Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Since the dawn of civilization, women have done jobs as the latter in patriarchal societies.
Cooking for the family, maintaining clean a household, tending to children, and being completely
subservient to their husbands is all women have been thought capable of, while men were
thought responsible of directing political, economic, and cultural life. As time went on, the status
of women deteriorated even more. Patriarchal societies basically treated women as slaves,
despite the suffragist movements created to give women more freedom. In modern times, women
are still extremely limited in what they can do without an issue and whats frowned upon,
especially in the workforce. In STEM fields, there is often a barrier between men and women
that affects everything from how women are paid compared to men to how they are treated by
their male counterparts. The reoccurring gender biases in STEM fields have disastrous results on
women.
Being a woman in America means you are subject to unfair biases based on gender.
Studies show that gender bias plays a huge role in how much women receive for working
identical jobs as men. Although these gender stigmas have been in existence for several
centuries, circumstances occurred that changed the role of women, especially in the United
States. During World War II, women were required to support their homes and families in
different ways than just cooking, cleaning, and taking care of children. Since a majority of the
women in the United States had husbands that were drafted in the war, they had to take over the
responsibilities that men were once solely responsible for. Women were employed in factories,
lumber mills, construction sites, and pilots. Rosie the Riveter, a star of a government campaign
aimed at recruiting female workers for the munitions industry, became perhaps the most iconic
image of working women during the war (History). Rosie served as an influential figure for more
Scott 2
than 6 million women in the workforce. She also represented the millions of women in America
that stepped up and took responsibility without hesitation to do jobs that had previously only
An interview with Mary Graham revealed that women lack representation in management
positions in the fields they seek jobs in, which negatively affects the chances of women obtaining
these careers, as well as the overall performance of the company. However, this issue cannot be
resolved easily because women are given an extremely hard time when they try to enter men-
driven fields. Abendroths theories of gendered power relations assert that, those in powerful
positions tend to promote their personal and group agenda (Abendroth). Therefore, if several
board members belonging to a specific company are of the elite 10%, they will project their
views onto the rest of the company, which will ultimately result in a workspace that lacks
diversity; composed of white males belonging to a certain age group. Minorities belonging to the
company will be forced to prove their worth by performing ten times as well as everyone else.
Thus, for a woman to enter a top-tier position, she must perform twice as well as her male
It has been a common stigma that women should be teachers, and women were accepted
in classrooms. To have leadership positions within schools, however, was both uncommon and
unheard of. However, women now earn 57% of bachelors degrees and 59% of masters degrees
in the United States, and with their degrees, women are more likely to apply and get accepted to
leadership roles. In a survey of earned doctorates in the United States, Sommers attests that,
2006 was the fifth year in a row in which the majority of research Ph.D.s awarded to United
States citizens went to women. Women earn more Ph.D.s than men in the humanities, social
Scott 3
sciences, education, and life sciences" (Sommers). With their degrees, women now serve as
presidents of Harvard, MIT, Princeton University, the University of Pennsylvania, and other
universities leading in research. Elsewhere, however, the figures for women with leadership roles
are much different. Women comprise just 19% of tenure-track professors in math, 11% in
physics, 10% in computers science, and 10% in electrical engineering. These figures correspond
with what Furchgott-Roth considers a myth. There is a belief that women get less pay for equal
work, however, the spurious assertion that women are paid 77 cents for a mans wage dollar
comes from comparing the earnings of all full-time men with those of all full-time women
(Furchgott-Roth). The Furchgott-Roth also argues that women, for their own reasons, enter so-
called helping professions, such as nursing, teaching, elderly care, nutrition, and social work.
These occupations pay less than more dangerous and physically demanding lines of work that
attract more men; such as engineering, mining, construction, and operating machinery.
