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ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER
TALCOTT PARSONS
Professor
ofSociology,HarvardUniversity
(Read November
8, 1963)
POWER is one of the key conceptsin the great ployedor of the statusof "authorization"to make
Westerntraditionof thoughtabout politicalphe- decisionsor imposeobligations.'
-nomena. It is at the same time a concept on The effectof this diffuseness, as I call it, is to
which, in spite of its long history,there is, on treat"influence"and sometimesmoney,as well as
analytical levels, a notable lack of agreement coercionin various aspects,as "forms"of power,
bothabout its specificdefinition, and about many therebymaking it logically impossible to treat
features of the conceptualcontext in which it power as a specificmechanismoperatingto bring
should be placed. There is, however, a core aboutchangesin theactionof otherunits,individ-
complexof its meaning,havingto do withthe ca- ual or collective,in the processesof social interac-
pacity of persons or collectivities"to get things tion. The latteris the line of thoughtI wish to
done" effectively, in particularwhen theirgoals pursue.
are obstructedby some kind of humanresistance Secondly,thereis the problemof the relation
or opposition. The problemof coping with re- betweenthe coerciveand the consensualaspects.
sistancethen leads into the question of the role I am not aware of any treatment in the literature
of coercive measures, including the use of physical whichpresents a satisfactory solution of thisprob-
force,and the relationof coercionto the volun- lem. A major tendencyis to hold that somehow
taryand consensualaspects of power systems. "in the last analysis" power comes down to one
The aim of this paper is to attemptto clarify or theother,i.e., to "reston" commandofcoercive
thiscomplexof meaningsand relationsby placing sanctions,or on consensusand the will to volun-
the conceptof power in the contextof a general tary cooperation. If going to one or the other
conceptualschemefor the analysis of large-scale polarsolutionseemsto be unacceptable,a way out,
and complex social systems,that is of societies. takenforexampleby Friedrich,is to speak ofeach
In doing so I speak as a sociologistratherthan of these as different "forms" of power. I shall
a
as political but
scientist, as one who believes that propose a solution which maintains that both
the interconnections of the principalsocial disci- aspectsare essential,but thatneitherof the above
plines,includingnot onlythesetwo,but especially two ways of relatingthemis satisfactory, namely
theirrelationsto economicsas well, are so close subordinatingeitherone to the otheror treating
thaton mattersof generaltheoryof this sortthey themas discrete"forms."
cannotsafelybe treatedin isolation;theirinterre- Finally the third problem is what, since the
lationsmustbe made explicitand systematic.As Theoryof Games,has widelycometo be called the
a sociologist,I thus treat a central concept of "zero-sum"problem. The dominanttendencyin
politicaltheoryby selectingamong the elements the literature,for example in Lasswell and C.
which have figuredprominently in politicalthe- Wright Mills, is to maintainexplicitlyor im-
ory in termsof theirfitwithand significance for plicitlythat power is a zero-sum phenomenon,
the general theoreticalanalysis of society as a
1 Thus E. C. Banfield, PoliticalInfluence(New York,
whole.
The Free Press of Glencoe,1962), p. 348,speaksof con-
There are threeprincipalcontextsin which it trol as the abilityto cause anotherto give or withold
seems to me thatthe difficulties of the conceptof action,and poweras the abilityto establishcontrolover
power,as treatedin theliteratureof thelast gene- another. Similarly Robert Dahl, "The Concept of
ration,come to a head. The firstof these con- Power,"power Behavioral Scientist2 (July, 1957), says that
"A has over B to the extentthathe can get B to
cerns its conceptualdiffuseness, the tendency, in do somethingthat B would not otherwisedo." C. J.
the traditionof Hobbes, to treatpower as simply Friedrichtakes a similar positionin his forthcoming
the generalizedcapacityto attainends or goals in book,thetentative titleof whichis "Man and his Govern-
social relations,independently of the media em- ment."
PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, VOL. 107, NO. 3, JUNE, 1963
232
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 233
which is to say that there is a fixed "quantity" total systemare organizedwith referenceto one
of power in any relationalsystemand hence any of its fundamental functions, namelyeffective col-
gain of poweron the partof A mustby definition lectiveactionin the attainment of the goals of col-
occurby diminishing the powerat the disposal of lectivities. Goal-attainment in this sense is the
otherunits,B, C, D.... There are, of course,re- establishment of a satisfactory relationbetweena
strictedcontextsin which this conditionholds, collectivity and certainobjects in its environment
but I shall argue that it does not hold for total which include both other collectivitiesand cate-
systemsof a sufficient level of complexity. gories of personalities,e.g. "citizens." A total
societymust in these termsbe conceived,in one
SOME GENERAL ASSUMPTIONS of its main aspects,as a collectivity, but it is also
composedof an immensevarietyof subcollectivi-
The initialassumptionis that,withinthe con-
ties,manyof whichare partsnot only of this so-
ceptionof societyas a system,thereis an essen- cietybut of others.3
betweenthe
tial parallelismin theoreticalstructure A collectivity, seen in theseterms,is thusclearly
conceptualschemes appropriatefor the analysis not a concrete"group" but the term refersto
of the economicand the politicalaspects of so- groups, i.e. systematicallyrelated pluralitiesof
cieties. There are fourrespectsin which I wish persons,seen in the perspectiveof theirinterests
to attemptto work out and build on this parallel, in and capacities for effectivecollectiveaction.
showingat the same time the crucial substantive The politicalprocessthenis the processby which
differences betweenthe two fields. the necessaryorganizationis built up and oper-
First "political theory" as here interpreted, ated, the goals of action are determinedand the
which is not simply to be identifiedwith the resourcesrequisiteto it are mobilized.
meaning given the term by many political sci- These two parallels to economictheorycan be
entists,is thoughtof as an abstract analytical extended to still a third. The parallel to col-
schemein the same sense in whicheconomicthe- lectiveaction in the politicalcase is, for the eco-
ory is abstractand analytical. It is not the con- nomic,production. This conceptionin turnmust
ceptual interpretation of any concretelycomplete be understoodin relationto threemain operative
categoryof social phenomena,quite definitely not contexts. The firstis adjustmentto the condi-
those of government,thoughgovernmentis the tions of "demand" whichare conceivedto be ex-
area in whichthe politicalelementcomes nearest ternalto the economyitself,to be located in the
to having clear primacyover others. Political "consumers"of the economicprocess. Secondly,
theory thus conceived is a conceptual scheme resourcesmust be mobilized,also fromthe en-
whichdeals witha restrictedset of primaryvari- vironmentof the economy,the famousfactorsof
ables and their interrelations, which are to be production. Thirdly,the internaleconomicproc-
found operatingin all concrete parts of social ess is conceivedas creativelycombinatorial;it is,
systems. These variablesare, however,subjectto by the "combination"of factorsof productionin
parametricconditionswhichconstitutethe values the light of the utilityof outputs,a process of
of othervariables operatingin the larger system creatingmorevaluable facilitiesto meetthe needs
whichconstitutes the society. of consumingunits than would be available to
Secondly,followingon this,I assume that the themwithoutthis combinatorialprocess. I wish
empiricalsystemto whichpoliticaltheoryin this mostdefinitely to postulatethatthelogic of "value
sense applies is an analyticallydefined,a "func- added" appliesto thepoliticalspherein thepresent
tional" subsystemof a society,not for example sense.4
a concretetype of collectivity. The conception 3 E.g. the American medical professionis part of
of the economyof a societyis relativelywell de- Americansociety,but also it is part of a widermedical
fined.2 I should propose the conceptionof the professionwhich transcendsthis particularsociety,to
polityas the parallel empiricalsystemof direct someextentas collectivity. Interpenetration in member-
relevance to political theoryas here advanced. ship is thusa featureof the relations
among collectivities.
4 For discussions of the conceptionof "valued-added"
The polityof a given societyis composedof the in spheresof applicationbroaderthantheeconomicalone,
ways in which the relevantcomponentsof the cf.Neil J. Smelser,Social Changein theIndustrialRevo-
lution (Glencoe, Illinois, The Free Press of Glencoe,
Cf. Talcott Parsons and Neil J. Smelser,Economy 1959), chapterII, pp. 7-20,and Neil J. Smelser,Theory
2
and Society (Illinois,The Free Press of Glencoe,1956), of CollectiveBehavior (New York, The Free Press of
chapterI, fora discussionof this conception. Glencoe,1963), chapterII, pp. 23-47.
234 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
In the politicalcase, however,the value refer- essentiallythe commitment, in value terms,of any
ence is not to utilityin the economicsense but to resourcesto economicproductionin the system
effectiveness,very precisely,I thinkin the sense independent of price.
used by C. I. Barnard.5 For the limitedpurposes In the politicalcase, similarlythe equivalentof
of politicalanalysis as such the givennessof the land is the commitment of resourcesto effective
goal-demandsof interestgroups serves as the collectiveaction, independentof any specifiable
same order of factorin relationto the political "pay-off"fortheunitwhichcontrolsthem.7 Par-
systemas has the corresponding givennessof con- allel to labor is the demandsor "need" forcollec-
sumers'wantsforpurposesof economicanalysis- tiveactionas manifestedin the "public" whichin
and of course the same orderof qualificationson some sense is the constituencyof the leadership
the empiricaladequacy of such postulates. of thecollectivity in question-a conceptionwhich
Finally, fourth,politicalanalysis as here con- is relativelyclear for the governmentalor other
ceived is parallel to economicin the sense that a electoral association, but needs clarificationin
centralplace in it is occupied by a generalized otherconnections. Parallel to capital is the con-
mediuminvolvedin the politicalinteractionproc- trol of some part of the productivity of the econ-
ess, which is also a "measure" of the relevant omy for the goals of the collectivity, in a suffi-
values. I conceivepower as such a generalized cientlydeveloped economythroughfinancialre-
medium in a sense directlyparallel in logical sourcesat the disposalof the collectivity, acquired
structure,thoughvery different to
substantively, by earnings,gift,or taxation. Finally,parallelto
moneyas thegeneralizedmediumof the economic organizationis the legitimationof the authority
process. It is essentiallythisconceptionof power underwhichcollectivedecisionsare taken.
as a generalizedmediumparallelto moneywhich It is most importantto note thatnone of these
will, in the theoreticalcontext sketchedabove, categories of input is conceived as a form of
providethethreadforguidingthefollowinganaly- power. In so far as theyinvolvemedia,it is the
sis throughthe types of historicdifficulty with media rooted in contiguousfunctionalsystems,
referenceto whichthe paper began. not power as thatcentralto the polity-e.g. con-
trol of productivity may operatethroughmoney,
THE OUTPUTS OF POLITICAL PROCESS AND and constituents'demands throughwhat I call
THE FACTORS OF EFFECTIVENESS "'influence."Power thenis themeansofacquiring
controlof the factorsin effectiveness; it is not it-
The logic of the combinatorial processwhichI self one of these factors,any more than in the
hold to be commonto economictheoryand the economiccase money is a factorof production;
type of political theoryadvanced here, involves to suppose it was, was the ancient mercantilist
a paradigmof inputsand outputsand theirrela- fallacy.
tions. Again we will hold thatthelogic is strictly Though the analyticalcontext in which they
parallelto theeconomiccase, i.e. thatthereshould are placed is perhaps unfamiliarin the light of
be a set of politicalcategoriesstrictlyparallel to traditionalpolitical analysis, I hope it is clear
thoseof the factorsof production(inputs) on the thattheactualcategoriesused are well established,
one hand,the shares of income (outputs) on the though there remain a number of problemsof
other. exact definition. Thus control of productivity
In theeconomiccase, withtheexceptionofland, throughfinancingof collectiveaction is very fa-
the remainingthreefactorsmust be regardedas miliar,and the conceptof "demands"in the sense
inputs from the other three cognate functional of what constituentswant and press for,is also
subsystems of the society,laborfromwhatwe call veryfamiliar.8The conceptlegitimation is used in
the "pattern-maintenance" system,capital from essentiallythe same sense in which I thinkMax
the polityand organization, in the sense of Alfred Weber used it in a politicalcontext.9
Marshall,fromthe integrativesystem.6 Further-
more,it becomesclear thatland is not,as a factor 7"Pay-off" maybe a decidingfactorin choicebetween
but particularcontextsof use, but not as to whetherthe re-
of production,simplythe physicalresource, sourceshall be devotedto collectiveeffectiveness at all.
