore, he is sensitive to the
demands of readings when planning for his students learning. He modifies text to
assure that the content is accessible to all learners, including ELLs. As he describes his
modifications, it appears that he understands the importance of modifying text in ways
that maintain integrity and high expectations for students learning.
Real-life Communication in Spanish
In these last two stories, Lance talks about his attempts to apply his classroom
Spanish in real-life situations. The first, in which it appears there is a need for Spanishlanguage communication, harkens back to his high school days. The latter, in which
Lance apparently wants to assess his current communicative ability in Spanish, happened
recently.
Its a Little Different When Youre Talking to a Native Spanish Speaker
Its a little different when youre talking to someone whos a native
Spanish speaker than it is when youre talking to someone whos teaching
Spanish to the people who speak English. Obviously, theyre conscious of
the fact that youre not going to be able to pick up.
I used to work at a drug store. Once or twice I had run into a customer
who didnt speak any English. I tried to give it at least a try, to do
something with it.

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Any time I hear a native Spanish speaker speaking, it always seems like
its so much faster than the way I speak. I try to be aware of it how my
ELLs feel when everyone is speaking English, but its tough.
It Seemed More Useful Being Able to Talk in a Conversation
It seemed more useful being able to talk in a conversation.
I was working with a student. He was in here working on his math, and he
finished that. Hes an ESL student. I havent taken a Spanish class in four
years.
He was working on this ESL work. He had a ditto of Spanish words and
pictures, and he needed to translate them to English. I was trying to
conversationally speak to him [in Spanish] a little bit, from what I could
remember.
If you know the language well enough to converse, it gives it relevance.
The comforts there because theres more connections to be made from
word to word and phrase to phrase. Thats an easier part of the language
to learn than to just learn a bunch of separate vocabulary words, where
theres no cohesive whole or anything. Im certainly not a perfect
conversational Spanish speaker. Im not even perfect in English. But I
just think having that where youre actually completing an entire thought
as opposed to just saying one word, its something more. I think thats
why I was more comfortable with something like that.
In the previous story, Lance makes it clear that speaking is what he does best in
Spanish. This fourth story, about his attempt to communicate in Spanish with native
speakers, tempers Lances self-assessment as a successful speaker of Spanish. In the
controlled environment of the classroom where the rate and type of speech are scaffolded,
Lance appears to feel confident speaking and listening to Spanish. His work-based
interactions, however, open his eyes to the difference between how well he can
communicate in the Spanish classroom and how well he can do so with native speakers of
the language.

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As a result of his personal experiences, Lance understands that the fast pace used
by native speakers of a language can impede comprehension for non-native speakers. He
interprets his ELLs situation through the lenses of his own experience. As a result, he
tells us he is aware of this obstacle to their learning. Again, however, this first year
teacher does not yet seem able to act on this awareness under the strain of everyday
demands.
In spite of any shaken confidence that might have resulted from Lances attempt
to communicate with native Spanish speakers when he worked at the drug store, he still
seems to think favorably about conversing in Spanish. He views it as the most practical
and meaningful of the skills he learned. In this fifth and final story, Lance relates a
recent event in which he again tests out his conversational skills with a native speaker, his
student. It is a situation that appears to pose very little risk or consequence to Lance
should communication fail. The student is one with whom Lance already has a
relationship. As Lance is the teacher, the student is unlikely to dismiss Lances attempt
at communication. The young man knows some degree of English from his ESL and
general classroom studies, thus making it likely that he can understand Englishinfluenced errors Lance might make. This is a one-to-one situation, which makes it
private and easier for negotiating meaning. As Lance initiates the conversation, he is in a
position to maintain the focus on the Spanish he remembers. He can also end the
conversation how and when he chooses. Finally, the purpose of communication is social;
therefore, there are no academic repercussions for the student should he not understand
Lances admittedly imperfect Spanish.
What is unclear from this story is exactly why Lance decided to initiate a

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conversation in Spanish with his student. Maybe he was attempting to help the student
with his work. Maybe he was trying to build a relationship with this Spanish-speaking
learner. Maybe the situation triggered Lances desire to speak Spanish, or maybe he was
assessing the adequacy of his speaking skills. Given his perspective on the value of
conversational Spanish, we can assume that Lance was attempting to engage in
meaningful interpersonal communication with the language that he enjoyed studying for
many years. Although he does not use Spanish for teaching purposes, it appears that he
might be inclined to do so given additional confidence, practice, and the right set of
circumstances.
Reflections on Lances Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
From these five stories, we learn much about the attitudes, beliefs, and knowledge
Lance has extracted from his language-learning experiences. First and foremost is his
positive attitude toward language learning and toward the Spanish language itself. He
enjoyed studying Spanish for many years until confronted with a difficulty he also faced
in his native language. He believes knowing another language, Spanish in particular, to
be both practical and relevant.
The other salient beliefs Lance expresses center on the importance of making
appropriate modifications to text for ELLs and other students. He believes that the length
and density of text can and should be modified to maintain students motivation and
assure their success in comprehending it. He specifically points out that language should
be simplified, without simplifying the content it represents, so that ELLs can access
content more easily.

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Lance demonstrates a depth of knowledge of and about language in these stories
as well. First of all, he knows how to learn language. He understands that languages
have patterns and rules that can guide learning, and he has a variety of visually-based
strategies that facilitate meaning making. As a result, he knows the Spanish language,
albeit he feels more confident speaking it than reading it. He also knows that the pace at
which a language is spoken can influence its comprehensibility. Finally, he understands
that the skills (or lack of skills) one has in one language have the power to influence the
same skills in another language. Cummins (1981) refers to this in his Interdependence
Hypothesis, where he posits that skills developed in one language will transfer to the
second given sufficient exposure and motivation.
As Lance reflects on his own language-learning experiences, he identifies
numerous connections to his ELLs. He realizes that his knowledge of language-learning
strategies can help the language learners in his class. He recognizes that the fast pace of
language in the classroom has the capacity to impede the ELLs comprehension. He also
acknowledges that complicated vocabulary can obscure meaning for ELLs. Finally, he
has the capacity to speak Spanish, the language of the ELLs he teaches. While he
identifies the usefulness of this knowledge, he is unsure as to whether he is yet able or
ready to implement it.
Teaching ELLs in the 8th Grade Mathematics Classroom
I observe Lance McIntyre teach 8th grade mathematics at Eastside School on three
different occasions. The two ELLs in the class I observe, Spanish-speaking girls Maritza
and Yara, are absent the day of the first observation, but present for the other two. Lance

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expresses concern for their progress in mathematics, which he attributes to their
sporadic attendance.
Lance tells me that Maritza has pretty good skills and can speak pretty good
English. Yara, in contrast, does not speak much English, which he refers to as a
barrier that obviously gets in the way for her. Having observed the two girls gravitate
toward one another in his first quarter co-teaching situation, he chose to pair them when
his current class was formed. He explains, I knew Maritza would be able to be extra
support for Yara, because she kind of understands English better, and I knew that they
had a bond. From my observation, Lance relies on Maritza to interpret the mathematics
lessons to Yara. The girls seats in this class of 10 students can be seen in Figure 12.
When I ask Lance about working with the ESL teacher, he responds, I havent a
whole lot yet, but obviously Im planning to, to try to see what other things I can do to be
helping them progress. It is not obvious to me that Lance has either worked or planned
to work with the ESL teacher. I interpret his response as a sudden recollection that he has
a colleague with specialized knowledge that can support him and his ELLs. He
immediately names two ways he can make contact with her. I could leave a note in her
mailbox, or I could just stop down to her room and talk to her. Its pretty easy to get a
hold of her. And finally, Lance identifies a purpose for contacting her.
I need to have a discussion with the ESL teacher about Yara, I think,
because she doesnt very frequently make an attempt to go out of her way
to speak, which is understandable. So I think I need to kind of get a better
idea of where she stands in terms of her knowledge of the language.
Rather than describe an ongoing relationship with the ESL teacher, this
conversation appears to have reminded Lance of a relationship he can develop to benefit
him and his ELLs.

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Storage cabinet

File Boy
cabinet

Closet

Bulletin
board

Chalkboard

Doors

Boy

Yara
Boy

Girl

Girl

Bookshelves

Boy

Boy

Boy

Maritza

Lances desk

Windows

Computer
desk

Counter with display of books

Bulletin board with posters

Figure 12. Lance McIntyres 8th grade mathematics class.

Lesson Two: State Mathematics Assessment Review
As Maritza and Yara were absent for lesson one, I begin here with lesson two, a
lesson that takes place the day before the 8th Grade State Mathematics Assessment. Upon
entering the room, the students pick up warm-up worksheets that Lance has set on a
desk near the classroom door. Although they take the worksheets, they seem more
preoccupied with socializing, some from their seats, others wandering around. Maritza
glances at the three questions on the worksheet. Yara takes out her cell phone, places it
on her lap, and checks text messages.

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Lance attempts to focus the students on the activity, yelling, Hey guys, youre in
your seats working on your warm up. Only some of the students attend to the task.
Maritza appears to attempt some questions. Yara looks at her, but does not do anything
with it.
The final question on the worksheet asks, How will you contribute to learning in
mathematics class today? To prompt students answers, Lance leads an oral review of
his behavioral rules, which are hand-written on a poster on the back wall. Neither
Maritza nor Yara look at the poster.
Lance begins a review of the other two questions on the warm-up sheet by asking,
Can someone give me an example of two complementary angles? With no response,
he writes 70/20, 80/10, 50/40 on the board. He then asks, What do they have in
common? One of the boys responds. Neither Maritza nor Yara attempt to respond.
Lance asks students to take out homework. Most students do not have it,
including the two ELLs. Just then, Gabi, a Latina who sits across this small room from
Maritza and Yara, asks them in Spanish if one of them has a pen. When one of the boys
yells out, Theyre talking in Spanish, Lance immediately replies, I dont care what
language theyre speaking.
As Lance tries teaching the mathematics lesson, several of the students engage in
off-task behaviors, from throwing papers to yelling loud, belligerent comments. When
Gabi does the latter, Lance, in frustration, sends her to a colleagues room for a time
out. Throughout, the two ELLs chat quietly between themselves in Spanish. Yara
continues to check the messages on her cell phone under her desk. Lance makes no

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attempt to interrupt their conversation and does not seem to notice Yaras cell phone
activity.
After Gabi leaves the room, Lance returns to the mathematics homework,
reviewing the FOIL method of applying the distributive property to multiply (8n-3)(n-7).
Step by step, he writes the definition of FOIL on the board and shows where the pieces of
the expression fit with each steps.
F (first)
O (outer)
I (inner)
L (last)

8n
-56n
-3n
+21

n
-7

8n
8n
-56n

-3
-3n
21

Maritza and Yara copy what Lance has written on the board into their notebooks as do
some of the other students.
Lance tells the students to complete numbers 8 through 10 of the homework sheet
on their own. He approaches Maritza and Yara and asks, Ladies, you understand what
youre doing? Pointing to number 8, he adds, This is easier than that one. Looking at
Maritza and her paper, he offers advice on how to go about multiplying the binomials.
Lance never looks at Yara during this conversation.
When Lance brings the class back together, he asks for volunteers to write their
answers on the board. As student volunteers share their answers, Yara copies their work
onto her homework paper. Other students engage in various off-tasks behaviors. This
time, Lance seems to ignore them as the 40-minute class is close to its end. When the
bell rings, Lance tells the students, No homework. Good luck tomorrow.
Lances Reflections on the State Mathematics Assessment Review Lesson
As Lance reflects on this review lesson, he focuses primarily on three ideas: his
assessment of the ELLs understanding, his strategies for enhancing their understanding,

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and the girls use of Spanish in class. Although Lance acknowledges, I didnt get
through as much as I would have liked during this oft-interrupted lesson, he feels he was
able to keep tabs on Maritza and Yara.
So, as I was going around and checking in with everybody, I was checking
in with both of them a little bit and it seemed like they were at least getting
it a little bit and understanding what we were supposed to do.
A little bit is a theme Lance repeats as he assesses the ELLs knowledge. He
says they were a little bit lost at the beginning, then able to work individually a little
bit with his help. He also perceives they were doing okay with it for a little bit. I
believe that Lances repeated use of the ambiguous term, a little bit, expresses a lack of
certainty in his assessment of the ELLs. This lack of certainty may be related to his level
of distraction caused by the numerous off-task student behaviors and/or to questions of
language difference.
To enhance the ELLs understanding, Lance recalls several strategies he used
during the lesson, including step by step explanations, pointing, and making visuals
on the board. He clarifies, however, that these are not just strategies for ELLs. I
wasnt doing it just specifically for them. It benefits them as much as anybody else.
The first two of the strategies are also ones I observed him use at the ELLs table. Lance
describes these interactions as saying something to both of them, and shell (Maritza
will) go on her paper and point and give her (Yara) a little more direction, kind of clarify
what it is that I was saying. Although Lance claims to communicate with both ELLs,
my observation was that his communicationverbal and non-verbalwas directed
solely at Maritza.

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In his language-learning narratives, Lance describes himself as a successful
student of Spanish and someone who enjoys using the Spanish language for meaningful
communication. I am curious as to whether Lance draws on this resource in working
with these Spanish-speaking learners.
Joanne: You studied Spanish. Are there things that you pick up on in
what they say?
Lance: Occasionally. I didnt yesterday, because as soon as Im hearing
it, Im trying to get it to stop. So, I didnt really pick up on anything.
Joanne: Get it to stop because?
Lance: Because its disrupting the class. Not for any other reason.
Lances concern that the girls use of Spanish is a disruption is a theme that
repeats itself. When I ask him to talk about another students complaint, Theyre talking
in Spanish, Lance tells me his concern wasnt so much what they were saying; its just
that it was a disruption. As he continues talking about the incident, he adds,
I dont know what it is they were talking about. It seems like they speak
to each other in Spanish for the most part when they talk to each other, so
Im not going to assume that theyre speaking in Spanish to hide things,
but I mean, I cant really be sure.
It appears that Lances preoccupation for control in this rather chaotic classroom
dominates his thinking. Consistent with his language-learning stories, Lance feels unable
to understand the Spanish spoken by native speakers. As this lack of understanding
makes him perceive the ELLs use of Spanish as a threat to his classroom control, he
views it in a negative light, a disruption.
Lesson Three: Inequalities
As the students enter the room, they pick up warm-up worksheets that ask them
to again tell how they will contribute to learning in math class along with putting the

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inequality x > 6 into words. Yara takes the warm-up sheet, folds it in half, and uses it
to fan herself without looking at it.
A few minutes later, Maritza enters the room with Gabi. Lance asks, Ladies,
why are we late? Do you have a pass? Gabi replies, Obviously Im ignoring you.
Damn! As Gabi continues to shout loudly and use inappropriate language, Lance calls
for security to come get her. Before security can arrive, Gabi exits the room. As this is
going on, Maritza quietly walks to her table and sits down beside Yara.
Several other disruptions occur before Lance can begin the lesson. When the
students settle down, Lance reads the first warm-up question and, again, reviews the class
rules. He then moves on to the inequality question. As he goes over the warm-up sheet,
neither Maritza nor Yara have the paper in front of them.
Lance distributes packets on inequalities to the students and places a transparency
of its front page on the overhead projector. The page starts with an incomplete definition:
Inequality a statement formed by placing an inequality symbol between two ______.
As Lance writes in the word, expressions the ELLs copy it onto their worksheet. Lance
then asks, Anybody know what an expression is? Without any answers, he defines it
for the group saying, A set of terms with no equal sign. He then gives examples orally
and in writing.
Next, Lance points to the first problem on the transparency:
x < 3, x is less than 3
He asks, Does anybody remember how to graph these? He then explains and models
the graphing of x < 3 as well as subsequent expressions. The ELLs copy Lances work
from the transparency onto their worksheets, as do most of the other students. Lance tells

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the class to try the next few problems on their own. After a minute, he inquires, Do you
know what youre doing? Maritza attempts the second problem but then says aloud, I
did it wrong. Lance approaches her and walks her through the process step-by-step,
questioning and pointing to the line graph. Maritza seems to understand. Yara watches
Maritza work on the problems and, at times, copies from Maritzas paper. She does not
attempt the problems on her own.
After students have had time to work independently, Lance invites them to come
to the transparency to show their work. Anybody want to try number three? The two
ELLs chat to each other in Spanish as their classmates write answers on the overhead.
Again, Lance does not address their chatter. Once the answers are written, the ELLs
copy the answers onto their papers. Lance explains the students work and takes
questions. When the review is complete, Maritza points at the transparency and yells out,
Mister. Lance removes the transparency from the projector and hands it to Maritza
who finishes copying just as the bell rings and class ends.
Lances Reflections on the Inequalities Lesson
Reflecting on this lesson is not easy for Lance. Im trying to think of what
exactly I did. I was a little scatterbrained during that class, just because we got off to
such an awful start. When he does recall, he admits he is both stumped by the disruptive
behaviors and by knowing how to best help his ELLs.
Lance says he noticed that Maritza and Yara were copying but didnt feel overly
confident that they understood the concepts. To help, he says he explained and
represented the concepts to them in a couple different ways. In the end, he didnt
really feel like it was clicking. Realizing that it was falling apart for the ELLs, Lance

