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The Future of U.S.

Policy Towards Latin America

Perspective
-

Enya Gonzalez-Guitart
December 2016

BOARD OF DIRECTORS
The Honorable Gary Hart, Chairman Emeritus
Senator Hart served the State of Colorado in the U.S. Senate
and was a member of the Committee on Armed Services
during his tenure.

Admiral William Fallon, USN (Ret.)


Admiral Fallon has led U.S. and Allied forces and played a
leadership role in military and diplomatic matters at the highest
levels of the U.S. government.

Governor Christine Todd Whitman, Chairperson


Christine Todd Whitman is the President of the Whitman
Strategy Group, a consulting firm that specializes in energy
and environmental issues.

Raj Fernando
Raj Fernando is CEO and founder of Chopper Trading, a
technology based trading firm headquartered in Chicago.

Nelson W. Cunningham, President of ASP


Nelson Cunningham is President of McLarty Associates, the
international strategic advisory firm headed by former White
House Chief of Staff and Special Envoy for the Americas
Thomas F. Mack McLarty, III.

Scott Gilbert
Scott Gilbert is a Partner of Gilbert LLP and Managing
Director of Reneo LLC.

Brigadier General Stephen A. Cheney, USMC (Ret.)


Brigadier General Cheney is the Chief Executive Officer of
ASP.

Vice Admiral Lee Gunn, USN (Ret.)


Vice Admiral Gunn is the President of the Institute of Public
Research at the CNA Corporation, a non-profit corporation
in Virginia.

Norman R. Augustine
Mr. Augustine was Chairman and Principal Officer of the
American Red Cross for nine years and Chairman of the
Council of the National Academy of Engineering.

The Honorable Chuck Hagel


Chuck Hagel served as the 24th U.S. Secretary of Defense and
served two terms in the United States Senate (1997-2009). Hagel
was a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations; Banking,
Housing and Urban Affairs; and Intelligence Committees.

Ambassador Jeffrey Bleich


The Hon. Jeffery Bleich heads the Global Practice for
Munger, Tolles & Olson. He served as the U.S. Ambassador
to Australia from 2009 to 2013. He previously served in the
Clinton Administration.

Lieutenant General Claudia Kennedy, USA (Ret.)


Lieutenant General Kennedy was the first woman
to achieve the rank of three-star general in the United States
Army.

Alejandro Brito
Alejandro Brito is President of Brito Development Group
(BDG), LLP. In the last twenty years, Mr. Brito has overseen
the design, construction, development and management of
over 1,500 luxury housing units in Puerto Rico.

General Lester L. Lyles, USAF (Ret.)


General Lyles retired from the United States Air Force after
a distinguished 35 year career. He is presently Chairman of
USAA, a member of the Defense Science Board, and a member
of the Presidents Intelligence Advisory Board.

The Honorable Donald Beyer


Congressman Donald Beyer is the former United States
Ambassador to Switzerland and Liechtenstein, as well as a
former Lieutenant Governor and President of the Senate of
Virginia.

Hani Masri
Hani Masri is Chairman of Capital Investment Management
Inc. based in McLean, Virginia and specializing in fund and
investment real estate management in the U.S. He also serves
as President of M2 Investors, Inc.

Lieutenant General John Castellaw, USMC (Ret.)


John Glad Castellaw is co-founder and chief executive
officer (CEO) of Farmspace Systems LLC., a provider of
precision agricultural aerial (drone) services and equipment.

Dennis Mehiel
Dennis Mehiel is the Principal Shareholder and Chairman of
U.S. Corrugated, Inc.

Lieutenant General Daniel Christman, USA (Ret.)


Lieutenant General Christman is Senior Vice
President for International Affairs at the United
States Chamber of Commerce.

Stuart Piltch
Stuart Piltch is the Co-Founder and Managing Director
of Cambridge Advisory Group, an actuarial and benefits
consulting firm based in Philadelphia.

Robert B. Crowe
Robert B. Crowe is a Partner of Nelson Mullins Riley &
Scarborough in its Boston and Washington, DC offices. He
is co-chair of the firms Government Relations practice.

Ed Reilly
Edward Reilly is Global Chief Executive Officer of the Strategic
Communications practice of FTI Consulting.

Lee Cullum
Lee Cullum, at one time a commentator on the PBS
NewsHour and All Things Considered on NPR, currently
contributes to the Dallas Morning News and hosts CEO.

