Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Perspective
-
Enya Gonzalez-Guitart
December 2016
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
The Honorable Gary Hart, Chairman Emeritus
Senator Hart served the State of Colorado in the U.S. Senate
and was a member of the Committee on Armed Services
during his tenure.
Raj Fernando
Raj Fernando is CEO and founder of Chopper Trading, a
technology based trading firm headquartered in Chicago.
Scott Gilbert
Scott Gilbert is a Partner of Gilbert LLP and Managing
Director of Reneo LLC.
Norman R. Augustine
Mr. Augustine was Chairman and Principal Officer of the
American Red Cross for nine years and Chairman of the
Council of the National Academy of Engineering.
Alejandro Brito
Alejandro Brito is President of Brito Development Group
(BDG), LLP. In the last twenty years, Mr. Brito has overseen
the design, construction, development and management of
over 1,500 luxury housing units in Puerto Rico.
Hani Masri
Hani Masri is Chairman of Capital Investment Management
Inc. based in McLean, Virginia and specializing in fund and
investment real estate management in the U.S. He also serves
as President of M2 Investors, Inc.
Dennis Mehiel
Dennis Mehiel is the Principal Shareholder and Chairman of
U.S. Corrugated, Inc.
Stuart Piltch
Stuart Piltch is the Co-Founder and Managing Director
of Cambridge Advisory Group, an actuarial and benefits
consulting firm based in Philadelphia.
Robert B. Crowe
Robert B. Crowe is a Partner of Nelson Mullins Riley &
Scarborough in its Boston and Washington, DC offices. He
is co-chair of the firms Government Relations practice.
Ed Reilly
Edward Reilly is Global Chief Executive Officer of the Strategic
Communications practice of FTI Consulting.
Lee Cullum
Lee Cullum, at one time a commentator on the PBS
NewsHour and All Things Considered on NPR, currently
contributes to the Dallas Morning News and hosts CEO.
Nicholas Clark
Nicholas Clark is the CEO and Executive Director of
Alexium International. He is also co-founder and Managing
Partner at Viaticus Capital.
In this Report:
Latin America is an important region for American national security. U.S. foreign policy
toward the region must remain relevant and reflect the implications of U.S.-Latin American
relations. This report analyzes the current conditions in Latin America and the state of
U.S. policy toward the region in order to provide a framework for reshaping policy. It
encourages the U.S. to go beyond engaging with governments, and use public diplomacy
to engage with civil society.
Interact:
Join our discussion on Twitter with the hashtag #ASPLatinAmerica
Discuss the Latin America policy with the author at @EnyaGuitart
Learn more about ASP at @amsecproject
IN BRIEF
Historically, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been based on the Monroe
Doctrine, which was reinforced by a number of amendments and corollaries throughout
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, since the end of the Cold War, policy
shifted into a somewhat more noninterventionist approach.
After focusing on other regions of the world, U.S. foreign policy has revisited Latin America
in recent years. Nevertheless, it has only focused on a number of issues/countries, relying on
government-to-government engagement. While it is important to continue current efforts
in Latin America, policy should expand given the growing importance of the region.
U.S. foreign policy should prioritize engagement with the publics of Latin America, focusing
on current and new issues that are prevalent in the Western Hemisphere. Specifically, the
U.S. has the opportunity to expand its foreign policy as it pertains to peace, trade, energy
security, and climate policy.
In developing additional initiatives, relations should focus on civil society groups, especially
in less engaged regions, in order to continue integrating Latin America in the global market,
forming a model for inclusion.
Developing foreign policy toward Latin America that is cognizant of on-the-ground reality
is necessary given the increased presence of other countries in the region. Moreover, foreign
policy aimed at this region has lasting impact on U.S. domestic policies surrounding issues
like immigration.
Introduction
Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the United States took an active role in the development
of Latin America. In the twenty-first century, the war on terror eclipsed the war on drugs, and U.S. foreign
policy deviated to focus on other regions primarily the Middle East. As a neighboring region with growing
influence, Latin America should be a key component to American foreign policy and national security.
Revisiting Latin America as a foreign policy priority is important given its growth as a trading partner, a
supplier of illegal drugs, and as the ancestral region to a growing number of Americans. Moreover, other
countries have taken the opportunity to expand their ties with Latin America, and the U.S. should not be left
behind. Particularly, China has made significant efforts to establish close economic, and political ties to Latin
America. In 2015 alone, China sent nearly $30 billion in loans to the region.1 India has also made an effort
to develop relations with Latin America in hopes of developing its own economic presence in the Western
Hemisphere.2
In recent years, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been ambivalent, focusing on just a number
of countries and/or issues. Reshaping foreign policy toward Latin America will not only provide more
opportunities for both regions, but also the opportunity to align it with current domestic policy. Theres a
strong tie between foreign policy and a number of domestic U.S. policies, including immigration policy, drug
policy, economic policy, and border security policy.