8 I have in factadoptedthe term"demands"fromthe
5 C.I. Barnard,The Functions of the Executive (Cam-
bridge,Harvard UniversityPress, 1938), chapterV, usage of David Easton,"An Approachto theAnalysisof
pp. 46-64. Political Systems,"WorldPolitics9(1957): 383-400.
6 On the rationaleof theseattributions, see Economy 9 Cf. Max Weber,The Theoryof Social and Economic
and Society, op. cit., chapterII. Organization (New York, Oxford UniversityPress,
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 235
The problem of what corresponds,for the ness, in the sense in which labor is a factorof
political case, to the economist's"shares of in- production,preciselybecause it is a categoryof
come" is not verydifficult, once the essentialdis- power. It is the point at which the economic
tinction,a veryold one in economictradition,be- utilityof the human factoris matchedwith its
tweenmonetaryand "real" incomeis clearlytaken potentialcontributionto effectivecollectiveac-
intoaccount. Our concernis withthe "real" out- tion. Since the consumerof servicesis in prin-
puts of the politicalprocess-the analogue of the ciple the employingcollectivity, it is its effective-
monetaryhereis outputof power. ness forcollectivegoals, not its capacityto satisfy
There is one, to us criticallyimportantrevision the "wants" of individuals,which is the vantage
of the traditionaleconomictreatmentof outputs pointfromwhichthe utilityof the serviceis de-
which must be made, namelythe bracketingto- rived. The outputof power which matchesthe
getherof "goods and services,"whichthenwould input of servicesto the polity,I interpretto be
be treatedas outputsto the householdas, in our the "opportunity foreffectiveness" whichemploy-
technicalterms,a part of the "pattern-mainte-ment conferson those employedor contractof-
nance" system. The present position is that fers to partners. Capital in the economicsense
goods, i.e., more preciselypropertyrightsin the is one formof this opportunity for effectiveness
physicalobjects of possession,belongin thiscate- whichis derivedfromproviding,forcertaintypes
gory,but that "services,"the commitment of hu- of performances, a framework of effective organi-
man role-performances to an "employer,"or con- zation."
tractingagent constitutean output,not to the The second, particularlyimportantcontextof
household,but to thepolity,thetypecase (though "real" outputof the politicalprocess is the cate-
not the only one) being an employingorganiza- gory which, in accord with much tradition,I
tion in whichthe role-incumbent commitshimself should like to call capacityto assume leadership
to performance of an occupationalrole,a job,'0 as responsibility.This, as a categoryof "real" out-
a contribution to the effectivefunctioning of the put also is not a formof power,but this timeof
collectivity. influence.'2This is an outputnot to the economy
There is, fromthis consideration,a conclusion but to what I shall call the integrativesystem,
which is somewhat surprising to economists, which in its relevanceto the presentcontextis
namelythat serviceis, in the economicsense the in the firstinstance the sector of the "public"
"real" counterpart of interestas monetaryincome whichcan be looked on as the "constituencies"of
fromthe use of funds. What we suggestis that the collectiveprocesses under consideration. It
the politicalcontrolof productivity makes it pos- is the group structureof the societylooked at in
sible, throughcombinatorialgains in the political terms of their structuredinterestsin particular
context,to producea surplusabove the monetary modes of effectivecollectiveaction by particular
fundscommitted, by virtueof whichunder speci- collectivities.It is onlythrougheffective organi-
fiedconditionsa premiumcan be paid at themone- zation that genuine responsibility can be taken,
tarylevel which,thougha resultof the combina- hence the implementationof such interestde-
torialprocessas a whole,is most directlyrelated mands responsibility for collectiveeffectiveness.'3
to the outputof available servicesas an economic
phenomenon,i.e. as a "fluid resource." Seen a 11 In the cases treatedas typicalfor economicanalysis
it becomesnecessaryto make a the collective elementin capitalis delegatedthroughthe
littledifferently, bindingness of thecontracts of loan of financialresources.
clear distinctionbetweenlabor as a factorof pro- To us this is a special case, employment beinganother,
ductionin the economicsense and service as an of the bindingobligationassumed by an organization,
outputof theeconomicprocesswhichis utilizedin whetherit employsor loans,by virtueof whichthe re-
a politicalcontext,that is one of organizational cipientcanItbe more effectivethan would otherwisebe
thecase. is notpossibleto go further intothesecom-
or collectiveeffectiveness. plex problemshere,but theywill, perhaps,be somewhat
Service,however,is not a "factor"in effective- illuminatedby the later discussionof the place of the
in thetheoryof power.
conceptof bindingness
1947), p. 124. Translationby A. M. Hendersonand to be
12 See my paper "On the Conceptof Influence,"
Talcott Parsons; editedby Talcott Parsons. publishedin the Public Opinion Quarterly27 (Spring,
10The cases of servicesconcretelyrenderedto a house- 1963).
holdwill be consideredas a limitingcase wherethe roles 13 Here again Barnard'susage of the conceptof re-
of consumerand employer have notbecomedifferentiatedsponsibilityseems to me the appropriateone. See
fromeach other. Barnard,op. cit.
236 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
Again it should be made quite clear that leader- competitiveproblemsin the allocativesense and
is nothereconceivedas an out-
ship responsibility conflictproblems,as well as problemsof enhance-
put of power,thoughmanypoliticaltheorists(e.g. ment of the total effectiveness of the systemof
Friedrich)treatbothleadershipand, morebroadly collective organization. In this case also the
influence,as "forms"of power. The powercate- "structure"of the available resourcesmay not be
gorywhichregulatesthe outputof leadershipin- assumed spontaneouslyto matchthe structureof
fluencetakes this formon the one side of binding thesystemof interest-demands. The increment of
on the otherof
policydecisionsof the collectivity, effectiveness in demand-satisfaction throughthe
politicalsupportfromtheconstituency, in thetype politicalprocess is, as in the economiccase, ar-
case throughfranchise.Policy decisionswe would rivedat throughcombinatorialdecision-processes.
treat as a factorin integrationof the system, The organizational"technology"involvedis notin
not as a "consumable" output of the political the analyticalsense political. The demand-refer-
process.14 ence is not to discreteunits of the systemcon-
Finally,a fewwordsneed to be said aboutwhat ceived in abstractionfromthe systemas a whole
I have called the combinatorialprocess itself. It -the "individual"consumerof the economist-
is of course assumed in economictheorythat the but to the problemof the share of benefitsand
"structures"of the factorsof productionon the burdensto be allocatedto subsystemsof various
one hand, the "demand system"for real outputs orders. The "consumption"referenceis to the
on the otherhand,are independentof each other. interest-unit's place in theallocativesystemrather
"Utility"of outputscan only be enhanced, to say than to the independentmerits of particular
nothingof maximized,by processesof transforma- "needs."
tion of the factorsin the directionof providing
whatis wantedas distinguished fromwhatmerely THE CONCEPT OF POWER
is available. The decision-making aspect of this The above may seem a highlyelaboratesetting
transformative process, what is to be produced, in which to place the formalintroduction of the
how much and how offeredfor consumption,is main subject of the paper, namely the concept
what is meant by economicproduction,whereas of power. Condensedand crypticas the exposi-
the physical processes are not economic but tionmayhave been,however,understanding of its
"technological";theyare controlledby economic main structureis an essentialbasis for the spe-
considerations,but are not themselves in an cial way in whichit will be proposedto combine
analyticalsense economic. the elementswhichhave played a crucial part in
The consequence of successfuladaptation of the main intellectualtraditionsdealing with the
available resourcesto the want or demand sys- problemsof power.
tem is an incrementin the value of the resource- Power is here conceivedas a circulatingme-
stock conceivedin termsof utilityas a type of dium,analogous to money,withinwhat is called
value. But thismeans recombination of the com- the politicalsystem,but notablyover its bound-
ponentsof the resource-stockin order to adapt aries intoall threeof the otherneighboring func-
themto thevarioususes in question. tional subsystems of a society (as I conceive
The same logic applies to the combinatorial them), the economic,integrative,and pattern-
processin thepoliticalsphere. Here theresources maintenancesystems. Specification of theproper-
are not land, labor,capital,and organization,but ties of power can best be approachedthroughan
valuationof effectiveness, controlof productivity, attempt to delineate very brieflythe relevant
structureddemandsand the patterningof legiti- propertiesof money as such a medium in the
mation. The "wants" are not forconsumption in
economy.
the economicsense, but for the solutionof "in- Money is, as the classical economistssaid, both
terest" problemsin the system,includingboth a mediumof exchangeand a "measureof value."
in
thingstoo much,I shall It is symbolic that,
thoughmeasuringand thus
141n ordernot to complicate
not enter into problemof the interchangesystemin- "standing for" economic value or utility,it does
volving legitimation here. See my paper "Authority, not itselfpossess utility in the primaryconsump-
Legitimation, and Political Process," in Nomos 1, re- tion sense-it has no "value in use" but only "in
printedas chapterV of my Structureand Process in exchange," i.e. for possession of things having
Modern Societies (Glencoe, Illinois, The Free Press,
1960), chapterV, pp. 170-198. utility. The use of moneyis thusa mode of com-
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 237
municationof offers,on the one hand to purchase, works as a medium,only withina relativelyde-
on the otherto sell,thingsof utility,withand for finednetworkof marketrelationships whichto be
money. It becomes an essential medium only sure now has become world-wide,but the main-
when exchangeis neitherascriptive,as exchange tenance of which requires special measures to
of giftsbetweenassigned categoriesof kin, nor maintain mutual convertibility of national cur-
takes place on a basis of barter,one item of rencies. Such a systemis on theone handa range
commodity or servicedirectlyforanother. of exchange-potential withinwhichmoneymaybe
In exchangeforits lack of directutilitymoney spent,but on the other hand, one withinwhich
gives the recipientfourimportantdegreesof free- certain conditions affectingthe protectionand
dom in his participation in the totalexchangesys- managementof the unit are maintained,both by
tem. (1) He is freeto spend his moneyfor any law and by responsibleagencies under the law.