LtGen Norman Seip, USAF (Ret)


Lieutenant General Norman R. Seip, USAF (Ret) served in the
Air Force for 35 years. His last assignment was Commander of
12th Air Force.

Nicholas Clark
Nicholas Clark is the CEO and Executive Director of
Alexium International. He is also co-founder and Managing
Partner at Viaticus Capital.

National Security Strategy

In this Report:
Latin America is an important region for American national security. U.S. foreign policy
toward the region must remain relevant and reflect the implications of U.S.-Latin American
relations. This report analyzes the current conditions in Latin America and the state of
U.S. policy toward the region in order to provide a framework for reshaping policy. It
encourages the U.S. to go beyond engaging with governments, and use public diplomacy
to engage with civil society.

Interact:
Join our discussion on Twitter with the hashtag #ASPLatinAmerica
Discuss the Latin America policy with the author at @EnyaGuitart
Learn more about ASP at @amsecproject

IN BRIEF
Historically, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been based on the Monroe
Doctrine, which was reinforced by a number of amendments and corollaries throughout
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, since the end of the Cold War, policy
shifted into a somewhat more noninterventionist approach.
After focusing on other regions of the world, U.S. foreign policy has revisited Latin America
in recent years. Nevertheless, it has only focused on a number of issues/countries, relying on
government-to-government engagement. While it is important to continue current efforts
in Latin America, policy should expand given the growing importance of the region.
U.S. foreign policy should prioritize engagement with the publics of Latin America, focusing
on current and new issues that are prevalent in the Western Hemisphere. Specifically, the
U.S. has the opportunity to expand its foreign policy as it pertains to peace, trade, energy
security, and climate policy.
In developing additional initiatives, relations should focus on civil society groups, especially
in less engaged regions, in order to continue integrating Latin America in the global market,
forming a model for inclusion.
Developing foreign policy toward Latin America that is cognizant of on-the-ground reality
is necessary given the increased presence of other countries in the region. Moreover, foreign
policy aimed at this region has lasting impact on U.S. domestic policies surrounding issues
like immigration.

About the Author


Enya Gonzalez Guitart is a Junior Adjunct Fellow at the American Security Project, specializing
in Latin America, public diplomacy, and national security issues. She is currently studying in the
Government Department at the London School of Economics. Prior to studying abroad, Enya lead
a number of Civic Engagement Initiatives and participated in various treks with the Institute of
Politics at the University of Chicago.
www.AmericanSecurityProject.org

AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

Introduction
Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the United States took an active role in the development
of Latin America. In the twenty-first century, the war on terror eclipsed the war on drugs, and U.S. foreign
policy deviated to focus on other regions primarily the Middle East. As a neighboring region with growing
influence, Latin America should be a key component to American foreign policy and national security.
Revisiting Latin America as a foreign policy priority is important given its growth as a trading partner, a
supplier of illegal drugs, and as the ancestral region to a growing number of Americans. Moreover, other
countries have taken the opportunity to expand their ties with Latin America, and the U.S. should not be left
behind. Particularly, China has made significant efforts to establish close economic, and political ties to Latin
America. In 2015 alone, China sent nearly $30 billion in loans to the region.1 India has also made an effort
to develop relations with Latin America in hopes of developing its own economic presence in the Western
Hemisphere.2
In recent years, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been ambivalent, focusing on just a number
of countries and/or issues. Reshaping foreign policy toward Latin America will not only provide more
opportunities for both regions, but also the opportunity to align it with current domestic policy. Theres a
strong tie between foreign policy and a number of domestic U.S. policies, including immigration policy, drug
policy, economic policy, and border security policy.
Given its proximity to the U.S., Latin America can have tremendous influence on the American economy,
politics, and national security. It is imperative that U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America reflects and
addresses current conditions in the region, which will solidify the unity of the Western Hemisphere. Through
public diplomacy and engagement of civil society in Latin America, U.S. foreign policy will be able to expand
and strengthen its shared interests with the region while ensuring U.S. national security.