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tells me, I guess I need to figure out where Im gonna go from there. His proposal for
figuring things out is to contact the ESL teacher. I definitely need to have a
conversation with the ESL teacher and see what more I can do. In particular, Lance
perceives the situation to be overwhelming for Yara and declares that he needs to
advocate for her a little bit, something he has not done for her to date.
The one strategy Lance relies on to help Yara is Maritza, who serves as her
interpreter. As I observed, Lance admits to directing his communication for the two girls
only at Maritza. Im making sure that Maritza is understanding it, because she helps
Yara. Curious as to whether Lance initiated this role for Maritza, I inquire.
Joanne: So the idea of Maritza being the translator for Yara, was it
something you just observed start to happen or was it something you
specifically talked to Maritza about?
Lance: It was something I just kind of observed when we were all down
the hall and before the classes split up. I noticed that they were always
together and speaking to each other a lot. The teacher I was working with,
she would say something, and then Maritza would be writing it down and
then be going over to Yara and pointing at it and help her out a little bit.
Interestingly, this strategy, on which Lance has come to depend, requires Maritza to use
Spanish, the language that Lance has called a disruption.
Connections between Lances Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
The one connection Lance identifies between his language-learning experiences
and his practice with ELLs is the strategy of presenting information in more than one
modality. I want to make sure that everythings lined up for them visually and verbally
at the same timeI think just having multiple senses helps out, because it did with me.
Looking back on the knowledge Lance shared in the telling of his languagelearning narratives, I notice very little transfer. If anything, I see contradictions. For

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example, Lance expressed a highly positive attitude toward the Spanish language and
indicated that there is great value in knowing Spanish. Although Maritzas ability to
communicate with Yara in Spanish facilitates Lances teaching, his overwhelming
preoccupation with issues of classroom management causes him to view it as a disruption
rather than a resource. Nonetheless, at no point does Lance ask the ELLs to stop
speaking Spanish to one another.
From his stories, it is clear that Lance has knowledge of numerous languagelearning strategies. With his attention focused on classroom behavior, he struggles to
teach mathematics let alone implement differentiated strategies for diverse learners. The
best he seems to be able to do is implement the one aforementioned strategy that he
believes will benefit all learners.
As we part ways, Lance tells me,
I think Im gonna be thinking a lot more consciously about my language
learners. Not that I wasnt before, but Im thinking more so now. Its
gonna be more in the back of my head, and its kind of inspired me to go
out and have a conversation with our ESL teacher and figure out some
things that I can do. Its kind of showed me some things that I need to do
and go out and take care of some business that I hadnt been taking care of
before.
Melanie Eaton, 7th Grade English Teacher
Getting to Know Melanie
Melanie Eaton is a 25-year-old English teacher at urban Parkside School. She
teaches 7th grade English in this K-8 school. This is her first year of teaching, a point she
is poignantly aware of as she explains, Im in the survival mode right now. It is also a
point that caused her principal hesitation when he identified her as a potential participant

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for my study. Despite the concern for her being a first-year teacher, Melanie chooses to
participate, explaining that doing so can only help her.
Each time Melanie and I meet, we do so at student desks in her second floor
classroom. As this school is predominantly a primary school, many of the whole school
practices are reflective of that. For example, there is no signal for changing classes, and
students move from one area to another without hall passes. With no warning, students
come into Melanies classroom during our interviews to gather personal belongings, to
ask her questions, or to sit and eat lunch. When students are present, Melanie attends to
their immediate needs and then immerses herself in our conversation. As her speaking
voice is rather loud, and she makes no attempt to temper it, it is most likely that the
students hear most of what she says. In spite of this, the students do not seem to engage
or respond to her remarks.
Studying French
Melanie tells me that she studied both French and Spanish. She took French
classes continuously from middle school into college, and added Spanish in college. An
important piece of background information she gives me during one of our interviews is
that she had the same, very cool teacher for every course from 7th grade French through
the Advanced Placement French course. This teacher, who was also her soccer coach,
may have served to inspire Melanies continuous language study.
In all her stories, Melanie presents herself as an enthusiastic and successful
language learner. Ironically, this English teacher also explains, I was good at acquiring
a new language, but understanding some parts of our own, I couldnt really grasp. From
Melanies seven stories, I present four in this portrait. The first three relate to her middle

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and high school experiences learning French; the final one is about learning Spanish in
college.
French Was Exciting
When I was in middle [and high] school, I took French for five or six
years. It was exciting. It was a totally different language to learn. There
were people who could use French around us. Port City was probably an
hour and a half from Canada. It was very easy for me, and I actually
enjoyed it.
I understood it [French], and I did really well at it. We played Bingo all
the time. I actually enjoyed conjugating all those words! I could
probably sound French. I could actually apply and use it. I could actually
go up to Canada. I could actually help my family with it. I could go
outside of school that day and, if I saw a sign in French, I could read it.
It was almost like a powerful thing for me. I was the only one [in my
family] who could understand it. You dont think people would, but I
loved conjugating those words! I dont know what it was. It was just
something new and something different. It was almost like an automatic
reward for me.
I Always Loved to Read, Do Creative Writing, Drama
I always love to read. I did creative writing. I did drama. I loved it.
In French class, we had to put on short plays. We had to come up with a
skit and use a certain amount of vocabulary words that we were studying.
For example, we were studying place settings. We had a scene where we
had a family, and we were getting together for dinner, and we talked
about, Can you set the table? Can you put the spoon and fork? and
things like that. Were trying to speak French, and the teacher would
grade us on it.
Anything on the drama, writing, English side, I was totally into. It was
totally goofy now that I think about it, but it was just kind of cool to see,
Here we are English Americans. Were speaking French! It was funny,
but it was accepted, because we knew that we werent pros at it by any
means. We were all in the same boat.
I loved English so much, and I loved the languages, and I loved writing.
But I think in this setting, in this situation, because they [the ELLs] hate
reading and writing so much, because they lack the skill, and they were
just pushed through, so they could only do the bare minimum, so thats

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hard for them. I think it kind of turned me off in saying, Okay. How can
I get them to just write a paragraph? So, like I guess Im thinking just
very, very basic. Im not really thinking about it [any connections
between my language-learning experiences and teaching ELLs]. Thats
kind of sad.
I Was Probably the Leader
I was probably the leader [in French class]. I knew the information, and I
knew things more than they [classmates] did.
I was like, I want this. We should do that. I would take other ideas.
They [classmates] actually looked towards me to do that. I didnt [use
those leadership skills] other than in French and English class. I was very,
very quiet. I wouldnt say anything in math. Social studies, every now
and then, I guess I would [speak up], but not a lot. Science, never, not
really a lot.
I liked to be the one who kind of had the control and knew what was going
on and how we were doing it. Its [French class is] probably the one class,
or classes, where I could do that. I mean math was math, and I hated it. It
was just numbers. I wasnt very strong or confident in those other courses
as I was in creative writing and the language courses.
Im sure theyre [the ELLs are] probably feeling the same way I felt in like
science and social studies, in those classes. What is she talking about? I
cant understand it. Probably just shutting down and doing the bare
minimum, which I see a lot of them doing. So, yes, in a way, that makes
sense. I never thought about that. Thank you!!! Thats very interesting.
Now I can kind of understand and see the struggle for them.
A theme that Melanie repeats throughout this first story is her enthusiasm for
learning French. She seems lured to it by its novelty, its contrast to English, and the
power it gives her to do something her family members cannot do. She sees it as both
relevant and practical in the context of living near a French-speaking country. An
additional source of her enthusiasm, or motivation, for learning French is the success she
has. She evaluates her comprehension skills, pronunciation, and ability to conjugate
verbs quite favorably and provides evidence of her real-world application of the French
she learned. Reading a French-language sign, however, does not provide convincing

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evidence of more than word-level knowledge. Therefore, it is not clear how sophisticated
her language skills actually are. Two things that are evident from this story are that her
positive self-concept as a language learner has motivated her to continue studying French
well beyond the required number of years and that her success in the French classroom
has rewarded both her confidence and her self-esteem. The most salient outcome of the
language-learning experiences she describes is her highly positive attitude toward
language learning and, especially, toward the French language.
This second story builds on the last one as Melanie paints herself as not only a
highly motivated language learner but also one who values opportunities to engage in
literacy-based activities. Her classroom example reflects the enjoyment she feels as she
performs in French. The fact that she is being evaluated or that the activity is goofy
does not dampen her enthusiasm or cause her confidence to waver. She acknowledges
the imperfections of her French, but easily excuses them with the understanding that they
are part of the learning process.
In the coda of this second story, Melanie portrays the ELLs in her classroom in
sharp contrast to herself. Whereas she is highly motivated to read and write, she
perceives that the ELLs hate reading and writing. Whereas she is a successful
language learner, she believes they lack the skill. Whereas she is able to overlook her
own shortcomings, she views what the ELLs cannot do as a problem. She is proud to
have performed a skit in French, although it did not demand sophisticated knowledge of
the language. On the contrary, she criticizes the ELLs struggle to craft a paragraph in
English, a skill that, in reality, requires complex knowledge of the English language. In
essence, she is doing an unequal comparison. The contexts, expectations, and

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consequences for ELLs language learning are quite different from her own. This applesto-oranges comparison seems to offer support for her statement that she has not really
thought about connections between her language-learning experiences and teaching
ELLs. Additionally, it appears that her incomplete reflection has led her to hold an
unfavorable attitude toward the ELLs and, potentially, inaccurate beliefs about their
motivation and capacity to learn English.
Melanies third story of French language study is not only about her skill and
confidence, but also her leadership. She compares her skills favorably to those of her
classmates and tells us that her classmates recognize and value what she knows. She
begins to describe what appears to be a non-collaborative style of leadership, quickly
adding that her classmates are the ones who have encouraged her to take charge and that
she indeed takes their perspectives into account. Just as she seems to be boasting about
her academic strengths, the story takes a turn. Melanie begins to reflect on her struggles
as a student of mathematics, science, and social studies. In these contexts, she is no
longer an enthusiastic, skilled, and self-assured learner. Instead, she is withdrawn,
lacking in confidence, and de-motivated by tasks that do not appeal to her learning
preferences or strengths. In the course of this reflection, she suddenly develops insights
into her ELLs experience and emotional responses to it. Ironically, when Melanie
reflects on her language-learning experiences, her success seems to obscure her
understandings of the struggles others might experience in learning language. It is only
when she remembers having struggled in other subject areas that she is able to relate to
what her ELLs might be experiencing, albeit with the English language.

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College Language Study

Melanies experience as a student of French is uninterrupted as she enters college.
In this final story, we learn about her continued study of French as well as the addition of
another language, Spanish.
I Was Used to Taking French
I was so used to taking French. I took many [middle and high school
French classes] and the AP exam. When I got to North Point College, I
ended up in the third or fourth level French course.
Then North Point told me I had to take another language, so I just took
Spanish. I stuck with that for probably two or three semesters. I got
straight As, and my professor was like, Oh, youre doing a great job. I
dont worry about you. And that was it for language, because then I had
to get into my student teaching and all that education stuff.
That [Spanish] was great. The professor was cool. French and Spanish,
theyre very similar. Its just different tenses, different ways of saying it.
I just thought it [Spanish] was just a cool thing to learn. It was just as easy
[as French]. It was just a good feeling.
Being able to speak a different language would be great. I wish I still
knew some of the Spanish because now my kids here speak Spanish.
In this final story, Melanie seems to suggest that French study has become a habit
for her. Entering college, she doesnt appear to question whether or not to continue
studying it. This makes sense in light of her confidence and past success. She again
provides evidence of her achievement as a French student when she tells us that she has
been placed in an advanced level college French class.
As Melanie explains it, taking a second foreign language is a requirement.
However, studying Spanish is a requirement that she seems to enjoy. She transfers the
language-learning strategies she learned from studying French and takes advantage of the

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numerous similarities between the two languages. The end result is the same. She is
confident and successful, as evidenced by her teachers praise and her excellent grades.
As she concludes this story, Melanie laments her present inability to speak a
different language. Although she studied at least seven years of French and one or two
years of Spanish, five years later, she no longer has confidence in her ability to employ
the languages she learned. She recognizes the value of being able to communicate with
her Spanish-speaking ELLs, but does not feel she has that skill any longer.
Reflections on Melanies Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
One of the most discernible outcomes of Melanies language-learning experiences
is her very positive attitude toward languages other than English and language learning.
This attitude resulted from and was reinforced by her many positive experiences and
achievements in the foreign language classroom. Ironically, it is Melanies very
favorable attitude toward languages and language learning that inspire her negative
attitude toward the ELLs she teaches. As they do not seem to share her love of language
and literacy-related activities, she perceives them to be unmotivated. The ease with
which she learned French and Spanish also have led her to believe that language learning
is easy and uncomplicated. As she observes her ELLs struggle to learn and apply
English, she believes that the difficulty must lie in the learners, not the language or the
tasks.
Over the course of her studies, Melanie developed varying degrees of capacity in
using both French and Spanish. Her participation in French classroom activities, her
advanced college placement in French, and her high grades in Spanish suggest that she
achieved a reasonable degree of proficiency in French and some proficiency in Spanish.

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It appears, however, that she no longer feels confident with her ability to use either of
these languages for communication as a result of disuse.
An understanding Melanie gained as the result of studying two foreign languages
is that the concepts someone knows in one language are transferable in the learning of
another. She reports finding Spanish particularly easy as a result of applying this
understanding. Entering Spanish, she already knew what was required to learn a
language and built her knowledge of Spanish based on its similarities to French.
Melanie is honest about not considering her own language-learning experiences as
a source of knowledge for teaching ELLs. As we talked, however, she began to see
connections and expressed understandings she had not previously held. It is possible,
therefore, that her practice with ELLs may have been influenced to some degree by
participating in this oral history interview prior to observations of her teaching.
Teaching ELLs in the 7th Grade English Classroom
I observe Melanie Eaton teach two different 7th grade English classes at Parkside
School. The observations of these 45-minute classes take place two weeks apart. In
Melanies second period class, there are four ELLs: Hasana, Amina, Kim, and Yi. In her
third period class, Zahra is the only ELL. As Melanie talks about the ELLs she teaches,
she acknowledges, They really want to learn. They want to know the stuff. At the
same time, however, she laments, The English language learners in my class are very
low, very, very low in terms of recognizing words, reading, even writing.
According to Melanie, Hasana and Amina share a cultural background and
both speak the same language. She supposes that the two girls might be refugees from
Burma and bases this assumption on the headdress and body wrap they wear, but does

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not know for sure. She reports that teachers at Parkside are provided limited
knowledge of the ELLs and their backgrounds, something that makes her feel really
bad as she reflects on it. From Hasana and Aminas appearance and dress, I believe they
are Somalis.
In class, Amina and Hasana are sitting next to each other. It is not clear
whether Melanie arranged this or if it was the girls choice. Melanie describes Hasana as
a little bit higher than Amina, which she attributes to Hasana having been at the school
since the beginning of the year while Amina arrived during the second marking period.
What stands out in Melanies mind about Aminas arrival is that she would just get up
and walk out thinking that that was okay. Melanie explains, Because theyve never
been to school, they dont know the rules. As I will reveal further on, Melanie is
particularly concerned for having her students follow the rules.
With similar uncertainty, Melanie talks about Kim and Yi. Asian? I think
theyre Asian. Although she points out that both girls are very quiet, she suggests that
Yis silence is a choice. I dont think she wants to make a peep. She attributes this to
Yi being scared or lacking in knowledge. Melanie seems to evaluate Kim more
favorably, saying, She has a basic idea of whats going on. Melanie acknowledges that
Kim still struggles, but believes she is very independent and can figure it out.
Melanie appears to be as uninformed about Zahra, the sole ELL in the 3rd period
class, as she is about the other ELLs she teaches. She tells me she has no idea about
Zahras background and blames Mr. Green, the ESL teacher, for this. Melanie offers a
very conflicted description of this ELL who appears to me to be of either African or
Haitian heritage. More favorably, she suggests that Zahra is just kind of shy...she

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doesnt want to draw attention to herself. On a negative note, she asserts, I think she
has a little attitude where she thinks she doesnt have to do anything. She likes to keep to
herself and not talk to anyone. Melanie supports her assertion that Zahra has a little
attitude by telling me that the girl has been in a couple altercations and physical
assaults with other students. Within moments, however, she admits that Zahra was the
victim of these assaults, information she learned from the two colleagues in whom Zahra
confided. Regarding academic work, Melanie perceives that Zahra can usually figure it
out on her own.
Working with the ELLs is admittedly a struggle for Melanie. She says that its
very limited as to what I can do as theyre just very low and dont have a lot of skills
yet. Although she identifies the ELLs skills as limited, it appears that she is limited in
the ways she knows how to help them. One strategy she describes having used is to
partner the ELLs up with another stronger student to help them out. While she says this
worked for a while, she explains, Once they [the non-ELLs] formed their cliques, it
wasnt cool that they were helping, so they stopped working, and they stopped helping
them out.
There are two strategies that Melanie reports having employed successfully to
help her ELLs. The first is to borrow low level books from elementary teachers in this
K 8 building. She uses these so the ELLs can be working on tracing letters and
recognizing numbers and putting in short words. The other strategy is to ask the various
reading and special education teachers and teacher assistants that push into her room to
work with the ELLs. About Mr. Green, the ESL teacher, Melanie laments, Hes
supposed to push inI have no idea where he is.

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Lesson One: Colons
There are no bells in this school that houses both primary and middle school
grades. At the 9:30 a.m. start time, there is a line of 29 7th graders and three adults at the
door. Students enter single file and retrieve a folder from a box on the front table before
going to what appear to be assigned seats. The four ELLs seats can be seen in Figure 13.
Mr. Morehouse, a TA, sits at the one unfilled student desk. Mr. Campbell and Mrs. Vale,
special education teachers, walk around the classroom as Melanie teaches.
Melanie begins this class with a RAP (Review And Preview) activity. Standing
beside the projector, she tells students they are to copy the classroom procedures from the
overhead transparency because some of us are forgetting the procedures. I observe the
four ELLs, Hasana, Amina, Kim and Yi, make an effort to copy what is written on the
overhead onto pink sheets in their folders.
When Melanie is done reviewing the classroom procedures, she tells the students
to take out a piece of paper and fold it in half like a hot dog. Hasana and Amina watch
their classmates before taking out a piece of paper and folding it. While students are
preparing their papers, Melanie approaches these two ELLs and points to a new, twocolumned transparency she has placed on the projector. The left-hand column says,
Rules for using colons. The right hand column, which asks, Where does the colon
go? has sample sentences that require colons. When Melanie returns to the front of the
room, she reads the rules aloud one at a time. She tells students to copy the rules into the
left-hand side of their folded paper and to write the sample sentence with the correct
placement of the colon in the right-hand column.

