Karen Fjelstad

3 Spirited Migrations
The Travels of Len Dong Spirits and

Their Mediums
Karen Fjelstad
The Young Prince, child spirit of the Vietnamese Mother Goddess Religion,
accompanied his refugee mediums during the long and arduous journey
from Vietnam to America in the 1980s. Once in the US he adjusted to a
new environment, learned a foreign language, and adapted to life in a new
country. Several years later the same spirit voyaged from America back
to Vietnam. This time he was a bicultural tour guide helping Vietnam-
ese Americans to move easily through customs, locate hotels, and have a
smooth trip as they returned to their homeland to sponsor len dong spirit
possession ceremonies. This example is characteristic of the transnational
nature of len dong.
The past few decades have witnessed a proliferation in studies of migra-
tion and transnationalism. This is related to a global increase in the move-
ment of people, recognition on the part of scholars that the nature of
migration has changed, and awareness of the fact that many migrants main-
tain ties to their countries of origin (Brettell 2003). Transnationalism is the
social process by which migrants develop and sustain social relations with
their homelands (Glick Schiller 1999). Although it is not new, transnation-
alism has increased in the past few decades as a result of the new migra-
tion, changing technologies, and economic globalization (Brodwin 2003;
Kearney 1995; Levitt 2001). Transmigrants are individuals who maintain
ties with their homeland and become involved in the economic, social, and
religious spheres of their sending societies as well as the host societies (Bret-
tell 2003: 54). Most research has focused on transmigrants, but transna-
tionalism also refers to any individuals affected by transnational processes
including those who never leave their homes (Levitt 2001; Guarnizo and
Smith 1998; Brettell 2003; McCarthy Brown 1999.)
Research in religion, migration, and transmigration has concentrated
on a few main areas. Early studies explored the nature of migrant religions
and their implications for adaptation (e.g., Warner and Wittner 1998).
More recently, scholars have looked at religious interchange between
transmigrants and their homelands, the negotiation of power differ-
ences within transnational groups, and how forces from above and below
shape religious transnationalism (Brettell 2003; Levitt 2001; Vasquez and
Huwelmeier and Krause 2nd pages.indd 52

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Spirited Migrations 53
Marquardt 2003). Although most of the focus has been on humans, mem-
bers of the spirit world accompany humans in their travels. This chapter
explores spirited migrations addressing such issues as how and why some
len dong spirits travel whereas others stay close to home, how spirits are
transformed in the process of migration, and the role of spirits in the for-
mation of transnational ties. All of these processes are informed by the
increasing connectedness of distant places through media such as video-
tapes and online content.
Data for this chapter were collected through ethnographic research
among spirit mediums in the Silicon Valley of northern California (1987
2008) and mediums in northern Vietnam (20032008). I also documented
the emergence of a transnational relationship between mediums at two spe-
cific templesone is located in Silicon Valley, the other in Bac Ninh, north-
ern Vietnam (20042008).1 Although some ethnographic examples used in
this chapter are taken from these two temples, others come from different
temples located in Silicon Valley and Vietnam.
Len dong spirit possession is a ritual of Dao Mau, a Mother Goddess
religion. During the ritual, a medium incarnates up to 36 spirits over the
course of several hours. The spirits are arranged in hierarchical order: God-
desses occupy the highest levels of the pantheon and mandarins, courtly
ladies, princes, and princesses who incarnate into mediums in established
sequences serve them, in descending order. Possession is highly stylized and
while possessing mediums the spirits dance, listen to songs, distribute spirit
gifts (loc), bestow spirit blessings, and read the fortunes of others.
Len dong mediums are recruited into the service of spirits because they
have a calling (can) that is revealed through dreams, changes in behavior,
or an illness that does not respond to medical treatment. They consult other
mediums to identify the spirits causing the disorder and if the calling is
especially heavy (can nang) they must be initiated as mediums. Mediums
make regular offerings to the spirits, hold yearly possession ceremonies,
and attend ceremonies held by other mediums. If they do not fulfill these
obligations they will become seriously ill or die. Becoming a medium can
bestow benefits, not the least of which is healing ones self and others, but
people are often reluctant to make the commitment for it is life-long, entail-
ing substantial time and fi nancial resources.
Some Vietnamese say the len dong ritual is fraudulent and mediums are
thieves and charlatans. Between 1954 and 1986 the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam classified spirit possession as a social evil and developed a series of
campaigns designed to eradicate such superstitions. These campaigns led to
the harassment, arrest, and imprisonment of mediums but the practice did
not cease to exist (Nguyen Thi Hien 2002). Instead, individuals adapted to
governmental restrictions by holding ceremonies at night and engaging in
practices that rendered the ritual less visible, such as having quiet ceremo-
nies without the normal possession music (chau van). Possession ceremo-
nies continued in this secrecy until 1986 when the Vietnamese government