Historical Context
From Monroe to Roosevelt
As more Latin American countries became independent from
Spanish and Portuguese rule, the United States established its
interest in Latin America with the 1823 Monroe Doctrine.3
Until the Monroe Doctrine was adopted, a number of
European powers primarily Spain and Portugal had
established their control over the region through colonization
and imperialism. The European powers had political,
economic, and cultural control over the region since their
arrival in the 15th century. However, in a letter to Congress in
1823, President James Monroe warned European nations that
the U.S. would no longer tolerate further European control
over Latin America.4
1

James Monroe. Library of Congress

While the Monroe Doctrine was virtually unenforceable by U.S. at the time, it established the underlying
framework of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America for the 19th and 20th centuries. Despite being
independent, the new nations of Latin America faced tremendous turmoil and instability.5 In the years following
independence, countries had to establish their legitimacy both politically and economically. As the new
nations struggled to establish their new governments, the economies of the region continued to heavily rely on
Europe. Nonetheless, in adopting the Monroe Doctrine, the U.S. was able to establish a close (if sometimes
contentious) partnership with its neighbors, which would shape the future of the Western Hemisphere.
In the late 1800s the U.S. incorporated additional policies which expanded on the intentions of the Monroe
Doctrine. Secretary of State James G. Blaine developed the Big Brother policy in the early 1880s, intending
to rally Latin American nations in support of U.S. leadership, while allowing them to enter the global trade
market. Shortly after, the U.S. reaffirmed its presence and power in the region in the Spanish-American War of
1898. The war concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Paris of 1898, which established the independence
of Cuba and ceded Puerto Rico to the United States.67 However, it wasnt until the passing of the Platt
Amendment in 1901 that the United States ended its military occupation of Cuba.8
Although the Platt Amendment ended the U.S.s military occupation of the island, it allowed the U.S. to
maintain a permanent presence in Cuba until it abandoned the amendment in 1934. The Platt Amendment
left the island under the United States protection, giving the U.S. the right to intervene in Cuban affairs.9
To ensure that the Platt Amendment would be legally binding, the Cuban government was required to sign a
permanent treaty with the United States.10 The U.S. would maintain a de facto veto over Cuban affairs until
the revolution in 1959.
President Theodore Roosevelts approach to Latin America in the 1900s further expanded U.S. control in
Latin America. His policy, the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, stated that the U.S. would
intervene to ensure other nations repaid their debts and did not violate the rights of the U.S. or invite foreign
aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations.11 12 The Corollary, along with the other
established policies, justified U.S. intervention in the early 1900s, particularly in Cuba, Nicaragua, Haiti, and
the Dominican Republic.

A Century of Wars
As the U.S. and Latin America faced World War I and World War II in the 20th century, followed by the Cold
War, U.S. policy towards the region developed accordingly. World War I had less of an impact on Latin America
than the Great Depression. In the 1920s Latin America received a significant amount of foreign investment,
mainly from the U.S., whose contributions rose from $1.6 billion in 1914 to $5.4 billion in 1929.13 During
the same decade, many Latin American countries were making progress toward political democracy, however,
the Great Depression temporarily ended this progress.
In light of the impending Second World War, Franklin D. Roosevelt implemented the Good Neighbor
Policy, determined to improve relations with Latin America. As it was opposed to armed intervention,14
the new policy completely reversed the previous approach of U.S.-Latin American policy. While the U.S.s
attention diverted from the Western Hemisphere during the Cold War, Roosevelts Good Neighbor Policy
reflected the countrys efforts to distance itself from earlier interventionist policies.15 Nonetheless, the U.S.s
non-interventionist period was short-lived.
2

AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

During the Cold War, fear of communism resulted in U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America returning
to framework of the Monroe Doctrine. While the majority of Latin American governments sided with the
U.S. instead of the Soviet Union, the United
States returned to interventionist tactics to ensure
favorable political conditions in Latin America.
Particularly, the U.S. assisted Guatemalan
counterrevolutionaries and neighboring Central
American rulers in overthrowing the countrys
president, Jacobo Arbenz, as he threatened to
tilt towards Moscow.16 The Cold War era also
witnessed the Cuban Revolution, which would
have lasting affects for U.S.-Cuban relations, as
the island defied the U.S. and developed close ties
with the Soviet Union, resulting in an indefinite
embargo imposed on Cuba in 1962. The Castro
Havanas Plaza de la Revolucin commemorates the Cuban
regime in Cuba would go on to foment revolution
Revolution and the significant leaders of the time, including
throughout the region.

Che Guevera. Anja Disseldorp/Flickr.

The Late 1900s and Early 2000s


During the last decades of the 1900s and early 2000s, Latin America experienced a generalized economic
crisis.17 The majority of countries faced serious debt, with the regions total foreign debt increasing by more
than 1,000 percent from 1970 to 1980.18 Meanwhile, many countries also experienced a return to democracy
sometimes influenced by external forces. U.S. military intervention influenced both the overthrow of General
Manuel Noriega in Panama and the military regime of Haiti.19
Although the region faced a serious financial crisis, and significant political change, U.S. foreign policy began
to distance itself from the region. The U.S. became less concerned with controlling the whole region and
limiting others influence over Latin America. Instead it focused its efforts on addressing drug trafficking
and establishing trade agreements, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between
Mexico, Canada, and the United States. As other conflicts arose, mainly in the Middle East, U.S. foreign
policy continued to divert from Latin America.