Given its proximity to the U.S., Latin America can have tremendous influence on the American economy,
politics, and national security. It is imperative that U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America reflects and
addresses current conditions in the region, which will solidify the unity of the Western Hemisphere. Through
public diplomacy and engagement of civil society in Latin America, U.S. foreign policy will be able to expand
and strengthen its shared interests with the region while ensuring U.S. national security.
Historical Context
From Monroe to Roosevelt
As more Latin American countries became independent from
Spanish and Portuguese rule, the United States established its
interest in Latin America with the 1823 Monroe Doctrine.3
Until the Monroe Doctrine was adopted, a number of
European powers primarily Spain and Portugal had
established their control over the region through colonization
and imperialism. The European powers had political,
economic, and cultural control over the region since their
arrival in the 15th century. However, in a letter to Congress in
1823, President James Monroe warned European nations that
the U.S. would no longer tolerate further European control
over Latin America.4
1
While the Monroe Doctrine was virtually unenforceable by U.S. at the time, it established the underlying
framework of U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America for the 19th and 20th centuries. Despite being
independent, the new nations of Latin America faced tremendous turmoil and instability.5 In the years following
independence, countries had to establish their legitimacy both politically and economically. As the new
nations struggled to establish their new governments, the economies of the region continued to heavily rely on
Europe. Nonetheless, in adopting the Monroe Doctrine, the U.S. was able to establish a close (if sometimes
contentious) partnership with its neighbors, which would shape the future of the Western Hemisphere.
In the late 1800s the U.S. incorporated additional policies which expanded on the intentions of the Monroe
Doctrine. Secretary of State James G. Blaine developed the Big Brother policy in the early 1880s, intending
to rally Latin American nations in support of U.S. leadership, while allowing them to enter the global trade
market. Shortly after, the U.S. reaffirmed its presence and power in the region in the Spanish-American War of
1898. The war concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Paris of 1898, which established the independence
of Cuba and ceded Puerto Rico to the United States.67 However, it wasnt until the passing of the Platt
Amendment in 1901 that the United States ended its military occupation of Cuba.8
Although the Platt Amendment ended the U.S.s military occupation of the island, it allowed the U.S. to
maintain a permanent presence in Cuba until it abandoned the amendment in 1934. The Platt Amendment
left the island under the United States protection, giving the U.S. the right to intervene in Cuban affairs.9
To ensure that the Platt Amendment would be legally binding, the Cuban government was required to sign a
permanent treaty with the United States.10 The U.S. would maintain a de facto veto over Cuban affairs until
the revolution in 1959.
President Theodore Roosevelts approach to Latin America in the 1900s further expanded U.S. control in
Latin America. His policy, the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, stated that the U.S. would
intervene to ensure other nations repaid their debts and did not violate the rights of the U.S. or invite foreign
aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations.11 12 The Corollary, along with the other
established policies, justified U.S. intervention in the early 1900s, particularly in Cuba, Nicaragua, Haiti, and
the Dominican Republic.
A Century of Wars
As the U.S. and Latin America faced World War I and World War II in the 20th century, followed by the Cold
War, U.S. policy towards the region developed accordingly. World War I had less of an impact on Latin America
than the Great Depression. In the 1920s Latin America received a significant amount of foreign investment,
mainly from the U.S., whose contributions rose from $1.6 billion in 1914 to $5.4 billion in 1929.13 During
the same decade, many Latin American countries were making progress toward political democracy, however,
the Great Depression temporarily ended this progress.
In light of the impending Second World War, Franklin D. Roosevelt implemented the Good Neighbor
Policy, determined to improve relations with Latin America. As it was opposed to armed intervention,14
the new policy completely reversed the previous approach of U.S.-Latin American policy. While the U.S.s
attention diverted from the Western Hemisphere during the Cold War, Roosevelts Good Neighbor Policy
reflected the countrys efforts to distance itself from earlier interventionist policies.15 Nonetheless, the U.S.s
non-interventionist period was short-lived.
2
During the Cold War, fear of communism resulted in U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America returning
to framework of the Monroe Doctrine. While the majority of Latin American governments sided with the
U.S. instead of the Soviet Union, the United
States returned to interventionist tactics to ensure
favorable political conditions in Latin America.