54 Karen Fjelstad
instituted a series of economic and social reforms known as doi moi (Reno-
vation) that encouraged an open market economy and loosened controls
on religious practice. Today the ritual is practiced openly in many areas of
Vietnam and scholars have noted a marked increase in religious rituals and
pilgrimages, the construction and refurbishing of temples, and the buying
and selling of ritual goods (Fjelstad and Nguyen 2006).
Although Dao Mau and len dong are usually described as a religion
and ritual of Vietnam, ethnographic interviews with mediums in Vietnam
and the US indicate that they are practiced among Vietnamese migrants
in such diverse locations as Thailand, Laos, Australia, France, Belgium,
Czechoslovakia, Germany, England, and the US. Relations between spirits
and mediums in the various countries are, however, centered on Vietnam.
Spirits and their mediums travel to and from Vietnam quite frequently, for
example, but there are fewer contacts between mediums in two separate
migration destinations. This is largely because mediums travel to Vietnam
to visit specific Mother Goddess temples that have long histories. Other
countries do not have the same spiritual attractions.
The Vietnamese diaspora began in 1975 at the end of the American
War. As soon as soldiers of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam began
their march into Saigon, thousands of South Vietnamese sought ways out
of the country. Many individuals that left Vietnam in 1975 held high-
ranking military positions or had worked for Americans, and they were
fearful they would be arrested by the communist regime or sent to reedu-
cation camps. Later migrations included greater numbers of people who
sought economic relief or family reunification. They left the country on
small, often rickety, boats and were referred to as boat-people. Between
April 1975 and September of 1994 about 1.32 million people came to the
US from Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia (Freeman 1995: 3). Of this group,
more than 900,000 were Vietnamese, most of whom were refugees. The
remaining 200,000 came as legal immigrants who were sponsored by
relatives already living in the US. Many Silicon Valley spirit mediums
were among these groups of refugees, and they cite political and economic
reasons for leaving Vietnam. Even though the len dong ritual was illegal
when they left Vietnam, none have said they left their native country in
search of religious freedom. Even so, religion was an important compo-
nent of the journey from Vietnam to America.
Many refugees sought supernatural advice before leaving Vietnam.
Although some had no time to prepare for the journey, others were able to
go to temples or small shrines where they prayed to their ancestors, asked
the gods and spirits for assistance, or had their fortunes read to select auspi-
cious times for travel. Len dong mediums sought advice from their spirits.
For example, Hoa, a fifty-year-old medium, spoke with the Third Princess
(Co Bo) before leaving the country at the age of 21. She had already failed
to escape seven times before going to a len dong ceremony where she asked
the spirit if she could leave the country. Co Bo replied, You will have