Current U.S. Policy Toward Latin America


In recent years, U.S. foreign policy has revisited Latin America, but with a different approach. Secretary John
Kerry stated that, the era of the Monroe Doctrine is over, when addressing the Organization of American
States in November of 2013.20 Instead, Secretary Kerry emphasized the importance of working together
to promote and protect the democracy, security, and peace that all people of the Americas deserve, while
advancing prosperity and education throughout the Western Hemisphere.21 However, U.S. foreign policy has
only focused on a select number of issues and countries, missing many additional opportunities to engage with
the region.

Generally, policy has had a longstanding focus on trade, democracy, and drugs. Throughout the last decade,
the U.S. has provided both military and nonmilitary support for Plan Colombia, intended to assist Colombias
counternarcotic and counterterrorism efforts.22 The policy established the American commitment and interest
in promoting security, stability and prosperity in Colombia.23 In August of 2016, Colombian President,
Juan Manuel Santos, and the leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) announced a
finalized peace deal, which would further advance U.S. foreign policy. The FARC is recognized as a Foreign
Terrorist Organization, which has also served as Colombias principal illegal armed group, accounting
for about 60 percent of the cocaine exported
from Colombia to the United States.24 25
However, the original deal had to be ratified by
Colombians in referendum held on October
2, 2016, which resulted in 50.2% of voters
rejecting the deal.26 Since the referendum, the
Colombian government and the FARC have
announced a new peace agreement, which
incorporates proposals from the opposition.27
Instead of being put to another popular vote,
the deal was submitted to Congress. While U.S.
support in the matter is important for American
national security, it has primarily consisted
Activists participate in marches against the Revolutionary
of government to government assistance and
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) held across the world. Flickr/
financial aid.28
Alejandro Corts.

U.S. trade in goods with Latin America has nearly tripled since the early 2000s. In the last five years, exports
and imports to and from Latin America have each been over $150 billion every year; The only exception is in
the year 2015, when imports from South and Central America only reached $115 billion.29 However, trade is
primarily focused with Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Chile and Peru, as established by the North American Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement, and individual
U.S. Free Trade Agreements with other Latin American Countries.30 Passage of the Trans-Pacific Partnership
(TPP), which is now in doubt, would further establish economic ties in the Western Hemisphere.
The most significant advancement in U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been normalizing U.S.Cuban relations. Efforts to normalize relations were announced in December 2014.31 Shortly thereafter, the
U.S. announced overhauls to commerce, travel and internet restrictions, and the restoration of an American
embassy in Havana.32 On August 31, 2016, the first U.S. commercial flight landed in Cuba after more than
50 years.33 Most recently, the United States and Cuba held an inaugural economic dialogue in Washington
D.C. on September 12, 2016, with the goal of discussing long-term bilateral engagement on a wide range
of topics.34 Although significant progress has been made in normalizing U.S.-Cuban relations, the embargo
remains in place, and continues to set limits to the extent of the relationship. Nonetheless, Cuba has been a
central component of U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America in the last decade. Normalization of relations
with Cuba helps address other regional priorities.

AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

The 2014 launching of the Caribbean Energy Security


Initiative (CESI) introduced a new area that U.S. policy
has recently begun to consider: energy security.35 The goal
of this initiative is to support the Caribbean in achieving
resilient and sustainable energy sectors through enhanced
governance, improved access to energy finance, and increased
donor coordination.36 Nonetheless, like the majority of other
policies toward Latin America, CESI relies on governmentto-government assistance, despite having the potential to go
beyond government engagement. Furthermore, there has been
limited focus on ensuring climate security in Latin America.
The signing of a 2015 OPIC loan to support the
In 2015, the members of the Energy and Climate Partnership
construction of solar power in Jamaica. OPIC
for the Americas (ECPA) committed to developing an action
photo.
plan for the 2017 ministerial that would address low carbon
economic growth, and detailed a number of clean energy programs and initiatives.37 Until then, the U.S.
established its initiatives of Deepening Regional Energy Integration and Catalyzing a Cleaner and More
Secure Energy Future in the U.S.-Caribbean and Central American Energy Summit of May 2016.38
Recently, U.S. focus has shifted toward the crisis in Venezuela, a situation which has resulted in an economic
and humanitarian crisis leading many Venezuelans to emigrate.39 The U.S. has witnessed a 168% increase of
Venezuelan asylum applications within the past year, as the crisis progresses.40 U.S. policy objectives are to
help Venezuela avoid a disaster, and prevent a Latin American refugee crisis.41 However, U.S. involvement
has been limited given President Maduros likelihood of framing it as U.S. meddling.42
Finally, it is important to note that U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has also been interrelated
with immigration policy, given the rate of South and Central American immigration to the United States.
The latest update to the U.S.s immigration policy w President Obamas executive action of 2012, which he
expanded in 2014, known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA.43 With high numbers of
Latinos in the U.S., remittances sent from the United States to Latin America were over $40 billion in 2015,
impacting economies across the Western Hemisphere.44 Although there have been some advancements to U.S.
immigration policy, the lack of immigration reform and the presence of millions of illegal immigrants in the
U.S. continues to pose challenges for the Western Hemisphere and U.S.-Latin American relations.
Current U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America is focused on engaging with governments while providing
monetary aid. While efforts to reduce drug trafficking, expand trade, normalize relations, and promote
democracy should continue, foreign policy toward Latin America is limited.

New Policy and Opportunities


Inclusion will be a key issue amongst Latin American populations in the coming years. Moving forward, people
want to be integrated as they level the playing field. Latin America can be described as angry specifically, a
growing middle class demanding transparency, democracy, accountability, and competition.45 Expanding U.S.
foreign policy toward Latin America has the opportunity to broaden the concept of inclusion. Moreover, by
providing a model for inclusion, U.S. can also define exclusion, which is a necessary component to ensuring
national security.
5

U.S. engagement with Latin America must go beyond military intervention, government-to-government
engagement, and foreign investment. To increase U.S. national security, while having the opportunity to spread
its values and grow as a leader, it is imperative the U.S. expand public diplomacy activities in Latin America,
calling for the U.S. to engage with civil society and the people of Latin America. Below are a number of issues
and areas in which U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America should be expanded, with policy suggestions that
promote inclusion and are informed by public diplomacy.

Policy Issues and Areas


Governance and Peace
Currently, Latin America is undergoing significant political change. Original efforts to finalize a peace accord
between Colombias government and the countrys largest rebel group, were rejected by Colombian voters in a
referendum held on October 2, 2016.46 However, the Colombian government and the FARC have agreed to
a new peace deal, which was ratified by the Colombian Congress on November 30.47 The crisis in Venezuela
has resulted in thousands of Venezuelans crossing the Colombian border and many indicating that they would
leave the country given the opportunity, which has the potential to develop into Latin American refugee
crisis.48 Additionally, Brazil impeached President Dilma Rousseff. Ensuring governance and peace in Latin
America during a time of change is essential for U.S. national security, as it reduces violence, terrorism and
drug-trafficking across the hemisphere.
To continue promoting governance and peace in Latin America, U.S. foreign policy should:
Continue to support Colombias efforts to implement the new peace deal with FARC after its recent
approval by the Colombian Congress. The U.S. can provide aid, and engage with civil society to ensure
implementation of the peace accord and augment peace-building efforts. Additionally, policy should
focus on expanding peace efforts, particularly as Colombia continues to engage in a peace process with
its second largest rebel group, the ELN (National Liberation Army).
Expand on efforts to engage with Latin American civil societies through programs such as the 100,000
Strong in the Americas.49 U.S. foreign policy should create similar opportunities of engagement to
additional groups, such as scientists, teachers, doctors, etc.
Assist affected Latin American countries in managing the flow of Venezuelan immigrants, particularly
by engaging with NGOs and other civil society groups working to provide for migrants seeking
essential needs.
Analyze relations with Brazil to ensure existing political and economic relations continue growing,
despite the recent period of political instability. In addition to assisting the country in addressing
its shrinking economy, U.S. policy should broaden people-to-people exchanges, which will reinforce
stability among civil society.

AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

Mil-to-Mil Engagement
U.S.-Latin American military engagement is important to American national security. Detailing mil-to-mil
engagement with Latin America will expand cooperation and collaboration between the neighboring regions.
Additionally, given Chinas increased mil-to-mil cooperation and arms sales to Latin America, it is imperative
U.S. foreign policy establish a framework for military engagement in the Western Hemisphere.50
To expand on the security established in mil-to-mil engagement, U.S. foreign policy should:
Foster mil-to-mil relationships with Latin American countries experiencing political and economic
transitions, such as Cuba. Doing so would expand communication and cooperation between
governments and their respective militaries, but should include efforts to instill a respect for human
rights.
Continue educational military exchanges between the U.S. and Latin America by providing more
opportunities for students, both military and civilian, to attend military schools across the U.S. and
Latin America.
Assist in addressing the international illegal trade of weapons within Latin America and the United
States.

Trade
As a founding tie between the U.S. and Latin America, trade between the two regions should continue to
expand, even in the face of domestic opposition. Further developing trade policies will allow both regions to
prosper economically.
To continue ensuring the benefits of trade, U.S. foreign policy should:
Engage with Cuba on further liberalizing trade. Opening trade relations in the future will have positive
economic effects for both countries. Additionally, creating a deal to open trade and investment will
ease ongoing tensions among the Cuban people, therefore opening up opportunities for the U.S. to
engage with the islands civil society, particularly through Cuban-Americans.
Negotiate an updated or replacement version of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). TPP aimed to
unite 11 countries, including the United States, Mexico, Chile and Peru, which would strengthen ties
between the U.S. and Latin America. Additionally, passing an updated TPP will facilitate policy aimed
to improve climate security in the Western Hemisphere, through its adoption of higher environmental
standards.51
Investment should go beyond government assistance by providing aid to NGOs and civil society
groups that reflect U.S. foreign policy and interests.
Engage with civil society in less prominent trade partners, such as Uruguay and Paraguay, to determine
trade opportunities which will strengthen both the target countries and the U.S. Through engagement
with civil society, the U.S. is able to determine interest groups and areas of those countries and assist
in incorporating them in the world market.
7

Energy and Climate Security


Its important that the U.S. keep its commitment to deepening its energy engagement with the Caribbean and
Central American sub-regions. Future U.S. foreign policy on Latin America focused on energy and climate
security should extend to the rest of Latin America, while further developing policies that address climate
change in the Western Hemisphere.
To expand on energy and climate security, U.S. foreign policy should:
Extend its energy policy to include other sub-regions of Latin America, particularly in South America.
For example, the U.S. policy should establish a foundation for U.S. engagement with Bolivia, given
the recent discovery of 4 trillion cubic feet of possible natural gas reserves.52 Developing U.S. policy
that will assist Bolivia with its new resource has the ability to establish a successful outcome when
Repsol SA starts tapping in 2019.
Consider rising sea levels due to climate change. Policies should provide a framework for U.S. and
South American collaboration to address sea level rise in the areas that will be affected most mainly
Argentina and Chile which has the potential to affect migration. Collaboration should go beyond
working solely with governments by engaging communities in at-risk areas.
Engage with different civil society groups and businesses to further strengthen energy infrastructure
in Latin America. By working with governments, civil society, and the private sector, the U.S. will be
able to assist Latin America in further developing its gas and oil pipelines, which in turn contributes to
U.S. resources. Although U.S. crude imports have fallen in recent years, Venezuela and Mexico remain
the U.S.s third and fourth suppliers, respectively.53 Additionally, both Colombia and Brazil doubled
their oil exports to the U.S. in the past decade. Moreover, with stronger infrastructure, existing energy
initiatives will be more effective.

Additional Policy Recommendations and Comments


In developing new policies toward Latin America, it is essential that the U.S. does not leave open spaces for
other powers to suppress American values in the region. We must be watchful of Iranian and Russian media
making a presence in Latin America, which inevitably influences perspectives in the region. As such, U.S. policy
should expand on existing social media and broadcasting initiatives that reach civil society in Latin America.
Policy should emphasize the importance of continuing the efforts of U.S. international broadcasting entities,
particularly their work on anti-censorship activities, which were successful in stopping satellite jamming at
the International Telecommunication Union conferences.54 Additionally, policy must continue to work on
making media not only more accessible, but also more affordable for Latin American audiences.
U.S. policy that engages the public and creates opportunities for civil society in Latin America can have a
lasting impact on immigration throughout the Western Hemisphere. Policy that addresses the issues in Latin
America by going beyond government engagement will establish an incentive for the publics to ameliorate
circumstances in their home countries, rather than simply escaping them. In turn, improving conditions will
alleviate the immigration crisis in the United States and facilitate immigration reform.
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AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

Conclusion
Recent developments in Latin America highlight the regions implicagtions on American national security.
As such, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America should reflect the current conditions of the Western
Hemisphere, while developing new opportunities for engagement which address security threats that are
applicable to the Americas as a whole.
Overall, the U.S. needs to engage with the people of Latin America. The U.S. should expand its engagement
with overall aspects of society as a signal of the values the U.S. is trying to share with the region. The U.S. can
expand the potential audience it is able to work with. In addition to exporting financial and governmental
assistance, U.S. policy should make an effort to export values and expertise. Prioritizing public diplomacy
in conjunction with the implementation of sound foreign policy will ensure Americas national security as it
pertains to Latin America.

