1

Introduction

At the broadest level, the followers or adherents of the Jaina

doctrine (or the Jainas) organIse themselves in two maIn
components - the adiryas (monks and nuns}, and ~ravakas
(the householdersllaity); the history of this sect, then, in its
most general sense, is the history of the 'preachers' and the
'preached', each component having its own, separate, natures
of travails and its own moorIngs on the question of ' being'
and 'becoming'.

Substantial scholarship in the past focussed on the Jaina

textual tradition; on the Jaina adherents among important
dynasties; on contestation (at a philosophical as well as
temporal level) with other religious congregations and the
perpetual question of 'rise' and 'fall'. But the sravaka
history, the narratives of the householders ( the
'everydayers'), their histories and memOrIes had so far been
neglected. Yet recent writings in the history of communities
have broken this pattern with question of traditional
hermeneutics and interpretations of texts, performance of
rituals, the 'oral' aspects of scripture and so on.

While the Jaina community had its preachers, texts and a

storytelling tradition, the Tamil country, which is our site of
interest, has had its long history of bardic tradition, and a
, ,
mOVIng or 'circulating' ( to use Stein's terminology I)
tradition. So, too, the history of lainism In the Tamil
country has seen movement and circulation, here, of the
eminent teachers - more towards the later (post- Cankam)
periods. The basic scene of Tami!akam when the Jaina

IBurton Stein, 'Circulation and the Historical Geography of the Tamil Country', in Journal of Asian
Studies XXXVII, no.I, Nov, 1977
 2

monks occupied the caverns and rock shelters (as revealed

by the Cankam poems) was that of local cults and minor
deities, not yet influenced by the Puranic tradition and not

yet 'pantheonised'. The Jaina religion encountered, in these
par t s , a pIe t h ora 0 f I <> c a I de i tie s ; a r e I i g ion I a r gel y
comprising of divination rituals,. with no permanent sacred
space - the veri-a!al or velan-atal (the diviners dance) being
, ,
a movIng god-concept. It IS tempting to agree with
Ramaswamy Ayyangar 2 that the setting up of images and
shrines. venerating a god-concept may have been a Jaina
influence, since lainism laid great emphasis on venerating
the tirtharikaras (the 'ford-makers') even though they did not
believe in the existence of god as a creator of the universe.

So far as Jaina Icons and their evolution IS concerned,

U.P.Shah 3 refers to the fact that the closest early Jainism
got to the idea of shrines (or a dwelling place suggesting
rites of veneration) was when Mahavira stayed in caityas
like the purna bhadra caitya (explained universally by
commentators as yaksa-ayatanas, shrines to yaksas) 4; the

other, Sasvata caityas (eternal shrines), were those dedicated
to siddhas, worshipped by Indra and other gods and
goddesses. 5

From 'exile' into community

Initially one started with the question whether, in the case

of Tamilakam, the Jaina doctrine moved from 'marginal' (in

2M.S. Ramaswamy Ayyangar, Studies In South Indian Jainism. V. 13, Vizianagaram Maharaja's
College, Madras, 1922.

3 U.P.Shah, M.A. Dhaky, eds., Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture. Gujarat State Committee for the
Celebration of 2500th year of Bhagawan Mahavira Nirvana, 1975
4 Ibid, U.P.Shah, 'Evolution of Jaina Iconography and Symbolism', p.50

5 Ibid, p.50.
 3

its earliest phase, choosing the seclusion of hillocks and

rock-shelters), supported by agriculturists and merchants to
the 'mainstream' of activity centering around royalty,
acquisition of land, setting up of pallis, and contestation
wit h the Bud d his t, Sa i v a and Va is n a va rei i g i 0 us id e 0 log i e s .

The idea of 'inainstream' or 'universai' IS located within the

context of expansion of agrarianism, or an agrarian rhythm
of life. In this the brahmanical

religion cleverly combined
mythology with patterns of rural life, creating temple lore,
or s t h a I a pur aIra sec hoi n g the con c e p t 0 f sac red n e s s 0 f a f1 ve r
or a water body where festivals corresponded with the
agricultural seasons. Howev.er, even In Jain tradition Rsabha . ~

is said to be the creator of agriculture as a vocation. In the

Tamil context, too, earliest inscriptions in rock-cut cave /
natural caverns reflect an agrarian ethos. And early support
for lainism came from agricultural communities as well as
from merchants and merchant guilds.