several obstacles but I will help you reach your destination. Many boat-
people faced extreme danger from the open seas, limited rations of food
and water, and attacks from pirates. They prayed to Co Bo for help during
the journey because she is associated with the water and helps to care for
everything in that domain. She is often represented dancing with the oars
of a boat, and has a kind and sympathetic disposition. Hoa had a vision
of Co Bo during her escape. She said, When I saw Co Bo row the boat,
I knew that her spirit was truly there. The women were raped and I alone
was untouched, Co Bo looked after me. In this case Co Bo was watching
over Hoa but she was not a fellow traveler.
Spirit mediums have diverse answers when asked how the spirits travel.
Some mediums say the spirits are omnipresent, like Co Bo in the example
above, and can appear at any time or place. In such cases the spirits do
not need travel documents, and they are not tied to specific languages or
cultures. As Mr. Thanh explains, The spirits are everywhere. If you were
born in the US and have the body of an American, you are American.
You can pray to the spirits in English, they will listen. They can hear all.
Others say the spirits are located inside the body of the medium and go
wherever the medium goes. Mrs. Phan says that she is one person with two
spiritsthe spirit of her own individual personality and the spirit of the
Young Prince (Cau Be). The Young Prince migrated to America with Mrs.
Phan and she says he is ethnic Vietnamese and only speaks Vietnamese.
Whereas many migrants wanted spirits to accompany them, others
wished to leave the spirits behind. Mr. Hung hoped that by leaving Vietnam
in 1987 he could avoid his obligations to the spirit world. His father and
brother had been mediums in Saigon, and he was hoping to elude the same
fate. However, as soon as he entered a Silicon Valley temple, he saw the
same snake spirit that he had been trying to avoid and it wrapped around
his legs so tightly that he could not move. At that moment he understood
that he too would have to become a medium. Some mediums did not expect
to practice spirit possession in the US because they thought no one would
bother to worship the spirits in a new country. Mrs. Thuong said she did
not think people would be interested in having ceremonies, but as soon as
she arrived in the US people began asking for a temple where they could
worship the spirits.
Every level of the pantheon is represented in California but certain
spirits appear more often than others. This is especially true of the Third
Princess (Co Bo), who was favored by boat-people, and the Tenth Prince
(Ong Hoang Muoi) who is a traveler himself. The Tenth Prince enjoys
seeing the world, and is especially fond of beautiful places. As Mr. Thanh
says, people who have the calling of the Tenth Prince . . . like to frequent
places here and there, they like to travel. Many of the spirits favored in
Silicon Valley are young and they have lower positions in the pantheons
hierarchy. These include the Princess (Co) spirits and the Young Prince
(Cau) spirits. The lower status of these spirits makes them accessible to

56 Karen Fjelstad
humans because they have empathy for human concerns, and they are
not beyond having human-like problems themselves. One Silicon Valley
medium explained that such lower level spirits work harder than other
spirits and they are responsible for doing the dirty jobs of advising and
disciplining humans. The Young Prince (Cau Be) is a trickster spirit who
is often described as naughty (nghich) (Norton 2006). Unlike other spirits
who have to abide by formal rules and acknowledge status hierarchies,
the Young Prince accomplishes more because he does not have to follow
such established rules of behavior.
Other spirits appear not to travel at all. Some stay close to home because
they have special requirements that prevent them from traveling. For exam-
ple, until recently there was no temple in Silicon Valley that was dedicated
to a particular group of forest spirits (called Chua Boi) because they require
a special temple with their own specific ritual paraphernalia, and they must
be cared for by their own mediums but no such individuals lived in the US.
However, in 2005 a group of Silicon Valley mediums traveled to Vietnam
for initiation into Chua Boi. These mediums purchased statues, clothing,
and recordings of possession songs for the Chua Boi spirits and subsequently
established a temple for those spirits in Silicon Valley. Other spirits do not
travel because they are tied to specific locations. For example, temples of
the Mother Goddess religion in Vietnam often have altars devoted to the
spirit of Ho Chi Minh, the former president of the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam. Such a figure would not be found in Silicon Valley where many
Vietnamese Americans are stridently anti-communist.
The greater frequency of certain spirits over others is also caused by ran-
dom fluctuations. Those Vietnamese who migrated to the US came primar-
ily from southern Vietnam and they brought southern spirits with them.
Miss Black Lady (Co Be Den) is a spirit commonly found in Silicon Valley
populations yet some northern Vietnamese scholars have told me that she
does not exist in Vietnam. This is probably because Miss Black Lady is
mostly found in south central Vietnam and she rarely (if ever) appears in
the north. She is popular in Silicon Valley because many migrants origi-
nated in her region of Vietnam.
The locations of len dong in the US were shaped by government policy
in the host country. Just after 1975, the initial settlement programs for
refugees in the US encouraged the dispersal of Southeast Asians across the
country, hoping to lessen the impact on local populations. However, the
search for employment opportunities, better weather, and family reunifica-
tion caused many migrants to reject this policy and they formed large Viet-
namese populations in California, Texas, and Virginia. According to the
2000 census there are approximately 1,122,528 Vietnamese currently liv-
ing in the US; 447,032 are living in California, and approximately 100,000
are in Silicon Valley (Barnes and Bennett 2002). The large population of
Vietnamese Americans living in Silicon Valley has led to the formation
of urban ethnic enclaves with mutual assistance associations, newspapers,