Endnotes
1. Gillespie, Patrick. Latin America: Chinas Power Play Right Under the U.S. CNN. February 11, 2016. http://
cnnmon.ie/1WhHm1H.
2. Desai, Ronak D. A New Era for India-Latin America Relations? Forbes. June 25, 2015. http://www.forbes.com/
sites/ronakdesai/2015/06/25/a-new-era-for-india-latin-america-relations/#f9fc9ed29d47
3. Monroe Doctrine. December 2, 1823. Available at: https://ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=23
4. Ibid.
5. Kittleson, R.A., Bushnell, D., and Lockhart, J. History of Latin America: Building New Nations, 1826-50
Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/Building-new-nations-1826-50
6. World of 1898: The Spanish American War, by Library of Congress. June 22, 2011. https://www.loc.gov/rr/
hispanic/1898/intro.html
7. Treaty of Paris of 1898, by the Library of Congress. June 22, 2011. https://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/treaty.
html
8. The United States, Cuba, and the Platt Amendment, 1901, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of
State. https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/platt
9. Platt Amendment. March 2, 1901. Available at: https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false&doc=55
10. Ibid.
11. Theodore Roosevelts Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine 1905. Available at: https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.
php?flash=true&doc=56
12. Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, 1904, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State.
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/roosevelt-and-monroe-doctrine

13. Lockhart, J., Bushnell, D., and Kittleson, R.A. History of Latin America: New Order Emerging, 1910-45
Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/New-order-emerging-1910-45
14. Good Neighbor Policy, 1933, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State. https://history.state.gov/
milestones/1921-1936/good-neighbor
15. Ibid.
16. Lockhart, J., Bushnell, D., Kittleson, R.A. History of Latin America: Latin America Since the Mid-20th Century,
The postwar world, 1945-80 Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/LatinAmerica-since-the-mid-20th-century
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Remarks on U.S. Policy in the Western Hemisphere, by the U.S. Department of State November 18, 2013. Available
at: http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/11/217680.htm
21. Ibid.
22. Plan Colombia, by the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, Colombia. Available at: https://bogota.usembassy.gov/
plancolombia.html
23. Ibid.
24. Foreign Terrorist Organizations, by the U.S. Department of State. Available at: http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/other/
des/123085.htm
25. U.S. Government Accountability Office. Drug Control: U.S. Counternarcotics Cooperation with Venezuela Has
Declined. July 2009. http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d09806.pdf
26. Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. BBC News. October 3, 2016. http://bbc.in/2dnYqEI
27. Colombia Peace Deal: Government and Farc Reach New Agreement. BCC News. November 13, 2016. http://
bbc.in/2gjJveb
28. Miroff, Nick. Colombian Peace Deal Could Mark a Rare Victory for U.S. Diplomacy. The Washington Post /
Chicago Tribune. August 27, 2016. http://trib.in/2hnVzAm
29. Trade in Goods with South and Central America, by the U.S. Census Bureau. Available at: https://www.census.gov/
foreign-trade/balance/c0009.html#questions
30. Western Hemisphere, by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Available at: https://ustr.gov/countriesregions/americas
31. Yuhas, Alan. Obama and Castro Hail Historic Breakthrough for U.S.-Cuba Relations As it Happened. The
Guardian. December 17, 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/live/2014/dec/17/alan-gross-cuba-prisonerfreed-obama

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AMERICAN SECURITY PROJECT

32. Ibid.
33. Oppmann, Patrick, and Marsh, Rene. U.S. Commercial Flights Take Off for Cuba After More Than Half-Century.
CNN. August 31, 2016. http://cnn.it/2cbxFSU
34. United States and Cuba Hold Inaugural Economic Dialogue in Washington, D.C., by the U.S. Department of
State. September 12, 2016. Available at: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2016/09/261777.htm
35. Report from the U.S.-Caribbean and Central American Task Force for Energy Security. U.S. Department of State.
May 4, 2016. http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/257058.pdf
36. Ibid, p.5.
37. Ibid, p.6.
38. Fact Sheet: U.S.-Caribbean and Central American Energy Summit, by the White House. May 4, 2016. Available at:
https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2016/05/04/fact-sheet-us-caribbean-and-central-american-energysummit
39. Venezuelans Cross into Colombia After Border is Reopened. BBC News. August 13, 2016.
in/2hpvGND

http://bbc.