experiences, such as sexual harassment, are more likely to occur in male-dominated settings like
the sciences (e.g., Antecol & Cobb-Clark, 2001; Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007) and men are far
more likely to direct sex-based mistreatment toward women in male-dominated careers (e.g.,
science) as a means of penalizing them for violating gender-role norms and stereotypes (Dovidio,
Major, & Crocker, 2000). Further, Kanters (1977) classic theory of proportional representation
suggests that women who are a numerical minority in an organizational settings (tokens) will
pressure because they are highly visible as tokens and are expected to represent women as a
Scott 4
group. Women may also experience social isolation because they are seen as outsiders by men in
the organization. Finally, perceptions of individual women are filtered through stereotypes about
their gender. For example, compared to men, women are stereotyped as less intelligent and less
competent in mathematics and science (Lane, Goh, & Driver-Linn, 2012; Shih, Pittinsky, &
Ambady, 1999). Moreover, the cultural stereotype of the scientist as objective, rational, and
single-minded is consistent with prescribed norms for men, but counter to stereotypes and
prescribed norms for women (Barbercheck, 2001; Diekman & Steinberg, 2013; Fiske, Cuddy,
Glick & Xu, 2002). Together, these factors contribute to a chilly climate for women in STEM,
with multiple challenges that contribute to their low numbers at every level (Settles).
interpersonal experiences faced by women in STEM by comparing female and male STEM and
non-STEM faculty members at a United States accredited university. Compared to female faculty
members in social science (non-STEM), female faculty members in the natural sciences (STEM)
reported more perceived gender discrimination related to hiring, promotion, salary, space,
well as more sexual harassment. Among faculty in STEM, women also reported more gender
discrimination compared to 59 percent of women (Settles, Cortina, Buchanan, & Miner, 2013).
Further, female STEM faculty members, compared to their male counterparts in STEM, reported
more gender derogation negative, insensitive or disparaging comments made about ones own
gender, and viewed their workplace as more tolerant of sexism (Settles et al., 2013). These
findings support the notion that such behaviors are a way to penalize women for working in
Scott 5
male-dominated fields, and to communicate that they are not welcome in such environments
(Settles).
Gender biases and prejudices against women are also common in college settings. The
Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 supposedly protects people from discrimination
based on sex in education programs or activities that receive financial aid from the Federal
government. Title IX directly states that, No person in the United States shall, on the basis of
sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to
discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance
(U.S. Department of Education). The scope of Title IX applies to institutions that receive Federal
financial assistance from ED, including state and local education agencies. Title IX was designed
to assist with the closing of the gender wage gap. However, despite how effective Title IX has
been in promoting equality for women in the workforce, the bill has also caused several issues
for women trying to battle gender bias in the workplace, as well as in school settings. Over the
years, professionals have interpreted Title IX to mean that women are entitled to statistical
proportionality, meaning if a college has a student body consistent of 60% females, then 60% of
the athletes on that college campus should also be female even if far fewer women than men
are interested in playing sports at that college. However, there is no question that Title IX
ultimately led to mens participation in college sports being calibrated to the level of womens
interest. This calibration could potentially devastate academic science by veering women away
From the unintentional biases stemmed in people whose beliefs in patriarchal blossomed
new terms to describe the prejudices faced by women. Unintentional racism, the unrealized
Scott 6
racism or prejudice against a person or group of persons based off race, color, gender, or sexual
beliefs or attitudes, and can take various forms, the most obvious being the dominant norms and
standards conveyed by men in society. Many people believe these norms and standards are
morally correct and culturally justified, thus, they do not understand these stigmas and standards
oppress and dehumanize others, specifically women. Thus, being oppressed can potentially lead
to serious health issues, as stated by Carolyn Shimmin of the Canadian Womens Health
Network. Although stigma is a familiar concept in the field of mental health, it is still rather
complex and is often over-simplified. The term is used as a catch-all for an array of negative
beliefs, attitudes and actions related to mental health. What is often left out of the discussion is
that stigma exists within a social power structure that facilitates it. As Bruce Link and Jo Phelan
political power that allowsthe full execution of disapproval, rejection, exclusion, and
discrimination. Researchers have found that, in addition to labelling and stereotyping, active
discrimination and the misuse of power are the most damaging aspects of stigma. The key to an
including recognition that women and men experience and apply stigma differently. A campaign
or any anti-stigma programming that does not take gender into account risks failure, and may
waste the often considerable resources invested. To date, the MHCC national anti-stigma
male and female employees, and how this responsibility is also linked to the nature of stigma
attached to pregnant womens behaviors. Shimmin asserts that, Though there has been some
Scott 7
shift in Canadian public policy to embrace harm reduction approaches to substance use and
addictions, the unique needs of pregnant women and mothers with addictions are frequently
neglected. Similarly, public attitudes and child welfare policies may negatively affect women
with mental illness who are pregnant or mothering (portraying these women as unstable mothers
whose children should be taken away). These conditions may determine whether or not a woman
will report substance use patterns or mental health issues during pregnancy and while mothering.