and radio and television programs providing information services to the
Vietnamese American community. Vietnamese Americans in Silicon Valley
also have access to Vietnamese markets, noodle shops, nightclubs, legal
services, bookstores, pharmacies, jewelers, real estate agents, travel agents,
acupuncturists, medical offices, senior centers, Catholic churches, Buddhist
temples, and temples of the Mother Goddess religion.
The political conditions of Vietnam strongly impacted religious practice
for many Vietnamese in America. Because the len dong ritual was illegal
when they left Vietnam, many people thought it would also be illegal in the
US. They practiced the ritual quietly, just as they had in Vietnam.2 Spirit
mediums in Silicon Valley held their fi rst len dong rituals in the early 1980s
(Fjelstad 2006). At that time, normal relations between Vietnam and the US
were suspended, and Vietnamese in America were unable to return to Viet-
nam. Len dong rituals in California and Vietnam embarked on divergent
paths, resulting in a number of variations. Several authors have explored
the ways in which migrants change religious practices in their new homes.
Migrants transform religious practice in their host countries by shortening
the amount of time devoted to religion (Levitt 2001); changing rituals and
ritual spaces (McCarthy Brown 1999; Orsi 1999); and causing fluctuations
in the popularity of various spirits or deities (Brendbekken 2003; McAlister
1998). Len dong spirit mediums in California made similar adjustments.
They spend less time on religion in the US than they did in Vietnam, partly
because they are too busy with school and work. However they length-
ened the duration of possession ceremonies that are only held on weekends
in California when mediums are free from employment obligations.
Most spirit mediums left Vietnam in a hurry and they had to leave their
altars, spirit clothes, and recordings of possession music behind. Once they
arrived in the US, some began to wonder how they could worship without
these ritual goods. They created spirit statues from purchased dolls, sewed
their own spirit clothes, and made altars with materials purchased in San
Franciscos Chinatown (Fjelstad 2006). They were able to reconstruct most
of the ritual spaces and goods that possession ceremonies require, but they
adapted their temples to fit Silicon Valley architecture. Most Silicon Val-
ley temples are located in suburban homes, and many mediums have built
temples in their garages. Air circulation is not problematic in much of Viet-
nam because temples are open to the outside air. However, Silicon Valley
temples close windows and doors so as to reduce visibility and maintain a
warm temperature in the winter months. This creates a problem because
the air is full of smoke from incense, candles, and cigarettes. Several Sili-
con Valley temples have resolved the problem by using motorized fans to
circulate the air.
Len dong spirits are transformed in a new environment, with unique
qualities and characteristics evolving both in minor details and in more
important ways. That is why, for example, Miss Black Lady is so popular,
while the Seventh Prince (Ong Bay) sways and swaggers as if he is quite