40. Krogstad, Jens M., and Lopez, Gustavo. Venezuelan Asylum Applications to U.S. Soar in 2016. Pew Research
Center. August 4, 2016. http://pewrsr.ch/2amtxSt
41. McCarthy, Michael. 6 Things You Need to Know About Venezuelas Political and Economic Crisis. The Washington
Post. May 18, 2016. http://wapo.st/27zoKSr
42. Johnson, Tim. U.S. Officials Warn of Looming Crisis in Venezuela. Miami Herald. May 13, 2016. http://hrld.
us/2gEjsC9
43. Cohn, DVera. How U.S. Immigration laws and Rules Have Changed Through History. Pew Research Center.
September 30, 2015. http://pewrsr.ch/1FKGjUI
44. Remittance Flows Worldwide in 2015. Pew Research Center. August 31, 2016. http://pewrsr.ch/2cewSng
45. Political Changes in Latin America: An Opportunity for U.S. Engagement? By the Hudson Institute. Event held
on July 7, 2016. Recording available at: http://hudson.org/events/1352-political-changes-in-latin-america-anopportunity-for-u-s-engagement-72016
46. Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. BBC News. October 3, 2016. http://bbc.in/2dChWRV
47. Casey, Nicholas. Colombias Congress Approves Peace Accord with FARC. The New York Times. November 30,
2016. http://nyti.ms/2gI9qAN
48. Von Bergen, Franz. Almost Half of Venezuelans Would Leave the Country if They Could, Poll Finds. Fox News
Latino. September 13, 2016. http://www.foxnews.com/world/2016/09/13/almost-half-venezuelans-would-leavecountry-if-could-poll-finds.html
49. 100,000 Strong in the Americas, by the U.S. Department of State. Available at: http://www.state.gov/p/wha/
rt/100k/index.htm

11

50. Chinese and East Asian Engagement in Latin America, by the Foreign & Commonwealth Office of the UK. https://
www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/446522/Chinese_and_East_Asian_
engagement_in_Latin_America.pdf
51. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Available at: https://ustr.gov/
tpp/#upgrading-nafta
52. Ramos, Daniel. Repsol Makes Major Natural Gas Discover in Bolivia Govt and Co. Reuters. February 19,
2016. http://reut.rs/2gRyRwy
53. Rapier, Robert. Where America Gets Its Oil: The Top 10 Foreign Suppliers of Crude to the U.S. Forbes. April
11, 2016. http://www.forbes.com/sites/rrapier/2016/04/11/where-america-gets-its-oil-the-top-10-suppliers-of-u-soil-imports/#78ee17a297d0
54. Broadcasting Board of Governors Annual Report 2015. Available at: https://www.bbg.gov/wp-content/
media/2011/12/BBG_AnnualReport_2015.pdf

12

The American Security Project (ASP) is a nonpartisan


organization created to educate the American public and the
world about the changing nature of national security in the 21st
Century.
Gone are the days when a nations security could be measured
by bombers and battleships. Security in this new era requires
harnessing all of Americas strengths: the force of our diplomacy;
the might of our military; the vigor and competitiveness of our
economy; and the power of our ideals.
We believe that America must lead in the pursuit of our common
goals and shared security. We must confront international
challenges with our partners and with all the tools at our disposal
and address emerging problems before they become security
crises. And to do this we must forge a bipartisan consensus here
at home.
ASP brings together prominent American business leaders,
former members of Congress, retired military flag officers,
and prominent former government officials. ASP conducts
research on a broad range of issues and engages and empowers
the American public by taking its findings directly to them via
events, traditional & new media, meetings, and publications.
We live in a time when the threats to our security are as complex
and diverse as terrorism, nuclear proliferation, climate change,
energy challenges, and our economic wellbeing.
Partisan
bickering and age old solutions simply wont solve our problems.
America and the world - needs an honest dialogue about
security that is as robust as it is realistic.
ASP exists to promote that dialogue, to forge that consensus, and
to spur constructive action so that America meets the challenges
to its security while seizing the opportunities that abound.

www.americansecurityproject.org

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