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Progress report

Progress in Human Geography


19
Gender and sexuality II: The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0309132516659569
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Lynda Johnston
University of Waikato, Aotearoa New Zealand

Abstract
This report considers genders and sexualities within and across spaces of activism. Geographers concerned
with social belonging, equity, human rights, civic duties, and gendered and sexed identities often engage in
activism through participatory research and/or direct action. This report brings together geographical
scholarship on feminist and queer (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer) LGBTIQ activism
to examine the construction of transformative geographical knowledges. Feminist and queer activist geo-
graphers can be powerful forces for positive social change and challenge heteronormativity. They may also,
however, reinforce normalizations and hierarchies within and beyond activist spaces. I bring together
references that position geographers at the centre of activism, genders, sexualities and place.

Keywords
activism, politics, inequalities, protest, transformative geographies, feminism, genders, sexualities

I Introduction change in navigating the equalities landscapes


(Podmore, 2013: 265). The debate about
At a time when many western nations are revis-
marriage is, however, a useful starting point as
ing their legislative frameworks to recognize
it potentially opens up closer examinations of
marriage equality for people of all genders,
bodies, love, sexual intimacy, gender, families,
some geographers are arguing for more debate
belonging and sexual citizenship. Over the last
and more action about institutionalized part-
five years or so a great deal of LBGTIQ activism
nership, love, families, sexual citizenship and
has been dominated by marriage equality, caus-
belonging (Gabb and Fink, 2015; Morrison
ing some activist groups to split into those who
et al., 2013; Waitt, 2015; Wilkinson, 2014).
fight for the right to say I do and those who
Waitt (2015: 429) notes: while marriage
dont. Like all binaries and relationships, it is
powerfully links sex, intimacy, sexuality, citi-
never this simple (Browne, 2011).
zenship and the nation, debates around marriage
Politically oriented scholarly activity has a
equality in Australia are often foreclosed by
significant history in geography, so it is timely
both advocates and opponents.
This report, my second on gender and sexuality
(Johnston, 2015), is not merely about marriage;
Corresponding author:
rather, it is about the ways in which feminist and
Lynda Johnston, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences,
queer geographers as researchers of activism University of Waikato, Private Bag 3105, Hamilton 3240,
and as activists find themselves treading a line Aotearoa New Zealand.
between respectability and radical disruptive Email: lyndaj@waikato.ac.nz

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2 Progress in Human Geography