58 Karen Fjelstad
intoxicated whenever he possesses the Silicon Valley mediums. Although
mediums in the US and Vietnam agree that the Seventh Prince is addicted
to alcohol and opium, it is only in Silicon Valley that he staggers while
manifested in his mediums. A perhaps more significant transformation is
found in linguistic practices. Although most of the len dong spirits speak
Vietnamese or the language of their ethnic group in Vietnam, the Young
Prince is growing more and more adept at California vernacular. Cau Be
once told me that a particular research project I was working on sucked.
His adoption of the American lifestyle is also reflected in his tendency to
munch on M&Ms candies.
Although len dong spirit possession was both private and rare among
Vietnamese in California in the 1980s, by the turn of the millennium spirit
mediums and their temples were beginning to proliferate. Today many
mediums in Silicon Valley have stable incomes, established places of resi-
dence, and meaningful social networks. They are surrounded by extended
family that includes peoples of all ages and lengths of residence in the US.
Many of the younger mediums are college graduates who self-identify as
Vietnamese-American and some are more fluent in English than Vietnam-
ese. They live in a multicultural region of California and are familiar with
cultural diversity, and are more accepting of their own cultural traditions
now than they were in the past.
There is a vast difference between spirit possession in the late 1980s and
the way it is practiced now. Although altars for the spirits, the structure
of the ceremonies, and the possession music is similar, the temples are no
longer hidden and the mediums are not so quiet about their religious prac-
tice (Fjelstad 2006). Many temples have signs advertising their purpose, and
mediums tell their non-Vietnamese friends and colleagues about the religion,
sometimes inviting them to possession ceremonies. Perhaps the most impor-
tant difference is the emergence of a second generation of mediums, many
of whom are Vietnamese-American. Some of these younger mediums have
spent most of their lives in the US, and some have never been to Vietnam.
Many Vietnamese Americans return to Vietnam to visit family, tour
the country, develop business plans, and embark on religious and per-
sonal journeys. Going back to Vietnam is a highly desired experience and
many consider it to be a rite of passage. It often involves not just one but
several trips to Vietnam where many transnational ties are formed and
revitalized. It is important to note that the development of transnational
relations does not mean that migrants have been unable to adapt to life
in the US. Instead, going back is normal and healthy: people are able to
explore their homeland, often fi nding they identify with more than one
culture and country.
The development of ties between US and Vietnam-based spirit mediums
can be seen as an example of transnationalism from below as described by
scholars of transnational formations (Brettell 2003; Guarnizo and Smith
1998; Levitt 2001) but it was shaped by local and global power structures.

The governments of the US and Vietnam did not allow Vietnamese-Amer-
ican travel to Vietnam until 1987, and visitors were often treated with
ambivalence. Travel within the country was limited, individuals were not
allowed to stay with their families, Vietnamese nationals were not allowed
in government hotels, and the police harassed overseas Vietnamese. Over
time, and especially with the renovation, the government lessened its con-
trol over travelers. Now Vietnamese Americans are enthusiastically encour-
aged to travel and invest in Vietnam.
Many spirit mediums refused to return to Vietnam in the late 1980s
because they were certain they would be arrested. However, fears lessened
as more and more people went to the homeland and returned to tell about
their journeys. Even so, the len dong ritual was illegal until 2006 and many
US Vietnamese were so fearful of arrest that even if they went to Viet-
nam they did not go to Mother Goddess temples (Fjelstad 2006). How-
ever, beginning in the late 1990s US mediums began having possession
ceremonies there. Today some Silicon Valley mediums still fear returning
to Vietnam, but others go on a regular basis and sponsoring possession
ceremonies in Vietnam is common and popular. However, overseas Viet-
namese still have to pay bribes at the airport and len dong is not always
practiced freely in Vietnam.
Many US and Vietnam-based mediums are motivated to build trans-
national relationships that are beneficial to both parties. By going back to
Vietnam, US mediums are able to increase religious knowledge, purchase
ritual goods that are not available in the US, and gain prestige by having
ceremonies in the area that was the birthplace of the religion. Such rela-
tions also add to the knowledge, business, and prestige of Vietnam-based
mediums. Some len dong practitioners and followers in Vietnam think, for
example, that the efficacy of a medium is legitimized if people come from
a foreign country to seek services from that person. In 2005 and 2006 I
traveled to northern Vietnam with several US-based spirit mediums that
were having initiation ceremonies with a Vietnamese master medium. The
master medium was extremely curious about len dong in the US and he
asked several questions about religious practice. He was able to gain a bet-
ter understanding of religious life in the US and build up his business as a
fortune-teller and spirit medium. The first time we went to his home and
temple they were fairly modest structures but by the following year they
had been greatly expanded and refurbished. The increase in income was
not due to funds provided by the US mediums, but instead was the result of
the prestige gained when they sought his services as master medium. Now
he gets calls from people as far away as Hanoi and has a number of wealthy
clients who are Vietnamese nationals.
Transnationalism can perpetuate asymmetries of domination including
sexism, racism, and class conflict (Guarnizo and Smith 1998; Glick Schil-
ler 1999; Levitt 2001; Schein 1998). Even though Vietnam- and US-based
mediums have strong reasons for wanting to work together, they have to