itemor combinationof itemsavailableon themar- The firstfocus of the concept of an institu-
ket which he can afford,(2) he is free to shop tionalizedpower systemis, analogously,a rela-
around among alternativesources of supply for tional systemwithinwhich certaincategoriesof
desireditems,(3) he can choose his own timeto commitments and obligations,ascriptiveor volun-
purchase,and (4) he is free to consider terms tarilyassumed-e.g. by contract-are treatedas
which, because of freedomof time and source binding,i.e. under normatively definedconditions
he can accept or reject or attemptto influencein theirfulfillment may be insistedupon by the ap-
the particularcase. By contrast,in the case of propriaterole-reciprocalagencies. Furthermore,
barter,the negotiatoris bound to what his par- in case of actual or threatenedresistanceto "com-
ticularpartnerhas or wants in relationto what pliance," i.e. to fulfillment of such obligations
he has and will part with at the particulartime. when invoked, they will be "enforced"by the
The otherside of the gain in degreesof freedom threator actual impositionof situationalnegative
is of course the risk involvedin the probabilities sanctions,in the formercase havingthe function
of the acceptanceof moneyby othersand of the of deterrence, in the latterof punishment.These
stabilityof its value. are eventsin the situationof the actorof reference
Primitivemoneyis a mediumwhichis stillvery whichintentionally alterhis situation(or threaten
close to a commodity, the commonestcase being to) to his disadvantage,whateverin specificcon-
preciousmetal,and many still feel that the value tentthesealterationsmay be.
of moneyis "really" groundedin the commodity Power thenis generalizedcapacityto securethe
value of themetallicbase. On thisbase, however, performance of bindingobligationsby units in a
thereis, in developedmonetarysystems,erecteda systemof collectiveorganizationwhen the obliga-
complex structureof credit instruments, so that tions are legitimizedwith referenceto theirbear-
onlya tinyfractionof actual transactionsis con- ing on collective goals and where in case of
ducted in termsof the metal-it becomes a "re- recalcitrancethere is a presumptionof enforce-
serve" available for certaincontingencies, and is mentby negativesituationalsanctions-whatever
actuallyused mainlyin the settlement of interna- theactualagencyofthatenforcement.
tionalbalances. I shalldiscussthenatureofcredit It will be noted that I have used the concep-
furtherin anotherconnectionlater. For the mo- tions of generalizationand of legitimationin de-
mentsufficeit to say that,howeverimportantin finingpower. Securingpossessionof an object of
certain contingenciesthe availabilityof metallic utilityby barteringanotherobject for it is not a
reserves may be, no modern monetarysystem monetarytransaction. Similarly,by my defini-
operates primarilywith metal as the actual me- tion,securingcompliancewith a wish, whetherit
dium, but uses "valueless" money. Moreover, be definedas an obligationof the object or not,
theacceptanceof this"valueless" moneyrestson a simplyby threatof superiorforce,is not an exer-
certaininstitutionalizedconfidence in themonetary cise ofpower. I am well aware thatmostpolitical
system. If the securityof monetarycommitments theoristswould draw the line differently and
restedonlyon theirconvertibility intometal,then classifythisas power (e.g. Dahl's definition),but
the overwhelmingmajority of them would be I wish to stickto my chosen line and explore its
worthless,for the simple reason that the total implications. The capacityto secure compliance
quantityof metalis fartoo smallto redeemmore must,if it is to be called power in my sense, be
than a few. generalizedand not solelya functionof one par-
One final point is that money is "good," i.e. ticularsanctioningact whichthe user is in a posi-
238 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
tion to impose,15 and the mediumused must be by using some formof controlover the situation
"symbolic." in whichalteris placed,actuallyor contingently to
Secondly,I have spokenof power as involving changeit so as to increasethe probabilityof alter
legitimation.This is, in the presentcontext,the acting in the way he wishes, or, alternatively,
necessary consequence of conceivingpower as withoutattempting to changealter'ssituation,ego
"symbolic,"whichtherefore, if it is exchangedfor may attemptto change alter's intentions,i.e. he
somethingintrinsically valuable for collectiveef- may manipulatesymbols which are meaningful
fectiveness, namelycompliancewithan obligation, to alter in such a way thathe triesto make alter
leaves the recipient,the performerof the obliga- "see" thatwhat ego wants is a "good thing"for
tion,with"nothingof value." This is to say,that him (alter) to do.
he has "nothing"but a set of expectations, namely The second variable then concernsthe type of
thatin othercontextsand on otheroccasions,he sanctionsego may employin attempting to guar-
can invokecertainobligationsof the part of other antee the attainmentof his end fromalter. The
units. Legitimationis therefore,in power sys- dichotomyhere is betweenpositiveand negative
tems,the factorwhichis parallelto confidencein sanctions. Thus throughthe situationalchannel
mutualacceptability and stabilityof the monetary a positivesanctionis a changein alter's situation
unit in monetarysystems. presumptively consideredby alteras to his advan-
The two criteriaare connected in that ques- tage, which used as a means by ego of having
is
tioningthe legitimacyof the possessionand use an effecton alter's actions. A negativesanction
of power leads to resort to progressivelymore then is an alterationin alter's situationto the
"secure"3means of gaining compliance. These latter's disadvantage. In the case of the inten-
must be progressivelymore effective"intrinsi- tional channel,the positive sanction is the ex-
cally," hence more tailoredto the particularsitu- pression of symbolic"reasons" why compliance
ations of the objects and less general. Further- withego's wishesis "a good thing"independently
more in so far as theyare intrinsically effective, of any furtheraction on ego's part, fromalter's
legitimacybecomesa progressively less important point of view, i.e. would be felt by him to be
factorof their effectiveness-atthe end of this "personallyadvantageous,"whereas the negative
serieslies resort,firstto varioustypesof coercion, sanction is presentingreasons why noncompli-
eventuallyto the use of forceas the most intrin- ance with ego's wishes should be feltby alter to
sicallyeffectiveof all meansof coercion.'6 be harmfulto interestsin whichhe had a signifi-
I should like now to attempt to place both cant personalinvestment and should thereforebe
moneyand powerin thecontextof a moregeneral avoided. I should like to call the four types of
paradigm,which is an analyticalclassificationof "strategy"open to ego respectively(1) for the
ways in which,in the processesof social interac- situationalchannel, positive sanction case, "in-
tion,the actionsof one unit in a systemcan, in- ducement";(2) situationalchannelnegativesanc-
tentionally,be orientedto bringingabouta change tion, "coercion"; (3) intentionalchannel,posi-
in what the actions of one or more other units tive sanction "persuasion," and (4) intentional
would otherwisehave been-thus all fittinginto channelnegativesanction"activationof commit-
the contextof Dahl's conceptionof power. It is ments"as shownin thefollowingtable:
convenientto statethisin termsof the convention
Sanctiontype Channel
of speakingof the actingunit of reference-indi-
vidual or collective-as ego, and the object on Situational
Intentional
whichhe attemptsto "operate"as alter. We may Positive 3 1
thenclassifythe alternativesopen to ego in terms Persuasion Inducement
of two dichotomousvariables. On the one hand
ego may attemptto gain his end fromalter either
Negative Activationof 4 2 Coercion
15There is a certainelementof generalityin physical Commitments
whichgivesit a specialplace
forceas a negativesanction,
in power systems. This will be taken up later in the
discussion.
16There are complicationshere derivingfromthe fact A furthercomplicationnow needs to be intro-
that power is associated with negative sanctionsand duced. We thinkof a sanctionas an intentional
hence that,in the face of severe resistance,their ef-
fectiveness to deterrence.
is confined act on ego's part,expectedby him to change his
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 239
the integrationof a powersystemis thatit should money and power. Money is a "measure of
be effective area, and a crucial value," as the classical economistsput it, in terms
withina territorial
condition of this effectivenessin turn is the of a continuouslinearvariable. Objects of utility
monopolyof controlof paramountforcewithinthe valued in moneyare more or less valuable than
area. The criticalpointthen,at whichthe insti- each other in numericallystatableterms. Simi-
tutional integrationof power systems is most larly,as mediumof exchange,amountsof money
vulnerableto strain,and to degenerationinto re- differin the same single dimension. One acting
ciprocatingthreatsof the use of force,is between unit in a societyhas more money-or assets ex-
territoriallyorganized political systems. This, changeablefor money-than another,less than,
notoriously,is the weakestpointin the normative or the same.
order of human society today, as it has been Power involves a quite differentdimension
almost fromtime immemorial. which may be formulatedin terms of the con-
In this connectionit shouldbe recognizedthat ceptionthatA mayhave powerover B. Of course
the possession,the mutualthreat,and possibleuse in competitivebiddingthe holder of superiorfi-
of force is only in a most proximatesense the nancialassets has an advantagein that,as econo-
principal"cause" of war. The essentialpoint is mistssay, the "marginalutilityof money"is less
thatthe "bottleneck"of mutualregressionto more to himthanto his competitor withsmallerassets.
and more primitivemeans of protectingor ad- But his "bid" is no morebindingon the potential
vancing collectiveinterestsis a "channel" into exchangepartnerthan is that of the less affluent
whichall elementsof tensionbetweenthe collec- bidder,sincein "purchasingpower" all dollarsare
tive unitsin questionmay flow. It is a question "createdfreeand equal." There maybe auxiliary
of the many levels at which such elementsof reasons why the purveyormay thinkit advisable
tension may on the one hand build up, on the to accept the bid of the more affluentbidder;
other be controlled,not of any simple and un- these,however,are not strictly economic,but con-
equivocal conception of the "inherent" conse- cern the interrelations between moneyand other
quences of the possession and possible uses of media,and otherbases of statusin the system.
organizedforce. The connectionbetweenthe value of effective-
It should be clear that again there is a direct ness-as distinguishedfrom utility-and bind-
parallel with the economiccase. A functioning ingness,impliesa conceptionin turnof the focus-
marketsystemrequiresintegrationof the mone- sing of responsibility for decisions,and hence of
tarymedium. It cannotbe a systemof N inde- authority fortheirimplementation.23 This implies
pendentmonetaryunits and agencies controlling a special formof inequalityof power which in
them. This is the basis on whichthe main range turn implies a prioritysystemof commitments.
of extension of a relativelyintegratedmarket The implicationsof havingassumedbindingcom-
systemtends to coincidewith the "politicallyor- mitments, on the fulfillmentof which spokesmen
ganized society,"as Roscoe Pound calls it, over a for the collectivityare preparedto insist to the
territorialarea. Internationaltransactionsre- point of imposingserious negativesanctionsfor
quire specialprovisionsnot requiredfordomestic. noncompliance,are of an order of seriousness
The basic "management"of the monetarysys- suchthatmatchingtheprioritysystemin thecom-
temmustthenbe integratedwiththeinstitutional- mitmentsthemselvesthere must be prioritiesin
ization of politicalpower. Justas the latterde- thematterofwhichdecisionstakeprecedenceover
pends on an effectivemonopolyof institutionallyothersand, back of that,of whichdecision-making
organizedforce,so monetarystabilitydependson agencieshave the rightto make decisionsat what
an effectivemonopolyof basic reservesprotecting levels. Throughoutthis discussion the crucial
the monetaryunit and, as we shall see later,on questionconcernsbindingness. The referenceis
centralizationof controlover thecreditsystem. to the collectivity,and hence the strategicsignifi-
cance of the various "contributions"on the per-
THE HIERARCHICAL ASPECT OF formanceof which the effectiveness of its action
POWER SYSTEMS
23 As alreadynoted,in this area, I thinkthe analysis
A verycriticalquestionnow arises,whichmay
between of ChesterI. Barnard,in The Functionof the Execu-
be statedin termsof a crucialdifference clear and cogentthat
tive,op. cit.,is so outstandingly
ess in the United States (Ann Arbor, Universityof it deservesthestatusof a classicof politicaltheoryin my
MichiganLaw School,1960). specificsense. See especiallychapterX.