to reflect on what counts as feminist and queer order to challenge geographys heteronormativ-
activism. We have well established literature on ity. Dominant discourses that construct legiti-
sexuality and citizenship focusing on many mate knowers as rational, masculine and
commercial gay scenes and the way in which heterosexual silence those knowers who may
they are produced. As a consequence, some not be, for example, heterosexual (see Binnie,
feminist and queer geographers have berated 1997). Johnson (1994: 110) agonizes about the
others for not radically transforming or queer- consequences professional and otherwise of
ing spaces, places, and the discipline of geo- coming-out in print, declaring my own sexu-
graphy enough (Bell and Binnie, 2002; Oswin, ality and building a feminist geography upon
2004, 2008). my lesbianism. But basically I have seen the
In reviewing LGBTIQ activist feminist and risks as too great, the stakes too high in a homo-
queer geography literature, I consider the fol- phobic culture and discipline. Knopp, however,
lowing questions: are we still committed to rad- has for many years been involved in local pol-
ical change and transformation or have we itics and queer communities. Merging personal
become comfortable even complacent as with professional, Knopp has conducted annual
laws change and university contexts alter LGBT tours as part of a Geography Awareness
(Hines, 2007; McDermott, 2011; Richardson, Week event and he has long been accepted as an
2004; Richardson and Monro, 2012; Spade, activist in the academy (Knopp, 2015).
2011)? And, are feminist and queer activist geo- Is it still risky for some to come out in print/
graphers able to shed critical insights on taken- online? In other words, do we still need to use
for-granted gender and sexual norms, thereby our bodies to challenge a narrow understanding
opening up debates about new possibilities and of who counts as legitimate knowers in geo-
social realities (Weeks, 2007)? From this para- graphy? Johnson again (2012) reflects on her
doxical position between the normalities of changing role in a recent article reviewing 30
equalities landscapes and radical change I years of Australian feminist geography. Her dis-
consider activism in the following sections: dis- engagement from feminist theories and activism
senting bodies, and pride and participation. is a result of: an equality agenda based on mas-
culine values and standards as the norms; the
sense that the feminist revolution is no longer
II Dissenting bodies needed because the objectives have been rea-
Many feminist and queer geographers are acti- lized; an aging cohort of feminists who are no
vists both within and outside of the academy. longer active mentors or knowledge producers;
Being an activist and/or researching activism is and the absence of a political movement that
driven by a desire to create equitable places and demands changes in the academy (Johnson,
spaces, and where the personal is political 2012).
(Cahill, 2007). The protest movements of the This confession alerts us to specific, and
1960s and 70s in western countries inspired accelerated, social and political changes within
many activists to be scholars with the idea that the academy and beyond. In an era of social
academic work is useful in challenging inequal- reform it is useful to identify if a culture of
ities, insecurities, and processes of marginaliza- gender equity and queer tolerance provides
tion (Pickerill and Chatterton, 2006). Yet, opportunities for feminist and queer geogra-
academic work is also a site where some gen- phers. Johnson (2012) suggests that social
dered and sexed bodies and associated knowl- changes have complex and contradictory conse-
edges are othered, marginalized and excluded. quences, often aligning us with new gendered
Indeed, activist geographers have come out in and sexed norms that are not necessarily

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Johnston 3

transformative. Similarly, Longhurst and John- from results, of not passing the test of field-
ston (2014), in our review of research on embo- work, being too focused on family, or concerns
diment in 21 years of the Gender, Place and about appearing serious (Billo and Hiem-
Culture journal, note feminist and queer geogra- stra, 2013: 313; see also Datta, 2008; Frohlick,
phers have been part of a process of writing 2002; Nairn, 2003; Sundberg, 2003). Queer-
bodies and their complex assemblages into a feminist activist research with LGBTIQ groups
variety of geographical discourses but this strat- prompts some geographers to ask How do I
egy has not necessarily prompted a questioning study a group to which I belong politically and
or destabilisation of masculinism in the disci- with which I identify? Am I queer enough?
pline (Longhurst and Johnston, 2014: 274). (Misgav, 2016: 720). This method of research
It is important to remember, however, that often brings us together with our communities,
since the 1990s there have been a series of dis- yet may also set us apart (Heckert, 2010; Nash,
crete but connected projects and articles on dis- 2010).
mantling hegemonic human geography Collaborative feminist research projects are
knowledges, as well as the activist-academic another form of activism when they are
divide (Ward, 2007: 698). Rather than sitting designed to consider who-gets-what (Benson
in ivory towers, geographers have turned out in and Nagar, 2006: 589) both offline and online
to the streets, logged in online, and have broa- (Elwood, 2008; de Jong, 2015a; McLean et al.,
dened the scope of activism so that it goes 2016). Blending theory and practice (praxis),
beyond dramatic, physical, macho forms activist geographers connect with resisting oth-
of activism with short-term public impacts ers which may take the form of communities,
(Maxey, 1999: 200). Inspired by debates such groups, social movements, or nongovernment
as positionality and reflexivity, feminist and organizations who challenge various normative
queer geographers engage in action research practices of dominating power through critical
to create mutually constitutive personal and pro- collaboration.
fessional geographies. The boundaries between Dissenting activist bodies and the power of
activism and research, methods and theory are emotions are capturing geographers attentions
blurred, particularly when we are in a sense all (Brown and Pickerill, 2009a, 2009b), but not a
activists, as we are all engaged in producing the great deal has been written about the emotional
world (Maxey, 1999: 201). A public activist- spaces of gender and queer activism, either
scholar seeking to transform the discipline of within or outside of the academy. The political
human geography, as well as research and per- value in bringing together geographies of gen-
sonal communities is about radical education der, sexualities, emotion, and activism is to
and the public debate of ideas which challenge unsettle the hierarchy of emotions that suggests
the norm (Chatterton, 2008: 421). that only certain feelings are productive for acti-
Other feminist and queer geographers put vism, while other emotions have less relevance
their bodies and reputations on the line in in activist theory and practice (Wilkinson,
order to challenge the hegemony of human geo- 2009: 42). Emotions are embodied, collective
graphy methodologies. Reflecting on their PhD and political, hence integral to the construction
fieldwork, both Billo and Hiemstra (2013: 313) of sociospatial relations that lead to queering
examine how the researchers personal and human geography and community activism.
field life bleed into each other to shape the con- Emotions are bound up with the securing of
duct of research. Many feminist geographers social hierarchy (Ahmed, 2004: 4) and they
are reluctant to discuss personal challenges for are also enmeshed in destabilizing social
fear of seeming weak, of detracting attention hierarchies.

