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ThePhilosophical Vol.44,No. 177
Quarterly October
1994
ISSN 0031-8094
BY KAREN
GREEN
3 See Coady.
? The Editorsof ThePhilosophical 1994.
Quarter/y,
460 KAREN GREEN
4 See
Chapman.
5 See Lerner
pp. 89, 121-2.
? The Editorsof ThePhilosophical 1994.
Quarterly,
CHRISTINE DE PISAN AND THOMAS HOBBES 461
slaves were women captured in battle and spared the death that auto-
maticallyawaited the men of theirvanquished tribes(Lernerpp. 78-89).
Since men have littlemotivationto kill women, women have little to
gain by attemptingto vanquish men. Hobbes himselfmakes no explicit
mention of the natural disadvantages that women face due to child-
bearing, but theyremain in the backgroundof his account.
In her book TheSexualContract Carole Pateman considersa Hobbesian
storyof this sort,and argues that it is not consistentwithHobbes' gen-
eral assumptionthat people are rational egoists.If choosing to care for
infantsputs women at a disadvantage,and all individualsare rational
egoists,then women would not care forinfants,and so the firstgener-
ation would be the last (p. 49). But this is too quick a rebuttalof the
Hobbesian story.Hobbes' individualsare interested,firstand foremost,
in the preservationof theirlives. In the face of conflictwitha potential
enemy there are always three options: to flee; or, if it is too late for
that, to submitto the otherpartyand contractinto theirservice; or to
fightto the point where either the other is vanquished (killed or sub-
mits)or one loses one's own life.If it comes to battle,some women may
take the former,some the latter course. Since the children of those
women who take the option of fightingto the death are less likelyto be
born, if the woman is childless,and more likelyto die, if she has child-
ren, over time there will be more children who are brought up by
those women who have accepted submission. So the assumption that
the firstaim of all is self-preservation leads to the conclusion that, in
the state of nature, if there is a life-and-deathconflict,the women
whose childrensurvivewill tend to be those who are prepared to accept
submissionin order to increase theirchildren'schances of survivaland
who are, in this sense, reasonably altruistic,at least towardstheirown
children.
More recently,Pateman (1991 p. 70) seems to have given up her
criticismof the cogency of Hobbes' storyand to have recognizedin his
work
an earlyversion
oftheargument, inthelaternineteenth
presented andearliertwen-
tiethcenturies
inelaborate
detailandwithmuchethnographicdata,thatcivilization
andpolitical resulted
society from theoverthrow andthetriumph
ofmother-right of
patriarchy.
This is surelyright.Hobbes, with his mention of the Amazons, shows
some awareness of the very mythsof the historic 'defeat of women'
which fuelledlater speculationabout the existenceof an originalmatri-
archy. But interpretingHobbes in this way throwsinto question the
success of the Hobbesian project, just so long as we interpretthat
? The Editorsof ThePhilosophical 1994.
Quarterly,
462 KAREN GREEN
She is thus quite clear, fromthe outset,that the role of the sovereignis
to preservethe peace, and that dutifulsubjectswill do what theycan to
reinforcethe sovereign'slegitimatepower. In her biographyof Charles V
she excuses the ratherrosy picture that she paints of the character of
the French royal familyby suggestingthat forher to criticizethe ruling
house in public would be inappropriate.Since people are much more
likelyto notice otherpeople's faultsthan theirown, such acts are more
likely to be dangerous than useful. Princes, she believes, should be
criticized in private, by those who are close to them (FBM p. 33).
Insubordinationof all kinds is anathema to her way of thinking.The
body politicwhich she describesis governedby a prince or princeswho
correspondto the understanding,fromwhich derive all the movements
of the body. The knightsand nobles are the arms and hands which
carry out the sovereign's decisions, and the ordinarypeople are the
stomach, feet and legs (CP pp. 2-3). Each individual has an appro-
priate role to play, according to this hierarchicaland organic model.
Differentindividualshave different duties,derivedfromtheirsocial posi-
tions, and each position provides equal scope for the honour people
deservein proportionto theirvirtue(CP pp. 3-4). The justice which the
prince will uphold is, says de Pisan, quoting Aristotle,a measure which
will render to each his right,and, like Aristotle,she believes that dif-
ferentkindsof people have different rightsand obligations(CP p. 61). In
particular, men are more adequately equipped with 'strongand hardy
bodies' which enable them to uphold the laws by physical constraint
and forceof arms, so men more naturallyadministerlaws and rule than
do women (TCL p. 31). Women, then, even when they are marriedto
princes, are in the position of subjects, and like other subjects they
should serve well, for their own sakes and for the sake of the general
good. But de Pisan's endorsementof political subjectionshould not be
read as an approbation of servileor thoughtlessobedience. It is partly
prudent,forin the societythat she describesmost people are both sub-
ject and sovereign. It is also exemplary, and, she believes, has the
power to move the powerfulto recognize theirown duty of subjection
to the moral law.
The sketchso far provided of de Pisan's political thoughtdoes little
to distinguishit from standard patriarchal thinking.There are, how-
ever, two related featuresof her treatiseson political relationswhich
warrantattributingto her a 'maternalist'conception of the sovereign.
? The Editorsof ThePhilosophical 1994.
Quarterly,
468 KAREN GREEN
7 See Ruddick 1984; and de Pisan TCL pp. 50-2 and EQF.
8 See du Bois pp. 67-71; Tyrellpp. 113-28.
9 See Bryson.
? The Editorsof ThePhilosophical 1994.
Quarterly,
470 KAREN GREEN
III. A MATERNALISTCONTRACTUALISM
MonashUniversity
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