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Windows

Boy

TA

Girl

Student coat closet

Chalkboard
Screen

Projector

Boy

Girl

Boy

Girl

Girl

Bulletin board

Door

Bulletin board
Student materials

Girl

Girl

Kim

Girl

Boy

Boy

Girl

Girl

Girl

Boy

Yi

Boy

Boy

Girl

Girl

Girl

Bookshelves

Amina Hasana

Girl

Girl

Boy

Girl

Windows
Smartboard

Bookshelves

Melanies desk

Computer
desk

Figure 13. Melanie Eatons 2nd period, 7th grade English class.
As Hasana and Amina copy rules and sentences from the transparency, Mr.
Campbell walks over to them, looks at their work, and says, Youre doing it right. Kim
and Yi are also copying intently. Yi appears to double-check her work by looking at the
paper of the girl sitting to her left. It is not clear that the ELLs do more than copy the
words off the transparency. One rule at a time, Melanie asks students to tell where they
put the colon in each sample sentence. None of the ELLs raise their hands to respond.
Melanie then distributes a worksheet that asks students to apply colons. She leads
the class through the first few examples, calling on students to give responses without

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offering wait time. As the other students engage with Melanie, Hasana and Amina
continue to copy from the transparency Mr. Campbell has handed them.
After the examples, Melanie concludes, So we feel pretty confident about this?
and tells the students to continue working on the sentences with their elbow partners.
Although Hasana and Amina sit side-by-side, they are not elbow partners. Their partners
are the girls on their other sides. Both girls try to work with her elbow partners but are
ignored. Melanie approaches Hasana and tells her how to do the task. She does not
speak to either of the elbow partners. Amina looks down at her paper and attempts to
work alone. Kims partner gets up and leaves the room, so Kim works alone. When
Kims partner finally returns, she converses with girls across the room and passes gum to
her friends. She does not communicate with or look at Kim. Yi plays with her hair,
while her partner looks straight ahead, ignoring her. Yi finally looks to the girl sitting on
her other side and begins to work with her. After a while, Melanie tells partners to stop
work and again calls on students to tell where they placed the colon in the sentences in
the exercise. She does not call on the ELLs, although Hasanas hand is raised
throughout.
With a few minutes left in the class, Hasana packs up her belongings and stands
up. I believe she is responding to the noise she hears in the hallway. Mr. Campbell
approaches her and tells her to sit down. When it is time to leave, Melanie tells students
to return their folders to the box, which they all do before leaving the room.
Melanies Reflections on the Colon Lesson
When Melanie begins reflecting on this lesson for the ELLs, she offers both
observations and suggestions of ways she might improve the lesson. She points out that

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the copying activities took too long and detracted from the ELLs comprehension. She
believes that it would have been better to give them copies of the notes and ask them to
highlight key points. These insights and alternative strategies, she admits, were ones
Mrs. Vale shared with her during the lesson. It appears that the push-in teachers are not
only in the classroom to support the learners but also to mentor Melanie.
Melanie calls my attention to the fact that she went over to Hasana and Amina
during the class. She then remembers that she didnt get to Yi or Kim. At first, she
does not seem overly concerned with not having approached them. Theyre pretty
independent. Theyre not needy in any way. After a moment, however, she appears to
have second thoughts. I guess I dont give them the attention that I should, because
theyre not always waving their hand or being confused. So, I think that I assume that
theyre getting things, which normally theyre not.
The elbow partner activity is one that Melanie says is recommended by the
district to promote social learning. Although she refers to it as a resource, when I probe
to understand why the ELLs partners did not engage with them, Melanie points out that
working with the elbow partner is optional, someone else to help in the event that they
need it. Even though the ELLs might have needed help, it is not clear that they were
capable or comfortable engaging less than willing partners who opted out.
I am curious to know if Melanie observed Hasana raise her hand to answer
questions in the final activity.
Melanie: Oh, I didnt even see her!
Joanne: Is that typical behavior of hers?
Melanie: No. Thats very interesting. Probably because I helped her out,
she felt that she could. Yeah.

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Although Melanie seems pleased that Hasana made the effort to contribute, she has
serious reservations about Hasanas ability to communicate. Her language skills are still
quite low. She can do the basic, you know, bathroom. Just like she appears to do with
her mentors, Melanie uses our conversation as a springboard to strategize how she
might have Hasana and the other ELLs communicate their answers. Id have her come
up, and I could have her point to where it needs to go. And I probably could have done
that with that group, because its important sometimes to get this group up and moving
around. It appears that Melanies perceptions of the ELLs language skills as problems
that make them unsuitable participants in this English class were mediated when she was
given this opportunity to engage in reflective conversation.
In reflecting further, Melanie tells me that she sees herself as an unsuccessful
teacher for the ELLs. She sees this as unavoidable and blames it on the demands of being
a first-year teacher.
Im just focused on content and getting everything that I need to get
across, because I am in my first year here. So theres a lot of pressure to
get all this content done, all the standards, all their frameworks and
benchmarks. You know? I think Im more concerned with that than
student development and all those things. My goal is to make it through,
which so far I have, easier than I thought. But I put little to no thought
into things like that, which I am aware of, and it saddens me.
Moments later, as Melanie is walking me down the hall to exit the building, she sighs and
says, Ive learned a language. How can I expect them to learn it like this?
Lesson Two: Classroom Procedures Reprise
Todays RAP activity is for students to write about the activities they did over the
winter break that just ended. As they finish writing, Melanie asks for volunteers to share
three things they did, two favorite activities, and one thing they wish they had done.

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Students give various answers. Zahra, the lone ELL in this class, does not volunteer and
is not called on. Her seat can be seen in Figure 14. Mrs. Dey, the reading specialist, is
the one other adult present in todays class.
Windows

Windows
Smartboard

Chalkboard

Nakeesha
Group
Presentation
Area

Pencil
sharpener

Shant Desirae Zahra

Student coat closet

Melanies desk

Computer
desk

Original Seat

Group
Planning
Area

Nakeesha
Shant

Zahra

Desirae

Bulletin board
rd

Door

Bulletin board
Student materials

Zahra

th

Figure 14. Melanie Eatons 3 period, 7 grade English class.

Following the RAP, Melanie tells the students they are going to work in groups
that will be determined by the playing cards she distributes. They will form groups by
finding others who have a card of the same suit. Before the students go to their groups,
she explains that they will write skits to demonstrate how to correctly do one of the
classroom procedures. They must also include a counter-example that reveals the

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consequences of not following the procedure. The groups and procedures listed on an
overhead transparency are distributed as follows:
Diamonds (Ace 3):
Diamonds (10 King)
Spades:
Hearts:
Clubs:

Bathroom use
Entering the classroom
Sharpening a pencil
Responding to or asking a question
Homework

After the explanation, Melanie prompts students to move to their groups under the
large pieces of paper with images of the card suits, which are hung around the room.
Zahra stays seated as all the other students stand under their groups poster. Melanie
approaches Zahra, sees that she has a spade, and directs her to join a group of girls in the
back corner of the room. Zahra gets up and walks to her group, which has been assigned
the task of demonstrating the classroom procedure for sharpening a pencil. The three
girls in the group, Shant, Desirae, and Nakeesha, huddle together to discuss the groups
task by a bookcase. They do not invite Zahra to join the conversation. She stands with
her back against the wall to the side of the bookcase as is shown in Figure 14. After the
huddle is concluded, one of the three girls tells Zahra that she will sharpen a pencil. The
girl models what Zahra should do, holding a pencil, walking to the sharpener, and
walking back to the group. Zahra watches the modeling, looking away at times, and
smiling continuously. The girls then tell Zahra to do what she was shown. With their
encouragement, she walks with pencil in hand to the pencil sharpener in the front of the
room and then back to the group. Satisfied that Zahra knows what to do, the three girls
return to their huddle to socialize. Zahra returns to her prior position away from the
huddle. She alternates watching the girls and looking at the posters on the bulletin board.

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Melanie approaches the three girls to ask what Zahra will be doing in the activity. She is
satisfied with their response and walks away without speaking to Zahra.
When all the groups are ready to present their skits, Melanie has students return to
their desks. Shant, who is seated next to Zahra, talks with her, seeming to check that she
understands the expectations of the group activity. During other groups presentations,
Zahra is very attentive. While Melanie offers follow-up commentary on each, Zahra
looks at books and worksheets that appear to be for other classes.
When it is time for Zahras group to present, the four girls walk to the front of the
classroom, as shown in Figure 14. One role plays a teacher while the other three,
including Zahra, are students. In the first scenario, when the group is to demonstrate
appropriate pencil-sharpening behavior, the teacher gives directions. When she is done
speaking, the girls direct Zahra to walk over to the pencil sharpener, sharpen her pencil,
and then return to her seat, all of which Zahra does successfully. In the second
scenario, which is supposed to represent inappropriate pencil-sharpening behavior and
consequences for such behavior, Zahra replicates what she did in the first scenario.
Melanie says to the group, Im not sure how that was the negative one. The girls
attempt to explain that Zahra did not understand.
As the class is ending, Melanie tells students they are doing a ticket out the
door. They are to write on their pink RAP sheets two things they liked about the role
play, one thing they didnt like, and one thing they would change. Zahra does not
complete a ticket out the door. Melanie does not seem to notice.
At the end of class, Melanie says to the students, Im not going to give you
homework this week, so you can all love me for this. She then goes on to evaluate the

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class activity in front of the students. She tells them that this is an activity that she will
be using as a format for future group work since she liked the way it worked so well.
Melanies Reflections on the Classroom Procedures Lesson
Melanie starts her reflections by letting me know how very, very impressed she
is with the students performances. I believe she is equally impressed with her own
lesson planning and implementation today. One aspect of the lesson that Melanie readily
admits she didnt think about was Zahras ability to recognize the card and know where
to go. Thats totally understandable if you dont know what this is, if youve never seen
it. How do you know what youre supposed to do with it? Melanie seems to be
particularly sympathetic to Zahras situation and recounts helping her find her group by
pointing to the spade on both the card and the poster.
As Melanie reflects on the actions of Zahras group, she says that the other girls
are very, very strong. She sees this as both a strengthThey know how to help her,
and they know to keep her on trackand a barrier I think its kind of hard for them
to include someone thats shy and not talking and not really sure about themselves. She
credits Zahra for being able to work successfully with these girls: She did it. You
know, she did a great job. She also credits the group for working successfully with
Zahra: If she had been in another group, she probably would have been sitting in a chair
somewhere and doing something else as opposed to the group activity. It is interesting
that Melanie attributes Zahras success and potential for lack of success to the learners.
She does not appear to imagine that she might have intervened if Zahra had been
excluded from the role play activity. From my observations, Zahra was excluded socially
from this group. Melanie says that she approached the other girls and asked, Are you

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including everyone? When they responded affirmatively, Melanie describes contenting
herself that they were on the right track and that Zahra was appropriately included.
Consistent with Melanies earlier admission that she is focused on content and not
student development, it may be that she places the same importance on Zahras social
inclusion as she does for her academic inclusion.
Connections between Melanies Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
Conversations with Melanie about connections between her language-learning
experiences and practice with ELLs shift over time. The first time I ask whether she
identifies connections, she responds, I dont think so, and that surprises me. After a
second inquiry, she again denies connections. To be honest, no. No. I think because
its my first year, Im focused on content and getting it acrossIm in the survival mode
right now. As previously reported, it is after the third inquiry that Melanie blurts out,
Ive learned a language. How can I expect them to learn it like this? On our last
meeting, she exclaims, Scary that it took me this long to figure it out that there was a
connection, and it actually made sense. As Melanie confesses, she is focused on the
here-and-now demands of being a first-year teacher. Prompting herself to reflect does
not appear to happen readily. Being prompted to reflect seems to unleash previously
implicit understandings about language learning and connections to her own languagelearning experiences.
From participating in this study, Melanie believes, It has opened my eyes in
terms of how I learn and how I acquired Frenchand that kids learn differently
depending on what theyre comfortable with. She calls this realization scary and
interesting. She goes on to say, I need to know more about them. I need to know their

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backgrounds. I need to know what they have already, what experiences they have, things
like that. Then well go from there. It appears that Melanie has begun to think like a
teacher of learners that include ELLs and that she is setting goals for the future:
I just hope I can figure out a way to actually service them and get them to
a level where they can at least communicate with me and with other
teachers instead of being quiet and frustrated with themselves or me, for
not taking the time to help them out.
Grace Jensen, High School English Teacher
Getting to Know Grace
Grace Jensen is a 23-year-old English teacher in the urban Westside High School.
She teaches two 10th grade English classes and two AVID (Advancement Via Individual
Determination) classes. Additionally, she is the schools yearbook advisor. Although
this is her first full year of teaching, she tells me she taught at Westside High the second
semester of the previous year as a long-term substitute. While it is her first time teaching
ELLs at Westside, she explains that she worked with a Russian ELL at one of her student
teaching placements. In our initial meeting, she does not hesitate in agreeing to
participate in this study. She expresses enthusiasm for the opportunity to reflect on her
teaching, especially in regard to ELLs.
All our interviews take place at student desks in the back of Graces first floor
classroom. Our conversations are regularly interrupted by students who have come for
extra help, who choose to eat lunch in her classroom, or who want to buy a yearbook.
She leaves our interview, for both moments and minutes, to take care of her students
needs. Each time she returns, I have to remind her where our conversation left off.

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Home Schooling
In this and the subsequent section, I present four of Grace Jensens seven stories
of language learning. I have chosen to include the ones that together most fully represent
her language-learning experiences, her perceptions of them, and the connections she
makes to the ELLs she teaches.
When I ask Grace about the contexts of her language learning, I am expecting to
hear her begin by talking about her middle school classroom experiences. She is of the
age where 8th grade foreign language education study in middle school was a mandate in
the state where she grew up when she was of middle school age. To my surprise, Grace
tells me that she did not start language until high school, and that she was home schooled.
This first story describes her attempt to teach herself Spanish at home. The one that
follows illustrates one effort she made to attempt to realize her goal of fluency.
I Was Home Schooled
I was home-schooled. Thats how I did my foreign language.
The only language Ive studied is Spanish. I always loved the sound of
Spanish. I did a little bit in high school. I didnt spend a lot of time with
it, because it was all on my own. Basically it was learning vocab [sic]
words. There wasnt really learning the conversation or learning how to
listen to it or anything like that. It was just reading it and writing it. I
dont remember how I learned the pronunciation. I think I had some
tapes. I didnt have a lot of tapes to work with.
I worked with the St. Cecelias program, where they would send us their
textbooks and their curriculum, and I would work with them. For a couple
of years, I tried working with my mom to make up my own curriculum. I
would get textbooks through a teaching company and then do it that way.
There wasnt so much explaining as it was, Okay. Do this, and little
explanations, and they would have you practice it. I just did beginning
level stuff.
I did go through books and all that. I didnt really have the chance to
speak. I would practice vocabulary, and Id just get the feel for it. I used

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flashcards. I used pictures. I would play with the word. Id just say it to
myself when I looked at an object. If I knew what it was in Spanish, I
would say it in my mind how I would think it would sound in Spanish. If I
said a simple sentence, I would say it in Spanish. I tried watching the
Spanish channel.
It was pretty easy attaching flashcards to, A book is a libro.
Memorizing was pretty easy for me. I could do simple sentences like, Es
el libro. Learning to write, the grammar, knowing if it was el or la or all
that I had trouble with. Connecting it into complicated sentences, it was
pretty much impossible. I could do the easy stuff, but it was not knowing
how to listen to it and not hearing somebody use it and just not having
somebody to practice with. [On the Spanish channel], they talked too fast,
but I tried. I never really got that far.
Even not just in a new language, when Im learning words, I try to picture
things to help remember. Thats a lot of what Ive done with them [the
ELLs]. I say, Draw a picture of this word. If you have a visual
representation, its easier to remember. Take a snapshot in your mind of a
person that makes you think of a quality that youre learning as a new
word. Ill tell them to make that connection, [and] that we will connect
something else to the word.
Putting them [words] and linking them into sentences is a lot of what my
kids [ELLs] have trouble with too. Theyre always missing those words,
the As and the thes and the esses that they chop off the ends of the words.
I Wanted to Be Able to Speak it Fluently
I do know I really wanted to be able to speak it [Spanish] fluently.
My neighbor had a foreign exchange student from Venezuela. I would
just ask him to speak Spanish and try to pick out words that I would know,
but he talked so fast that I couldnt catch any of it. I couldnt get to that
spot, because I couldnt listen and catch it when I was listening. I couldnt
talk that fast. I couldnt just outright say it in Spanish. I would have to
translate each word in my mind and say it slowly.
It was just very frustrating, because I wasnt fluent at it, and I wanted to
be. It wouldnt be like some people say after theyve spent so much time
in a certain country they can think in that language or after theyve studied
it for so long. It wasnt like that, but I wanted to be that good.
In this story of learning Spanish in a home-schooling context, it is clear that Grace
is not only the student, but also the teacher. She loves the subject matter, but admittedly

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is limited in her own knowledge to teach it to herself without the help of someone more
expert. Not to be deterred, she takes charge of her learning, as a teacher might do for her
students, by moving from a parochial schools curriculum to one she attempts to create
with the assistance of her mother. Additionally, she begins to work directly with the
textbook company rather than relying on what the school sends her. Grace is clearly as
much a teacher as a highly self-directed learner.
As a learner and teacher, Grace is highly aware of all aspects of her languagelearning experience. She articulates the teaching approaches she used and the learning
strategies she employed. She evaluates these approaches and assesses her learning
outcomes. She acknowledges that her approaches to teaching and what she can learn
from them are limited by the context of her learning. Without occasion to hear Spanish,
she approximates pronunciation. Without someone to explain the hows and whys of the
language, she is unable to work at a complex level. Without opportunities for interaction,
she is unable to apply the language she is learning in meaningful ways. When she does
try to apply what she knows in listening to a Spanish-language television program, she
realizes she has made too large a leap. With a strong personal understanding of the
complex nature of language learning, Grace identifies with her ELLs and the types of
errors they make. She does not criticize them but rather empathizes with them.
As a result of applying numerous learning strategies, Grace is clearly able to learn
many words and form simple sentences in the Spanish. Her knowledge of strategies is
something she draws on in teaching her ELLs how to learn English. In essence, she is
priming her ELLs to be both learners and teachers like herself. By explaining the value
of the strategies she teaches them, she helps her ELLs know how to apply them and how

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to use them to teach themselves. Grace sees her ELLs as capable learners whose learning
can be empowered through knowledge of strategies.
As we learned in Graces first story, she is a highly motivated learner who
actively seeks resources for learning Spanish. In this second story, when she learns her
neighbor has a Venezuelan exchange student, she views him as an authentic resource to
support her language development and she has a strategy for maximizing the opportunity.
Although her goal of picking out words as he speaks Spanish is realistic, the pace of his
speech makes it unattainable. The experience offers her another opportunity to assess her
skills with the Spanish language. What she fails to keep in mind, however, is that she had
almost no opportunity to listen to spoken Spanish as she taught herself the language.
With the exchange student, she is attempting to apply a skill she has not practiced or,
potentially, learned with a native speaker whose pace is quick and accent is unfamiliar.
Additionally, it is possible that the words he spoke were not the ones she studied. In
other words, it makes sense that she is unsuccessful.
From reflecting on her lack of success in listening to Spanish, Grace transitions to
reflecting on her struggles to speak it. Again, her lack of opportunities to practice the
language in the way she hopes to use it seems to be the largest obstacle to her success in
achieving her goal of fluency. Given her high degree of motivation, Grace is
disheartened by the lack of success for her effort. She ultimately acknowledges that the
way she has learned Spanish does not reflect the ways in which people who are fluent
learn language. That does not, however, dampen her desire and goal-orientation to be
able to speak Spanish fluently.

