Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Erik R. Thomas
North Carolina State University, U.S.A.
The Atlas of North American English: Phonetics, Phonology and Sound Change, or
ANAE (Labov, Ash and Boberg 2006), stands out as the greatest recent
accomplishment of dialect geography in North America. In fact, with 762
subjects, it ranks among such projects as the Swedish project SweDia (Eriksson
2004), the Hungarian National Sociolinguistic Survey (Kontra 1995), and
various online surveys such as the Harvard Dialect Survey (Vaux and Golder
2003) and the Cambridge Online Survey of World Englishes (Vaux 2016) as
one of the largest dialect geography projects in the world over the past
generation. Moreover, it distinguishes itself from older dialect geography work
in taking advantage of recent technological advances of disparate types: it
employs acoustic analysis of variables, it uses a modernized sampling
procedure, and it utilizes computer mapping techniques. It focuses mainly on
current trends instead of historical patterns. Not surprisingly, with the new
methods and the new focus, it has uncovered numerous geographical patterns
that older projects overlooked.
ANAE was designed as a survey that would cover every continental U.S.
state and every Canadian province. It focuses on cities. In each selected urban
center of at least 50,000 inhabitants, telephone numbers were dialed
randomly and then respondents were screened according to whether they
were natives of the particular metropolis. In some cities, only one or two
respondents were obtained, but in many cities, half a dozen or more were
interviewed. Eligible respondents were then mailed a list of words containing,
collectively, all the vowels of English, often in phonetic contexts of interest, and
were called back later and asked to read the words aloud into their telephones.
A few questions about lexical and grammatical variables were also included.
All the interviews were audio recorded. Afterwards, the vowels elicited in the
interviews were analyzed acoustically by means of linear predictive coding.
The project grew out of Labovs previous work, dating back to the late 1960s,
involving acoustic analysis of sound changes in progress. In earlier studies (e.g.
Labov 1991, 1994), Labov had identified a Northern Cities Shift, a Southern
Shift, and other patterns of vowel rotations, but his teams work had focused
on just a few communities, mostly large cities, and the remainder of North
America was terra incognita. ANAE aimed to fill in the vast gaps.
Large-scale geographic projects such as ANAE serve a number of important
purposes. They provide snapshots of the language at a particular time that,
LAGS) and the DARE survey, though with the analog reel-to-reel or cassette
tape devices that were available at the time. ANAE followed suit and introduced
more modern recording equipment. For most interviews, ANAE used digital
recording devices, which produce recordings that, unlike analog recordings,
can be copied exactly and do not degrade over time. Audio recording and the
digital format facilitate the most important innovation in ANAE, acoustic
analysis of the recordings. Linguistic atlas projects, including LAGS, had always
relied on impressionistic auditory transcriptions for phonetic data. Acoustic
analysis, however, eliminates most of the subjectivity inherent in auditory
transcription. In fact, it is the reason that Labovs team at the University of
Pennsylvania, and now ANAE, were able to capture trends that had escaped
earlier researchers because, while auditory transcribers tend to be primed for
older, well-known phonetic variants better than for incipient, poorly known
ones, acoustic analysis is equally sensitive to both sorts of variants. ANAE also
makes use of modern computerized graphical techniques for geographical maps
and for plots of subjects vowel configurations. Moreover, it introduces
techniques for studying phonological mergers that have been developed in
recent decades, such as examining both speakers production and speakers
own judgments (what ANAE somewhat misleadingly calls perception).
Because of the erstwhile ossified state of American dialect geography, the
inaccessibility of much of its data, the fact that its data represent speech of the
nineteenth century instead of today, and the vast innovations in equipment
and methods, ANAE has been a much-needed addition to the North American
linguistic scene. ANAE is organized in a way quite unlike previous dialect
geographies and related publications (e.g. Kurath and McDavid 1961)
covering phonetic variation. Various chapters and maps in ANAE stress the
interrelatedness of different vocalic changes: i.e. chain shifts and parallel shifts.