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 243
posed of,the ways in whichthe interestsof other It is then essentiallythe institutionalized code
partiesmustbe protected,have come to constitute definingrightsof participationin the power sys-
the core of the institution of property.24 tem whichI should like to thinkof as authority.
Authority,then,is the aspect of a status in a It is this conceptionwhichgives us the basis for
systemof social organization,namelyits collec- the essentialdistinctionbetweenthe internaland
tive aspect,by virtueof which the incumbentis the externalaspectsof powerrelativeto a particu-
put in a positionlegitimatelyto make decisions lar collectivity.The collectivityis, by our con-
whichare binding,not onlyon himselfbut on the ception,the definitionof the range withinwhich
collectivity as a whole and hence its othermem- a systemof institutionalized rightsto hold and
ber-units,in the sense that so far as theirimpli- use power can be closed. This is to say, the im-
cations impinge on their respective roles and plicationsof an authoritative decisionmade at one
statuses,theyare boundto act in accordancewith point in the systemcan be made genuinelybind-
these implications.This includesthe rightto in- ing at all the other relevantpoints throughthe
sist on such actionthough,because of the general relevantprocessesof feed-back.
division of labor, the holder of authorityvery The hierarchicalprioritysystemof authority
oftenis not himselfin a positionto "enforce"his and power,withwhichthisdiscussionstartedcan,
decisions,but must be dependenton specialized by this criterion,only be bindingwithina given
agenciesforthis. particularcollectivity system. In this sense then
If, then,authoritybe conceivedas the institu- a hierarchyof authority-as distinguishedfrom
tional counterpartof power, the main difference the sheer differences of power of other coercive
lies in the factthat authorityis not a circulating capacities-must be internalto a collectivelyor-
medium. Sometimes,speakingloosely, we sug- ganized systemin this sense. This will include
gest thatsomeone"gives away his property." He authorityto bind the collectivityin its relations
can give away propertyrightsin specificposses- to its environment, to persons and to othercol-
sions but not the institutionof property. Simi- lectivities. But bindingness,legitimizedand en-
larlythe incumbentof an officecan relinquishau- forcedthroughthe agency of this particularcol-
thorityby resigning,but this is very different lectivity,cannot be extended beyond its bound-
fromabolishingthe authorityof the office. Prop- aries. If it exists at all it must be by virtueof
ertyas institution is a code definingrightsin ob- an institutionalized normativeorder which tran-
jects of possession, in the firstinstance physical scends the particular collectivity,throughcon-
objects, then "symbolic" objects, includingcul- tractual arrangementswith others, or through
tural objects such as "ideas" so far as they are othertypesof mutuallybindingobligation.
valuablein monetaryterms,and of course includ-
ing moneyitself,whoeverpossesses them. Au- POWER, INFLUENCE, EQUALIZATION,
thority,similarly,is a set of rightsin statusin a AND SOLIDARITY
collectivity,preciselyin the collectivityas actor,
includingmostespeciallyrightto acquire and use It is on thisbasis thatit maybe held thatat the
boundariesof the collectivity the closed systemof
powerin thatstatus. "free" exercise, at the
stability,whichis essentialto priorities is breached by
The institutional
constituency or integrative boundary, of influence.
theconceptionof a code,thenforpropertyinheres to settle
Status in the collectivity gives authority
in the institutional structureof the market. At a with
the termson which power will be exchanged
higherlevel the institutionof propertyincludes this boundary. The wielder of
influence over
rights,not only to use and dispose of particular is not
influencefromoutside,on the collectivity,
objects of value, but to participatein the system in advance to any particularterms,and it
bound
of markettransactions.
is of the essence of use of power in the "foreign
24 Two particularly importantmanifestations of this relations"of the collectivity, that authorityis a
monetization of propertyare, firstthe generallegal un- right,withincertainlimitsof discretion,to spend
derstanding thatexecutorsof estatesare not obligatedto power in exchange for influence. This in turn
retainthe exact physicalinventoryintactpendingfull
statement, butmay sell variousitems-theirfiduciary ob- can, through the offerof accepting leadership
ligationis focussedon the moneyvalue of the estate. responsibility in exchange for political support,
Similarlyin the law of contractincreasingoptionhas replenishthe expenditureof power by a cor-
been given to compensatewith moneydamages in lieu
of thespecific"performance"originallycontractedfor. respondinginput.
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 245
By thisreasoninginfluenceshouldbe capable of spheresof "jurisdiction"mustbe definedin terms
alteringthe prioritysystemwithinthe collectivity. of a normativesystem,a body of law, which is
This is what I interpretpolicydecisionas a cate- binding both on governmentand on the non-
gory of the use of power as a mediumto be, the governmental units,thoughin the "last
collectivity
process of alteringprioritiesin such a way that analysis" it will, withinan institutionalized order
the new pattern comes to be binding on the either have to be enforcedby government,or
collectivity.Similarly,the franchisemust be re- contrariwise,by revolutionaryaction against
garded as the institutionalization of a marginal, government.
interpenetrating status,betweenthe main collec- Since independent controlof serious,sociallyor-
tivityand its environmentof solidarygroupings ganized forcecannotbe given to "private"collec-
in the largersystem. It is the institutionalizationtivities,theirultimatenegativesanctionstendto be
of a marginalauthority, the use of whichis con- expulsion frommembership,thoughmany other
finedto thefunctionof selectionamongcandidates typesof sanctionmaybe highlyimportant.
forleadershipresponsibility.In thegovernmental Considerationssuch as these thus do not in
case, thisis the inclusionin a commoncollectivity any way eliminateor weaken the importanceof
systemof both the operativeagencies of govern- hierarchicalprioritieswithina collectivedecision-
mentand the "constituencies" on whichleadership systemitself. The strict"line" structureof such
is dependent,a grantnot onlyin a given instance authorityis, however, greatly modifiedby the
ofpowerto thelatterbuta statusof authority with interpenetration of othersystemswith the politi-
respectto the one crucial functionof selectionof cal, notablyfor our purposes the importanceof
leadership and grantingthem the authorityof technicalcompetence. The qualificationsof the
office. importanceof hierarchyapply in principleat the
In interpreting this discussionit is essentialto boundaries of the particularcollectivesystem-
keep in mind that a society consists,from the analyticallyconsidered-ratherthan internallyto
presentpoint of view, not in one collectivity, but it. These I would interpretas definingthe limits
in a ramifiedsystemof collectivities. Because, of authority. There are two main contexts in
however,of the basic imperativesof effective col- which norms of equality may be expected to
lective action already discussed, these must in modifythe concreteexpectationsof hierarchical
additionto thepluralisticcross-cutting whichgoes decision-systems, namely on the one hand, the
withfunctional differentiation, also have theaspect context of influenceover the right to assume
ofa "Chinesebox" relation. There mustbe some- power, or decision-making authorityand, on the
where a paramountfocus of collectiveauthority otherhand, the contextof access to opportunity
and withit of the controlof power-though it is for status as a contributing unit in the specific
crucial that this need not be the top of the total political systemin question.
systemof normativecontrol,which may for ex- It is essentialhere to recall that I have treated
ample be religious. This complexof territorialitypower as a circulatingmedium,movingback and
and the monopolyof force are central to this, forthover the boundaries of the polity. The
because the closed systemof enforceablebinding- "real" outputs of the political process, and the
ness can always be breachedby the intervention factorsin its effectiveness-inthe sense corre-
offorce.25 spondingto the real outputsand factorsof eco-
The bindingnessof normativeordersotherthan nomic production-are not in my sense "forms"
those upheld by the paramountterritorialcollec- of power but, in the most importantcases, of
tivitymust be definedwithinlimits institution- financialcontrol of economic resources,and of
alized in relationto it. So faras suchcollectivities influence,in the meaningof the categoryof in-
are not "agencies" of the state,in this sense,their fluence,definedas a generalized mechanismof
25 Since this systemis the territorially organizedcol-
persuasion. These are very essentialelementsin
lectivity,the state with its government, these consider- the total political process, but it is just as im-
ations underliethe criticalimportanceof foreignrela- portantto distinguishthem frompower as it is
tions in the sense of the relationsto otherterritorially to distinguishfinanciallyvaluable outputs and
organized,force-controlling since,once in- factorsof productionfrom money itself. They
collectivities,
ternalcontrolof forceis effectively institutionalized,
the
dangerof thiskindof breachcomesfromthe outsidein may, in certain circumstances,be exchangeable
thisspecificsenseof outside. The pointis cogentlymade forpower,but this is a verydifferent thingfrom
by RaymondAron. beingformsofpower.
246 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
The circulationof power between polity and the Westerndemocracies.26Equality of the fran-
integrative systemI conceiveto consistin binding chise which,since the consequencesof its exercise
policy decisions on the one hand, which is a are very strictlybinding,27 I classifyas in fact a
primaryfactor in the integrativeprocess, and formof power,has been part of a largercomplex
politicalsupporton the other,whichis a primary of its institutionalization, whichincludesin addi-
outputof the integrative process. Supportis ex- tionthe principleof universality-itsextensionto
changed,by a "public" or constituency, for the all responsibleadult citizensin good standingand
assumptionof leadershipresponsibility, through the secrecyof the ballot,whichservesto differen-
the process of persuadingthose in a positionto tiate this context of political action from other
give bindingsupportthatit is advisable to do so contexts of involvement,and protectit against
in the particularinstance-throughthe use of pressures,not only from hierarchicalsuperiors
influence or some less generalized means of but, as Rokkan points out, fromstatus-peersas
persuasion. In the other political "market" well.
vis-a-vis the integrativesystem,policy decisions Of coursethe same basic principleof one mem-
are given in responseto interest-demands in the ber,one vote,is institutionalized in a vast number
sense of the above discussion. This is to say that of voluntaryassociations,includingmany which
interestgroups,which,it is mostimportant to note are subassociationsof wider collectivities, such as
as a conceptsays nothingabout the moralquality facultiesin a university, or boardsand committees.
of the particular interest,attemptto persuade Thus thedifference betweena chairmanor presid-
thosewho hold authorityin the relevantcollectiv- ingofficer, and an executivehead is clearlymarked
ity,i.e. are in a positionto makebindingdecisions, withrespectto formalauthority, whateverit may
that they should indeed committhe collectivity be withrespectto influence, by the principlethat
to the policies the influence-wielders want. In a chairman,like any othermember,has only one
our termsthis is to persuadethe decisionmakers vote. Many collectivities are in this sense "trun-
to use and hence"spend" some of theirpowerfor cated" associations,e.g. in cases where fiduciary
thepurposein hand. The spendingof poweris to boards are self-recruiting.Neverthelessthe im-
be thoughtof, just as the spendingof money,as portance of this principleof equality of power
essentiallyconsistingin the sacrificeof alternative throughthe franchiseis so great empiricallythat
decisionswhichare precludedby thecommitments the questionof how it is groundedin the struc-
undertakenundera policy. A memberof the col- tureof social systemsis a crucialone.
lectivity we conceiveas notedto have authorityto It derives,I think,fromwhat I shouldcall the
universalistic componentin patternsof normative
"spend" power throughmakingbindingdecisions
order. It is the value-principlethat discrimina-
throughwhichthoseoutsideacquireclaimsagainst tionsamong unitsof a system,mustbe grounded
the collectivity. Its authority,however, is in- in intrinsicallyvalued differencesamong them,
alienable; it can onlybe exercised,not "spent." whichare, for both personsand collectivities, ca-
It has been suggested that policies must be pacitiesto contributeto valued societalprocesses.
hierarchicallyordered in a prioritysystemand Differencesof power in decision-makingwhich
thatthepowerto decideamongpoliciesmusthave mobilizescommitments, both outwardin relation
a correspondinghierarchicalorderingsince such to the environment of the collectivityand inter-
decisionsbind the collectivityand its constituent nally, to the assignment of tasks to its members,
units. The imperativeof hierarchydoes not, are ideally grounded in the intrinsicconditionsof
effectiveness. Similarly, differences on the basis
however,applyto theother"market"ofthepower
of technicalcompetenceto fulfill essentialrolesare
systemin this direction,that involvingthe rela-
groundedin the strategicconditionsof effective
tions between leadership and political support. contribution.