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Studying Spanish in College
After attempting to be her own teacher, Grace finally has the opportunity to learn
Spanish in a classroom setting. In the next two stories, Grace reflects on her experiences
learning Spanish in the college classroom. She compares classroom language learning
with her home-school approach and evaluates the degree to which her college classes
help her move toward her goal of fluency.
It Was Just a Lot of Memorization
It was really easy for me to do it [study Spanish] in college, because it was
just a lot of memorization.
I took three semesters. I got good grades with it. It was just pure
memorization, or writing very simple sentences. I knew the words, and I
could speak these simple things, and I could write it, with the exceptions
of the el and the la and the accents.
Id seen a lot of the words before in high school, but I lost them. It was
still learning words, learning what you would say in this situation or that
situation. They would give you sentences and you would just re-write it in
Spanish. It wouldnt be stuff where youd have to respond to a passage or
something like that.
It was a lot easier having somebody stand up going over words, telling me
how it sounds. Being able to remember them from that past time made it
easier for me to memorize it the second time. Even after three semesters I
dont remember getting really into conversational Spanish. You wouldnt
even have to think of the sentences in your head. It was just given to you.
So I had no problem with that.
It Was Never Anything Big Enough
It was never anything big enough. Learning Spanish, youd write
sentences. There werent any essays in Spanish that I had to write.
They had us write a couple friendly letters. The friendly letters we wrote
were the basics: My favorite subject is this, this, this. They would have
us do certain projects, like create a restaurant menu.
I dont know why its different, but its harder to make it when you have
to think of your own sentences rather than having the words and then just

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translating them into Spanish. It was easier to memorize and just answer
tests rather than do the conversation and the listening. I never got to that
level. I didnt do much more than the very basic in the writing. It wasnt
conversational at all. I never went very far with it.
In my English 10 class, we read an article, and we listened to Dr. Martin
Luther King, and we talked about what it meant and what it meant to
people and how that connects to Raisin in the Sun and different things like
that. It was also a language learning class.
From the very start of Graces third story, we realize that her three college
Spanish classes do not provide her with what she needs to be able to speak Spanish
fluently. They seem to demand less of her than she demanded of herself. Their focus is
on word-level knowledge and sentence translation when what she longs for is the ability
to use Spanish communicatively and creatively. She even continues to have difficulty
with the same grammatical points that she found troublesome when she studied Spanish
on her own. The one advantage she identifies from her college Spanish instruction is
having someone model for her how to pronounce the words correctly. While Grace is
clearly successful in meeting the expectations of these three courses, she is not successful
in achieving her personal goal.
Graces final story is basically an extension of the one that preceded it. She
continues to emphasize the disparity between what she is taught to do in her college
Spanish classes and what she wants to be able to do. She acknowledges that what she
wants to be able to do is more difficult, but it does not appear that difficulty is of concern
to her. As Grace returns her thoughts to the present, she talks about the many demanding
ways in which her ELLs are expected to use language in her 10th grade English class,
reading and interpreting the authentic texts they read and hear and making connections
between and among them. This is her vision of what language-learning classes should

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bea stark difference from her personal experiences, but what her ELLs need if they are
to succeed academically at Westside High School and beyond.
Reflections on Graces Narrative: Attitudes, Beliefs, and Knowledge
From Graces four stories of her language-learning experiences, we learn that she
has highly favorable attitudes toward the Spanish language and language learning. It
seems, however, that her positive attitude toward Spanish was her motivation to learn the
language rather than an outcome of studying it. Despite not realizing her goal of fluency,
she seems to have maintained a positive attitude toward both the language and language
learning throughout her home-schooling and college experiences.
We also learn that Grace has several insights about language and language
learning. She realizes that language is complex and that it takes knowledge of that
complexity in order to be able to use it in sophisticated ways. As a result of the
difficulties she confronted in teaching herself Spanish, she is aware of the kinds of errors
that students make and understands them to be a natural part of language learning. Grace
also recognizes the importance of working with someone else during the language
learning process. She believes that the learner needs someone to model the correct
pronunciation as well as someone with whom to practice communicating in the target
language.
The final thing we see in Graces stories is her knowledge of multiple strategies
for learning language, especially vocabulary. Just like her positive attitude, it is possible
that these learning strategies are something that she brought to the study of Spanish rather
than something that she derived from it. What we might assume she did was hone the
application of these strategies to the study of a foreign language.

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Teaching ELLs in the 10th Grade English Classroom
On two occasions, a week apart, I observe Grace Jensen teach the six ELLs in an
80-minute afternoon class of 12 students. Five of the six ELLs are Liberian and are
speakers of Kru; the other ELL is Chinese. Their seats in her classroom are shown in
Figure 15. Graces warm-hearted attitude toward these learners is apparent from the
outset: We have a good strong community, because theyre more than welcome. This
attitude clearly influences her approach to teaching the ELLs as well as her relationship

Student work

File
cabinets

Projector

Armoire

with them.

Watson Jing
Bookshelves

William
Chalkboard

Abu

Girl

Chalkboard

Figure 15. Grace Jensens 4th block, 10th grade English class.

File
cabinet

Bookshelves

Bulletin board

Boy

Graces desk

Door

Girl

Computer

Bookshelves

TV

Patience Jayplo

Girl

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Grace tells me that the Liberian ELLs are intermediate ESL students. She
describes their speaking abilities as fairly good, and says that they can hold a
conversation and use slang. She points out, Theyre very quiet when they speak
English. She attributes this to being tentativein case they are wrong as well as to
their culture: Theyre taught to speak softly.
As the school year has progressed, Grace sees ways in which particular ELLs
have grown.
Two of my ESL girls [Patience and Jayplo] and one of my ESL boys
[Watson], theyre really starting to add in a lot of thought. They were very
quiet the beginning of the year, but now theyre very comfortable and
they are starting to add their own ideas and opinions, which is awesome.
Theyve really come a long way.
She indicates that Abu and William are the weakest ones because of the difficulty they
have reading and writing English. About Jing, the Chinese ELL, Grace says that he no
longer receives ESL services but that she still views him as a language learner. Like
the other ELLs, she finds that he is reserved and must pull him out to encourage his
participation.
It appears that the support Grace receives from the ESL teachers is minimal. She
says she has sought them out at times for the purpose of getting tips and ideas for how
to enhance writing instruction for the ELLs.
Lesson One: Night
After lunch, the students wander into Graces classroom. Patience, the first ELL
to enter, comes over to me and offers a warm greeting before heading to her seat. Grace
has an agenda on the chalkboard that begins with a warm-up activity she calls a heat
seeker. The two heat seeker questions are about the book Night, Elie Wiesels

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autobiographical account of living in a Nazi concentration camp. As the students begin
work on the heat seeker, Grace banters back and forth with some of them, including the
ELLs. After a short while, she says, If youve not gotten that far, tell me where you got
and what you found most surprising so far. She then moves around the room looking at
students work and talking with each about where they are. When she approaches
Patience, she reads a sentence from the book to her and probes her understanding of what
the author meant by wolves and lambs. Grace gestures and motions to illustrate the
meanings. Patience then replies, Oh, I get it!
Grace asks several students, including ELLs, to share their heat seeker responses.
She then quotes a passage from the book and probes their interpretations, asking, What
does that imply? Throughout the class, Grace poses numerous questions, always
probing the students understanding of the text, of words, of deeper meanings. For
example, she says, They found some arms. Are they these arms? pointing to her upper
body. In unison, the class replies, No, weapons. She asks about figurative speech:
That night the soup tasted of corpses. Did it really? Grace also makes continuous
references to students lives, asking such questions as, If someone you knew passed
away, how would you feel? All the students in this class seem fully engaged and ontask throughout.
To help the students understand the dehumanizing process Elie and the other
prisoners experienced, Grace writes key ideas on the board in a linear model as they
come up in the story. She stops to explain each idea as she writes it. Her model remains
on the board as a visual reference for students.
Humans -> Jews -> Swine -> Number -> Organ/Stomach

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Grace then situates herself in the center of the small U of desks and announces,
Today were reading from page 63 to 81. I want you all to open up to page 63. When
the students books are open, Grace tells them, Youre listening. Youre following
along. Watson, one of the Liberian students, tells her, Im reading ahead. Grace reads
aloud to the students, stopping frequently to paraphrase, ask questions, and check
understanding. On the eve of Rosh Hashanah Do you know what Rosh Hashanah
is? Patience replies, a holiday. Grace explains that it is the Jewish New Year like the
Muslim celebration of Eid. In response to the example, Watson yells out, Yeah!
As Grace continues reading to the class, some of the ELLs are looking at the
page, while others are watching and listening to her. When Grace asks, What is Elie
feeling right now? Jayplo responds, Angry. Patience says, You lose confidence.
Watson replies, Betrayed.
Grace reads Elies prayer and then asks, Who are the ones who are running the
crematories? Watson responds, Soldiers. She then asks, Why would he attribute the
crematories to God? Jayplo answers, He made the people.
Grace begins to walk around the room as she reads. She approaches William to
check on his engagement with the lesson. When she notices that he is holding his book
on his lap, where it was not previously visible to her, she assures him that she knows he is
following along.
The give and take continues between Grace and the students for some time. She
continues to check their comprehension and vocabulary knowledge as well as relate
aspects of the story to the students lives. The students, particularly the ELLs, are fully

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engaged academically and emotionally. Some take notes on their study guides. Almost
all respond regularly to Graces prompts.
One of the questions Grace asks is if the students know what fasting is. Patience
and Jayplo explain the concept. Watson replies, You get up at four in the morning to
eat. It appears that he is describing the Muslim practice of fasting during the month of
Ramadan.
A later question Grace asks is, Hes obeying the bell. Whats he doing in
figurative language? Patience states that it is a metaphor. When Grace says, no,
Watson corrects her saying, Personification.
Nearing the end of class, Grace asks the students, Do you want to keep reading?
They all shout out, Yeah! So Grace says, Well read until 2:00.
One of the things Grace asks the students to tell her is what someone is called
when they lose their parents. Watson replies, orphanage. In turn, Grace provides
subtle error correction saying, Youd feel like an orphan.
When the book reveals that the main characters name, Elie, is a diminutive of
Elizer, Grace gives her students the Spanish example of Carlos and Carlitos. Two Latino
students seem to connect to this example.
Just as class is about to end, Grace tells the students that they are responsible for
reading to page 92 on their own for the next class. She then asks the students what they
have found the most surprising in the book so far. Watson replies, When they shoot the
babies. Abu responds, Everything. In the midst of this conversation, the bell rings.
As the students leave the class, Jayplo approaches me smiling. She then leaves with her
classmates.

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Graces Reflections on Teaching Night
Just as this lesson was a lengthy and active one, so are Graces reflections on it.
The first thing that crosses her mind is how well the ELLs reacted to a book filled with
faith related questions. She admits she was concerned that these very religious students
would reject the idea that the protagonist in Night questions his faith. She views their
acceptance as a sign of growing understanding. Theyve come a long way through this
semesterat least I hope. Grace also explains that she made efforts to help the ELLs
make personal connections to the book. Theyve been there. All these feelings, I was
trying to connect to themif they ever feel betrayed or lost trust and confidence in
someone, so they can see how low hes gotten. It is quite apparent from Graces
reflections that she is very learner-oriented. She knows her ELLs and what is important
to them, anticipates their reactions, and helps them find relevance in what they are
learning.
As I observed Grace call on a variety of meaning-making strategies while reading
to the students, I ask her to talk about this. She describes an internal debate over when
to stop [reading] and explain something and when to let them [the students] just get the
flow of the words and be able to take the language. She views her approach as a form of
modeling for the students. This is what you should be doing when youre reading
making the connections, asking these questions. As she explains it, she stopped to
make sure that theyre comprehending and seeing the importance of what Im saying or
understanding the word. She also describes stopping to emphasize critical points.
One critical point is what Grace refers to as the progression downwardshow the
Holocaust is whittling him [Elie] away to nothing. She says, I really wanted them to

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see that, something she clearly made visible by creating the model on the board. Not
stopping is also intentional. In that way, they can see that, Even though Im not sure
what that word means, I can still grasp what theyre saying in that paragraph, that
sentence. The way Grace approaches reading with her students is to make the process
transparent and the product meaningful.
As Grace talks, it is clear that she is referring to the strategies she uses for all
learners; therefore, I ask about her decisions for the ELLs. She responds, If there was a
word that I knew they wouldnt know, sometimes I wouldnt even stop. I would change
the word, or I would add a word. She gives the example of substituting stopped for
ceased. Again, her focus is on assuring that the content is meaningful.
Another thing I notice during the lesson is Graces approach to error correction
for the ELLs.
Joanne: So tell me how you think about error correction for these
students.
Grace: Ill give them the right way to use it, and Ill put it back in the
sentence. So I wont just correct it. Ill correct it and then Ill restate the
sentence so that theyre not even just hearing it once. Theyre hearing me
rephrase the whole sentence. Thats usually when they come up with an
answer. Ill always repeat the answer so that the other kids can hear it.
And sometimes I also twist the words around so I stretch out the meaning
a little bit. So they kind of get more feeling for it. So whenever they give
me a response, whether its right or wrong, Ill usually repeat it, so they
hear it a lot more.
Grace tells me this approach is natural for me and connects it to her own learning,
whether it was a language or anything. In addition, she emphasizes that she wants her
classroom to be a place where you can make mistakes. She believes that to correct
them another way would feel like rejection and caused them to shut down and not
learn.

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From observing Grace teach this lesson, I come away feeling like this is an ideal
context for the ELLs. There seems to be mutual respect and much attention to assuring
that the ELLs feel comfortable and that the learning is meaningful to them. Grace lets me
know, however, that she is not content with the current situation for her ELLs and has a
goal to improve it.
So I feel like, even though they have a good community They all get
along well. They all feel comfortable in class. I feel like my ELL kids,
theyre a group, and theyre not intermingling and creating relationships
with others outside of their group. And thats my one concern that Id
like Ive been trying to get them to do. Ive tried like a couple of group
projects where I would have them work with them and different things,
but, because theyre so much farther ahead, neither one of the groups like
it. They like working with each other because they all come from the
same place. They have lots of classes together with their ESL. So I think
thats my one thing Im working on that Im not happy with.
Lesson Two: Essay Writing
Before class begins, Sierra, an African American girl, walks across the room to
Jing, the Chinese ELL, and asks to look at the Buddha pendant he is wearing. She asks if
Buddha represents his religion, and he nods affirmatively. She then questions, So you
dont believe in Jesus? He confirms this with a nod. She finally requests, Can I rub his
belly? Jing agrees, and Sierra rubs the Buddhas belly. They both smile and walk back
to their seats on opposing sides of the room. This episode makes me think that Graces
effort to build a classroom community among all her students has been successful.
It is the week before this half-year course ends. Grace is responsible for having
the students write essays for their district-mandated portfolios. She tells the class that
today she wants them to watch the clock as a way of preparing for the timed essay
writing conditions they will face later. She advises how much writing they should have
accomplished by a particular time.

