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1
Krister Stendahl, "Biblical Theology, Contemporary," IDB 1 (1962) 418-32; idem,
"Hate, Non-Retaliation, and Love," HTR 55 (1962) 343-55.
Yarbro Collins: Vilification and Self-Definition 309
2
Such an approach is taken in Adela Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of
the Apocalypse (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984).
3
On conflict from a sociological point of view, see Georg Simmel, Conflict: The Web of
Group-Affiliations (trans. Kurt H. Wolff and Reinhard Bendix; New York: Free Press;
London: Collier-Macmillan, 1955).
310 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
the first century in western Asia Minor, defined itself and determined
the boundaries between itself and other social groups. This approach is
historical, insofar as it reconstructs the nature and circumstances of par-
ticular groups in the first century, and sociological, insofar as it discerns
or posits features of these groups which seem to be typical of groups
across time and space. Like the social-psychological approach and
unlike much of what passes for historical criticism, this approach would
not characterize the language of conflict as pathological or morally infe-
rior on an a priori basis. Rather, its occasion and consequences would
be examined to determine whether it was functional or dysfunctional
with regard to group formation and maintenance. It is this approach to
vilification in Revelation which will be taken in the rest of this article.
Vilification of Jews
The book of Revelation is presented as an extended and segmented
account of a visionary experience which the early Christian prophet
John had on the Lord's Day on the island of Patmos. The first portion
of that experience is described as an epiphany of the risen and glorified
Jesus, who commissions John to write what he sees to seven congrega-
tions. This risen Lord dictates to John a prophetic message for each
congregation.4 Apart from the introductory and concluding formulas,
the message to Smyrna may be translated as follows:
I know your tribulation and poverty, but you are rich; and I know
the blasphemy of those who call themselves Jews and are not, but
are rather a synagogue of Satan. Do not fear what you are about to
suffer. Behold, the devil is about to throw some of you into
prison, in order that you may be tested, and you will have tribula-
tion in the course of ten days. Be faithful unto death and I shall
give you the crown of life. (2:9-10)
The identity of "those who call themselves Jews" has been debated.
The majority of commentators conclude that the reference is to the
local Jewish community whose right to the name Ioudaios ("Jew" or
"Judean") is being challenged by John.5 A number of scholars have
4
On the prophetic character of the seven messages, see David E. Aune, Prophecy in
Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983)
275-79.
5
Wilhelm Bousset, Die Offenbarung Johannis (1906; MeyerK 16; 6th rev. ed.; Gt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966) 208-9; Henry . Swete, The Apocalypse of St
John (3d ed.; London: Macmillan, 1917) 31; Isbon T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John
(New York: Macmillan, 1922) 452-54; R. H. Charles, A Critical and Exegetical Commen-
Yarbro Collins: Vilification and Self-Definition 311
taken literally the remark that they are not Jews and concluded that
they were actually Judaizing Christians.6 Support for this position may
be found in the letters of Ignatius, written a decade or two later in the
same region. Ignatius warned that living in accordance with Judaism
Uoudasmos) was an admission that one had not received grace (Maga
8.1). He urged his audience to abandon ancient customs and to cele-
brate the Lord's Day rather than the Sabbath (Magn. 9.1). The disci-
ples of Jesus should .be called Christians (literally, live in accordance
with Christianity [ChristianismosX)\ whoever is called by another name
beyond this is not of God {Magn. 10.1). In the last passage mentioned,
Ignatius may be objecting to the fact that some disciples were claiming
the name "Jew." Those who claim a name other than "Christian" are
not "of God." Such a remark is not far from saying that they are "of
Satan" (Rev 2:9). In another letter Ignatius associated false teaching
with the "ruler of this world" (ain: Ignatius Eph. 17.1). He stated
that it was absurd (atopos) to speak of Jesus Christ and to side with or
imitate the Jews (ioudai'zein: Magn. 10.3). He concluded his remarks
on this subject by warning against teaching which denied the reality of
Jesus9 birth, passion, and resurrection (Magn. 11.1). Thus, the
blasphemy of the so-called Jews in Rev 2:9 could be understood as
teaching that the humanity of Jesus was only a semblance (cf. Ignatius
Trail 10.1). In another letter Ignatius declared that it was better to
hear Christianity from a circumcised man than to hear Judaism from an
uncircumcised man (Phld 6.1). Since all of Ignatius's letters were writ-
ten at about the same time and all contain teaching and admonitions
tary on the Revelation of St. John (ICC; 2 vols.; New York: Scribner's, 1920) 1. 56-57;
E.-B. Alio, Saint Jean: L'Apocalypse (tBib; 4th ed.; Paris: Gabalda, 1933) 35; Ernst
Lohmeyer, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (HNT; rev. ed.; Tbingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1953)
24; George . Caird, A Commentary on the Revelation of St. John the Divine (HNTC; New
York: Harper & Row, 1966) 35; Josephine Massyngberde Ford, Revelation (AB; Garden
City, NY: Doubleday, 1975) 392-95; J. P. M. Sweet, Revelation (Philadelphia: Westmin
ster, 1979) 85; Elisabeth Schssler Fiorenza, "Apocalyptic and Gnosis in the Book of
Revelation and Paul," JBL 92 (1973) 572; idem, Invitation to the Book of Revelation (Gar-
den City, NY: Doubleday, 1981) 63.