In Chapter I ("Discovery of the Jainas: Oriental

Per c e p t ion s'" ) Sec t ion i dis c u sse s the i n t ere s t 0 fOr i e n t a I
scholars in Jainas. This section is focused specifically on
t,he Orientalists and colonial documentation in the context of
Tamil Jainas and Jaina tradition. It deals with 'discovery' of
a 'Jain sect' in .the south. Section ii ("Jaina Entry into the

-
South and Tamilakam") deals with what is suggested in the
title. It is also suggested that one can see a movement from
19 1h century and early 20 lh century 'discovery' by 'others' to
the modern period in Tamil Jaina history, and 'recovery of
self' of Tamil Jainas.

Language is important to the Tamil Jaina community history.

The Jaina attachment to Tamil, thus, has an antiquity that is
 4

interesting as it is significant, for the Tamil Jainas were as

engaged with the modern period of Tamil nationalist
movement as In a discourse to ascertain their Tamil
Ii n g u i s tic h e ri tag e. C h -a pte r II-"The Tamil Jaina Community:
Questions of Identity (Or, Negotiating Spaces)" addresses
th is. Jainas contributed immensely to the Tamil tex tu al
tradition through the centuries. Cilappatikaram,

. --
CTvakacintamani, Nannul, the Kural (Tirukkural), the minor
- . -. ~

kavya Nilakeci (some of the early Cankam works) are ~'fJ'~

few among the many. This chapter also discusses authorship

-.
of Kural and Tamil Jaina response to it within the context of
identity as Tamil, and laina.

In Chapter III ("Nllakeci: Retrieving a 'PC-y' / Possession

Woman") one deals with the issue of a laina-folk / popular
interface. More importantly, one looks at how the Jaina
tradition 'retrieves' a 'pey' / possession spirit concept to
give it a new Image (re-casting, or re-imaging, one has
termed it) which is more affirmative and 'redemptive'. This
would be the first time that NTlakeci is placed vis-a-vis the
three versions of -the NIli story, a vql.uppat!u (bow-song)
versi 0 n, an d a perform ati ve tex t call e d NTli N atak am se t to
music and a few instances from Nlli story in the Saivite
Tevaram hymns. Thi s chapter al so gi ves an overvi ew of Jain
literature in Tamil.

One believes that instead of reducing it all to a question of

flse and decline of Jainism in Tamilnadu one must question
the nature of cultural hegemony that prevailed and question
the absorption into the overwhelming ( in the Tamil context,
Brahmal]ism) in terms of adoption of cults, practices, idioms
and cultural symbols to survive amidst the louder, the
dominant. And from all this, it is difficult to come to terms
wi th the q u es tion as what are t.he me m 0 ri e s of th e peri od of
 5

persecution? It was possible to retrieve ~ome of these

memOrIes In narratives from the Tamil Jaina community,
which has been dealt with both In Chapter II (above
mentioned) and Chapter IV-, "Jainas In Epigraphs and
Community Narratives: Seeking Historical Continuity."

'Early Tamilakam'? An Explanation

-
The most important question that may be posed about the
title of the dissertation "early Tamilakam" and how valid is
it to look at the contemporary or 'modern' periods and the
community in today's context? My answer to this is that
early Tamilakam IS where it all starts, viz. the introduction
of Jaina thought In the Tamil country and its spread across
the region. Chapter I - section ii deals with Jaina Entry into
Tami!akam quite specifically; and it only repeats what has
already been studied by many great scholars about the entry
of Jainism into the Tamil region. What is important is the
Chapter that looks at the Tamil Jaina community and lo~o,k-s--ar-
the caste question; and the vellalas and merchants who took ----
to Jaina thought. It begins in - with - early Tami!akam. One
has given an overview of scholarship that has dealt with
these questions, in Jaina entry into Tamijakam, references In
Cankam literature and so forth. But one has gone beyond, to
record movement of the Tamil Jaina community through
other periods.

-
Early Tamilakam, then, is the base, the foundation for a
t.h 0 ugh tan d earl y Tam i I a k ami s w her e the j 0 urn e y beg ins.
But even in reading that past we are In the today; and what
happens around us today, the context, the political
economic, social, cultural, does inform, and has to inform
the way we chose to look at the early periods, or any past
(within categories that cannot be comp.artmentalised sharply
 6

ancient, medieval, modern) - within that history;. or any

history within those pasts and those periods.

There is al so the con tex t of di sci pH nary bou nd ari es th at

become technical Issues where history IS divided into
'ancient' , 'medieval' and 'modern' periods. 'Early'
Tamilakam also IS a consequence of this unfortunate
division. Yet, this thesis looks at the community in the
present and their perception of history, but at the same time
it IS also uSIng In the periodical sense early medieval
sou r c e s s u c has the Ni Ia k e c i , as well ass 0 u r c e s s u c has
inscriptional evidence to reconstruct this history. The effort
is to look at the broader canvas of Tamil Jainas as a living
communi ty whose hi story s tarts in earl y TamiLakam. This
should clarify any doubts on the validity of the title.