Particularly, the U.S. assisted Guatemalan
counterrevolutionaries and neighboring Central
American rulers in overthrowing the countrys
president, Jacobo Arbenz, as he threatened to
tilt towards Moscow.16 The Cold War era also
witnessed the Cuban Revolution, which would
have lasting affects for U.S.-Cuban relations, as
the island defied the U.S. and developed close ties
with the Soviet Union, resulting in an indefinite
embargo imposed on Cuba in 1962. The Castro
Havanas Plaza de la Revolucin commemorates the Cuban
regime in Cuba would go on to foment revolution
Revolution and the significant leaders of the time, including
throughout the region.
Generally, policy has had a longstanding focus on trade, democracy, and drugs. Throughout the last decade,
the U.S. has provided both military and nonmilitary support for Plan Colombia, intended to assist Colombias
counternarcotic and counterterrorism efforts.22 The policy established the American commitment and interest
in promoting security, stability and prosperity in Colombia.23 In August of 2016, Colombian President,
Juan Manuel Santos, and the leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) announced a
finalized peace deal, which would further advance U.S. foreign policy. The FARC is recognized as a Foreign
Terrorist Organization, which has also served as Colombias principal illegal armed group, accounting
for about 60 percent of the cocaine exported
from Colombia to the United States.24 25
However, the original deal had to be ratified by
Colombians in referendum held on October
2, 2016, which resulted in 50.2% of voters
rejecting the deal.26 Since the referendum, the
Colombian government and the FARC have
announced a new peace agreement, which
incorporates proposals from the opposition.27
Instead of being put to another popular vote,
the deal was submitted to Congress. While U.S.
support in the matter is important for American
national security, it has primarily consisted
Activists participate in marches against the Revolutionary
of government to government assistance and
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) held across the world. Flickr/
financial aid.28
Alejandro Corts.
U.S. trade in goods with Latin America has nearly tripled since the early 2000s. In the last five years, exports
and imports to and from Latin America have each been over $150 billion every year; The only exception is in
the year 2015, when imports from South and Central America only reached $115 billion.29 However, trade is
primarily focused with Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Chile and Peru, as established by the North American Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Central America-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement, and individual
U.S. Free Trade Agreements with other Latin American Countries.30 Passage of the Trans-Pacific Partnership
(TPP), which is now in doubt, would further establish economic ties in the Western Hemisphere.
The most significant advancement in U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America has been normalizing U.S.Cuban relations. Efforts to normalize relations were announced in December 2014.31 Shortly thereafter, the
U.S. announced overhauls to commerce, travel and internet restrictions, and the restoration of an American
embassy in Havana.32 On August 31, 2016, the first U.S. commercial flight landed in Cuba after more than
50 years.33 Most recently, the United States and Cuba held an inaugural economic dialogue in Washington
D.C. on September 12, 2016, with the goal of discussing long-term bilateral engagement on a wide range
of topics.34 Although significant progress has been made in normalizing U.S.-Cuban relations, the embargo
remains in place, and continues to set limits to the extent of the relationship. Nonetheless, Cuba has been a
central component of U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America in the last decade. Normalization of relations
with Cuba helps address other regional priorities.
U.S. engagement with Latin America must go beyond military intervention, government-to-government
engagement, and foreign investment. To increase U.S. national security, while having the opportunity to spread
its values and grow as a leader, it is imperative the U.S. expand public diplomacy activities in Latin America,
calling for the U.S. to engage with civil society and the people of Latin America. Below are a number of issues
and areas in which U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America should be expanded, with policy suggestions that
promote inclusion and are informed by public diplomacy.
Mil-to-Mil Engagement
U.S.-Latin American military engagement is important to American national security. Detailing mil-to-mil
engagement with Latin America will expand cooperation and collaboration between the neighboring regions.
Additionally, given Chinas increased mil-to-mil cooperation and arms sales to Latin America, it is imperative
U.S. foreign policy establish a framework for military engagement in the Western Hemisphere.50
To expand on the security established in mil-to-mil engagement, U.S. foreign policy should:
Foster mil-to-mil relationships with Latin American countries experiencing political and economic
transitions, such as Cuba. Doing so would expand communication and cooperation between
governments and their respective militaries, but should include efforts to instill a respect for human
rights.
Continue educational military exchanges between the U.S. and Latin America by providing more
opportunities for students, both military and civilian, to attend military schools across the U.S. and
Latin America.
Assist in addressing the international illegal trade of weapons within Latin America and the United
States.
Trade
As a founding tie between the U.S. and Latin America, trade between the two regions should continue to
expand, even in the face of domestic opposition. Further developing trade policies will allow both regions to
prosper economically.