Here on the contraryit is a criticallyimportant These considerationsdo not,however,apply to
fact that in the largest-scaleand most highly the functionsof the choice of leadership,where
differentiated systems,namelythe leadershipsys-
temsofthemost"advanced"nationalsocieties,the 26 See, on thisprocess,Stein Rokkan,"Mass Suffrage,
power elementhas been systematically equalized Secret Voting, and Political Participation,"European
Journalof Sociology2 (1961): 132-152.
throughthe device of the franchise,so that the 27 I.e., theaggregateof votes,evaluatedby theelectoral
universaladult franchisehas been evolved in all rules,determines theincumbency of office.
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 19631 ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 247
and effectiveness in the economic and political losses-deriving frommemberships, on the other
functionsrespectively. to influencethe processesby whichcollectiveac-
This is, withlittledoubt,the famousconceptof tion operates. This clearlyinvolvessome institu-
solidarityas formulatedby Durkheim.29 The tionalizationof the subordinationof unit-interest
two essentialpointsof referencefor presentpur- to thecollectivein cases wherethetwo are in con-
poses concernthe two main aspects of member- flict,actualor potential,and hencethejustification
ship,as outlinedabove,thefirstof whichconcerns of unit interestsas compatiblewiththe more ex-
claims on executiveauthorityforpolicydecisions tensivecollectiveinterest. A social systemthen
whichintegratethe totalcollectiveintereston the possesses solidarityin proportionas its members
one hand,the "partial" interestof a subgroupon are committed to commonintereststhroughwhich
the other. The second concerns integration of discrete unit interests can be integratedand the
rightsto a "voice" in collectiveaffairswith the justificationof conflictresolutionand subordina-
exigenciesof effectiveleadershipand the corre- tion can be definedand implemented.It defines,
spondingresponsibility. notthemodesof implementation of thesecommon
The principleis the "grounding" of a collective interests through effective agency, but the stand-
system in a consensus in the sense of the above ards by which such agency should be guided and
discussion,namelyan "acceptance" on the part the rightsof variousconstituent elementsto have
of its membersof theirbelongingtogether,in the a voice in the interpretation of thesestandards.
sense of sharing,over a certainrange, common
interests, interestswhichare definedbothby type, POWER AND EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY
and byconsiderations oftime. Time becomesrele-
factorin all human We may now turnto the second major bound-
vantbecauseoftheuncertainty
ary of the polity,at whichanotherorderof modi-
action,and hencethefactthatneitherbenefitsnor
for fications of the internalhierarchyof authority
burdenscan be preciselypredictedand planned
collectivity mustbe comes to focus. This is the boundaryvis-a-vis
in advance; hencean effective
the economy where the "political" interestis to
prepared to absorb unexpectedburdens,and to
secure control of productivityand services,and
balance this,to carry out some sort of just dis-
the economic interest lies in the collectivecontrol
tributionof benefitswhichare unexpectedand/or
of fluid resources and in what we may call op-
are not attributableto the earned agency of any
portunity for effectiveness.I shall not attempt
particularsubunit.
here to discuss the whole interchangecomplex,
Solidaritymay then be thoughtof as the im-
but will confinemyselfto the crucial problemof
plementationof commonvalues by definitionof
theway thatherealso thehierarchicalstructureof
the requisitecollectivesystemsin whichtheyare
power can, under certainconditions,be modified
to be actualized. Collectiveaction as such we
in an egalitariandirection.
have definedas political function. The famous
problem of order, however, cannot be solved Productivityof the economyis in principleal-
withouta commonnormativesystem. Solidarity locable among collective(in our sense political)
is the principleby virtue of which the commit- claimants to its control as facilities,in linear
quantitative terms. This linear quantification is
ment to norms, which is "based" in turn on
achieved through the medium of money, eitheral-
values, is articulatedwith the formationof col-
lectivitieswhichare capable of effective collective locationof fundswith libertyto expend themat
or at least monetaryevaluationof more spe-
action. Whereas, in the economicdirection,the will,
"problem"of effectiveaction is coping with the cific facilities.
scarcityof available resources,includingtrying In a sufficiently developedsystem,servicesmust
to facilitatetheirmobility, in the integrative direc- be evaluated in monetary termsalso, both from
tion it is orderlysolutionof competingclaims,on the point of view of rational budgetingand of the
monetary cost of their employment. In termsof
the one hand to receive benefits-or minimize
theirutilization,however,servicesare "packages"
29 It is thecentralconcept of The Divisionof Labor in of performance-capacity, which are qualitatively
Society. For my own relativelyrecentunderstanding of distinctand of unequal value as contributions to
its significance, see "Durkheim'sContributionto the collectiveeffectiveness.Their evaluationas fa-
Theoryof Integration of Social Systems,"in KurtWolff,
Ed., Smile Durkheim,1858-1917(Ohio, Ohio State Uni- cilitiesmusthenceinvolvean estimateof strategic
versityPress, 1960), pp. 118-153. significancewhich matches the general priority
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 249
scale which has been establishedto regulatethe ential competence,both quantitativeand quali-
internalfunctioning of the collectivity. tative.
Services, however,constitutea resourceto be Whereas the equalizationof the franchiseis a
acquired fromoutside the collectivity, as Weber control on differentialpower "from above" in
puts it througha "formallyfree"contractof em- the hierarchyof control and operates mainly
ployment. The contractsthus made are binding throughthe selection of leadership,equality of
on both sides, by virtue of a normativesystem opportunityis (in the correspondingsense) a
transcendingthe particular collectivity,though controlfrombelow, and operates to check par-
the obligationmust articulatewith the internal ticularistictendencieswhich would tend to ex-
normativeorder includingits hierarchicalaspect. clude sources of service which are qualifiedby
But the purveyorsof serviceare not,in advance, competenceto contribute,and/or to check tend-
bound by this internalprioritysystemand hence encies to retain services which are inferiorto
an exchange,whichis here interpreted to operate thoseavailablein competition withthem.
in the firstinstanceas betweenstrategicsignifi- It is the combinationof these two foci of uni-
cance expressedas power-potential, and themone- versalization,the equalitarianismof upper rights
taryvalue of the service,mustbe arrivedat. to controlthroughthe franchise,and of rightsto
Quite clearly,whenthe purveyorof servicehas participatethroughservice on the basis of com-
once enteredinto such a contract,he is bound by petence,which account for the extent to which
theaspectofits termswhicharticulatesthe service the "cumulativeadvantage,"30 whichmightseem
into this internalsystem,includingthe level of to be inherentin the hierarchicalinternalstruc-
authorityhe exercisesand its implicationsfor his tureof power systems,oftenin factfailseitherto
powerpositionin thecollectivity.If thecollectiv- materializeat all, or to be as strongas expected.
ityis makingin any sense a rationalarrangement, Long and complexas it is, the above discussion
this must be tailoredto an estimateof the level maybe summedup as an attemptedsolutionof the
of the value of his strategiccontribution, hence secondof thethreemainproblemswithwhichthis
his performance-capacity. paper began, namelythat of the relationbetween
Since,however,theboundaryinterchange is not the coercive and the consensual aspects of the
integralto the internalsystemof bindingness,the phenomenonof power. The answer is firstpre-
hierarchicalimperativesdo not apply to the op- misedon theconceptionof poweras a specificbut
portunity aspect of this interchangeon the extra- generalizedmediumof the functioningof social
politicalside. This is to say thatthe same order relationshipsin complex, differentiated systems
of pressuresof a higher-order universalisticnor- of social interaction.
mativesystemcan operatehere thatwe suggested Power is secondlyspecificallyassociated with
operatedto bringabout equalityin the franchise. the bindingnessof obligations to performance
Again the principleis that no particularistic dis- withina range of circumstanceswhichmay arise
criminationsare to be legitimizedwhich are not in a varyingand changingsituation. The obliga-
groundedin essentialfunctionalexigenciesof the tions concernedare hence in some importantde-
systemof reference. gree generalizedso thatparticularities underthem
In thecase of thefranchisethereseemsto be no are contingenton circumstances. The binding-
inherentstoppingplace shortof completeequality, ness of obligationsimplies that they stand on a
qualifiedonly by the minimumconsiderationof level of seriousnesssuch that the invokingagent,
competenceattachedto fullyresponsiblemember- ego, may be put in the positionof assertingthat,
ship-excludingonlyminors,"defectives," through since he "means it" thatalter mustcomply,he is
retardationand mentalillness,and those morally preparedto insiston compliance. Partlythenas
disqualifiedthroughcrime. In the service case, a symbolic expression of this seriousness of
on theotherhand,givencommitments to optimum "meaning it" and partly as an instrumentof
performance whichin the presentcontextcan be deterrenceof noncompliance,"'this insistenceis
takenforgranted,thelimitto the equatingof uni- 30 Cf. C. WrightMills, The Power Elite (New York,
versalismand equalitylies in the conceptof com- OxfordUniversityPress, 1956) and my commentary in
petence. Hence the principlearrived at is the Structureand Process in Modern Societies, op. cit.,
chapter6.
famousone of equalityof opportunity, by which 31Cf. Durkheim'sfamousessay, "Deux lois de l'evo-
thereis equalizationof access to opportunity for lution penale," L'Annee Sociologique 4(1899-1900):
contribution, but selectionon criteriaof differ- 65-95.
250 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
associated with commandof negativesituational ance with wishes, ratherthan obligations. The
sanctionsthe applicationof which is frequently monetaryparallel is the use of a monetarymetal
contingent on noncompliance, and in certaincases as an instrument of barterwhereas a commodity
deterrenceis achievedby compulsion.We would it ceases to be an institutionalized medium of
not speak of power where situationalnegative exchange at all.
sanctionsor compulsionare in no circumstances In the historyof thoughttherehas been a very
attachedto noncompliance in cases wherea legit- close connectionbetweenemphasison thecoercive
imateagentinsistson compliance. elementin power systemsand on the hierarchical
Thirdly,however,power is here conceivedas aspectof the structureof systemsof authorityand
a generalizedmediumof mobilizingcommitments power. The above discussionhas, I hope, helped
or obligationfor effectivecollectiveaction. As to dissociate them by showingthat this hierar-
such it ordinarilydoes not itselfpossess intrinsic chicalaspect,important as it is, is onlypartof the
effectiveness,but symbolizes effectivenessand structureof power systems. The view advanced
hence the bindingnessof the relevantobligations is that it is an inherentaspect of the internal
to contributeto it. The operativevalidityof the structureof collectivities. No collectivity,even
meaningfulness of the symbolization is not a func- the nation,however,stands alone as a total so-
tion of any one singlevariablebut, we argue, of cietysince it is integratedwithnormsand values;
two primaryones. One of theseis thewillingness subcollectivities can even less be claimed to be
to insist upon compliance,or at least to deter societies. The collectivityaspect of total social
noncompliance,a line of reasoningwhich leads structuremay in a particularcase be dominant
to the understandingof willingnessto resortto over others,but always in principleit impinges
negativesanctions,the natureof whichwill vary, on at least two sorts of boundary-problems,
as a functionof the seriousnessof the question, namelythatinvolvedin its "support"systemand
on the dimension of their progressivelymore that involved in the mobilizationof services as
drasticnature,in the last analysisforce. sourcesof contribution to its functioning.