How does one study the history of a living community

especially a community which has gone through major
upheavals In the face of communal/religious conflict and
persecution and has had to negotiate its space - cultural,
social and religious through historical time? The
Digambara, Tamil Jaina community prides itself for having
been in existence in Tamilakam since 2 nd and 3 rd century BC
- as evidenced from the earliest lithic records - the Tamil
Bdihmi inscriptions.

The Tamil Jainas today mostly live in the North and South
Arcot districts,6 Chengleput, and Tanjavur districts. These
are places they are concentrated in, but some are scattered
across Tamilnadu (few settled in Chennai) on account of
employment related migration. The Tamil Jainas are mostly

6 One is using certain district names as they were in use over a long time (many of them are still in use,
though officially they have been altered many times) in order to avoid confusion. The terms, 'north
Arcot', 'south Arcot' in fact, are almost part of the Tamil cultural etymology. .
 7

agriculturists, and very few are traders among them. 7 A small

section of Tamil Jainas are in the field of education and
fewer still In bureaucracy. Agriculture has been their
vocation for centuries and one can still find Tamil Jaina
peasantry in the villages districts mentioned above.

When one used the term Tamil Jaina, it almost invariably

a tt r act e d cur i 0 us, que s t ion i n g g I an c e. s ~~. que s. t ion s , f ~ 0 m
people. The term itself seemed rather IntrIgUIng, InterestIng,
new, to a many. Jainas in Tamilnadu - or Chennai, for that
matter - would mean, to most people, the rich Marwari
business people settled in certain pockets. These would also
be the more 'visible' lot, rendering themselves to class, and
community stereotypes in popular psyche. One could also use
the term Tamil speaking Jainas, but then agaIn, these
mercantile, later migrants (mostly from Rajasthan) to
~
Tamilnadu Chennai, mostly Svetambara (mainly
Miirtipiijak) Jainas who also speak Tamil, which is more so
to interact with the general populace. It is not their mother
language. The Tamil Jainas, in our case, trace their lineage
form the earliest adherents of the Jaina doctrine - most of
them agriculturists, part and parcel of the larger Tamil
historical - cultural landscape, people 'of the soil' so to say.

How did one's association with the Tamil Jainas come about?
The stating point, of course, was the MPhil research on the
Tamil god Murukan and the 'research pilgrimage' to the SIX
sacred centers of Murukan worship In Tamilakam, called the
ArupataivTtu. The visit to these centers gave rIse to a

question, initially curiosity, SInce almost all these centers
had a prior Jaina association. Many were situated near, at,

7 In fact, this is one reality that amazes people - many from the academic cOIIlmunity too - who
assume Jainas to be synonymous with trading. The Tamil Jainas in fact distinguish themselves from the
~vetambara (northern) Jainas (some settled across Tamilnadu, prominently in Chennai on account of
trading) whom they refer to as "seth." . .
 8

rock shelters, natural caverns that had at one point, been

shelters for Jaina monks and nuns. Many of these places still
preserved vestiges of the Jaina history. Perhaps, many were
still held sacred. But where were the Jainas? What happened
to the Jaina religion? One was aware of the literary works
attributed to Jainas, such as the CilappatikTuam. But the idea
that there still could be Tamil speaking Jainas did not strike
one initially. Initially, one was more intrigued by the
hidden-ness of this community.

After the MPhil, and during the period of contemplation, a

chance mention of Tamil lainas In one casual conversation
.sparked the interest all over again. That d.ecided the course.
One decided to seek the Tamil lainas adherents of a faith
that had, at one point dominated the entire Madurai
Ramanathapuram region.

Most scholarship on lainism in Tamilnadu uses sources such

as inscriptions lithic records, literature and architectural
heritage to build a linear, straightforward history of entry,
spread, prosperity and decline. Even the inscriptional
evidences are used more to reiterate the state patronage to
lainism. Persecution of the lains is mentioned, of course.
Again, limited to the period of 7th to 9 th centuries AD. The
community - of Tamil lainas - remains hidden, une~plored

In all this. There IS no analysis of the 'pacts', the

negotiations the community made - in form of subtle changes
in perhaps symbols, ways of living, worship, etc - to survive
the difficult times. Or of lainas as a peasant society; or how
they addressed the caste system.

Unfortunately, the term 'ancient' itself IS taken so seriously

that records and 'evidences' depict a fossilised period, a
fossilised community that 'was', no matter if it 'still is',.
 9

and 'has been'! What is important IS to see the past as it

was, until what time IS suitably called the 'past'. The
changes' wrought In the way the community behaves,
subsequently, which is a contribution of that past, seems
irrelevant, and sadly so. But it IS these changes and
negotiations for survival that reveal a past more evocatively
than can any record of state patronage ever can I could. The
marginal numbers of the Tamil Jainas today, and the
dominance of certain religious idioms and cultural traits
need to be seen together and not distinctly.