To continue ensuring the benefits of trade, U.S. foreign policy should:
Engage with Cuba on further liberalizing trade. Opening trade relations in the future will have positive
economic effects for both countries. Additionally, creating a deal to open trade and investment will
ease ongoing tensions among the Cuban people, therefore opening up opportunities for the U.S. to
engage with the islands civil society, particularly through Cuban-Americans.
Negotiate an updated or replacement version of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). TPP aimed to
unite 11 countries, including the United States, Mexico, Chile and Peru, which would strengthen ties
between the U.S. and Latin America. Additionally, passing an updated TPP will facilitate policy aimed
to improve climate security in the Western Hemisphere, through its adoption of higher environmental
standards.51
Investment should go beyond government assistance by providing aid to NGOs and civil society
groups that reflect U.S. foreign policy and interests.
Engage with civil society in less prominent trade partners, such as Uruguay and Paraguay, to determine
trade opportunities which will strengthen both the target countries and the U.S. Through engagement
with civil society, the U.S. is able to determine interest groups and areas of those countries and assist
in incorporating them in the world market.
7
Conclusion
Recent developments in Latin America highlight the regions implicagtions on American national security.
As such, U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America should reflect the current conditions of the Western
Hemisphere, while developing new opportunities for engagement which address security threats that are
applicable to the Americas as a whole.
Overall, the U.S. needs to engage with the people of Latin America. The U.S. should expand its engagement
with overall aspects of society as a signal of the values the U.S. is trying to share with the region. The U.S. can
expand the potential audience it is able to work with. In addition to exporting financial and governmental
assistance, U.S. policy should make an effort to export values and expertise. Prioritizing public diplomacy
in conjunction with the implementation of sound foreign policy will ensure Americas national security as it
pertains to Latin America.
Endnotes
1. Gillespie, Patrick. Latin America: Chinas Power Play Right Under the U.S. CNN. February 11, 2016. http://
cnnmon.ie/1WhHm1H.
2. Desai, Ronak D. A New Era for India-Latin America Relations? Forbes. June 25, 2015. http://www.forbes.com/
sites/ronakdesai/2015/06/25/a-new-era-for-india-latin-america-relations/#f9fc9ed29d47
3. Monroe Doctrine. December 2, 1823. Available at: https://ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=23
4. Ibid.
5. Kittleson, R.A., Bushnell, D., and Lockhart, J. History of Latin America: Building New Nations, 1826-50
Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/Building-new-nations-1826-50
6. World of 1898: The Spanish American War, by Library of Congress. June 22, 2011. https://www.loc.gov/rr/
hispanic/1898/intro.html
7. Treaty of Paris of 1898, by the Library of Congress. June 22, 2011. https://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/treaty.
html
8. The United States, Cuba, and the Platt Amendment, 1901, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of
State. https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/platt
9. Platt Amendment. March 2, 1901. Available at: https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=false&doc=55
10. Ibid.
11. Theodore Roosevelts Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine 1905. Available at: https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.
php?flash=true&doc=56
12. Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, 1904, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State.
https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/roosevelt-and-monroe-doctrine
13. Lockhart, J., Bushnell, D., and Kittleson, R.A. History of Latin America: New Order Emerging, 1910-45
Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/New-order-emerging-1910-45
14. Good Neighbor Policy, 1933, by the Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State. https://history.state.gov/
milestones/1921-1936/good-neighbor
15. Ibid.
16. Lockhart, J., Bushnell, D., Kittleson, R.A. History of Latin America: Latin America Since the Mid-20th Century,
The postwar world, 1945-80 Britannica. April 12, 2016. https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/LatinAmerica-since-the-mid-20th-century
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.