This sort of stigma is directly associated with gender roles. Researchers have argued that the
stigma for women who use any licit or illicit drugs is more severe than for men because of
womens place in society, as those who bear and rear children and who are seen to uphold the
moral and spiritual values of society. There is also the negative stereotype that women users are
sexually promiscuous because of their drug or alcohol use. This association is not seen in men.
The World Health Organization has found that men are far more likely than women to disclose
problems with alcohol use to their health care provider. To communicate effectively to and about
women who experience substance use problems or mental illness, it is necessary to understand
and reflect the social context in which such experiences emerge. It is also important to
understand that stigma experienced by those living with addictions varies by gender and
flexibility from all angles in a series of studies published on Friday in The Journal of Social
Issues, co-edited by Professor Williams and others. Among other things, the researchers
examined the effect of men taking leave after the birth of a child (they were more likely to be
penalized and less likely to get promoted or receive raises), as well as the reasons some
professional women decide to leave work after having children (working reduced hours resulted
Scott 8
in less meaningful work assignments). They also looked at how the perception of women using
flexible arrangements differs across class lines: affluent women often receive the message that
they should stay at home, while poor women are more likely to hear that they shouldnt have had
children to begin with (Bernard). These studies show that deep-rooted cultural values
intertwining work devotion and gender identity drive the flexibility stigma, said Professor
Williams said (Williams). But it is clear that many American families crave
flexibility, especially as traditional gender roles of mothers and fathers continue to blur. A study
by the Society for Human Resource Management conducted in 2008, the most recent data
available, found that 34 percent of human resources professionals polled indicated an increase in
The reasons are fairly obvious, as more Americans chase the elusive work-life balance. Nearly
equal shares of working mothers and fathers report that they feel stressed about juggling work
and family life, a recent Pew Research Center analysis found. But while working fathers placed
more importance on having a high-paying job, the study found working mothers were more
concerned with having a flexible schedule. In fact, its possible that more women would be
working if they had such arrangements available to them, and that they felt comfortable using.
The share of working-age American women in the work force has been on the decline relative to
other developed countries, a phenomenon tied at least in part to those countries rapid expansion
of family-friendly policies, according to a study by Francine Blau and Lawrence Kahn, both
In 1990, the United States had the sixth-highest share of women in the work force
among 22 developed countries, with 74 percent of women ages 25 to 54 working. But by 2010,
Scott 9
the share of American women working dropped to 17th place, with slightly more than 75 percent
of women working compared to 80 percent outside the country, the research found. They
estimate that American womens participation would have been 82 percent if they had access to
the other countries policies, which include a right to part-time work. Maybe we have reached a
maximum and we cant go any higher, Professor Blau said, referring to the percentage of
working women. But this suggests we could go higher if we worked on these work-life balance
issues (Blau).
advancement goes. Long, paid parental leaves and the availability of part-time positions may
encourage women who would have otherwise been more committed to working to take those
part-time or lower-level jobs, Professor Blau explained. And employers, in turn, may be less
likely to promote or put women in higher positions if they think they are going to take advantage
of flexible arrangements. As it stands now, women in the United States are more likely to work
full time than in other developed countries and they are more likely to be in higher-level
positions (Blau).
In her article about the unspoken stigmas women deal with in the workplace, Bernard
discusses how workers in large corporations are often left to sort out stigma issues on their own:
Both inside many companies and at the national level, workers largely have been left to sort
these issues out on their own. But some places are beginning to take cues from other countries
that have already carried out national policies to protect workers who want more flexible
arrangements. Last month, Vermont passed an equal pay law that, among other things,
provides employees with the right to request flexible working arrangements and protects them
from retaliation for asking. The law requires employers to listen to workers pleas twice a year,
Scott 10
though they arent obliged to grant any requests. This law is modeled after similar laws in the
U.K. and Australia, said Cary Brown, executive director of the Vermont Commission on
Women, and we believe its the first of its kind in the United States (Bernard).