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4 Progress in Human Geography

Some scholars elaborate on the affectual and geographical activist literature highlights the
emotional politics of pride and shame in many ways feminist and queer geographers
response to HIV/AIDS activism (Gould, 2009; adapt and respond to inequalities and normative
Rand, 2012). Acknowledging the 25th anniver- constructions of genders and sexualities.
sary of the founding of ACT UP, Rand (2012:
75) writes about the groups complicated affec-
tive intensities affects that produce individual III Pride and participation
feelings, but also those that drive cultural his- There is now an established scholarship on pride
tories and are directed toward political ends. activism, and much of this is a result of research
She charts an affective history, following Cvet- on LGBTIQ politics in the city and community
kovichs (2003: 167) call for an archive of participation (Johnston and Waitt, 2015). As
emotions to capture activisms felt and trau- regularly claimed, in June 1969 several days
matic dimensions of both pride and shame. Indi- of rioting signaled the beginning of a radical
vidual and collective experiences of pride and gay liberation movement (Weeks, 2015). The
shame are important to consider as these visc- Stonewall Inn, Christopher Street in New York
eral responses help (im)mobilize gay pride acti- City, was the site where queens, queers and
vism (Johnston, 2007). trans people fought back against the police
In a special issue on Activism and Emotion (Weeks, 2015: 45). The riots became an upris-
in the journal Emotion, Space and Society, ing, and in recognition of these Stonewall riots,
Wilkinson (2009) questions the assertion that gay pride groups organize annual festivals and
only some emotions are relevant to politics. In parades to advocate for, and celebrate, gender
doing so she challenges any hierarchy of emo- and sexual diversity. Today, Christopher Street
tions and attempts to separate intimate queer may be lined with many rainbow flags indicat-
lives from the public sphere of activism. Within ing LGBTIQ space. Yet not all rainbow com-
a UK context, Wilkinson (2009) notes that munities feel included in this space which is
autonomous politics are a reaction to the fail- dominated by White middle-class and not
ings of the Left and about creating spaces of necessarily tolerant of LGBTQ YOC [youth of
difference, yet often these groups fail to recog- color] (Irazabal and Huerta, 2016: 720). This is
nize gender and sexual difference, which may a rainbow world that only some have won
lead to a great deal of angst. One of Wilkinsons (McDermott, 2011).
(2009: 38) queer activist interviewees commen- Contemporary urban expressions of gay
ted: Just because some straight anarcho bloke is pride now hinge on whether pride parades are
wearing a pink fluoro dress on a protest, or at a effective forms of activism, or simply bright,
party, doesnt mean hes not acting like a macho sparkly and branded forms of commercialized
wanker. In the attempt to create supportive homonormativity (Bell and Binnie, 2002; Dug-
activist spaces hierarchies may emerge, partic- gan, 2002). Indeed, much scholarship on gay
ularly when there is no place for conflict or pride festivals in large cities focuses on: the
dispute within the group. In these situations it commercialization of sexualized spaces and
is not so much feeling out of place but that cer- bodies for city branding (Bell and Binnie,
tain feelings are out of place. 2004); the creation of a type of cosmopolitan
These dissenting bodies scholar activists climate (Rushbrook, 2002); and tourism (John-
who challenge hegemonic knowledges, places ston, 2005). Yet, these parades and festivals are
and spaces bring into focus the porous bound- both playful and political (Browne, 2007). A
aries between academic, personal and public politics of pleasure is at the centre of events
lives. Following dissenting bodies through that are also about resisting and subverting