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Before students start, however, Grace has them recall key aspects of essay
writing. How do you do an opening statement? Three ways. Patience responds,
Quote. Two other students volunteer, Question. Statement. Grace then runs the
students through a quick review of each step of essay writing. This appears to be both a
pre-assessment of the knowledge they bring to the task as well as a way of focusing the
learners on what they are about to do.
At this moment, Abu walks into class. Noticing that he is wearing a suit, Grace
comments, You look handsome. Abu then tells her, I wasnt here yesterday. She
replies, Yes, you were. He then asks, I was? Grace knows because she takes a
personal interest in all her learners.
The task students have to accomplish is complex. It comes from a prior years
11th grade state English exam. They must first read and interpret a poem about friendship
that is written with archaic language (e.g., hath) and uncommon words (e.g., darkling,
certitude). Then they must read a story with a moral about friendship that takes place
during Roman times. Finally, they must write an essay about friendship, drawing on the
two readings they have just completed. Grace tells the students to let her know if they
have questions. Patience immediately calls her over. As Grace responds to Patiences
questions, she points to the graphic organizer that she previously provided the students.
Grace turns on background music and then walks around the room checking in
with each student individually. She says to William, If shell let you, look at her notes
(referencing Patience). She asks Abu, Are you good? Do you know what youre
doing? Abu nods.

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When Grace notices that William has set his head in his hands, she approaches
him and asks gently, What are you doing? After a short conversation, Grace leaves
William to again attend to Patience. William reads and re-reads the poem and story.
When he finally writes two sentences, he crumples his paper and gets up to throw it in the
recycling bin. Abu reads the task, looks over Patiences notes, and attempts to engage
her in conversation. At the mid-point in this 80-minute class, it is apparent that most of
the students, particularly the ELLs, are puzzled and/or frustrated by the task they are
being asked to complete.
Watson reads and re-reads, writes a few sentences, becomes displeased, and rips
sheets of paper from his notebook in frustration. Finally, he calls Grace over. Grace
comes over and tries to help him think through the assignment. What do you think true
friendship is? What did this reading say about friendship? Watson sighs, How am I
gonna do all that? and puts his head in his hands. Grace tries to comfort him by
reminding him of what he already knows. Watson shakes his head. Grace then reassures
him, You always do fine once you do it. She leaves to work with another student. A
short while later, Watson calls her back over to read what he has written. Grace tells him,
Thats a great start for your second body paragraph. Your opening paragraph is going to
be more general. Grace continues to move from student to student, answering their
questions, reminding them of the process shes taught them for essay writing, suggesting
strategies, and offering encouragement.
After an hour, Patience has written one paragraph. Jing has written one long
paragraph and has started his second one. William has written one paragraph. Abu has

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not written anything. Watson has written a few sentences. It appears that Graces goal of
having her students perform timed writing is a moot point for the ELLs.
Just before the class ends, Abu tells Grace, Miss, Im ready now. Ive got my
second sentence. Grace looks at his work and discusses it with him. She then moves on
to other students. With a few minutes to go in the period, Grace checks in with each ELL
one last time. She asks about their confidence in completing the essay on their own,
should there be a snow day. She reminds Abu to refer to the graphic organizer and goes
through it with him before class ends.
Graces Reflections on the Essay Writing Lesson
Graces first reaction to this lesson is one of frustration. I dont know what else I
could do to make it more palatable for them! I dont know. Writing never appeals to
them. Her initial interpretation of events of the lesson seems to place the blame on the
ELLs for their difficulties with essay writing. Moments later, however, Grace comes to
the realization, Its too big of a bite. She also shifts the blame, first to herselfI think
I need to make more connectionand then to external factorsI didnt want to write
two this week, but I had to get two more done for the portfolio. With the snow days, it
didnt work out right. In addition, she reframes her thinking about the ELLs. I think
they really do know how to do it. Theyre just so not to the point where they trust
themselves in their writing.
More than anything, Grace questions her approach to teaching the ELLs how to
write. I dont know if Im spoon-feeding them Im afraid that Ive enabled them to a
certain extent. But then again, I feel like they havent had enough of this kind of essay
writing. She also uses her own experiences as a means to realistically understand where

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the ELLs are as writers. I think theyre just not comfortable with it, because they
havent done enough of it. I mean I wasnt comfortable with it until my third year of
college.
The demands of this lesson and the ELLs responses to it are in sharp contrast to
those of the previous lesson I observed. Grace talks about these differences for her ELLs.
When reading, theyre responding to ideas that are given to them. In writing, they have
to create their own ideas. They dont realize that the ideas theyre creating are still in
response to something theyve read. Graces analysis is accurate to a degree. There are
numerous other factors that she does not appear to take into account such as the difficulty
level of the readings, the differential lengths of expected responses, and multiple subprocesses involved in essay writing. The prior lesson capitalized on the ELLs strong
conversational skills and offered ongoing scaffolding, two things that do not play a
dominant role in todays lesson. In light of this, Graces assertion that the answer lies in
getting the ELLs to trust themselves is somewhat simplistic.
One form of scaffolding Grace did embed in this lesson is the use of graphic
organizers. With the understanding that not everybody uses the same kinds, she
explains that she provided the students several variations. She is disconcerted, however,
that she did not observe many of the ELLs use them. Watson said, I dont know how to
organize what I want to say. But he wasnt using it [the graphic organizer]. In
response, Grace explains that she laid it out step-by-step for Watson. It may be that too
many versions of the graphic organizer contributed to the ELLs difficulties. Having
Graces one-on-one explanation appears to have offered Watson greater clarity than the
graphic organizers.

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In the end, Grace is still frustrated, but seems to be most frustrated with herself.
I dont know if I got it through to themIt gets frustrating because youve said it a
million twenty-five times. When she gets feeling this way, she says she tries to
remember, Yeah, theyve been here a while, but theyre still learning. Planning for the
future, Grace says she will keep doing what Im doing, just keep working with them,
being patient, being patient, being patient. I try to come up with more ways to present the
concepts, more practice.
Connections between Graces Language-learning Experiences and Teaching ELLs
As I ask Grace to discuss connections she may be aware of between her own
language-learning experiences and her practice with ELLs, she receives this as a
suggestion rather than a question. Its really interesting to connect how I learned with
how theyre learning. It is a concept that seems to make sense to her.
Theyre not getting it because they dont understand, and theyre
struggling. So I think this is just really helping to reinforce that idea,
especially with the language learning, to remind me of what it was like for
me trying to get language, which I was always very bad at or I felt like I
was bad at it.
In the course of our conversations, Grace identifies similarities between herself as
a language learner and her ELLs. In particular, she empathizes with the ELLs lack of
confidence. I didnt feel like I had that confidence, because I didnt feel like I could
generate those ideas on my own, because I wasnt to that level. As she comes to this
realization, she gives me credit for her reflections. See? Youre making all these
connections. Youre awesome.
It appears that the connections Grace does make occur in response to talking with
me and are not ones she was explicitly aware of as she instructed her ELLs. Part of this

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may be explained by her status as a first-year teacher, a point she emphasizes. Im a
new teacher. Im still learning how to fit everything in. From my observations,
however, Grace has fit much more into her teaching than the other first-year teachers in
this study, a difference I attribute to two main factors. First, the active role she took in
her own education as a home schooler seems to have given her a form of prior teaching
experience on which to draw. Secondly, her reflective nature prompts her to engage in
on-going analysis and evaluation of both her teaching and her ELLs learning. As she
puts it, Sometimes I think too thoughtful. Im driving myself insane.
In addition, although Grace finds the premise of this study both sensible and
valuable, she is also at a loss as to how she might draw further on her own languagelearning experiences to enhance her teaching.
Just even thinking about how Im working with them [the ELLs] and how
especially today, with talking about this stuff [connections to own
language learning], Im still not sure what strategies I can use to make it
easier, especially the writing.
From a review of Graces language-learning stories, it is tempting to say that she
has made multiple connections to her practice with ELLs. She clearly has a positive
attitude toward language learning and language learners. She understands the complexity
her ELLs are dealing with as they learn English, and she accepts their errors as a natural
part of language learning. She believes it is important to model language for them and
does so frequently. She also uses multiple strategies that make language meaningful.
Despite these many potential connections, I believe that they are not specific to her
language learning. It appears that all of the aforementioned ideas are ones that Grace
either brought to her language learning or that are characteristic of her learning in
general.

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Chapter Seven Discussion, Conclusions, and Implications
This study was carried out to examine qualitatively the promising findings
revealed in survey research which indicated that general classroom teachers of ELLs who
had language-learning experiences reported favorable attitudes, beliefs, and appropriate
knowledge for teaching ELLs (Flores & Smith, 2007/2008; Garca-Nevarez et al., 2005;
Karabenick & Noda, 2004; Lee & Oxelson, 2006; Paneque & Barbetta, 2006; Roach et
al., 2003; Shin & Krashen, 1996; Youngs & Youngs, 2001). At a time when ELLs
presence is increasing greatly in U. S. public schools (August, 2006; Kindler, 2002;
Meyer, et al., 2005; NCELA, 2008; Short & Echevarria, 2004-05), their achievement is
reported to be low (August, 2006; Cartiera, 2006; Crawford, 2004), and general
classroom teachers preparation for teaching them has been largely overlooked (Cartiera,
2006; Giambo & Szecsi, 2005; Short & Echevarria, 2004), it was critical to move beyond
survey findings to be able to understand the role that language-learning experiences
actually play in general classroom teachers personal practical knowledge for teaching
ELLs and to consider implications of this for teacher preparation and practice.
To understand what personal knowledge general classroom teachers derive from
their language-learning experiences and examine how it contributes to their practice for
ELLs, I used a multi-method, qualitative approach to data collection. In my analysis of
participants oral language-learning histories, teaching practices for ELLs, and interviews
about their practices, I foundas did survey researchthat general classroom teachers
with language-learning experiences generally appear to demonstrate favorable attitudes
toward the ELLs they teach. In this chapter, I will discuss what this study contributes
that the survey research did not: an understanding of general classroom teachers unique

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construction of personal knowledge from their language-learning experiences and the
complex set of issues that influence how and whether they employ their constructed
knowledge in practice as they teach ELLs. In essence, because of the multi-method
approach to studying the phenomena, the results of this study add depth, detail, and
complexity to prior understandings of the role of language-learning experiences in
general classroom teachers personal practical knowledge for teaching ELLs.
In line with this studys constructivist theoretical framework, I have chosen to
maintain the visibility of individual participants throughout the discussion of this
concluding chapter. While it might have been efficient to blend what I learned from and
about each participant into impersonal generalizations, I believe doing so would have
denied the individual nature of the studied phenomenon. Instead, I will present findings
in respect to the research sub-questions and overarching question thematically, and in a
way that reveals the similarities and differences among participants personal practical
knowledge and honors their unique construction and enactment of it.
Discussion
Recollections of Language-Learning Experiences
The first of the three sub-questions posed by this study asks: What are general
classroom teachers recollections of their language-learning experiences? The nine
participants in this study related a wide range of language-learning experiences that
varied not only in the target language(s) learned, but also in their starting points, contexts,
formality, duration, outcomes, and personal investment. I believe that the degree and
kinds of variation they reported affirm my decision to refer to their experiences with the
inclusive term language-learning experiences. This broad term serves as a unifying

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element in a study that otherwise might have struggled to bring together disparate
experiences. I also believe that discovering such diverse experiences confirms the value
of employing qualitative methodology. Only through qualitative methods could a deep
examination of these experiences take place and meaningful insights come to light
regarding the general classroom teachers personal practical knowledge for teaching
ELLs.
Although participants recollections were unique, the great majority of them dealt
with issues of struggle and success. This is a particularly salient topic for people whose
careers depend on academic success and who are responsible for promoting the academic
success of others. As participants shared their challenges and accomplishments, they
revealed the emotional nature of language learning, a characteristic that may have made
the stories particularly memorable.
Struggles. Struggles and negative emotions permeated the recollections of Lou
Rivoli, the one participant whose heritage background was responsible for his language
difference. He expressed feeling different, short-changed, not quite American, and
locked into the language barrier. Even when recounting what others might perceive as
successes, he framed them within the larger narrative of struggle. For him, languagelearning experiences were an integral feature of his life narrative rather than completed
events of the past.
Among the negative emotions four other participants reported experiencing as
they learned a foreign language were confusion, frustration, discomfort, lack of
confidence, and lack of belonging. Felicia Sparks, Gina Lenhardt, Valerie Sumner, and
Alex Stewart recalled negative emotions in response to such issues as comprehension

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difficulties, the pace of instruction, insufficient strategy knowledge, lack of peer
interaction, unmet expectations, and language teachers they perceived as unsupportive.
In an effort to escape the source of their negative feelings, most of these participants
chose to minimize or abandon formal language study. According to Scarcella and Oxford
(1992), traditional, teacher-centered language classroomssuch as those described by
these participantshave the power to promote learners anxiety, inhibit their interactions,
and decrease their motivation.
Successes. The three participants whose recollections were dominated by stories
of success in the language classroom were among the youngest ones in this study: 30year-old Nick Perotti, 25-year-old Melanie Eaton, and 24-year-old Lance McIntyre. It
may be that their language-learning experiences were influenced by a shift in foreign
language methodology from a focus on discrete grammatical structures to an emphasis on
communication, a change that has occurred graduallyand not without resistancein
this field over the past 30 years (Savignon, 2001; Shrum & Glisan, 2010). As this change
has occurred, so has a shift from teacher-centered to learner-centered instruction (Shrum
& Glisan, 2010). In their stories of success, these three participants characterized
language learning as exciting, fun, rewarding, relevant, and fairly easy. In
addition, two participants, Nick Perotti and Melanie Eaton, proposed that their
personalities played a role in the comfort they felt in the foreign language classroom.
Nick explained that he was not self-conscious, while Melanie described herself as a
leader in French class. Young (1990) found that language learners who are willing to
take risks are more likely to be motivated and less prone to anxiety in the language
classroom. Unlike those whose negative emotions had prompted them to abandon formal

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language study, the participants in this study who perceived themselves as successful
language learners engaged in sustained study.
Making Sense of Language-learning Experiences
The second of this studys three sub-questions asked: In what ways have general
classroom teachers made sense of their language-learning experiences? This study
reveals that the sense participants made of their language-learning experiences seemed to
depend on their recollections along with the perspective(s) through which they initially
reflected on them. Those who described their language-learning experiences as struggles
seemed to interpret them primarily from the perspective of the child or adolescent they
were at the time they occurred, as was seen, for example, in Lou Rivolis narratives of
language difference. These participants mainly attributed their struggles to matters
outside their control, and only some of them engaged in additional reflection of the
language-learning struggles from an adult perspective. Those who did, such as Felicia
Sparks and Valerie Sumner, were able to revise the sense they had made of the
experiences and acknowledge their personal contributions to the reported struggles.
These participants did not, however, appear to revise the beliefs they had initially formed,
a point consistent with the research on beliefs presented in Chapter Two. Beliefs formed
early tend to persevere even in light of new evidence or experience (Pajares, 1992).
For the three participants who primarily told stories of language-learning success,
there was not a clear distinction between adolescent and adult reflections. From the
beginning, these participants all attributed their success to matters both outside of and
within themselves. They appear to have felt much more in control and aware of their
own language learning and more efficacious than those who struggled. It may be that it

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is easier for a young person to accept accountability for their successes than their
struggles. It may also be that learners who are successful are much more aware of what it
takes to achieve that success. Or, it may be that not enough time had passed since their
adolescent experiences for these relatively young participants to adopt adult perspectives.
Heritage connections. The three participants in this study with heritage
connections drew on those connections in varying ways and degrees in interpreting their
language-learning experiences. The variation seems to be related to their proximity to the
immigrant experience. For Lou Rivoli, whose heritage connections dominated his early
life and shaped his identity, the recollections of linguistic and cultural struggle formed the
lens through which he made sense of his language-learning experiences. With the most
emotionally charged experiences being those of his childhood, he seemed unable to move
beyond the childhood perspective in reflecting on prior experiences and interpreting more
recent ones.
In contrast to Lou Rivoli, whose heritage experiences permeated his life narrative,
Felicia Sparks and Gina Lenhardt, the other two participants with heritage connections,
were on the periphery of such experiences. Felicia, who was on the outside looking in as
she observed immediate family communicate through the heritage language, took away
the uncomfortable childhood understanding that she did not belong with a second
language. Unlike Lou, Felicia revisited her childhood heritage-language experiences to
reflect on them with adult lenses. As a result, she developed new and more objective
insights regarding her relatives potential motivation for not including her and her own
contribution to the outcomes: They never taught us any Italian, but I never even

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approached asking if they could teach me. These adult reflections allowed Felicia to
build knowledge about the inclusive and exclusionary roles language use can play.
Gina Lenhardt, whose family maintained strong ties to German relatives, rarely
experienced the language at home. Drawing primarily on the recollection that
communication with these relatives could successfully take place without having to know
German, she developed the belief that English was the only language (she) needed for
communication. From ongoing contact with them, Gina seemed to develop a favorable
attitude toward her German heritage. This finding is consistent with Byrnes et al. (1997)
and Youngs and Youngs (2001) survey findings that frequent contact with diverse
populations promotes teachers favorable attitudes toward them. In Ginas case,
however, the favorable attitude appeared to be limited to her own heritage. What was not
evident in Ginas stories was reflection on her experiences. Without engaging in
reflection, she was unable to make much sense of these experiences. It may be that,
without a strong personal connection to her heritage, she did not feel compelled to reflect.
Struggling foreign language learners. The foreign language-learning narratives
of four participants in this study centered on the struggles they perceived. Two of the
four were Felicia Sparks and Gina Lenhardt, participants who also had heritage
connections. It appears that Felicia and Gina approached making sense of their foreign
language-learning struggles in ways fairly consistent with how they had made sense of
their heritage language experiences. In recounting her foreign language-learning
experiences, Felicia again presented emotionally charged recollections from an
adolescent perspective and subsequently offered alternative interpretations derived from