This innovation represents a significant step forward in the treatment of dialect
geography. From reading older publications, one might never guess that
variants of different vowels had any relationship to each other unless the
authors specifically stated that they did. In ANAE, however, these
interrelationships are the primary focus. For instance, the antagonistic
relationship between the /o/-/oh/ (BOT-BOUGHT)1 merger and certain regional
shifts in one or the other of those vowels is made clear. Considerable ink is
devoted to the Northern Cities Shift, the chain shift found on the American side
of the Great Lakes, and how its components are interdependent. Maps also
show how fronting of /ow/ (BOAT) and // (BUT) are related to each other and
how the Southern Shift proceeded in three stages: glide deletion of /ay/ (BIDE),
lowering of /ey/ (BAIT), and lowering of /iy/ (BEET). Maps for all of these
interrelationships are reinforced by numerous formant plots of the vowels of
individual speakers. Special sections are devoted to the patterns of cities with
unique vowel configurations, such as New York City and Pittsburgh, and how
their vowels interact. Acoustic analysis was vital for discovering and
substantiating many of these shifts; auditory transcriptions would
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ATLAS OF NORTH AMERICAN ENGLISH 493
WEAKNESSES IN ANAE
No large-scale project lacks faults, and ANAE has its deficiencies. One that
stands out is the weak coverage of minorities. ANAE admittedly made no
attempt to examine Latino Englishes. This omission is unfortunate because
Latinos predominate in some regions, such as southern Texas and large parts
of such urban centers as Miami and Los Angeles, and have developed their
own dialects in such areas. Asian Americans and Native Americans were
completely off ANAEs radar. ANAE took more notice of African Americans,
but they, too, are underrepresented, with only 44 subjects. While some cities
such as Atlanta and New Orleans have adequate samplings of African
Americans, other important African American centers such as Washington,
D.C., Houston, Memphis, and Baltimore have none. ANAEs reasoning is that
minorities in general, and African Americans in particular, hardly participate
in regional vowel shifts, an assertion that Labov has made repeatedly in past
publications (e.g. Labov 1991, 1994). However, that is not completely true, as
the papers in Yaeger-Dror and Thomas (2010) demonstrate and as ANAE
acknowledges in a footnote (Labov, Ash and Boberg 2006: 24). Furthermore,
the vowel configurations of minorities may themselves show informative and
unique developments that are not evident in European American varieties. The
sparse minority representation in ANAE and the assumptions behind this
under-sampling may leave readers with the impression that minorities are
largely divorced from the vocalic innovations that pervade white dialects (e.g.
for African Americans), that their speech represents merely short-term
transitional interference features from a substrate language (e.g. Latinos and
some Native Americans), or that they assimilate completely to white dialects
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494 THOMAS
and show no special patterns of their own (e.g. Asian Americans). On the
contrary, white North American dialects may currently be entering a phase of
leveling and the future of dialectal diversity may lie in large part with minority
dialects. As a result, the underrepresentation of minorities in ANAE may leave
an unfortunate legacy if it discourages future researchers from examining
vocalic diversity among minorities.
Another possible deficiency is the paucity of rural subjects. ANAEs
justification for focusing on urban centers is that most sound changes are
initiated in urban centers (Labov, Ash and Boberg 2006: 21). However, not all
sound changes are urban in origin/propagation (Bailey et al. 1993) and rural
areas can contain instructive patterns absent in cities, as Labov himself (e.g.
Labov 1994) has noted for North Carolinas Outer Banks. Nevertheless, inclusion
of rural areas, even of a light but continent-wide sampling of them, might have
made the project less manageable, delaying publication indefinitely.