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Johnston 5

discrimination, marginalization, intolerance There is good evidence that while gay pride
and prejudice. Playful deconstructive spatial parades and festivals queer streets and
tactics may mobilize new forms of LGBTIQ gayborhoods (Brown, 2013; Ghaziani, 2014)
activism, and at the same time tensions are cre- there is also active resistance from self-
ated between partying, politics, and commer- identified gay people. Waitt and Stapel (2011)
cialization (Browne, 2007). For example, when interviewed people in Townsville (Queensland,
regional authorities promote gay pride tourism, Australia) who felt shame rather than pride
this is often deemed an indicator of LGBTIQ when viewing the Sydney Gay and Lesbian
human rights progress. Yet, this may also Mardi Gras Parade. The public display of gen-
establish some places as being considered dered and sexed bodies fornicating on floats is
more advanced or civilised than others deemed unacceptable for some gay men in
(Chambers, 2008). Townsville. This construction means that some
Geographers have conducted extensive dissenting bodies become synonymous with
research around the globe on the diversity of Sydney, and not with Townsville.
gay pride in, for example: Australasia (de Jong, Flying the rainbow flag at pride events is
2015b; Johnston and Waitt, 2015; Markwell increasingly seen as homogenizing, and counter
and Waitt, 2009); Canada (Podmore, 2015); to the recognition of the intersection of subjectiv-
Europe (Binnie and Klesse, 2011; Blidon, ities based on more than gender and sexuality, but
2009; Browne and Bakshi, 2013a; Johnston, also class, ethnicity, indigeneity, disabilities, age
2005); and the Middle East (Hartal, 2016). and so on. Pride events, such as the Trans Day of
These studies address regional activist politics Action for Social and Economic Justice in New
of gay pride events, noting, for example, chal- York City, chose a more critical path and address
lenges to heteronormative city spaces and cor- the marginalization of queer and trans people of
poratized homonormative expression of color, low income people, immigrants, and peo-
capitalisms (Brown, 2007a). These (flawed ple with disabilities (Spade, 2011: 206). When
and imperfect) possibilities of the celebratory radically queer activists brush up against main-
politics of pride re-create LGBTIQ bodies as stream reformist type organizations, such as
cosmopolitan urbanites (Browne and Bakshi, Stonewall in the UK or the National Gay and
2013a: 160). Lesbian Task Force in the US, gender and sexual
The interplay of tourism, leisure and politics normativities are challenged. Brown (2007a,
is highlighted by many mentioned above. So too 2007b) discusses the political practices of radi-
are they highlighted by Binnie and Klesse cally queer activists from different parts of the
(2011) when they examine the links between world who come together for Queeruption gath-
tourism and LGBTQ activism in the March for erings. Radically queer activism and the way in
Tolerance (an annual tolerance and equality which it is aligned with anticapitalist and anar-
march) in Krakow, Poland. The politics of hos- chist global justice movements challenge both
pitality and solidarity (or solidarity tourism) sig- homo and heteronomativites in a way that is both
nificantly strengthens activist networks transformative and empowering (Brown, 2007b).
connected to the March for Tolerance event. What constitutes gay pride activism, itself, is
This event is a good example of an enmeshed fought over, and interconnected with alternative
relationship between tourism and gay pride par- economies of community socializing as well as
ades. Arising from this research is the recogni- mainstream highly commercial gay scenes
tion of feminists as core to LGBTQ activist (Andrucki and Elder, 2007). The diverse ways
networks (Binnie and Klesse, 2012, and see also of doing activism means that lines are some-
Kulpa, 2014). times drawn between radical change and