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her adult analysis of the situation: I didnt even try hard enough as I reflect on it. I
thought I did.
In contrast to Felicia, Gina relied primarily on her adolescent perspective in both
the recall and interpretation of her foreign language-learning experiences. The one
interpretation she offered from an adult perspective appeared to still be colored by the
negative emotion of her adolescent experience: I think now, in retrospect, the German
teacher was trying to get people to take the class by coming over and doing the
afterschool program...Im sure it must have been because her numbers were low It
seems that the negative perception of this teacher that Gina developed as an adolescent
did not permit her to consider benign interpretations of the teachers motivation as an
adult.
Rather than forge new beliefs from their foreign language learning experiences,
Felicia and Gina seemed to have their prior beliefs reinforced in the new context.
Felicias belief in the importance of inclusive language practices was strengthened while
Ginas belief that English is the only language necessary was re-affirmed. Although
Felicias adult reflections allowed her to consider her adolescent experiences in a new
light, she did not alter her original belief.
Similar to Felicia Sparks, Valerie Sumner and Alex Stewart, the other two
participants who recalled numerous struggles in the foreign language classroom, offered
recollections of language-learning experiences from an adolescent perspective followed
by their adult interpretations. Valerie, who shared a great deal of emotional discomfort as
she told her stories, then called into question whether what she had told me was actually
true. It very well could have been all internal in that it was one of the first times that I

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ever saw a failing grade on a quiz or a test. Through her initial reflections, she came to
believe that a learners comfort plays an important role in language learning. Alex, who
attributed his struggles to his learning disability, developed the belief that learning
disabilities can make foreign language learning particularly difficult. In retrospect, he
acknowledged that he had his own issues back then. His adult reflections allowed him
to see the role that his waning motivation played in his learning outcomes: Being a
teacher now, I can understand that more.
Two other participants, Lance McIntyre and Grace Jensen, recalled struggles
among their more dominant stories of success. They offered much less negative emotion
in recounting these stories, something that may have been offset by positive emotions
related to their successes. Lance recollected how his confidence in Spanish was
challenged when the demands of the foreign language classroom increased. In reflecting
on this, he was able to quickly shift from the initial adolescent act of blaming to the adult
act of taking responsibility for what happened: Just the volume of what you had to do in
order to comprehend a passage of reading in Spanish was tough for mePart of it was
that I was a little lazy with what I was doing.
Grace Jensen, who took responsibility for her own education at a young age,
developed insider understandings that informed her recollections and influenced her
reflections. As a result, she was able to immediately make sense of what happened and
why it happened from a mature, albeit somewhat nave, perspective. Her greatest lament
seemed to be her inability to overcome the limitations of her self-teaching and the lack of
resources available in her home-school setting, a reflection more focused on her teaching
than her learning. It was with this same teacher mindset that she recalled and reflected on

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what she considered the insufficient demands and expectations of her college Spanish
professors: It was never anything big enough. While some students might have been
pleased to not have such demands placed on them, Grace believed that it was necessary to
practice using the target language in complex ways in order to develop fluency in it. As a
result, what might have been interpreted as successes for others were struggles for Grace.
Successful foreign language learners. Three participantsNick Perotti, Lance
McIntyre, and Melanie Eatonrecalled being particularly successful foreign language
learners. Nick described himself as a 99 student while both Lance and Melanie
claimed that language learning came easily to them. In interpreting the reasons for their
success, many of Nick, Lance, and Melanies attributions overlapped. Unlike the
struggling language-learners, all three seemed to identify both internal and external
sources. The two men pointed out their own strategy use which, for Nick, was
awareness, repetition, and practice and, for Lance was visualizing, diagrams,
looking for similarities and following a template of how it was going to work. Nick
and Melanie highlighted how the novelty and performance nature of language learning
were a good fit for their outgoing personalities. Sounding funny speaking the target
language was, for them, a good thing. Melanies reflections made clear how the
classroom environment contributed to her comfort: It was acceptedWe were all in the
same boat. Nick specifically credited two of his French teachers for creating a learning
environment that promoted his success, the crazy energetic teacher, who really, really
loved the language and the teacher who had a lot of traveling stories.
Each of the aforementioned interpretations was offered by two of the three selfreported successful foreign language learners. A final explanation for success was

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offered by all three as the real-life, meaningful application of the language they were
learning. For Nick, French came to life through movies, stories, and an Orangina soda
can. For Lance, Spanish had a real-world use when a Spanish-speaking customer came to
the drug store where he worked. According to Melanie, I could actually apply and use
it. I could actually go up to Canada. I could actually help my family with it.
Three other participants, whose recollections primarily focused on their struggles,
also recalled some foreign language-learning successes. They interpreted the reasons for
their success similarly to the abovementioned participants. Alex Stewart saw that his
motivation and, resultantly, his academic success increased as a result of improved study
skills and a more comfortable learning environment. He credited both his Spanish
teachers and his friends for making him feel more at ease. Valerie Sumner attributed her
success to comfort she found in a particular classroom as well as at home where she had
the opportunity to interact meaningfully with her father using the target language. Grace
Jensen identified her motivation and numerous learning strategies to be the sources of her
success. Although she had opportunities for real-life, meaningful interactions in the
target language, she did not view them as contributing to her success. Success for her
could only be defined as fluency in Spanish, something she never felt able to achieve.
For all the participants who told stories of foreign language-learning success, positive
attitudes towards languages other than English and knowledge of what contributes to
successful language learning were highly discernible outcomes.
Adult language-learning experiences. Five of the nine participants told stories
of adult language-learning experiences. What all these experiences had in common was
that they were of relatively brief duration and that the nature of their outcomes held little

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or no long-term risk or consequence for participants. As a result, whether participants
deemed them as successful or not, the adult experiences did not elicit the same emotional
responses as their childhood and adolescent language-learning experiences.
Participants were again consistent in how they made sense of their adult languagelearning experiences, and their prior beliefs seemed to persist. Lou Rivoli continued to
see language as a barrier even as he described successful communication with relatives
in Italy. Gina Lenhardt avoided applying meaning to her adult German class by referring
to it as simply something to do. While attracted once again to the language of her
heritage, she continued to hold fast to the belief that she only needed to know English.
Valerie Sumners encounter with native speakers of Spanish on a cruise ship momentarily
resurrected the discomfort she had felt in foreign language classes. It reaffirmed her
belief that comfort was a necessary variable for success in language use and learning and
that English was the only language she really needed. Nick Perotti again relied on his
outgoing personality and strategic approach to negotiate another culture while working
with a Native American lacrosse team. From this experience, he developed the belief that
trust plays an important role in cross-cultural communication and that clarity is essential
in communication.
Unlike the others, Felicia Sparks adult language-learning experiences in the
context of a Catholic Mass occurred after she had become a teacher of ELLs. Through
them, she re-affirmed her childhood belief that she did not belong with a language
other than English, but also had the adult understanding that it was up to her to make
[herself] belong. She appeared to use these experiences to empathize with her ELLs and
develop perspective on what they might perceive in her classroom.

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All in all, it appears that the ways these teachers made sense of their languagelearning experiences were deeply connected to their youthful perceptions. Early
experiences seem to serve as critical episodes, the influential experiences that create
rich, detailed, and persistent memories in learners minds (Nespor, 1987, p. 320). These
meaningful youthful recollections appeared to shape participants beliefs about language
learning and about themselves as language learners. It is through these persistent beliefs
that participants seemed to interpret subsequent language-learning experiences.
Influence of Language-learning Experiences on Pedagogy for ELLs
The final sub-question of the three sub-questions posed by this study asked: How
have general classroom teachers interpretations of their language-learning experiences
influenced their attitudes toward ELLs, their beliefs about appropriate pedagogical
practices for these learners and their actual practices? In general, this study found that
participants held favorable attitudes toward the ELLs they taught, a range of beliefs about
practices that both converged and diverged from what previous studies had found, and
actual practices that aligned unevenly with the beliefs they had articulated. In some
cases, it was clear that these attitudes, beliefs, and practices were the outcomes of their
interpretations of language-learning experiences; in other cases, it was much less evident,
or even, clearly unrelated.
Attitudes
This study defined the construct of attitude as a disposition to respond favorably
or unfavorably to an object, person, institution, or event that can be inferred through an
individuals affective response and evaluation toward the given object of the attitude
(Ajzen, 1998, p. 4, 6). Similar to survey findings previously reported, this study also

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found that most participants expressed favorable dispositions toward ELLs. It must be
understood, however, that the term favorable when describing participants attitudes
toward ELLs reflected a wide degree of variation, ranging from Felicia Sparks
admiration to Grace Jensens warmth to Valerie Sumners pride to Alex Stewarts
appreciation to Lou Rivolis empathy. The unfavorable attitudes expressed appear to
reflect participants deficit perspectives regarding their ELLs capacity and/or motivation.
It appears that five of this studys participants developed attitudes toward ELLs
that were influenced by their interpretations of their language-learning experiences:
Felicia Sparks, Alex Stewart, Lou Rivoli, Nick Perotti, and Melanie Eaton. For Felicia
and Alex, the favorable attitudes seem to emerge from both language-learning
experiences and other salient ones. Felicia, who called her ELLs the sweetest little
things in the world, admired their fortitude and resilience in acclimating themselves to a
new culture and school and in being able to speak more than one language, two things
that had caused her angst and difficulty. Alex appreciated the ELLs need to figure
things out and was willing to be patient with them, an attitude and approach that had
nurtured his success in language learning and other areas.
The favorable attitudes both Lou and Nick expressed differ in nature from the
aforementioned. Lou interpreted what his ELLs were going through from his own
narrative of language difference and, as a result, felt compassion for them: For a lot of
these kids, its worse than it was for me. Nicks reflections on his experience trying to
integrate into another culture and his bout with frustration in language learning appear to
have led him to develop two favorable attitudes toward his beginning ELLs: empathy for
the frustration they feel in a new country, new home, new language and admiration for

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what they have achieved: Theyre a really special group of kids, because not everybody
can do what they did. On the contrary, however, Nick communicated an unfavorable
attitude toward some of the long-term ELLs (Freeman & Freeman, 2007) he taught. He
perceived them as unmotivated, a trait very much in contrast with his self-reported image
as a language learner. The other participant whose unfavorable attitude toward ELLs
seemed to be influenced by the stark contrast between herself as a language learner and
her ELLs as language learners is Melanie Eaton. As Melanie deemed her languagelearning success to be the result of her high motivation, she perceived her ELLs low
English skills, to be the result of poor motivation.
Although this sub-question did not consider influences on participants attitudes
toward languages other than English, this is an influence worth noting, as it appeared to
play a role in decisions of practice for ELLs. Some participants seemed to hold favorable
dispositions toward both the learners and their home languages, as was the case for
Felicia Sparks and Nick Perotti. It is evident from the findings, however, that a favorable
attitude toward ELLs was not necessarily accompanied by a favorable attitude toward
languages other than English. Lou Rivoli saw languages other than English as a
problem in need of remediation. Valerie Sumner and Gina Lenhardts languagelearning experiences led them to hold English in high esteem and as the only language
needed for communication. Interestingly, Lance McIntyre and Melanie Eaton both
articulated highly favorable attitudes towards languages other than English for
themselves but not for their ELLs. In fact, Lance viewed his ELLs home language as an
impediment to his classroom management, in spite of the fact that he had seated them
together to promote peer support. Melanie saw the L1 as a barrier for her ELLs learning

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and her ability to teach them. This last perspective may be reflective of a larger and longstanding conflict within the U.S. around notions of individual and group bilingualism.
Individual bilingualism has long been valued while group bilingualism has more
frequently been deemed a problem (Crawford, 2004). It may also be nothing more than a
manifestation of their struggles as first-year teachers.
Beliefs
In the literature reviewed in Chapter Two, four pedagogical beliefs were
identified as those held by educators of ELLs who had had language-learning
experiences: (a) appropriate instructional practices for ELLs take their linguistic needs
into consideration (Lensky, 2006; MacGillivray & Rueda, 2001), (b) accommodations are
appropriate practices for ELLs (Paneque & Barbetta, 2006), (c) language learning is
challenging and time-consuming (Lemberger, 1997; Lenski, 2006; Taylor, 1999), and (d)
the L1 can be a valuable asset to ELLs learning (Brooks, 1995; Garca-Nevarez et al.,
2005; Hite & Evans, 2006; Lee & Oxelson, 2006; Shin & Krashen, 1996). These four
beliefs appear to underlie six of the best practices for ELLs I also identified from the
literature. From that same review of the best practices literature, I suggested that there
may be two more beliefs to underlie the remaining two best practices: (a) ELLs prior
knowledge and experiences are resources for their learning (August & Hakuta, 1998;
Gersten et al., 2007; Waxman & Tellez, 2002) and (b) active engagement and
involvement of ELLs facilitates their learning (Curtin, 2005a; Gersten & Baker, 2000;
Gersten et al., 2007; Waxman & Tellez, 2002).
While participants expressed numerous notions of what they believed to be
appropriate pedagogical practices for ELLs, only some of the beliefs appear to have been

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influenced by their language-learning experiences. They are the ones I present here,
beginning with the beliefs that align with the review of the beliefs and best practices
literature followed by additional ones my participants offered. Although other
participants shared some of these beliefs, it appeared that they came to hold these beliefs
as the result of influences outside of language learning.
Appropriate instructional practices for ELLs take their linguistic needs into
consideration. From their language-learning experiences, Valerie Sumner, Lance
McIntyre, and Melanie Eaton appeared to derive beliefs about the importance of
attending to language learners linguistic needs during instruction. Valerie came to
believe that language is best learned when its use is meaningful and contextualized
language. Lance believed that the pace of instruction should be at a rate that makes the
language comprehensible and that vocabulary should not be overly complex in order to
avoid obscuring its meaning. Both Lance and Melanie believed that skills and concepts
learners have in one language could be transferred to another.
Accommodations are appropriate practices for ELLs. Lance McIntyre was
the sole participant who articulated this belief. From his struggles with the demands of
reading in a foreign language, Lance came to believe that it is appropriate to modify or
adapt texts for ELLs, as well as for other struggling readers, to promote
comprehensibility and accessibility of concepts.
Language learning is challenging and time-consuming. Nick Perotti, Alex
Stewart, and Grace Jensen all discussed this belief in some way. Nick believed that
language learning took time and that the learners needed lots of practice in order to have
the readiness to move to the next step. Alex asserted that languages are hard to learn and,

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therefore, others must demonstrate patience and give language learners the opportunity to
figure things out on their own. Grace came to believe that language learners need
opportunities to practice language in complex ways in order to be able to use it
complexly and that errors, a natural part of the process, should be accepted.
The L1 can be a valuable asset to ELLs learning. The only participant who
appeared to develop such a belief from her language-learning experiences was Gina
Lenhardt. The caveat about Ginas belief is that the language learners home language is
valuable when it is shared by the classroom teacher, as was her case in learning German.
ELLs prior knowledge and experiences are resources for their learning.
This is a belief that did not appear to result from of any of the participants languagelearning experiences.
Active engagement and involvement of ELLs facilitates their learning. Two
participants, Alex Stewart and Grace Jensen, communicated this belief. Alexs personal
experiences in the Spanish classroom led him to believe that language learners
interactions with both teachers and peers could encourage their motivation and positive
attitudes. He also believed that hands-on activities and demonstrations promoted
language learning, especially for learners who struggled. Grace expressed a strong belief
that language learning required strong modeling along with lots of and practice applying
the concepts interactively, experiences she lamented not having.
Participants other expressed beliefs. As previously stated, participants
articulated beliefs about pedagogical practices for ELLs that were not represented in the
best practices literature that I reviewed. The most prominent of these is in regard to the
importance of assuring a comfortable learning environment for ELLs. Felicia Sparks,

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Nick Perotti, and Valerie Sumner all found this to play a critical role in their language
learning and, consequently, viewed it as critical for their ELLs learning. Felicia focused
on the belief that ELLs need to feel a sense of belonging. Nick believed that ELLs
needed to have a trusting relationship with the teacher in order to be able to learn, and
Valerie felt that comfort in learning would lead to both satisfaction and confidence.
Contrary to the previously stated belief that language learning is challenging and
time-consuming, two participants communicated a seemingly contrary belief: that
language can be learned easily when conditions are right. Ironically, one of the
participants expressed beliefs that appear to conflict with one another. Nick Perotti, who
acknowledged that language learning takes time and practice, also expressed the notion
that ELLs could learn language just by being immersed in it. Melanie Eaton believed that
language learning was easy and uncomplicated for those who were motivated to learn it,
as she clearly was.
Several participants shared pedagogical beliefs that have the potential to limit
ELLs access to the curriculum and their peers. Specifically, Lou Rivoli and Gina
Lenhardt believed that ELLs should be excluded from general classrooms until they
learn English, and Nick Perotti felt that lack of cultural knowledge precluded ELLs from
being able to participate meaningfully with their English-speaking peers. It appears that
this belief is a manifestation of Lous interpretation of language difference as a barrier,
Ginas insistence that English is the only language necessary for communication, and
Nicks less than successful attempts to integrate himself into the Native American
cultural community.