The treatment of diphthongs is a decidedly weak aspect of ANAE. ANAE
devotes considerable discussion to glide deletion of /ay/ (BITE/BIDE) in the South
and of /aw/ (BOUT) in Pittsburgh. However, there are no plots or maps showing
acoustic measurements of these glides, which would substantiate the degree of
glide weakening. This lack of attention and the label glide deletion itself
perpetuate the notion that the process is a matter of presence or absence of a glide
when it actually involves a gradient of weakening. Acoustic data on glides are
shown only once in the entire tome, in plots of trajectories of the /uw/, /ow/, and
/aw/ glides for one Alabama subject. As noted by, e.g., Thomas (2003) and
Jacewicz, Fox and Salmons (2011a, 2011b, inter alia), diphthongal dynamics are
important dialectal variables in their own right and deserve more attention.
Moreover, failure to examine diphthongal dynamics closely may lead to
erroneous conclusions such as ANAEs report of an /g/-/eyg/ merger in
certain regions, which Bauer and Parker (2008) contest with more detailed data.
A further aspect of ANAE that I find problematic is the binary notation used
for vowel classes. The binary system is abstract, assigning a small number of
labels to all vowels and glides. Thus, the BIT vowel is labeled as /i/ and the BEET
vowel as /iy/, even when their respective qualities do not overlap. This system
harkens back to the bygone age of Bloomfieldian Structuralism, having been
developed in large part by Trager and Bloch (1941) and Trager and Smith
(1951). It predominated in American linguistics in the mid-twentieth century
and still has some currency in phonology but is rarely used in phonetics. ANAE
gives several justifications for using this highly abstract system instead of a
unary notation such as that used by dialect geographers, which employs
distinct symbols for each vowel class (e.g. /i/ for the BEET vowel and // for the
BIT vowel). First, ANAE contends that the unary notation represents only a
synchronic state, whereas the binary system represents diachronic
development better. For example, ANAE asserts that /o/ represents the origin
of the BOT class from Middle English short /o/ better than // does. However,
ANAE also uses // and //, which obscure their connection with Middle
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ATLAS OF NORTH AMERICAN ENGLISH 495
English short-a and short-u, respectively, and it is unclear why unary systems
have to be taken as merely synchronic. Second, ANAE argues that the unary
system uses too many special symbols such as // and //. This reasoning
assumes that minimalism is always preferable, a highly assailable view.
ANAEs third, and primary, reason for using the binary notation is that it
reflects the structural properties behind the vowel shifting principles listed in
ANAE and Labovs previous work. This argument rests on the notion of
subsystems of vowels showing their own chain shifts that bypass vowels in
other subsystems, several of which ANAE illuminates in various chapters.
However, these subsystems are more permeable and less well-defined than
ANAE suggests. The /iy/ vowel, for example, shows a true upglide only in a few
Southern varieties, its meager formant dynamics usually explicable as
transitions from and to adjacent segments. /ey/ (BAIT), conversely, shows an
upglide in all but a few North American varieties. As a result, the two seldom
work in tandem during shifts in the region ANAE covers. The monophthongal
realization of /iy/, on the other hand, may be responsible (via vowel dispersion)
for the fact that /iy/ and /i/ (the BIT vowel) typically show a greater F2
difference than the nuclei of /ey/ and /e/ (BET) exhibit. Thus, /iy/ and /i/
influence each other more often than /iy/ and /ey/ do, compromising the
utility of the binary notation. Similarly, why should /ow/ and //, from
different subsystems, shift in tandem so frequently? Other drawbacks also
emerge. In ANAEs binary system, all fronting upglides are labeled /-y/ and all
backing upglides /-w/, though as I showed in Thomas (2003), glides may have
height distinctions. Furthermore, short vowels, represented as monophthongal
in the binary system, are not intrinsically monophthongal at all because they
typically show inglides/downglides when their duration is sufficiently long
(see, e.g., Jacewicz, Fox and Salmons 2011a, 2011b). The overriding problem
is that ANAE injects abstraction where it does not belong i.e. beyond just
defining historical classes but further, into a wide-ranging systematization of
diverse dialects and historical change.
NOTE
1. The keywords used in this paper are those of Yaeger-Dror and Thomas (2010),
which were designed for North American English and are easier to remember
than those of Wells (1982).
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