Agrarian Context - and 'early Tamilakam'

Talking about scholarship on the inscriptional records, and

agraflan history n Tamilnadu, agaIn, Jainas (and Buddhists)
appear as interesting 'interludes' or aberration - and more
often than not are mentioned as merchants, traders
patronized by the state, later persecuted, leading to their
downfall. The two sects, Buddhists and Jainas again, In these
studies, seem mute, non actors in the large socio economIC,
political history of Tamilakam, disinterested, as if, in the
mundane affairs of land, administration, royal patronage,
resource mobilisation - true to their religious doctrine of
'aparigraha'. What of the land grants to the Jainas? And the
agrarian community thus surviving, built over a period of.
centuries? Was there never serious contestation? What about
, .
contestation between Buddhists and Jainas? And the Salva
Vaisnava

movement? Were these all merely religious-
motivated? Did not the Jaina community have any worldly
concerns or ambitions?

The Tamil Jaina community needs to be recast, as a

historically placed community, as agent of history. Hence to

-
stop at 'early' Tamilakam, would not answer these questions.
 10

J.

Identities in 'Conflict'- an Explanation

Identities in Conflict would mean a constant interplay of

social, economic, political forces that persuade changes In a
community's own sense of identity and addresses the
question of hegemony and dominance. They perceive their
community identity as having been constantly in conflict
with other sects. Chapters II, III and IV go into great detail
discussing various aspects of Tamil Jaina identity - through
t ext s , I a n g u age and lit era t u r e. The con t r 0 v e r s y 0 ver
authorship of Ku!a! is objectively and critically analysed
from various v.iewpoints, not just Jaina.

'Conflict' - Persecution

Persecution too, is seen differently. There have been many

I

times when they were persecuted, not just during the Saivite
Vaisnavite bhakti period. The Tamil Jainas peak of other

similar efforts of persecution - even during the late 15 th
century (reference to a story of the ki~Venkatapati Nayaka,
'Cakki!i raj'a' and the 'suma!!tavan talai pattu'). Similarly at
vaflOUS points In history, the Tamil Jainas have made
conscious efforts to proclaim their distinct identity and the
importance of this distinctness.

" ... A fuller understanding of the Jains' own understandings

of history IS essential if scholars are to gaIn a better
un d e r s tan din g 0 f the J a in t r a d it ion a saw hoI e ." 8T h u s w hat
,, one tries to do is to try and understand the Tamil Jain
history as they perceive the same, as much as possible and
place it in a larger historical context of Tamilakam.

8 John E. COTt, "Genres ofJain History", Journal ofIndian Philosophy, Vol. 23, No.4, December 1995
 11

And. a Different Context of Writing History

Lastly but not the least important, a point about one's own
context, or placing oneself in a context which urged one to
look at the Tamil Iainas in terms of community and identity
as a community through history. As students in INU, we
were witness to one of the most crucial moments of
contemporary Indian political, social history - the MandaI
agitation on the one hand and the communalist upsurge on
the other. In this context some of our teachers were also
engaglDg with defining and redefining use and abuse of
history in the Babri Masjid- Ram Mandir conflict. There it
was a question of blatant violence and disregard for
multiplicities of identities. Many of these contexts shaped
some of our understanding of history and society, as much as
they made us reinstate some of our beliefs whilst redefining
some others. Move closer to the 'history' of this 'text' ,
about the Iainas (or Iainism In Tamilakam), one was to learn
about religious persecution In Tamilakam in the 7th _ 9 th
centuries AD; at the time when one engaged with the cult of
MurukaQ, as one has mentioned earlier.

Conflict, thus, was not new to the history of Tamilakam.

-
While in some cases it was obvious and visible, there were,
and are subtle 'negotiations' for communities to survive
amidst what becomes dominant and hegemonic in a particular
time and context. ,From 'arupataivltu' to the Tamil Iainas,
the 'movement' had to happen to retrieve those subtle
negotiations and 'survivals'. How far one has succeeded, is
of course, a question.
 12

Finally, a Note on the Annexures

,

The annexures are meant to be purely informative In a

general sense about temples, inscriptions, Tamil Jaina
villages In the present context, and so forth. In case of
Annexure 1 and 3, the lists are meant to show the renewed
interest taken by the Tamil Jainas (a group in Vandavasi and
a gurukulam in Tirumalai) in recording Jaina vestiges in
Tamilnadu. The third Annexure lists references to epigraphs.

*****