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Practice
The final aspect of this third sub-question inquires about the influence of
language-learning experiences on participants actual practices with ELLs. Entering into
a teachers actual practice are his or her attitudes, beliefs, practical skills, and knowledge
(Clark & Peterson, 1986; Elbaz, 1983). In the preceding paragraphs of this discussion, I
revealed how participants attitudes toward ELLs and their languages and their beliefs
about appropriate pedagogy for ELLs appeared to have been influenced by their
language-learning experiences. From their individual portraits, we learned that these
experiences also resulted in the development of practical skills and knowledge, including
varying degrees of proficiency in a second language for all participants, and language
learning strategies and cross-cultural understandings for some participants.
Drawing on the Chapter Two literature review of best practices for ELLs, I
highlight here actual practices participants employed with their ELLs that appear to have
been influenced by their language-learning experiences. The first two best practices
identified were explicit attention to instructional language (August & Hakuta, 1998;
Curtin, 2005a) and explicit vocabulary instruction (August & Hakuta, 1998; Gersten &
Baker, 2000; Gersten et al., 2007). Lou Rivoli, who had a lifetime of practice
communicating across languages, seemed to be the one participant who was particularly
consistent in adjusting his instructional language. He slowed his rate of speech and
enunciated clearly for the ELLs. As he gave them project directions, he did so one-onone, using both oral and non-linguistic forms of communication. Nick Perotti enacted
practices that he perceived would help ELLs build content area vocabulary. By having
them complete word searches and highlight content words in text, he believed they would

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get the practice they needed to build an awareness of the words. Participants Felicia
Sparks, Valerie Sumner, and Grace Jensen also attended to their instructional language
and ELLs vocabulary development. However, it does not appear that they derived these
practices from their language-learning experiences. Instead it seems that they generally
attend to the linguistic aspect of their instruction for all learners, although their
knowledge of how to do so may have been enhanced in some cases by collaboration with
ESL teachers.
The second set of best practices for ELLs the literature identified were scaffolding
(Curtin, 2005a; Gersten & Baker, 2000; Gersten et al., 2007) and contextual supports
(August & Hakuta, 1998; Curtin, 2005a; Gersten & Baker, 2000; Waxman & Tellez,
2002). Again, Lou Rivoli enacted these two practices in tandem for the ELLs to whom
he attended. He guided them through the completion of projects in a step-by-step,
recursive process that began with modeled linguistic and non-linguistic instruction,
moved to ELLs monitored application of directions and concepts, and continued to
Lous feedback on their work. With the exception of Melanie Eaton, all other
participants enacted one or both of these best practices to some degree. It was not clear,
however, that these practices were influenced by their language-learning experiences.
Again, collaboration with the ESL teacher informed some participants. Others appeared
to integrate these practices into instruction for all learners. For others, however,
scaffolding and/or contextual supports appeared to be an inherent aspect of their content
area and/or teaching context, a point that will be discussed further in this studys
conclusions.

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The use of the L1 (Gersten & Baker, 2000; Gersten et al., 2007; Waxman &
Tellez, 2002), another best practice, refers to the use of ELLs home languages by the
teacherthrough personal language skills or L1 resourcesor by the learners
themselves. In this study, there were a limited number of situations where participants
knew their ELLs L1. The one participant who applied that shared language was Lance
McIntyre. He described speaking Spanish with an ELL in his study hall; however, he did
not do so with his Spanish-speaking ELL mathematics students. Although Lou Rivoli did
not share a language with his ELLs, he perceived his Italian as close enough to the
Spanish some of his ELLs spoke, that he invoked it on occasion.
The single L1 resource used by participants was a peer translator. For Lou, this
was a practice that was embedded in his childhood and adult language-learning
experiences and that he appeared to use regularly in the classroom and in coaching ELLs
on the baseball field. Lou relied on a willing and capable bilingual learner to serve in this
capacity for his classmates. For Lance McIntyre and Alex Stewart the process was less
explicit. Lance seated his ELLs together, expecting that the one with greater English
proficiency would translate for her peer. Alex had observed learners who shared a
language do this for each other over time and came to count on them doing it. For both
Lance and Alex, peer translators were intended to promote ELLs content
understandings.
Felicia Sparks and Grace Jensen were comfortable having their ELLs use their L1
to seek and give each other academic and social support. For Felicia and Nick Perotti
peer support represented a means to assure their newly arrived ELLs comfort in a new
linguistic and cultural environment. With the exception of Lou, this widespread

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willingness to promote the use of the L1 appears to be related to both opportunity and a
favorable attitude toward languages other than English. For Lou, it may have been a
matter of habit as well as a way to support the learners for whom he had articulated
compassion.
Although several participants placed their ELLs with partners or in groups, not all
of them employed purposeful peer interaction (Curtin, 2005a; Gersten & Baker, 2000;
Gersten et al., 2007; Waxman & Tellez, 2002) as it was defined from the review of best
practices. The one participant who did so and whose actions appeared to be influenced in
part by her language-learning experiences was Valerie Sumner, whose belief it was that
confidence and comfort are critical for language learners. Valerie clearly was intentional
in trying to her assure her ELLs confidence and comfort with content and language
learning. She seated him with someone whos strong, and prepped him with the
necessary skills and resources to create the greatest likelihood that he would be able to
participate confidently in assigned tasks.
The remaining two best practices identified in the literature were not ones I
observed participants use: explicit strategy instruction (Waxman & Tellez, 2002) and
accessing and building on prior knowledge (August & Hakuta, 1998; Gersten et al.,
2007; Waxman & Tellez, 2002). As mentioned throughout this section, a dominant
practice that several participants did employ, and that was not presented as a best practice
in the literature, was attending to ELLs affective needs. It appeared to be a way that
participants with favorable attitudes toward the ELLs acted on them.

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Conclusions
The question this study set out to answer was: What do prior language-learning
experiences contribute to the personal practical knowledge general classroom teachers
draw on in teaching ELLs? Findings presented in the preceding discussion of the studys
three sub-questions reveal that the answer to this question is both highly complex and
individually constructed. There is much evidence that participants interpretations of
their language-learning experiences influenced their attitudes, beliefs, and practices for
ELLs, albeit to varying degrees and in diverse ways, with some much more useful for
promoting ELLs academic learning and social inclusion than others. It was also found
that the translation of attitudes and beliefs into practice was facilitated, limited, or
interrupted by participants other personal experiences, role interpretation, reflexivity,
and context of practice. In this section, I present conclusions that emerge from these
findings and offer reflections on the framework of personal practical knowledge and the
methodology used to examine it.
The ESL Acronym
It appeared that a dominant obstacle to participants implementation of the
personal practical knowledge they gleaned from their language-learning experiences was
related to the labeling of their ELLs as ESL students. ESL students, for some
participants, appeared to mean students of the ESL teacher. As was found in the
beliefs literature reviewed in Chapter Two, these participants perceived distinct roles and
responsibilities for themselves as teachers of content and ESL teachers as teachers of
ESL students. Without viewing students who received ESL services as their

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responsibility, some participants were less likely to draw on personal practical knowledge
in an attempt to teach these learners.
The second issue related to the use of the ESL acronym is that it appeared to
obscure the learners identities, resources, and accomplishments for some participants.
Again, in line with findings from the beliefs literature reviewed in Chapter Two, services
rendered to ESL students have traditionally been viewed as remedial, with the students in
need of remediation from their language problem (DeJong & Harper, 2005; Leistyna,
2002; Ruz, 1984; Wenger et al., 2004). Consequently, some participants did not
perceive their ELLs as learners who were in the process of adding another language to
the one(s) they already spoke, a critical perspective that might have helped participants
identify with these learners and their experiences and draw on their personal practical
knowledge from language learning.
Connections
As implied in the preceding paragraph, teachers must make connections between
their past experiences and the present demands of practice in order to call upon their
personal practical knowledge (Clandinin, 1985). In this study, connections generally
related to similarities the general classroom teachers perceived between themselves and
their ELLs and between language-learning circumstances. Participants who focused on
differences seemed to be less efficacious and less likely to look to personal practical
knowledge from their language-learning experiences in teaching ELLs. Specific areas of
difference participants in this study identified included life experiences, the languages
learned or spoken, and perceived motivation to learn language. On the contrary, there
were also participants who pinpointed similarities between themselves and their ELLs,

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particularly in regard to affective and social experiences. By making such connections,
these participants seemed more inclined to draw on and apply personal practical
knowledge from language-learning experiences.
Although several participants almost apologetically were unable to initially make
connections between their personal language-learning experiences and those of their
ELLs, it appears that the dialogic nature of this study served to prompt their further
reflection and, in all but one case, result in new insights and motivation to act on these
insights. This outcome realizes a potential benefit suggested in the University
Institutional Review Board application: that the opportunity for participants to reflect on
their prior experiences could promote their introspection and analysis of these and the
role they play in their practice with ELLs. In addition, this outcome appears to lend
support to the cognitive constructivist theoretical orientation of this study as participants
individual knowledge construction was enhanced by social interaction (Eggen &
Kauchak, 2007). Moreover, the outcome seems to imply that personal practical
knowledgeespecially as it relates to a particular set of experiencesmay be largely an
implicit construct and resource.
A particular group of participants for whom the unintentional prompting seemed
to have the greatest impact were those with the least amount of teaching experience. The
first-year teachersall of whom had engaged in sustained foreign language study and
most of whom described themselves as successful language learnersat first seemed
unable to make connections to their ELLs or identify any personal practical knowledge
for teaching them. Through our interviews, however, they seemed to be prompted to
uncover a previously implicit knowledgebase built from their language-learning

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experiences. Their aha moments were expressed with emotions ranging from gratitude
for the intervention to keen interest in new insights to horror with the way they had been
perceiving their ELLs situations. It may be, as one of them suggested, that the
survival year of first-year teaching inhibits reflection on ones personal practical
knowledge.
Context
The context, or particular situations (Clandinin, 1985, p. 361), within which
general classroom teachers in this study worked with ELLs appeared to have an
important impact on how and whether they drew on the personal practical knowledge
they constructed from their language-learning experiences. It appears that teaching
contexts have the potential to encourage, limit, or even discourage teachers enactment of
their personal practical knowledge.
Some participants taught in contexts that Cummins (1981) would identify as
cognitively undemanding and contextually reduced. The physical education classroom,
for example, by the nature of its physically modeled activities, demonstrations, and props,
appeared to provide ELLs auditory and visual cues that enhanced their comprehension of
instructional language. The mathematics classroom appeared to be more cognitively
demanding than the physical education classroom; however, the ubiquitous use of nonlinguistic representations in the form of numerals, graphics, and charts, seemed to
provide ELLs support for making meaning from instructional language. It appears that
the characteristics of the content area and its discipline-specific forms of instruction may
influence whether or not general classroom teachers are prompted to look to their
personal practical knowledge constructions.

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Another contextually based element that appeared to influence how or whether
participants looked to their personal practical knowledge for serving ELLs were the
people with whom they worked, both students and educators. Several scenarios appeared
to lessen the demand on the general classroom teachers to identify personal practical
knowledge for teaching ELLs. As previously discussed, some participants were able to
rely on bilingual learners to translate some of their instructions and expectations to the
ELLs. In a classroom where there was only one ELL, English-speaking peers acted as
co-teachers, thus providing support to the general classroom teacher and scaffolding to
the ELL. In some participants classrooms, there were push-in teachers and teaching
assistants who attended to ELLs needs, often in lieu of the general classroom teacher. In
classrooms where participants were preoccupied with finding ways to control students
off-task behaviors, concern for addressing the needs of ELLs appeared to take a backseat
to classroom management. Participants who had ongoing communication and
collaboration with ESL teachers did not have the same need to look to their own
resources as the language specialists provided them with strategies and suggestions for
supporting their ELLs learning. Finally, in the few cases where ELLs did not actively
seek assistance, some participants did not perceive the need to seek resources for teaching
them.
Personal Practical Knowledge
An important premise of this study was that a particular set of experiences
specifically, language-learning experiencescould be recalled and interpreted by general
classroom teachers to reveal the personal practical knowledge formed from them. This
study was carried out under the assumption that general classroom teachers would be able

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to draw on domain-specific, experientially based knowledge in teaching the ELLs in their
classrooms. While it appeared that all participants developed some degree of personal
practical knowledge from their language-learning experiences, it was also evident that
language-learning experiences were embedded within a larger collection of experiences
that blended into what Connelly and Clandinin (1985) refer to as narrative unity (p.
191). Narrative unities [are] threads in peoples lives that help account for the way in
which they construct the stories that they live both in their personal lives and in their
teaching (Connelly, Clandinin, & He, 1997, p. 671). This finding seems to align with
Brooks (1995) conclusion from his study of foreign language-learning experiences of
general classroom teachers that there is nothing to suggest that foreign language is
necessarily so unique that it sticks out in their [participants] minds any more or less than
any other learning experiences in school (p. 129). It also implies that teachers current
experiences add to their personal practical knowledgebase. It is, therefore, likely that the
personal practical knowledge classroom teachers have for teaching ELLs has also
developed from their day-to-day experiences interacting and teaching ELLs thus far.
As previously concluded, however, it appears that contexts and connections play
an important role in determining which narratives are called forth and what, if any,
personal practical knowledge is tapped. Given the large number of detours and barriers
to participants identification and application of personal practical knowledge, it may also
be reasonable to conclude that personal practical knowledge from language-learning
experiences does not play a particularly influential role in general classroom teachers
practice for ELLs.

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Personal practical knowledge construction is a sense-making process (Connelly &
Clandinin, 1985). Through reflections on personal experiences, general classroom
teachers construct their narratives in more and less informed ways. From this studys
findings, it appears that childhood and adolescent reflections of experience tend to be
more emotional and nave in nature. More distanced adult reflections seem to evoke
more objective and informed interpretations.
Drawing on personal practical knowledge also seems to be interpretative act, as it
is based on the perceived situation and demands. Of particular note is that some
participants interpretations of their personal practical knowledge from language-learning
experiences contributed to classroom practices that promoted ELLs social and academic
inclusion while others interpretations served to exclude and isolate these learners
socially and limit their academic opportunities. This is a particularly important finding as
it suggests that unmediated personal practical knowledge from language-learning
experiences cannot be considered a viable replacement for general classroom teachers
informed preparation to teach ELLs. Findings do suggest, however, that mediated
reflection can encourage general classroom teachers to make connections they previously
did not perceive and to develop more sophisticated and informed interpretations of
experience. In other words, mediated reflection of general classroom teachers languagelearning experiences appears to be able to help them reconstruct their narratives and
revise their personal practical knowledge in ways that support ELLs learning.
Methodology
Hatch (2002) asserts that the quality of qualitative studies is improved when data
are collected through more than a single means. This study employed multiple means of

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data collection not only in an attempt to improve its quality but also to try to capture the
whole of general classroom teachers experiences, interpretations, and practices as they
related to language learning and the teaching of language learners. I believe that the
study was successful in achieving these goals and, in the process, was successful in other
areas as well.
First and foremost, this study was able to unveil various attitudes, beliefs,
practical skills, and understandings that general classroom teachers appeared to have
related to language learning and language learners as a result of their personal
experiences. While this was information I was hoping to uncover as a researcher, much
of it appeared to have been implicit or forgotten to participants.
The multiple methods approach was also particularly successful in revealing the
messy and very human nature of the experience-to-knowledge-to-practice framework, a
reminder to educators and educational researchers to avoid the temptation to make
assumptions about the reliability of intuitively appealing frameworks such as personal
practical knowledge. Specifically, this study discovered a considerable disconnect
between the personal knowledge that participants gleaned from past language-learning
experiences and their present-day teaching practices for ELLs.
In the process of unpacking all this complexity, however, came the discovery that
personal practical knowledge could be mediated in useful ways, a highly worthwhile
finding for helping general classroom teachers forge connections between what they
already know and what they need to know to serve ELLs well. In the end, I believe that
the methods employed by this study provided multiple benefits as it informed our

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understandings of personal practical knowledge and how it may best be able to support
general classroom teachers work with ELLs.
Limitations of the Study
There are several limitations inherent in this study, including ones that are related
to participants, contexts of participation, data collection, and data analysis. In this
section, I discuss specific limitations and explain what I believe to be implications of
each.
Participants and Contexts
First of all, this study had a limited number of participants, a situation
characteristic of a qualitative study where the intent is to come to deeply understand the
perspectives of individual participants (Hatch, 2002). As such, the findings from the nine
teachers in this study cannot produce generalizable claims about the overall population of
general classroom teachers of ELLs and or phenomena found among that population
(Babbie, 1990).
The participants in this study were those who volunteered. Due to ethical
considerations, I had to limit myself to participants who voluntarily participated and who
gave their informed consent (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). The general classroom teachers
of ELLs who volunteered may have been highly unrepresentative (Black, 1999, p. 118)
of general classroom teachers of ELLs in general. Their willingness to volunteer may be
related to greater motivation or interest in the topic. Those who declined to participate
may have brought different perspectives that might have resulted in alternate or
additional findings. Thus, this limitation also precludes generalizability.