20. Remarks on U.S. Policy in the Western Hemisphere, by the U.S. Department of State November 18, 2013. Available
at: http://www.state.gov/secretary/remarks/2013/11/217680.htm
21. Ibid.
22. Plan Colombia, by the U.S. Embassy in Bogota, Colombia. Available at: https://bogota.usembassy.gov/
plancolombia.html
23. Ibid.
24. Foreign Terrorist Organizations, by the U.S. Department of State. Available at: http://www.state.gov/j/ct/rls/other/
des/123085.htm
25. U.S. Government Accountability Office. Drug Control: U.S. Counternarcotics Cooperation with Venezuela Has
Declined. July 2009. http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d09806.pdf
26. Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. BBC News. October 3, 2016. http://bbc.in/2dnYqEI
27. Colombia Peace Deal: Government and Farc Reach New Agreement. BCC News. November 13, 2016. http://
bbc.in/2gjJveb
28. Miroff, Nick. Colombian Peace Deal Could Mark a Rare Victory for U.S. Diplomacy. The Washington Post /
Chicago Tribune. August 27, 2016. http://trib.in/2hnVzAm
29. Trade in Goods with South and Central America, by the U.S. Census Bureau. Available at: https://www.census.gov/
foreign-trade/balance/c0009.html#questions
30. Western Hemisphere, by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Available at: https://ustr.gov/countriesregions/americas
31. Yuhas, Alan. Obama and Castro Hail Historic Breakthrough for U.S.-Cuba Relations As it Happened. The
Guardian. December 17, 2014. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/live/2014/dec/17/alan-gross-cuba-prisonerfreed-obama
10
32. Ibid.
33. Oppmann, Patrick, and Marsh, Rene. U.S. Commercial Flights Take Off for Cuba After More Than Half-Century.
CNN. August 31, 2016. http://cnn.it/2cbxFSU
34. United States and Cuba Hold Inaugural Economic Dialogue in Washington, D.C., by the U.S. Department of
State. September 12, 2016. Available at: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2016/09/261777.htm
35. Report from the U.S.-Caribbean and Central American Task Force for Energy Security. U.S. Department of State.
May 4, 2016. http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/257058.pdf
36. Ibid, p.5.
37. Ibid, p.6.
38. Fact Sheet: U.S.-Caribbean and Central American Energy Summit, by the White House. May 4, 2016. Available at:
https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2016/05/04/fact-sheet-us-caribbean-and-central-american-energysummit
39. Venezuelans Cross into Colombia After Border is Reopened. BBC News. August 13, 2016.
in/2hpvGND
http://bbc.
40. Krogstad, Jens M., and Lopez, Gustavo. Venezuelan Asylum Applications to U.S. Soar in 2016. Pew Research
Center. August 4, 2016. http://pewrsr.ch/2amtxSt
41. McCarthy, Michael. 6 Things You Need to Know About Venezuelas Political and Economic Crisis. The Washington
Post. May 18, 2016. http://wapo.st/27zoKSr
42. Johnson, Tim. U.S. Officials Warn of Looming Crisis in Venezuela. Miami Herald. May 13, 2016. http://hrld.
us/2gEjsC9
43. Cohn, DVera. How U.S. Immigration laws and Rules Have Changed Through History. Pew Research Center.
September 30, 2015. http://pewrsr.ch/1FKGjUI
44. Remittance Flows Worldwide in 2015. Pew Research Center. August 31, 2016. http://pewrsr.ch/2cewSng
45. Political Changes in Latin America: An Opportunity for U.S. Engagement? By the Hudson Institute. Event held
on July 7, 2016. Recording available at: http://hudson.org/events/1352-political-changes-in-latin-america-anopportunity-for-u-s-engagement-72016
46. Colombia Referendum: Voters Reject Farc Peace Deal. BBC News. October 3, 2016. http://bbc.in/2dChWRV
47. Casey, Nicholas. Colombias Congress Approves Peace Accord with FARC. The New York Times. November 30,
2016. http://nyti.ms/2gI9qAN
48. Von Bergen, Franz. Almost Half of Venezuelans Would Leave the Country if They Could, Poll Finds. Fox News
Latino. September 13, 2016. http://www.foxnews.com/world/2016/09/13/almost-half-venezuelans-would-leavecountry-if-could-poll-finds.html
49. 100,000 Strong in the Americas, by the U.S. Department of State. Available at: http://www.state.gov/p/wha/
rt/100k/index.htm
11
50. Chinese and East Asian Engagement in Latin America, by the Foreign & Commonwealth Office of the UK. https://
www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/446522/Chinese_and_East_Asian_
engagement_in_Latin_America.pdf
51. The Trans-Pacific Partnership, by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. Available at: https://ustr.gov/
tpp/#upgrading-nafta
52. Ramos, Daniel. Repsol Makes Major Natural Gas Discover in Bolivia Govt and Co. Reuters. February 19,
2016. http://reut.rs/2gRyRwy
53. Rapier, Robert. Where America Gets Its Oil: The Top 10 Foreign Suppliers of Crude to the U.S. Forbes. April
11, 2016. http://www.forbes.com/sites/rrapier/2016/04/11/where-america-gets-its-oil-the-top-10-suppliers-of-u-soil-imports/#78ee17a297d0
54. Broadcasting Board of Governors Annual Report 2015. Available at: https://www.bbg.gov/wp-content/
media/2011/12/BBG_AnnualReport_2015.pdf
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