A sex- and gender-based analysis also helps us understand the high rate of suicide among
men. Growing up, boys encounter what William Pollack termed the Boy Codea set of
expectations about how boys and men should think, feel and act: be tough, dont cry, go it
alone, and dont show any emotion except for anger. These characteristics of traditional
masculinity and the stigma attached to any male who does not abide by these characteristics can
cause men to perceive mental health problems as weaknesses and thus not seek the necessary
help (Shimmin). Consequently, sexist men in the workforce do not always receive the medical
According to Janet Currie, a health researcher who has done extensive research on anti-
stigma campaigns, There are four approaches used to combat stigma those living with mental
illness. The first is protest, where mental health consumers watch media, etc., identifying
stigmatizing words, phrases and attitudes and bringing this to the attention of the public. The
second is to organize contact with people living with mental health problems. The third is anti-
stigma campaigns, which receive the most money. The fourth approach is a human rights-based
method that looks at landlords, employers, prisons, etc. and is court-basedoutlawing such
discrimination (Currie). Currie also says that large sums of money are put into anti-stigma
companies. The underlying message is dont be afraid to report your mental illness. This, in
turn, leads to an increase in labelling which potentially can cause an increase in stigma, as stigma
is contingent on labelling. But, Currie says, the ads do not talk about the punishment that goes
Scott 11
along with being labelledthat once a diagnosis is put in your medical record it can affect your
health insurance premiums and can be used in court cases, especially separation and custody
cases. Its a hidden discrimination. And diagnosis of anxiety and depression are quite common
In Michael Smiths book Stigma, he writes that anti-stigma campaigns tend to use three
different approaches: normalization, media and social attitudes, and rights-based protest. The
MHCC anti-stigma campaign to date resembles the normalization approach, which seems to be
the most frequently used, with examples in England (Beyond Blue), Australia (Changing
Minds) and New Zealand (Like Minds, Like Mine). This approach emphasizes how common
mental health problems are, and asserts that people living with mental illness are just like us,
except that they have a genetic or medical difference. This approach is based on achieving
acceptance rather than equality, and it has been argued that even people who may not be just
like us, who may, for instance, have cognitive impairment as a result of schizophrenia, deserve
If mental health organizations and anti-stigma campaigns were to look at the experiences
of those living with severe chronic mental illnesses, such as schizophrenia, says Currie, that there
would be a call for healthy and safe public housing. Instead, the call is for large sums of money
to be invested in advertisements telling people to be kinder to those living with mental health
problems, but not actually creating social and economic change for those living with the illness.
One significant finding about normalization approaches is that there is a gender difference in the
effectiveness of anti-stigma campaigns. Research has shown that women with family members
or friends with depression had lower stigma scores than women who did not, but this was not
observed in men. In fact, the research shows statistical correlations in men between the belief
Scott 12
that weakness of character is a causal factor for depression and having family and close friends
with depression. Therefore, personal contact with individuals with depression is shown to have a
positive effect on stigma in women, but to have no effect in men. This is relevant to the MHCCs
anti-stigma campaign, which is repeated and direct peer-based contact with people who have
experienced mental illness in the hopes of reducing negative stereotypes. If, as research suggests,
this approach will only work with women, it provides a clear example of how initiatives to
reduce stigma that ignore gender differences risk failing at least half of this population.
Smith writes that a rights-based approach is based on the idea that those
stigmatized because of mental illness represent a group of people who are wrongfully shamed,
humiliated and marginalized. We see this type of stigma applied to other minorities as well. The
rights-based approach seeks to counter discrimination by monitoring and enforcing equal access
to health care, housing, employment and justice (Shimmen). This in turn leads to practical
improvements for those living with mental illness not only in daily life, but also in self-
confidence and social inclusion. While this approach requires major social and economic
changes, and is thus the most challenging, it ultimately leads to deeper and more permanent
change.
Clearly, to create real change and to effectively reduce stigma for those living with
mental health illnesses, it is imperative to acknowledge the gender differences in the way stigma
is experienced and applied. The only approach so far that seems to acknowledge this is a human
rights-based approach. If gender is not addressed, an anti-stigma campaign could very well have
the reverse effectdoing more harm than good for those living with mental illness (Shimmen).
Because people are more likely to act out of unconscious or hidden bias, knowing
that someone is biased for or against a group of people may cause one to compensate for this
Scott 13
notion, and carefully reconsider hiring them. Acknowledging biases often opens doors for
ignorant people to learn the error of their thought processes. The Implicit Association Test (IAT)
has helped millions of people reveal their unconscious biases towards themselves and others
around them. The online test includes a series of multiple choice questions that assess how one
would act in a situation that either (a) causes them to behave negatively and oppress someone
types of insects and 25 types of flowers, and found that it was much easier to place the flowers in
groups with pleasant words and insects in groups with unpleasant words more so than the
reverse. It was, however, difficult to hold a mental association of insects with words such as
dream, candy, and heaven, and flowers with words such as evil, poision, and devil
(Vendantam). Greenwald then moved on to the next phase of his experiment, and used
names, such as Jamal and Lakeisha, and grouped them with the pleasant and unpleasant words.