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A related limitation is that of the limited number of school contexts in which this
study was carried out. Qualitative studies oblige the researcher to explore participants
behaviors within their naturally-occurring context(s), thus limiting the range of possible
sites for investigation (Hatch, 2002). It is likely that the characteristics, composition, and
practices of the classrooms, schools, and districts in this single geographical area were
not representative of the broader range of possibilities. Therefore, findings from these
school contexts cannot be generalized to other school contexts.
Data Collection
Data collection for this study was limited to the four-month time period from
December to March. If the study had taken place at another point during the school year,
participants perspectives may have been influenced by differential knowledge of the
ELLs in their classes as well as by the school and classroom events occurring at that time.
Data collection also took place at a time when ELLs in general classrooms were
an emerging phenomenon. If data collection had taken place at a time when ELLs
presence in general classrooms was commonplace, participants may have had different
preparation for teaching these learners as well as additional or different understandings
and perspectives.
Another area of limitations is related to the use of oral history methodology. First
of all, participants, who may have been motivated to present themselves in the best light
possible, may have provided narrow, idiosyncratic, or ethnocentric oral history reports
(Yow, 1994, p. 16). Secondly, oral history research, because of its retrospective nature
(Yow, 1994), may have been affected by a participants failed memory, inaccuracies, and
unintentional omissions (Cutler, 1996; Starr, 1996). Inaccuracies, according to Cutler

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(1996), may not be a true limitation as they can provide important insights into
participants states of mind. A third limitation of oral history reports is narrator
selectivity (Errante, 2000; Moss, 1996; Yow, 1994). Narrators may have chosen what
they wished to tell (Cutler, 1996; Errante, 2000). They may have done this because of
the emotions evoked by particular memories or because they preferred to keep particular
memories in the private rather than the public domain (Errante, 2000).
An additional area of this study that had inherent limitations was classroom
observation as a method of data collection. Although I endeavored to attend to all aspects
of the classroom that had the potential to contribute to answering the research questions,
there were constraints of watching and writing in a rapidly changing social
environment (Hatch, 2002, p. 77). Therefore, as my attention was drawn to some
classroom activities, it may have been diverted from others that were worthwhile.
As an observer in the classroom, my presence may have influenced the behaviors
of the teachers I studied, an issue that affects most research (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003).
Additionally, due to studying multiple teachers, the time I spent in each participants
classroom was limited. The limitation revealed by both these situations is the lack of
indeterminacy regarding the representative nature of the data collected, another issue
common in research (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003).
Data Analysis
A final limitation is my analysis and editing of the data. In applying Labov and
Waletzkys (1967/1997) structural approach to narrative analysis, as discussed in Chapter
Three, I reshaped my participants narratives by reducing and reorganizing them. As a
result, the redacted data may have been damaged and the narratives I presented in this

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study as those of the participants may not represent their meanings as they intended. In
addition, I may have excluded perspectives and/or experiences that participants deemed
critical to tell. Participants stories, therefore, are ultimately a co-construction (Clandinin
& Connelly, 1994) and a series of representations (Reissman, 1993).
Implications of the Study
A number of implications can be gleaned from the findings of this study. In this
section, I discuss the implications I see for the foreign language teaching profession,
teacher preparation programs, and school practices.
Foreign Language Teaching Profession
All but one of this studys participants experienced some or all of their language
learning in the foreign language classroom. These participants reported a range of
experiences that, for some, were demotivating, anxiety provoking, and decontextualized
and, for others, were highly motivating, fun, and meaningful. Salient outcomes of
participants interpretations of their language-learning experiences were differential selfperceptions, skill sets, and beliefs about language.
Those who perceived themselves as struggling language learners abandoned
foreign language study early on. Their early exit not only cut short their opportunity to
develop second language proficiency that they potentially could use to communicate with
some ELLs, but also to develop understandings about language learning that could be
applied in supporting ELLs language and conceptual development. To the contrary,
participants who perceived themselves as successful language learners engaged in
extended language study, which generally resulted in more developed L2 skills and a

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repertoire of language-learning strategies, both of which gave them greater potential to
provide linguistic support to their ELLs.
Participants who identified themselves as struggling language learners by and
large expressed the belief that English is the only language needed for communication, a
belief that has the potential to devalue ELLs home language and preclude opportunities
for L1 support. The teachers who were successful language learners appeared to hold
more favorable attitudes toward languages other than English, creating a greater
likelihood that ELLs home languages would be valued and seen as a resource for their
learning.
I believe the implications of these findings for the foreign language teaching
profession is threefold. First, foreign language educators must commit to providing
contextualized and meaningful opportunities for language learning as recommended by
the National Standards for Foreign Language Learning (National Standards in Foreign
Language Education Project [NSFLEP], 1999). Participants who were successful foreign
language learners found that such language instruction positively influenced both their
motivation and sustained language study, a particularly important finding given that
motivation has been shown to be the most powerful factor in successful language
learning (Masgoret & Gardner, 2003). It is through contextualized instruction that
learners can acquire competency in using language for real-world communicative
purposes, (Shrum & Glisan, 2010, p. ix) purposes such as the general classroom teachers
in this study now have as they teach ELLs.
Foreign language educators must assure that their meaningful and contextualized
language instruction is accompanied by significant and real-world opportunities through

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which learners can practice and employ the language they are learning. Without such
opportunities, learners may not develop confidence in its application, such as the case
with Lance McIntyre, who seemed to shrink away from using his Spanish language skills
with his two Spanish-speaking ELLs. As recommended in the fifth goal area of the
National Standards for Foreign Language Learning (NSFLEP, 1999)Communities
the second implication I see for the foreign language teaching profession is to assure that
language learners use the language both within and beyond the school setting (p. 63).
Beyond the school setting refers to meaningful communication with native speakers of
the target language, an experience that can build learners confidence when they have the
teachers support and facilitation. As Shrum and Glisan (2010) point out, when learners
participate in the Communities goal, they integrate language, skills, and knowledge from
all other goal areas.
The third implication for the foreign language teaching profession that is
indicated by the data is the importance of explicit instruction of language-learning
strategies. As discussed in Chapter Two, when learners have explicit knowledge of
strategies, they are better able to take control of their own learning (Cummins et al.,
2005; Walqu 2000; Waxman & Tellez, 2001) and ease their mental burden (Chamot &
OMalley, 1996; Walqu, 2000). For participants who struggled with language learning,
explicit knowledge of language-learning strategies might have helped them move beyond
the frustration they experienced, increasing their motivation and promoting sustained
language study. Participants who were successful language learners were able to name
some strategies they used, but may have used these and others less consciously.
Therefore, I believe that explicit strategy instruction for all language learners assures that

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they have accessible tools for their own learning and, as in the case of my participants,
tools they can readily draw on to promote and scaffold their language learning of the
ELLs they teach. As previously discussed, none of the participants in this study were
found to offer their ELLs explicit strategy instruction.
Teacher Preparation Programs
The first implication I suggest for teacher preparation programs is actually a set of
recommendations that has the potential to enhance the way many of these programs
currently prepare their preservice teachers to teach ELLs. At the present time, when
teacher preparation programs are confronted with a lengthy list of mandated
competencies that they are responsible for having their preservice teachers meet
(Fillmore & Snow, 2000), they struggle to find time and places in which to integrate ELL
content into the curriculum and often end up doing so to a limited degree (Menken &
Antunez, 2001). In line with this studys finding that general classroom teachers own
language-learning experiences have the potential to inform their practice for ELLs when
their resulting knowledge is made explicit, I suggest that teacher preparation programs
can prompt their preservice teachers to examine their own language-learning histories to
make the outcomes of their experiences explicit to them. Ideally, preservice teachers will
subsequently have the opportunity to examine how their personal knowledgebase aligns
with best practices that have been identified for ELLs. As this study found that
prompting is often necessary for general classroom teachers to be able to make
connections between themselves as language learners and the language learners they
teach, I further suggest that teacher preparation programs prompt their preservice teachers
to identify such connections. To assure that the preservice teachers gain practice and

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confidence in applying their knowledge and continuing to build connections, I
recommend that teacher preparation programs provide their students mentored practica
where they work with ELLs. By doing so, the preservice teachers will develop deeper
understanding of these learners needs while gaining concrete experience and confidence
in applying their knowledge. The mentors role would be to mediate the preservice
teachers reflections while supporting and scaffolding their application of skills and
knowledge.
The second implication for teacher preparation programs is that they should
expect their preservice teachers to engage in ongoing language learning. As this study
revealed, participants who had sustained language study demonstrated the most language
proficiency, deeper knowledge of language-learning strategies, and favorable attitudes
toward languages other than English. Further support for this recommendation comes
from Nieto (2002) who asserts that language diversity should be an integral aspect of
teacher education.
School Practices
This study found that several participants did not perceive themselves responsible
for the language learning or, in some cases, the content learning of the ELLs in their
classrooms. Instead, they perceived the ESL teachers to be the only ones with the
specialized knowledge required for teaching ELLs. What support, if any, ELLs received
in these general classrooms seemed to be dependent upon the initiative of the particular
classroom and ESL teachers to communicate and collaborate with one another. As a
result, there was inconsistent or limited support for ELLs learning except where strong
communication and collaboration took place. The implication of this finding is that

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schools that serve ELLs can only assure that these learners needs are met when all their
teachers take responsibility for them and for collaborating on their behalf. This
implication is consistent with the literature that shows that the most effective programs
for ELLs are those that are implemented schoolwide (August & Hakuta, 1998; Coady et
al., 2008; McLaughlin & McLeod, 1996; Sutmiller & Gonzlez, 2006) and where
classroom and ESL teachers are willing to redefine their roles and relationships (Shaw,
2003) to ensure that ELLs linguistic and academic needs are met (Freeman, 2004;
Mosca, 2006).
In keeping with the findings of this study, I believe that schools should assure
opportunities for collaborative and mentored relationships that can serve as a forum for
prompting and mediating general classroom teachers reflections on their potentially
implicit knowledge about language learning and for encouraging their confidence in
applying this knowledge with ELLs. Novice teachers, as seen in this study, are
particularly prone to thinking about their practice narrowly during what has been
characterized as the survival stage (Mevarech, 1995, p. 154). Even the most
experienced teachers who are new to teaching ELLs can become temporary novices, a
phenomenon typical of teachers who are embarking on new endeavors (Mevarech, 1995,
p. 154). Without consistent, ongoing, and mediated support, teachers at any stage of their
career may be disinclined to move beyond their current thinking and set of practices.
Suggestions for Future Research
This study is one of only a few that has examined ways in which languagelearning experiences can influence general classroom teachers practice for ELLs.
Through its use of multiple methods of data collection, it was able to add complexity to

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prior findings. Both its conclusions and limitations suggest ways to build further on these
findings. In this section, I propose three areas for future study: (a) more in-depth
examination of the personal practical knowledge of certain subgroups of general
classroom teachers represented in this study, (b) examination of the process and
outcomes of mediating general classroom teachers reflection of their personal practical
knowledge, and (c) the outcomes of personal practical knowledge implementation on the
ELLs themselves.
Extending Understanding of Participant Subgroups
There were three categories of participants in the current study whose particular
experiences or characteristics seemed to play a influential role in the formation or
implementation of their personal practical knowledge for ELLs: those with strong
heritage connections, those who learned a foreign language in a communicative setting,
and those who were beginning their teaching careers. The one participant for whom
language difference was a personal issue appeared to develop strong attitudes and beliefs
along with a number of practical skills from his heritage language-learning experiences.
The participants whose foreign language-learning experiences took place in classrooms
that employed communicative methods held favorable attitudes toward languages other
than English, presented themselves as capable second language communicators, and
expressed knowledge of language-learning strategies, personal practical knowledge that
can be beneficial for ELLs. Novice teachers, however, appeared stymied by the
survival mode that appeared to prevent them from considering personal practical
knowledge they may have developed from their language-learning experiences in their
practice for ELLs. As there were too few participants in any one of these subgroups to

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know whether their experiences were representative of other teachers with similar
experiences or traits, further study of each subgroup is recommended.
Mediated Reflection
The most salient finding from this study was that mediated reflection could
encourage general classroom teachers to identify previously unmade connections
between themselves as language learners and their ELLs, to develop new insights into
personal practical knowledge derived from language-learning experiences, and to
motivate them to act on these newly-realized connections and insights. Consequently, it
was recommended that schools create opportunities for ongoing collaborative and
mentored situations that prompt and mediate general classroom teachers reflections on
their personal practical knowledge and build their confidence in applying it with ELLs.
Studying teachers who engage in this process and the outcomes of their dialogues over
time would lead to deeper understandings of effective approaches for mediating
reflections on personal practical knowledge and for promoting general classroom
teachers confidence in implementing it for ELLs.
Outcomes for ELLs
The final recommendation for future study takes into account the ELLs, the target
audience of general classroom teachers personal practical knowledge derived from
language-learning experiences. The motivation of the current study was to identify a
knowledge source upon which general classroom teachers could draw to capably address
the needs of ELLs. It would be important, therefore, not only to study the effectiveness
of collaboration or mentoring on the general classroom teachers thinking and actions but
also on the ELLs academic and social learning and inclusion. Knowing what makes a

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difference and how it makes a difference for these learners could make all the difference
in the world for them.

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Appendix A
Sample Principal Letter
Dear Principal,
I want to thank you so much for agreeing to let me to work with teachers at Westside
High School for my study on the language-learning experiences of general classroom
teachers and how these experiences inform their practices with English Language
Learners. I truly appreciate your support for this important educational research.
To get started, I need your help in identifying potential participants for my study.
Specifically, I am seeking teachers who:
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)

teach any content area except bilingual, ESL, or foreign language education;
teach any grade(s) from 7 12;
have any amount of teaching experience; and
are teachers of English Language Learners for the first time this year.

Please use the attached sheet to record the names, relevant information, and contact
information for the teachers you identify. When you have completed this information, I
can either return to pick it up or you may email or fax it to me. My contact information is
as follows:
Joanne E. OToole
Syracuse University
150 Huntington Hall
Syracuse, NY 13244
jeotoole@syr.edu
315-443-3289 (fax)
After I have received the names of potential participants, I will make contact with some
or all of these teachers to learn of their interest to participate in this study. To assure
everyones confidentiality and the voluntary nature of this study, I will not be able to
disclose the names of teachers who have or have not chosen to participate.
I am also hoping that you will be able to provide me background information regarding
the way in which Westside High School and/or the Central City School District prepares
and supports its teachers in working with English Language Learners. This information
will provide an important backdrop to my study.
Again, I appreciate your support, time, and assistance with this research.
Sincerely,
Joanne E. OToole

370

371
Potential Research Participants
Westside High School
Language-Learning Experiences as a Source of Personal Practical Knowledge
for General Classroom Teachers of English Language Learners
Joanne E. OToole
To assist me in identifying potential participants for this study, please identify teachers at
Westside High School who meet the following description:
(a) teach any content area except bilingual, ESL, or foreign language education;
(b) teach any grade(s) from 7 12;
(c) have any amount of teaching experience; and
(d) are teachers of English Language Learners for the first time this year.
Teachers Name

Content Area

Grade(s)

Best Way to Contact

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

____________________

_______________

_________

__________________

Thank you!
Joanne E. OToole
jeotoole@syr.edu

371

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Appendix B
Sample Potential Participant Email

Dear Nick,
My name is Joanne O'Toole. I am a veteran teacher and a doctoral candidate at Syracuse
University. I am contacting you because I was given your name as a teacher who would
be an ideal participant in my dissertation research on content area teachers who are
relatively new in working with English Language Learners. I would very much like the
opportunity to meet with you face-to-face for about 15 minutes to explain the project to
you and let you know what your participation would entail. The following are times I am
available to meet with you personally at your school:
Tuesday, December 9: 7:00 a.m. 11:30 a.m. and 1:30 p.m. 3:15 p.m.
Wednesday, December 10: 7:00 a.m. 4:00 p.m.
Thursday, December 11: 7:00 a.m. 9:30 a.m. and 11:30 a.m. 3:15 p.m.
Friday, December 12: 7:00 a.m. 12:30 p.m.
Monday, December 15: any time
Tuesday, December 16: any time
I would appreciate knowing which day, date, and time would be best for you and where I
could meet you in the school. If none of these times is good for you, but you are still
willing to meet with me, please let me know when a good time would be. Feel free to
email me at jeotoole@syr.edu or phone me (xxx-xxxx) with any questions.
Thank you so much for considering my request.
Sincerely,
Joanne OToole

373

374

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Appendix D
Categories of Observation
Physical Setting
Descriptions of the physical setting of the classroom, including seating arrangements,
visual displays
Instructional Language
Descriptions and examples of the teachers instructional language, including definitions,
density of speech, mode[s] of language, pacing, reinforcement of meaning, repetition,
scaffolding, and word choice
Non-Linguistic Instructional Behaviors
Descriptions of the teachers non-linguistic instructional behaviors, including
demonstrations, gestures, modeling, movement, pausing, and wait time
Instructional Resources
Descriptions of instructional resources the teacher utilizes during the lesson, including
audio-visual resources, manipulatives, non-linguistic resources [charts, illustrations,
maps, models, posters, props, visuals, etc.], and texts
Instructional Strategies
Descriptions of activities the teacher employs to have students engage with content and
work toward learning objectives
Learning Resources
Descriptions of resources the teacher makes available to students to support their learning
throughout the lesson
Linguistic Accommodations
Descriptions of linguistic accommodations the teacher makes available to ELLs to
support their learning throughout the lesson
Teacher-to-ELL Student Interactions
Description of teacher-to-ELL student interactions, including frequency of interactions,
outcomes of interactions, reasons for interactions, types of interactions
Planned Student-to-Student Interactions
Description of planned student-to-student interactions where one or more of the students
are ELLs, including assigned roles, expected types of interactions, expected outcomes of
interactions, reasons for interactions
Assessment of Student Learning
Descriptions of ways teacher formally and informally assesses ELLs learning throughout
the lesson

376
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Vita
Name:

Joanne Elizabeth (Rindenello) OToole

Place of Birth:

Utica, New York

Date of Birth:

April 23, 1957

Graduate and Undergraduate Schools Attended:

Syracuse University, Syracuse, New York
State University of New York at Oswego, Oswego, New York
State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton, New York
Degrees Awarded:
Master of Science in Education, 1991, SUNY Oswego
Bachelor of Arts in Spanish Language and Literature, 1979, SUNY Binghamton
Recent Awards and Honors:
Certificate of University Teaching, Syracuse University, 2009
Berj A. Harootunian Award, Syracuse University, 2009
Ferdinand DiBartolo New York State Distinguished Foreign Language Leadership
Award, New York State Association of Foreign Language Teachers, 2007
Outstanding Teaching Assistant, Syracuse University, 2007
Professional Experience:
Instructor, Curriculum and Instruction, SUNY Oswego, 2009 2010
Instructor, International Communications and Culture, SUNY Cortland, 2010
Instructor, Spanish, Cayuga Community College, 2009
Instructor, Teaching Assistant, and Graduate Assistant, Teaching and Leadership
Department, Syracuse University, 2004 2009
Spanish Teacher and Mentoring Program Coordinator, Baldwinsville Central Schools,
Baldwinsville, New York, 1988 2004