The other variable concerns the collective refer- In both these cases, we have argued,quite dif-
ence and hence the justifiation 32 of invokingthe ferentprinciplesare operativefromthat of the
obligationsin questionin the situation. This as- hierarchyof authority,namely the equality of
pect concernsthe dependenceof power on the in- franchiseon the one hand,equalityof opportunity
stitutionalizationof authorityand hencethe rights on the other. In both cases I envisagean inter-
of collectiveagents to mobilizeperformances and change of power, thoughnot of authority,over
definethemas bindingobligations. This justifi- theboundaryof thepolity,and in neithercase can
cation inherently restson some sort of consensus the principlegoverningthe allocation of power
among the membersof the collectivityof refer- throughthisinterchange be consideredto be hier-
ence,ifnot more broadly, with respect to a system archical in the line authority sense. The empirical
of norms under which authorityand power are problemshere are, as elsewhere,formidable,but
legitimizedon a basis wider than this particular I definitelyargue that it is illegitimateto hold
collectivityby the values of the system. More that, from serious considerationof the role of
authorityis the institutionalized
specifically, code poweras a generalizedmedium,it can be inferred
within which the "language of power" is mean- thatthereis a generaltrendto hierarchization in
ingfuland, therefore, its use will be accepted in the total empiricalsocial systemsinvolved.38
the requisite community,which is in the first
instancethe community of collectiveorganization THE ZERO-SUM PROBLEM
in our sense. We are now in a positionto take up the last of
Seen in this lightthe threatof coercivemeas- thethreemainproblemswithwhichthediscussion
ures, or of compulsion,withoutlegitimationor started,namelywhetherpoweris a zero-sumphe-
justification,should not properlybe called the nomenonin the sense that,in a system,a gain in
use of powerat all, but is the limitingcase where
33 Failure to see thisseemsto me to be a major source
power,losing its symboliccharacter,mergesinto
utopianstrainin Marxisttheory,expressedabove
an intrinsicinstrumentality of securingcompli- all the
of
by the expectationof the "witheringaway of the
32 Cf. my paper "On The Conceptof Influence," op. con-
state." There is perhapsa parallelto the confusion
and
cit.,for a discussionof the conceptof justification nectedfor manycenturieswiththe Aristotelian doctrine
fromlegitimation.
its distinction of the "sterility"of money.
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 251
powerby a unitA is in the natureof the case the by the quantityof new bank depositscreatedby
cause of a correspondingloss of power by other the loans outstanding.35
units,B, C, D. . . .The parallel with moneyon Perhaps the best way to describewhat happens
which we have been insistingthroughoutshould is to say thattherehas occurreda differentiation
give us clues to the answer,whichclearlyis, un- in thefunctionsof moneyand hencethereare two
der certaincircumstancesyes, but by no means ways of using it in the place of one. The ordi-
underall circumstances. nary depositis a reservefor meetingcurrentex-
In the monetarycase it is obvious that in penses, whether"private" or "business," which
budgetingthe use of a fixedincome,allocationto is mainlyimportantwith respectto the time ele-
one use mustbe at the expenseof alternativeuses. mentof the degreesof freedommentionedabove.
The questionis whetherparallellimitationsapply From the pointof view of the depositorthe bank
to an economyconceivedas a total system. For is a convenience,giving him safekeeping,the
long this seemed to many economiststo be the privilegeof writingchecksratherthanusingcash,
case; thiswas the main burdenof the old "quan- etc.,at a cost whichis low because the bank earns
titytheoryof money." The mostobviouspolitical interestthroughits loaningoperations. From the
parallelis thatof thehierarchyof authority within pointof view of the borrower,on the otherhand,
a particularcollectivity.It would seem to be ob- the bank is a source of otherwiseunavailable
vious that,if A, who has occupied a positionof funds,ideallyin the economist'ssense,forinvest-
substantialpower, is demoted,and B takes his ment,for financingoperationspromisingfuture
place, A loses power and B gains it, the total in increments of economicproductivity,whichwould
the systemremainingthe same. Many political not otherwisehave been feasible.
theoristslike Lasswell and C. WrightMills, gen- The possibilityof this "miracle of loaves and
eralized this to politicalsystemsas a whole.34 fishes"of course restson an empiricaluniformity,
The mostimportant and obviouspointat which namelythat depositorsdo in fact,under normal
the zero-sumdoctrinebreaks down for moneyis circumstances, keep sufficient
balances on hand-
that of credit-creation throughcommercialbank- thoughtheyare not requiredto-so thatit is safe
ing. This case is so importantas a model thata for the bank to have substantialamountsout on
briefdiscussionhere is in order. Depositors,that loan at any given time. Underlyingthis basic
is, entrusttheirmoneyfundsto a bank, not only uniformity is the factthatan individualbank will
for safe keeping,but as available to the bank for ordinarilyalso have access to "reserves," e.g.
lending. In so doing, however,they do not re- assets which, though earning interest,are suf-
linquishany propertyrightsin thesefunds. The ficiently liquid to be realizedon shortnotice,and
fundsare repayableby thebankin fullon demand, in the last analysis such resourcesas those of a
the onlynormalrestrictions beingwith respectto federalreservesystem. The individualbank,and
bankinghours. The bank,however,uses part of withit its depositors,is thus ordinarilyrelatively
the balances on depositwith it to make loans at secure.
interest,pursuantto whichit not only makes the We all know,however,thatthis is trueonlyso
moneyavailableto theborrower,but in mostcases long as the systemoperates smoothly. A par-
assumes binding obligationsnot to demand re- ticularbank can meetunusual demandsforwith-
paymentexcepton agreedterms,whichin general drawal of deposits,but if this unusual demand
leave the borrower undisturbedcontrol for a spreads to a whole banking system,the result
stipulatedperiod-or obligates him to specified may be a crisis,which only collectiveaction can
installments of amortization.In otherwords,the solve. Quite clearlythe expectationthat all de-
same dollars come to do "double duty," to be positors should be paid, all at once, in "real"
treatedas possessionsby the depositors,who re- money,e.g. even "cash" to say nothingof mone-
tain theirpropertyrights,and also by the banker tary metal, cannot be fulfilled. Any monetary
who preemptsthe rightsto loan them,as if they systemin which bank creditplays an important
were "his." In any case thereis a corresponding part is in the natureof the case normally"insol-
net additionto the circulatingmedium,measured vent" by that standard.
35Whetherthis be interpreted
as net additionto the
34H. D. Lasswell and A. Kaplan, Power and Society mediumor as increasein the velocityof circulationof
(New Haven, Yale UniversityPress, 1950) and Mills, the "slow" deposit funds, is indifferent,because its
The Power Elite, op. cit. economiceffectsare the same.
252 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
take to provide opportunitieswhich are binding gous to that of the banker. The "deposits" of
on the unit. power made by constituents are revocable,if not
In the lightof this discussionit becomesclear at will,at thenextelection-a conditionanalogous
that the business firmis in its aspect as collec- to regularityof bankinghours. In some cases
tivityin our technicalsense, the case where the electionis tied to barterlikeconditionsof expec-
two standardsof success and solvencycoincide. tation of carryingout certain specificmeasures
The firmuses its powerincomeprimarily to main- favoredby thestrategically crucialvotersand only
tain or increaseits productivity and, as a measure these. But particularlyin a system which is
of this, its moneyincome. A surplus of power pluralisticnot onlywithreferenceto the composi-
will thereforein general be exchanged for en- tion of politicalsupport,but also to issues,such a
hancementof its controlof economicproductivity. leadershipelementacquiresfreedomto make cer-
For a collectivityspecializedin politicalfunction tain types of binding decision, binding in the
the primarycriterionof success would be given natureof the case on elementsof the collectivity
in its powerposition,relativethatis to othercol- other than those whose "interest" is directly
lectivities. Here there is the special problemof served. This freedommay be conceived to be
the meaningof the termpower position. I inter- confinedto thecircularflowlevel,whichwould be
pret it here as relativeto othercollectivitiesin a to say thatthe inputof power throughthe chan-
competitive system,notas a positionin an internal nel of politicalsupportshouldbe exactlybalanced
hierarchyof power. This distinctionis of course by the outputthroughpolicydecisions,to interest
particularly importantfora pluralisticpower sys- groups which have specificallydemanded these
tem where governmentis a functionally special- decisions.
ized subsystemof the collectivity structure, not an There is, however,anothercomponentof the
approximationto the totalityof that structure.37freedomof electedleadershipwhichis crucialhere.
In somewhatcorrespondingfashiona collectivity This is the freedomto use influence-forexample
specializedin integrativefunctionwould measure throughthe "prestige"of officeas distinguished
its successin termsof its "level of influence"-for from its specifiedpowers-to embark on new
example,as a politicalinterest-group in the usual venturesin the "equation"of powerand influence.
sense, its capacityto influencepublic policy de- This is to use influenceto createadditionsto the
cisions. A consequenceof this reasoningis that total supply of power. How can this be con-
such an influencegroup would be disposed to ceived to work?
"give away" power,in the sense of tradingit for One important pointis thattherelationbetween
an incrementof influence.This could take the the media involvedwith respectto positiveand
formof assuringpoliticalsupport,withoutbarter- negativesanctionsis the obverse of the case of
like conditions, to leadership elements which creatingmoneythroughbanking. There it was
seemedto be likelyto be able to exercisethe kind the use of power embodiedin the bindingcharac-
of influencein question. ter of loan contractswhich"made the difference."