According to Vendantam, Greenwald himself was surprised at the results: I had as much trouble
pairing African-American names with plesant words as I did insect names with pleasant words
(Vedantam). His collaborator, Banaji, was even more self-reflective as she recalls being deeply
embarrassed about her test results. She attested that she, was humbled in a way that few
describes the disappointment and surprise shared by two people who took the test and found their
results did not match their perceived views of themselves. Much to the dismay of these
individuals, the test results were in conflict with their life and career goals. Vendantam explains a
Scott 14
womans test results in detail after she took an updated version of the IAT saying, The woman
brought up a test on her computer from a Harvard University website. It was really simple. All it
asked her to do was distinguish the differences between a series of black and white faces. When
she saw a black face, she was instructed to hit a key on the left; when she saw a white face, she
was to hit a key on the right. Next, she was asked to distinguish between a series of positive and
negative words. Words such as glorious and wonderful required a tapping of the left key,
while words such as nasty and awful required she touch the key on the right. The test
remained simple when two categories were combined: the activist hit the left key if she saw
either a white face or a positive word, and she hit the right key when she noticed either a black
face or a negative word. The groupings were then reversed. The womans index fingers hovered
over her keyboard. The test now required her to group black faces with positive words, and white
faces with negative words. She leaned forward intently. She made no mistakes, however, it took
her a longer amount of time to correctly sort the words and images. Her results from the test
appeared on the screen after she had finished, and the woman activist fell completely silent. The
test revealed she was biased towards African-Americans, and had a preference for white people
thought themselves to be completely unbiased, according to the writings of several white anti-
racist activists, including Tom Wise. Wise openly acknowledges residual racism still inside them.
Wise notes how unconscious bias relegates the role of whiteness or race becomes clear to a
person, such as the activist described above, shock and disappointment are likely responses
(Wise). Anthony Greenwald and Mahzarin Banjai developed the test in the mid 1990s because it
is well known that people dont always speak their minds, and it is suspected that people dont
divergences of our conscious thoughts and our unconscious biases, according to Harvards
School of Law website on Project Implicit (Harvard School of Law). This unconscious pairing of
negative and positive connotations with names of simple objects has direct correlations to the
real world, especially the work force. Unconscious bias allows people who consciously say they
want qualifying minority employees unconsciously are prejudiced towards applications and
resumes that have African-American names. While there are other factors that are being held
accountable in the application process for applying for a job, names that sound as if they are
attached to someone Caucasian trigger, on average, 50% more callbacks than applications with
names that sound African-American. Explicit bias can occur not only without the intent to
discriminate against certain groups of people, but in spite of explicit desires to recruit minorities
work; first, there needs to be unnerving and scrupulous honesty. Individuals must become less
focused on feeling tolerant towards themselves and more focused on examining how they
contribute to social biases in the work place. One must be able to realize and accept that the
foundation and continuation of a bias may have, at its root, personal and group gain. Thus, equity
will be reached when at least 40% of all service people (housekeepers, groundskeepers, etc.) are
white men. Published author Lisa Delpit maintains that, The loss from 80% of the managerial
jobs in this country to 40%, their proportion of the population would be an actual loss in the
number of jobs currently allotted to them based on race and gender. That is, they would not have
the jobs they may perceive as expected and modeled as their right in the workplace (Delpit).