6
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr., "The Gospel of John," The Interpreter's One-Volume Com-
mentary on the Bible (ed. Charles M. Laymon; New York; Abingdon, 1971) 708; Sherman
E. Johnson, "Early Christianity in Anatolia," in David E. Aune, ed., Studies in New Tes-
tament and Early Christian Literature: Essays in Honor of Allen P. Wikgren (NovTSup 33;
Leiden: Brill, 1972) 186; idem, "Asia Minor and Early Christianity," in Jacob Neusner,
ed., Christianity, Judaism, and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty
(SJLA 12; 4 parts; Leiden: Brill, 1975) 111; Heinrich Kraft, Die Offenbarung des Johannes
CHNT; Tbingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1974) 60-61; Pierre Prigent, L'Apocalypse de Saint Jean
(CNT 14; Lausanne: Delachaux et Niestl, 1981) 47-48; John Gager, The Origins of
Anti-Semitism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983) 132.
312 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
7
See Helmut Koester, Introduction to the New Testament, vol. 2: History and Literature
of Early Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 279-87.
8
Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis, 46-49.
9
Robert M. Grant, "Jewish Christianity at Antioch in the Second Century," RechSR
60 (1972) 100-101; L. W. Barnard, Studies in the Apostolic Fathers and Their Background
(New York: Schocken, 1966) 22-25.
10
See Adela Yarbro Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book of Revelation (HDR 9; Mis-
soula: Scholars Press, 1976) 130-35.
11
On the relationship of John's prohibitions of eating food sacrificed to idols and
"prostitution" to the "Apostolic Decree," see Adela Yarbro Collins, "Insiders and Out-
siders in the Book of Revelation and Its Social Context," in Jacob Neusner and Ernest S.
Frerichs, eds., "To See Ourselves as Others See Us": Christians, Jews, "Others" in Late
Antiquity (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 211-12.
Yarbro Collins: Vilification and Self-Definition 313
12
On the date of Polycarp's martyrdom, see Herbert Musurillo, The Acts of the Chris-
tian Martyrs (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972) xiii.
13
Lewis A. Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (New York: Free Press, 1956) 8.
14
The use of vituperatio in the schools of rhetoric in the ancient world was brought to
my attention by Sean Freyne; see his essay, "Vilifying the Other and Defining the Self:
Matthew's and John's Anti-Jewish Polemic in Focus," in Neusner and Frerichs (eds.),
"To See Ourselves As Others See Us, " 118-19.
314 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
15
Yarbro Collins, "Insiders and Outsiders," 190-96.
16
Ibid., 198.
17
Hermann Gunkel, Schpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit: Eine religionsgeschh
entliehe Untersuchung ber Gen 1 und Ap Jon. 12 (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1895).
18
Adela Yarbro Collins, The Apocalypse (New Testament Message 22; Wilmington:
Glazier, 1979) 89-95.
Yarbro Collins: Vilification and Self-Definition 315
19
Idem, "The Political Perspective of the Revelation to John," JBL 96 (1977) 252-54.
316 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
20
Wayne Meeks has argued that such a process took place in the communities founded
by Paul in The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New
Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1983) 86-89.
318 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
Conclusion
John's position on the boundary which should be drawn between
Christians and non-Christian Gentiles with regard to monotheism antic-
ipated the later orthodox position. The teaching of the Nicolaitans,
"Balaam," and "Jezebel" anticipated the stance of later Gnostics. The
vilification of these rival teachers had the positive effect of reinforcing
the development of Christians as a distinct social group. A certain anal-
ogy may be seen between this ancient conflict and the struggle today
between the Vatican and many members of the Catholic hierarchy and
some liberation theologians in Latin America. These theologians are
often attacked as "Marxists," an epithet which counts as vilification in
contexts where an anti-Marxist or anti-Communist ethos is dominant.
The vilification reflects a conflict over values, a clash of symbolic
universes. One aspect of the conflict is a disagreement over where the
boundary line should be drawn between church and culture, between
religion and politics.
The anti-Roman stance of Revelation was unusual in early Christian-
ity. Its expectation of persecution and its emphasis on the divine
honors to the emperor as a divisive and conflictual issue anticipated and
probably helped shape the later great conflicts between Rome and the
martyrs. The vilification of the emperor and empire was most credible
and acceptable during times of persecution by a non-Christian emperor.
This aspect of Revelation became problematic when Constantine
accepted Christianity as legitimate.
Some modern readers avoid finding analogies to Revelation's
vilification of Rome in large part because our therapeutic culture makes
vilification seem distasteful or because of their own secure social status.
Some fundamentalist apocalyptists have found an analogy between
John's vilification of Rome and American anti-Communism. They
therefore vilify the Soviet Union or the People's Republic of China
with Revelation's apocalyptic rhetoric. Such vituperative language
21
On itinerant charismatic leaders and their social setting, see Gerd Theissen, Sociology
of Early Palestinian Christianity (trans. John Bowden; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978) 7-23;
idem, The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity: Essays on Corinth (trans, and ed. John
Schtz; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982) 27-67.
Yarbro Collins: Vilification and Self-Definition 319
22
On popular apocalypticism today, see Robert Jewett, "Coming to Terms with the
Doom Boom," Quarterly Review4 (1984) 9-22.
23
This interpretation was reported to the community of McCormick Theological Sem-
inary by Sheri Noah, who was an international student for a time in Costa Rica.
24
Roy I. Sano, "Ethnic Liberation Theology: Neo-Orthodoxy Reshaped or Replaced?"
Christianity and Crisis (10 November 197S); see also idem, "Jesus as Savior and Lord,"
in The Myth/Truth of God Incarnate (The Tenth National Conference of Trinity Institute;
Wilton: Morehouse-Barlow, 1979) 85-103.
25
See 1QS 5.1-2, 10-20; 9.16; CD 1.12; 1QM 1.1; and esp. 1QM 4.9-10 and 1QH
2.22; see also Yarbro Collins, "Insiders and Outsiders," 208-9.
26
Ignatius Smyrn. 9.1; Polycarp Phil 7.1; Walter Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest
Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) 70.
320 Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl
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