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6 Progress in Human Geography

assimilation to norms. Conflicts tend to indicate counter-mapping activism in which they


different ideas about agendas and priorities of acknowledge both the democratic promises and
annual gay pride festivals. antidemocratic realities of participatory map-
Participating in, and being activists, beyond ping projects. Together with long-time elder
pride parades and in the day-to-day of queer Seattle residents and activists, they tried to pro-
communities, has absorbed some feminist and duce a material artefact that boldly represented
queer geographers (Browne and Bakshi, 2013a; space, place, and spatial relations in Seattle,
Johnston and Longhurst, 2010; Misgav, 2015). WA, but they also attempted to keep the map
Working with and in community groups brings open, plural, equivocal, and tentative (Brown
to the fore everyday possibilities and tensions and Knopp, 2008: 44). They encountered ten-
when feminist and queer groups align with insti- sions and conflicts which they describe as just
tutions such as local and city authorities, and that not simple or easy moments of harmony
begin to operate within local authority spaces, or reconciliation or commensuration. They
such as funded LGBT centres (Hartal, 2015; decided to come clean about the limits of their
Misgav, 2015) or within city authorities participatory GIS project because the limits,
(Browne and Bakshi, 2013a). compromises, and contradictions are integral
Advancing the work of LGBT activisms, to understanding queer geography and cartogra-
Browne and Bakshi (2013b) consider activists phy/GIS.
themselves and others who work for and Also concerned with mapping, Ferriera and
within statutory services in Brighton and Hove, Salvador (2015) disrupt heteronomativity in
Englands gay capital. The 2010 Equalities Portugal by creating and sharing collaborative
Act has been a key mechanism to prompt a shift web maps with lesbians. In the research proj-
towards inclusionary politics at the level of ect Creating Landscapes, participants mem-
local government, corporations and statutory ories, emotions and feelings are used to create
services. Traditional forms of activism that digital layers of lesbian visibility. There are
oppose the state are no longer necessary, yet opportunities for community and personal dis-
this leaves some questioning the incorporation coveries, as well as fostering positive changes
of queer lives into normative institutions. and empowerment. These mapping participa-
Browne and Bakshi (2013b: 261) follow insi- tory activist projects make lives liveable at a
der activists, charting the fraught experiences range of spatial scales. They may not be radi-
of activists who are challenged and critiqued cally transformative or overthrow deep struc-
and held to account. This examination of the tural inequalities based on patriarchal
impact of equalities legislation is part of a larger homophobia and transphobia, yet they offer
participant-action research project, Count Me different ways to visualize places and bodies
in Too (Browne and Bakshi, 2013a). They call as multiple and diverse.
for a spatially sensitive politics of ordinariness
that does not necessarily imply assimilation or
normativity. IV Conclusion
Participatory research projects have proved I began this report using a societal equality indi-
fruitful for feminist and queer activist geogra- cator the right to marry to open up debates
phers, and much of this research is driven by about the usefulness of feminist and queer geo-
personal commitments to researchers own graphers activism. My ongoing concern is that
communities. These activist projects may be we may be too respectable in our political
successful, but they also have limitations. actions, and hence avoid more radical disruptive
Brown and Knopp (2008) discuss their change. There is plenty of evidence that state

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Johnston 7

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