Delpit also states that, Liberal educators believe themselves to be operating with good
Scott 16
intentions, but these good intentions are only conscious delusions about their unconscious true
motives (Delpit). This statement is an indicator that many people are still cynical to the way
different forms of bias and oppression in the workplace. Benevolent sexism and gender
harassment are common in work places. These institutional forms of discrimination play a
daunting role in organizational structures, processes, and practices by affecting HR practices and
womens lower socio-economic status. Importantly, such discrimination against women largely
Furthermore, when employees interact with organizational decision makers during HR practices,
or when they are told the outcomes of HR-related decisions, they may experience personal
discrimination in the form of sexist comments. Both the objective disadvantages of lower pay,
status, and opportunities at work, and the subjective experiences of being stigmatized, affect
womens psychological and physical stress, mental and physical health (Goldenhar et al.,
1998; Adler et al., 2000; Schmader et al., 2008; Borrel et al., 2010), job satisfaction and
organizational commitment (Hicks-Clarke and Iles), and ultimately, their performance (Cohen-
formalizing HR policies, and by controlling the situations under which HR-related decisions are
made. We have articulated how HR-related decisions involve social cognition and are therefore
susceptible to biases introduced by the use of gender stereotypes. This can occur unwittingly by
Scott 17
those who perceive themselves to be unprejudiced but who are affected by stereotypes or
negative automatic associations nonetheless (Chugh, 2004 Son Hing et al., 2008). For instance,
when HR policies do not rely on objective criteria, and the context for evaluation is ambiguous,
organizational decision makers will draw on gender (and other) stereotypes to fill in the blanks
when evaluating candidates (Heilman, 1995, 2001). Importantly, the context can be constructed
in such a way as to reduce these biases. For instance, organizational decision makers will make
less biased judgments of others if they have more time available to evaluate others, are less
cognitively busy (Martell, 1991), have higher quality of information available about candidates,
and are accountable for justifying their ratings and decisions (Kulik and Bainbridge,
2005; Roberson et al., 2007). Thus, if they have the time, motivation, and opportunity to make
complex phenomenon that can be seen in HR practices (i.e., policies, decision-making, and their
enactment) that affects the hiring, training, pay, and promotion of women. We propose that
from gender inequalities in broader organizational structures, processes, and practices, including
HR policy but also leadership, structure, strategy, culture, and organizational climate. Moreover,
reciprocal effects should occur, such that discriminatory HR practices can perpetuate gender
decision makers also play an important role in gender discrimination. We propose that personal
makers levels of hostile and benevolent sexism. While hostile sexism can lead to discrimination
against women because of a desire to keep them from positions of power, benevolent sexism can
Scott 18
lead to discrimination against women because of a desire to protect them. Finally, we propose
that gender inequalities in organizational structures, processes, and practices affect organizational
decision makers sexism through attraction, selection, socialization, and attrition processes. Thus,
a focus on organizational structure, processes, and practices is critical (Stamarski and Son Hing).
From discrimination and misunderstanding stems a whole new issue for women in
the work place. Sexual harassment and abuse is outlawed in employment, but still occurs
frequently. According to Emily Crockett of Vox, the history of sexual harassment explains why
so many women wait so long to come forward, or dont come forward at all. In society, women
who report sexual harassment or abuse are viewed as the person at fault, and no one wants to
deal with that when trying to express their pain for just doing their job. Crocket attests that,
Sexual harassment itself is not new; unwanted and unwelcome sexual advances are probably as
old as sex itself. But its only been about 40 years since sexual harassment began to be
University, in support of a former colleague who sued for unemployment insurance after she quit
her job over inappropriate touching. Feminist theorists at the time reasoned that constant sexual
harassment held women back in the workplace, and that it both expressed and perpetuated
gender inequality. Federal law has outlawed sex discrimination in employment under Title VII
since 1964. But until the late 1970s, both in the courts and in public opinion, sexual harassment
was considered an interpersonal problem to be worked out privately and not a legal one, said
Emily Martin, general counsel and vice president for workplace justice at the National Womens
Law Center (Crockett). Federal appellate courts finally decided that there should be a rule
against that in the late 1970s, Martin said, and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
Scott 19
(EEOC) issued guidelines in 1980 declaring that sexual harassment was a form of unlawful sex
discrimination.
The Supreme Court recognized this in 1986, and also recognized that unlawful sexual
harassment can be either a quid pro quo situation (like proposing sex in exchange for a
promotion) or a severe, pervasive disruption to the work environment whether it's constant
flirting or hostile gendered insults. It took even longer, until 1998, for the Court to acknowledge
that it also counts as gender-based discrimination if the harassment comes from someone of the
same sex. It also wasn't until 1993 two years after Anita Hill went through the public
wringer over her sexual harassment allegations against Clarence Thomas and drew national
attention to the issue that the Court ruled sexual harassment doesn't have to seriously affect
OConnor put it, Title VII comes into play before the harassing conduct leads to a nervous
breakdown.