Is therethena politicalequivalentof the bank- Here it is the optionalcapacityto exertinfluence
ing phenomenon, a way in whichthe circularflow throughpersuasion. This process seems to op-
of power comes to be brokenthroughso as to erate throughthe functionof leadershipwhich,
bringabout net additionsto the amountof power by way of the involvements it possesseswithvari-
in the system? The trendof the analyticalargu- ous aspects of the constituencystructureof the
ment indicatesthat there must be, and that its collectivity,generates and structuresnew "de-
focus lies in the supportsystem,that is the area mands" in the specific sense of demands for
of interchangebetween power and influence, policydecision.
betweenpolity and integrativesystem. Such demands then may be conceived,in the
First I suggestthat,particularly conspicuousin case of the deciders,to justifyan increasedoutput
the case of democraticelectoralsystems,political of power. This in turn is made possible by the
support should be conceived as a generalized generalityof the mandateof politicalsupport,the
grantof power which,if it leads to electoralsuc- factthat it is not given on a barterbasis in ex-
cess, puts electedleadershipin a positionanalo- change for specificpolicy decisions,but once the
perhapsthe old term
37 If very carefullyinterpreted, "equation"of powerand influencehas been estab-
"sovereignty" could be used to designatethis standard lished throughelection,it is a mandate to do,
somewhatmoredefinitely thansuccess. withinconstitutionallimits,what seems best, in
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 255
the governmentalcase "in the public interest." votes in their decisions dictated by their own
Collectiveleadershipmaythenbe conceivedas the interests.38
bankersor "brokers"who can mobilizethe bind- It is perhapslegitimateto call the responsibility
ing commitments of their constituentsin such a assumed in this connectionspecificallyleadership
way thatthe totalityof commitments made by the responsibilityand distinguishit in these terms
collectivityas a whole can be enhanced. This from administrativeresponsibility which focuses
enhancementmust,however,be justifiedthrough on theroutinefunctions.In any case I shouldlike
the mobilizationof influence;it must,thatis, both to conceivethis processof power-enhancement as
be feltto be in accordancewith valid normsand strictlyparallel to economic investment,in the
apply to situationswhich "call for" handlingat furthersense that the pay-offshould be an in-
the level of bindingcollectivecommitments. crementto the level of collectivesuccess in the
The criticalproblemof justificationis, in one sense outlinedabove, i.e. enhanced effectiveness
direction,that of consensus,of its bearingon the of collectiveaction in valued areas which could
value-principleof solidarityas we have outlined not have been expectedwithoutrisk-taking on the
this above. The standardthereforewhichcorre- part of leadershipin a sense parallel to entre-
sponds to the value principleof solidarityis con- preneurialinvestment.
sensusin the sense in whichthatconcepthas been The operationof both governmentaland non-
used above. governmentalcollectivitiesis full of illustrations
The problemthenis thatof a basis forbreaking of the kind of phenomenonI have in mind,
throughthe circularstabilityof a zero-sumpower though because this type of formal analysis is
system. The crucial point is that this can only somewhatunfamiliar,it is difficult to pin them
happen theif collectivityand its members are down exactly. It has, for example, oftenbeen
readyto assume new bindingobligationsover and pointed out that the relation of executive re-
above thosepreviouslyin force. The crucialneed sponsibilityto constituency-interests is very dif-
is to justifythis extensionand to transformthe ferent in domestic and in foreign affairs. I
"sentiment"that somethingought to be done suggest that the element of "political banking" in
into a commitmentto implementthe sentiment thefieldof foreignaffairsis particularly large and
by positive action, includingcoercive sanctions that the sanctionof approval of policy decisions,
if necessary. The crucial agency of this process where is occurs, cannot infalliblybe translated
seems to be leadership,precisely conceived as intovotes,certainlynot in the shortrun. Similar
possessing a componentanalyticallyindependent considerationsare very frequentlyinvolved in
of the routinepower positionof office,which de- what may be called "developmental"ventures,
finesthe leader as the mobilizerof justifications whichcannotbe expectedto be "backed" by cur-
forpolicieswhichwould not be undertakenunder rentlywell-structured interestsin the same sense
the circularflow assumptions. as maintenance of current functions. The case of
It may be suggestedthat the parallel to credit support of research and training is a good one
creationholds with respectto time-extension as since the "communityof scholars" is not a very
well as in otherrespects. The incrementsof ef- strong"pressuregroup" in the sense of capacity
fectiveness whichare necessaryto implementnew directlyto influencelarge blocksof votes.
bindingpolicies which constitutean addition to It would followfromthese considerationsthat
the total burdenon the collectivity cannotsimply there is, in developedpolities,a relatively"free-
be willed into being; they require organizational 38 Perhapsthis is an unusuallyclear case of the rela-
changes through recombinationsof the factors tivityof the formallegal sense of the bindingnessof
of effectiveness, developmentof new agencies, commitments. Thus the populisticcomponentin demo-
craticgovernment oftenties both executiveand legisla-
procurementof personnel,new norms,and even tive branchesratherrigidlyin what they can formally
changes in bases of legitimation. Hence leader- promise. However,thereare manyde factoobligations
ship cannotjustifiablybe held responsiblefor ef- assumedby Government whichare verynearlybinding.
Thus legally Congress could withdrawthe totalityof
fective implementationimmediately,and con- fundsrecentlygrantedto universities for the supportof
versely,the sources of politicalsupportmust be scientific researchand training, theformalappropriations
willingto trusttheirleadershipin the sense of not being made year by year. Universities, however,plan
very much in the expectationof maintenanceof these
demandingimmediate-by the time of the next fundsand thismaintenance is certainlysomething like a
election-"pay-off"of the power-valueof their de factoobligationof Congress.
256 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
floating"elementin the power systemwhich is of the commitments in which the widest exten-
analogous to a credit-system.Such an element sion had takenplace was in the international field
should then be subject to fluctuationson a di- -the United States had very rapidlycome into
mensionof inflation-deflation, and be in need of the positionof bearing the largest share of re-
controlsfor the systemas a whole, at a level sponsibility formaintenanceof worldpoliticalor-
above thatof the activitiesof particularunits. der againstan expansionistCommunistmovement.
The analogue of inflationseems to me to touch The "loss of China" was in certain quarters a
the credibilityof the assertionof the bindingness particularly traumaticexperience,and the Korean
of obligationsassumed. Power, as a symbolic war a highlychargedsymbolof the costs of the
medium,is like moneyin that it is itself"worth- new stewardship.
less," but is accepted in the expectationthat it A pluralisticpoliticalsystemlike the American
can later be "cashed in," this time in the activa- always has a large body of latentclaims on the
tionof bindingobligations. If, however,"power- loyaltyof its citizensto theirgovernment, not only
credit" has been extended too far, withoutthe for the "right sentiments"but for "sacrifices,"
necessaryorganizationalbasis for fulfillment of but equallytheseare expectedto be invokedonly
expectationshavingbeen laid, thenattempting to in genuineemergencies.The McCarthydefinition
invoke the obligationswill result in less than a of the situationwas, however,thatvirtuallyany-
full level of performance,inhibitedby various one in a positionofsignificant should
responsibility
sorts of resistance. In a collectivityundergoing not onlyrecognizethe"in case" priority-notnec-
disintegrationthe same formal officemay be essarilyby our basic values the highest-of na-
"worthless" than it otherwisewould have been tional loyalty,but should explicitlyrenounceall
because of attritionof its basis of effectiveness. otherloyaltieswhich mightconceivablycompete
The same considerationshold when it is a case with that to the nation,includingthose to kith
of overextension of new power-expectationsand kin. This was in effecta demandto liquidate
without adequate provision for making them all othercommitments in favorof the national,a
effective. demand which in the nature of the case could
It goes without saying that a power-system not be met withoutdisastrous consequences in
in which this creditlikeelementis prominentis manydifferent directions. It tendedto "deflate"
in a state analogous to the "insolvency"of a the power systemby underminingthe essential
monetarysystem which includes an important basis of trust on which the influenceof many
elementof actual credit,namelyits commitments elementsbearingformaland informalleadership
cannot be fulfilledall at once, even if those to responsibilities,and which in turn sustained
whom theyhave been made have formallyvalid "power-credit,"necessarilyrested. Perhaps the
rightsto such fulfillment.Only a strictzero-sum most strikingcase was the allegation of com-
power system could fulfill this condition of munist infiltration and hence widespread "dis-
"liquidity." Perhaps the conservatismof politi- loyalty"in the army,whichwas exploitedto try
cal ideologiesmakes it even more difficult to ac- to forcethe army leadershipto put the commit-
cept the legitimacyof such a situation-it is all ments of all associated personnel,includinge.g.
too easy to defineit as "dishonest"-than in the research scientists,in completely"liquid" form.
corresponding economiccase. Two featuresof the McCarthymovementparticu-
There is, however, a fine line between solid, re- larly mark it as a deflationaryspiral, firstthe
sponsible and constructivepolitical leadership vicious circle of spreadinginvolvementwith the
which in fact commitsthe collectivity beyondits casting of suspicion on wider and wider circles
capacitiesfor instantaneousfulfillment of all obli- of otherwisepresumptively loyal elementsin the
gations, and reckless overextendedness,just as societyand secondly the surprisingly abruptend
there is a fineline betweenresponsiblebanking of the spiral once the "bubble was pricked"and
and "wild-catting." "confidencerestored,"events associated particu-
Furthermore,under unusual pressures, even larly withthe public reactionto McCarthy'sper-
highlyresponsibleleadershipcan be put in situ- formance in the televisedarmy hearings,and to
ations wherea "deflationary"spiral sets in, in a Senator Flanders' protest on the floor of the
patternanalogous to that of a financialpanic. I Senate.39
interpret,forinstanceMcCarthyismas such a de- 39I have dealt with some aspects of the McCarthy
flationary spiral in the politicalfield. The focus episode in "Social Strains in America,"Structureand
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 1963] ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 257
The focus of the McCarthy disturbancemay tions to governmentalfinance which has been
be said to have been in the influencesystem,in seen to be thefocusof thesehighest-level controls.
the relation between integrativeand pattern- In the case of power it is of course the first
maintenancefunctionsin the society. The pri- crucialpointthattherewas to be some relatively
mary deflationaryeffect was on the "credit" paramountapex of controlof the power and au-
elements of pluralisticloyalties. This in turn thoritysystem,which we think of as in some
would make leadershipelements,not only in gov- sense the "sovereign"state.40 This has mainlyto
ernmentbut private groups, much less willing do with the relations between what we have
to take risks in claiming loyalties which might called justificationand legitimacy,in relationto
competewith those to government. Since, how- government as thehighest-order tightlyintegrated
ever, in the hierarchyof control the influence collectivity structure-so far. This is the central
systemis superordinateto the power system,de- focus of Weber's famous analysis of authority,
flationin the formeris necessarilypropagated but his analysis is in need of considerableexten-
to the latter. This takes in the firstinstancethe sion in our sense. It seems,among otherthings,
formof a rush to withdrawpolitical support- thathe posed an undulysharpalternativebetween
whichit will be rememberedis here treatedas a charismaticand "routine" cases, particularlythe
formof power-from leadershipelementswhich rational-legalversionof the latter. In particular
could in any sense be suspectedof "disloyalty." it would be my view that very substantialpossi-
The extremeperhaps was the slogan propagated bilitiesof regulatedextensionof power-commit-
by McCarthyand played withby more responsi- mentsexist withinthe framework of certaintypes
ble Republicanleaders like Thomas E. Dewey, of of "legal" authority,especially where they are
"twentyyears of treason" which impugnedthe aspectsof a politicalsystemwhichis pluralisticin
loyaltyof the DemocraticParty as a whole. The generalterms. These problems,however,cannot
effectwas, by deprivingoppositionleadershipof furtherbe exploredat the end of what is already
influence,to make it unsafe even to consider a very long paper.
grantingthempower.