So for a working woman in the 1960s, or even the 1980s, there were few legal protections
and little social awareness that legal action was an option. This would be doubly true if, for
instance, a woman were propositioned by Roger Ailes during a job interview or when she wasn't
even his employee. Several women have alleged that Ailes did just that. "You know if you want
to play with the big boys, you have to lay with the big boys, Ailes allegedly told Kellie Boyle,
who said Ailes used his influence to keep her from getting a job with the Republican National
Committee in 1989 after she declined to accept his sexual proposition. Former model Marsha
Callahan said Ailes made her lift up her skirt and strike suggestive poses during an interview
for The Mike Douglas Show in the late 1960s, and that he abruptly ended the interview after she
balked at his demands to sleep with him if she wanted the job (Crockett).
Scott 20
Its hard to imagine what legal action these women could have taken against Ailes at the
time, or how difficult it would have been for them personally if they did. This was especially true
in earlier decades like the 60s, Martin said. We were in a very different place as a country. We
were even more likely to say about a woman who is complaining of sexual harassment or assault,
What did you do to make that happen? And despite the advances of womens equality through
feminist activism since then, society still regularly blames victims of sexual misconduct for their
own attacks today. The vast majority of women who report sexual harassment still dont report it,
due in large part to this kind of stigma and lack of support. So it shouldn't surprise us if a
professional woman like Carlson waits, as Ziegler put it, until she has nothing to lose before
risking the likely exposure, ridicule, and retaliation of a sexual harassment lawsuit (Crockett).
Essentially, gender bias, oppression, and harassment are all very real issues facing
women in the workforce. The outcomes and mediating factors associated with structural and
academic mistreatment, including lower job satisfaction and productivity for female workers. For
female STEM students, feeling that ones STEM major has a negative climate is associated with
lower psychological well-being and poorer academic performance perceptions. Thus, there are
important consequences for a womans experiences of mistreatment in STEM. Women can also
unite to avoid stigmatization. Women in the workplace are not simply passive targets of
stereotyping processes. People belonging to stigmatized groups can engage in a variety of anti-
stigmatizing techniques, but their response options are constrained. The most efficacious way for
organizational members to challenge group-based inequality and to improve the status of women
organizing social movements, and recruiting others to join movements, people who believe in
Scott 21
removing biases and stigmas against women in the workplace, and period, can lessen the
inequalities occurring and make a difference for our women, who are people too.
Scott 22
Works Cited
ABENDROTH, ANJA-KRISTIN, et al. "Women at Work: Women's Access to Power and the
Gender Earnings Gap." ILR Review, vol. 70, no. 1, Jan. 2017, pp. 190-222. EBSCOhost,
doi:10.1177/0019793916668530.
Bernard, Tara Siegel. The Unspoken Stigma of Workplace Flexibility. The New York
Crockett, Emily. The History of Sexual Harassment explains why many women wait
why milliseconds matter. Soc. Justice Res. 17 203222. N.p., n.d. Print.
Cohen P. N., Huffman M. L. Working for the woman? Female managers and the gender
Currie, Janet. Combating Stigma. Canadian Womens Health Network. N.p., n.d. Web.
Delpit, Lisa D. Other Peoples Children: Cultural Conflict in the Classroom. New
Goldenhar L. M., Swanson N. G., Hurrell J. J., Jr., Ruder A., Deddens J. Stressors
Hicks-Clarke D., Iles P. (2000). Climate for diversity and its effects on career and
Print.
Scott 23
Settles, Isis H. Women in STEM: Challenges and determinants of success and well-
Shimmin, Carolyn. Understanding Stigma Through a Gender Lens. Canadian Womens Health
Son Hing L. S., Zanna M. P. (2010). Individual differences, in The Sage Handbook
Sommers, Christina Hoff. "Foolishly Seeking Gender Equity in Math and Science." USA Today
Magazine, vol. 137, no. 2760, Sept. 2008, pp. 58-62. EBSCOhost, proxygsu-
satl.galileo.usg.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?
direct=true&db=fth&AN=34214955&site=eds-live&scope=site.
of Prejudice, Stereotyping and Discrimination eds. Dovidio J. F., Hewstone M., Glick P., Esses
V., editors. (London: SAGE Publications Ltd.) 163179. N.p., n.d. Print.
U.S. Department of Education. Title IX and Sex Discrimination. Office for Civil Rights. N.p.,
n.d. Web.