The breakingthroughof the zero-sumlimita- CONCLUSION
tions of more elementarypower systemsopens
the way to altogethernew levels of collective This paper has been designedas a generalthe-
oreticalattackon the ancientproblemof the na-
effectiveness, but also, in the natureof the case,
involves new levels of risk and uncertainty. I ture of politicalpower and its place, not only in
have alreadydealt brieflywiththisproblemat the politicalsystems,narrowlyconceived,but in the
level of the particularcollectivityand its exten- structureand processes of societies generally.
sion of commitments.The problemof course is The main point of referencefor the attack has
compoundedfora systemof collectivities been the conceptionthat the discussion of the
because
of the risk not only of particularfailures,but of problem in themain traditionsof politicalthought
have not been couchedat a sufficiently rigorously
generalizedinflationary and deflationarydisturb-
ances. There are, as we have noted,mechanisms analytical level, but have tended to treat the na-
of controlwhich operate to regulateinvestment, tion,the state,or the lower-levelcollectivelyor-
and similarlyextension of the commitmentsof ganized "group," as the empiricalobject of ref-
particularcollectivities,both of whichhave to do erence,and to attemptto analyze its functioning
with the attemptto ensure responsibility, withoutfurtherbasic analyticalbreakdown. The
on the
one hand for solvencyover the long run, on the 40In sayingthis I am veryfar frommaintaining that
otherfor success of the larger "strategy"of ex- "absolute"sovereigntyis an essentialconditionof the
minimalintegration politicalsystems. On the con-
tension. It is reasonableto suppose that beyond trary,firstit is farof fromabsoluteinternally, precisely
these,theremustbe mechanismsoperatingat the becauseof thepluralisticcharacterof mostmodernpoliti-
level of the systemas a whole in bothcontexts. cal systemsand becauseof the opennessof theirbound-
In themonetarycase it was the complexof cen- aries in the integrativeeconomicand other directions.
tral banking,credit managementand their rela- Externallythe relationof the territorialunit to norms
and values transcending
it is crucial,and steadilybe-
Process, op. cit., chapter7, pp. 226-249. The inherent comingmore so. See my paper "Polarizationof the
impossibilityof the demandfor "absolutesecurity"in a World and InternationalOrder" in Quincy Wright,
pluralisticsystemis very cogentlyshown by Edward William M. Evan and MortonDeutsch,eds.,Preventing
Shils in The Tormentof Secrecy (New York, The Free World War III (New York, Simonand Schuster,1962),
Press of Glencoe,1956), especiallyin chapterVI. pp. 310-331.
258 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
~
(LOCUS OF CULTURALAND COMMITMENT *- (LAW (AS NORMS]AND
units e.g. thereis an importantstructuraldiffer- MOTIVATIONALCOMMITMENTS) ~SYSTEM - W SCIAL CONTROL)
FIGURE 2
THE CATEGORIES OF SOCIETAL INTERCHANGE
In to G Controlof ProductivityM2b
FACTORS
LIn to A for EffectivenessPlb
Opportunity
A routtoG Commitment
of Services to the CollectivityPla G
PRODUCTS '
LOutto A -Allocationof Fluid Resources (financial) M2a
Fino L Justifications
forAllocationof Loyalties I2a
In toI Commitment
to ValuedAssociationCia
rOuttoL Commitments
to Common
Value Clb
PRODUCTS
LOutto I Value-basedClaims to LoyaltiesI2b
M= Money P= Power
I = Influence C Commitments
1,2,3 = Order of hierarchicalcontrolas betweenmedia.
a, b : Orderof hierarchicalcontrolwithininterchange systems.
"In" means Inputof a categoryof resourcesto the subsystemindicated
fromthe othermemberof the pair.
"Out" meansOutputof a categoryof 'product"fromthe indicated
source to the relevantdestination.
Every double interchange consistsof one input(factor) interchange
and one output(product)interchange.
VOL. 107, NO. 3, 19631 ON THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL POWER 261
(vis-a-vis the integrativesystem) and the sys- pect of group structureand solidarityin relation
tem of legitimation, as I have called it, vis-a-vis to the systemof norms (legal and informal)-as
the value aspect of the pattern-maintenance sys- distinguishedfromvalues. The basic difference
tem. The last of these three is a special case lies in the fact that power here is interchanged
which does not involvepower as a medium,but not with money but with influence,and that
rather the structureof the code governingau- whereasvis-ad-vismoneyit was the "controlling"
thorityas definingthe institutionalized uses of medium,vis-a-visinfluenceit is controlled. This
power,hence the legitimationof authority. Pri- differenceis symbolizedby the placing of the
maryattentioncan thusbe givento the othertwo. power categories here in the outside positions
The categoriesincludedin the A-G (economy- whereas in the A-G case theywere placed inside
polity,or resourcemobilization)interchangecan (as the monetarycategorieswere in L-A).
be describedas "forms"of power and of money The relevant factor interchangehere is be-
(or wealth) respectively. They will be seen to tweenpolicy decisionsas a "factorof solidarity"
be the categorieswhichhave been used in the ap- and interest-demands as a factorof effectiveness,
propriateparts of the discursiveexpositionof the in the senses in which these conceptswere used
body of the paper. The double interchangehere, above. Essentiallywe may say that interest-de-
as in the classic economy-or labor-consumptionmands"definethe situation"forpoliticaldecision-
case, involvesfirstone factor-interchange, namely making-which of course is by no means to say
controlof productivity as factorof effectiveness thatdemandsin theirinitialformare or shouldbe
exchanged for opportunityfor effectiveness(in simply "granted" without modification. Like
the particularcase of capital,as a factorof pro- otherfactorstheyare typicallytransformed in the
duction). Productivityis a monetaryfactorbe- course of the politicalprocess. Correspondingly
cause it is a pool of resourcescontrolledthrough policy decisionsare a factorin solidarityin that
monetaryfunds-which of course in turncan be theyconstitutecommitments for collectiveaction
exchanged for the particular facilities needed, on which "interestedparties" withinlimits can
notablygoods and services. Opportunity,how- count.
ever, is a formof power in the sense discussed. The interchangeof "product" outputs then
The second part of the double interchangeis consistsof leadershipresponsibility as outputof
one of "product" outputs. This takes place be- the polity (a form of influence,note, not of
tween commitment of services to organization- power), and politicalsupportas an outputof the
typicallythroughemployment-whichI have in- "associational"system-in the governmentalcase
terpretedto be a formof power,and the alloca- e.g. the electorate,whichis a source of the politi-
tionof fluidresourcesto the purveyorsof service cal "income"of power. It will of coursebe noted
as facilitiesessentialto the performanceof their that the units involvedin any particularcase of
obligations-typicallythe control of budgeted thesetwo interchanges typicallyare not the same
funds,though oftengeneralizationdoes not ex- -thus partyleadersmay bid forsupportwhereas
tend as high as this. Thus fluidresourcesin the administrativeofficialsmake certain policy de-
ideal typecase take the formof moneyfunds.44 cisions. This typeof "split" (carriedout to vary-
The second primaryinterchangesystem,which ing degrees) is characteristicof any highlydif-
for convenienceI shall call the supportsystem, ferentiated system.
is that between polity and integrativesystem Figure 3 attemptsto look at the generalized
(G-I), whichlatterinvolvesthe associationalas- media fromthe point of view not only of their
hierarchicalordering,but of the relationbetween
44The processof investment, whichI conceiveto be thecode and messagecomponents, and theposition
one veryimportant special case of the operationof this of the latteras sanctionscontrollingon the one
interchange system,seems to work in such a way that hand factorsessential to the various functional
the powercomponent of a loan is a grantof opportunity,subsystems,on the other hand product outputs
throughwhich an incrementof otherwiseunavailable
controlof productivity is gained. The recipientof this
fromthese subsystems. The rows are arranged
"grant"is then,throughcommitting (individualor col- from top to bottomin termsof the familiarhier-
lective) services,in a positionto utilizetheseresources archyof control-each row designatingone of the
forincreasingfutureeconomicproductivity in someway. four media. The columns,on the other hand,
This is a specialcase becausetheresourcesmightbe used
in some otherway, e.g. for relievingdistressor for sci- designate componentsinto which each medium
entificresearch. needs to be brokendown if some of the basic con-
262 TALCOTT PARSONS [PROC. AMER. PHIL. SOC.
\COMOEN F THE
FIGURE 3
The A and G columnsof figure3 then desig-
MEDIA AS SANCTIONS
\ME,DIAAND
iNTERCHANGE
IREC IPROCALS
CODED nate contextsof operationof each of the four
MESSAGES
(SANCTIONS) TYPES OF
AUCTIVATION
oF
JUSTCIFICAT Thus moneythoughnot itselfa factorof produc-
OF LOYALTIES
ION I CLAIMSTO
LOYALTIES I
CM HITENTS
INFLUENCE SOLIDARITY CONSENSUS primaryfactors,in the A-L and the A-G inter-
ASSUrCATION V ALUES -
POSITIVE
TENPOSITIVL
CONTROL
OF A CTROL o oLUHA COMPLIANCE)
A
A-G)
A
respectively.
PRODUCTIVITY RESOURCES
A G CAPITAL COMMITMENT 6
twoprimarymobilefactorsofeffectiveness, namely
ditions of its operationin mediatinginteraction control of productivity(in G-A) and interest-
are to be understood. demands (in G-I) (as justifiedin termsof appeal
In the body of the paper I have discussed the to norms). On the otherhand the "consumers"
reasons for which it seems necessaryto distin- or beneficiariesof the outputsfromthe process
guish two componentsin the code aspect of each can use power to commandthese outputsin the
medium,namelywhat have been called the rele- formof fluidresources (e.g. throughbudget al-
vant value principleon the one hand, the "coor- locationin G-A) and of leadershipresponsibility
dinativestandard" on the other. The most fa- for valued goals (in G-I).
miliar example concerns the paradigmaticeco- It will be noted that in figure3 negativeand
nomic case. Here the famous conceptof utility positivesanctiontypesalternatein the hierarchy
seems to be the relevantvalue principlewhereas of control. Power, as the mediumdependingon
that of solvency is the coordinativestandard. negativesituationalsanctionsis "sandwiched"be-
Utility is the basic "measure" of value in the tween money (below it) with its positive situ-
economicsense, whereas the imperativeto main- ationalsanctionsand influence(above it) withits
tain solvencyis a categoryof normfor the guid- positiveintentionalsanctions.
ance of unitsin economicaction. For the political Returningto figure2, power is also involved
case I have adopted the conceptof effectiveness in the legitimationsystem (L-G), but this time
in Barnard's sense as the parallel to the econo- as code, as aspect of authority.This may be con-
mist's utility. Success, for the unit in question, ceived as a mechanismfor linkingthe principles
notablythe collectiveease, seems to be the best and standardsin the L and G rows. What is
available termfor the correspondingcoordinative called the assumptionof operativeresponsibility
standard. (Possibly, used with properqualifica- (P3a), whichis treatedas a "factorof integrity"
tions, the term sovereigntymightbe still more is responsibility forsuccess in the implementation
appropriateforthis standard.) of thevalue-principles,not onlyof collectiveeffec-
At the other most importantdirect boundary tiveness,but of integrity of theparamountsocietal
of the polity, solidarity in Durkheim's sense value-pattern. It may be said that the legitima-
seems to be the value-principleof integration tion of authority(C3a) "imposes" the responsi-
which is parallel to utility and effectiveness,bilityto attemptsuch success. Legality of the
whereas the very important(to politicaltheory) powers of officeon the other hand (P3c), as a
conceptof consensusseems adequatelyto formu- categoryof outputto the polity,is an application
late the relevantintegrativecoordinativestandard. of the standard of pattern-consistency. At the
Since theyare not directlyinvolvedin the inter- various relevantlevels action may and should be
change systems of immediateconcern here, I takenconsistentwiththe value-commitments. In
merely call attentionto the designationof the exchange for legal authorizationto take such
value-principleof the pattern-maintenance system action, the responsibleoffice-holder must accept
as integrityand the correspondingcoordinative moral responsibility for his use of power and his
standardas pattern-consistency. decisionsof interpretation (C3b).