60 Karen Fjelstad
overcome potential problems. Many North American and Vietnam-based
mediums fought on opposite sides of the American War, and most indi-
viduals lost some family members during those times. Refugees fled the
country at the end of the war fearing they would be killed or imprisoned if
they dared to stay. Many of those who remained in Vietnam perceived the
refugees as traitors who abandoned the country twicethey fought on the
side of the Americans, and then they left Vietnam for America where, in
many cases, they were presumed to have grown wealthy. These differences
are intensified by regionalism because most refugees came from southern
Vietnam and they differ from northerners in language, culture, and politi-
cal views. There is also a great deal of regional variation in the religious
practice of spirit mediums, and residents of one region in Vietnam might
not agree with those in another. Suspicion and mistrust also occur because
practitioners of the religion have been persecuted for decades and mediums
have often been called swindlers or con artists. These differences are mani-
fested in issues of trustmany Silicon Valley Vietnamese are suspicious
of their Vietnamese counterparts, and sometimes accuse them of practic-
ing harmful magic (lam bua) to attract clients or persuade US mediums to
give them money. This kind of magic, which can be for good or evil and is
often practiced with the assistance of supernatural beings, is well known
among Vietnamese people in the US and Vietnam. People in both countries
consider it to be dangerous or even harmful because it involves forcing
individuals to act against their will. Also many len dong mediums say such
practices fall outside their religion because they should only work with spir-
its of their pantheon and those who practice magic work with other kinds
of spirits including ghosts or other malevolent spirits of the dead.
US mediums differ from their Vietnamese counterparts in the intensity
of their vigilance: They often worry they will be victims of harmful magic
while traveling to Vietnam, and they carefully watch for such practices. For
example, one time a Silicon Valley medium was concerned about ceramic
images of spirits that were placed on the altar of a temple in Vietnam.
These statues differed from those in many other temples because they did
not have faces painted on them, and the California mediums wondered if
the eyes were purposefully omitted so the spirits could not see that the Viet-
namese medium was practicing harmful magic. These problems between
US- and Vietnam-based mediums were exacerbated by the many years dur-
ing which Vietnamese in America were not allowed to return to Vietnam.
Lacking any real contact, people in Vietnam and America had to imagine
the often stereotyped other. As a result, many overseas Vietnamese think
all northerners are communists and many Vietnamese nationals think all
US-based mediums are wealthy. However, even though there are underly-
ing tensions between Vietnam- and US-based mediums, most explained to
me that religion is much more important than politics. It does not matter
if we were enemies before, one former pilot said, now we are Mother
Goddess religion.

Spirits play a role in mediating transnational tensions. My research has
found that child spirits are often called upon to facilitate travel and medi-
ate transnational relationships. The Young Prince (Cau Be) offered to be
the tour guide for the group of mediums traveling to Vietnam in 2006. He
advised the US mediums as they raised money for the trip and he helped
them to fi nd suitable transportation and hotels. For example, the mediums
were to have initiation ceremonies at a temple located in the northern coun-
tryside. Several mediums did not want to sleep in the temple so they sought
a guesthouse in a nearby town. While driving into town we came upon a
bright green hotel and one of the US mediums exclaimed, Wow! Cau is
really looking out for us. When I asked how she knew it was Cau the Sili-
con Valley medium explained, Cant you see that? Just look at the color.
Its green! The hotel was the same shade of green as the Young Princes
vest and hat.
The Young Prince also mediated relations between Vietnam- and US-
based mediums. Known for breaking rules and sidestepping traditional
protocol, the Young Prince can engage in behaviors that are avoided by
other more formal and proper spirits. During the first initiation ceremonies
there was little interaction between the US- and Vietnam-based mediums
and each group sat on opposite sides of the temple. When the Young Prince
incarnated into a medium, however, his jovial and comical behavior encour-
aged people to talk, laugh and joke with him. The Young Prince introduced
relaxed and casual behavior to the temple that helped to ease social inter-
action among the mediums. The spirit was able to break down barriers
because he is entertaining and affable, and his behavior is less proper than
that of spirits higher up in the echelon.
Transmigration can reinvigorate traditional religious practices. Trans-
migrants sustain and revitalize religious activities by subscribing to parish
newspapers, supporting local festivals, providing funds for the restoration
of religious buildings, and furnishing people with a means of learning about
vanishing cultural traditions (Brettell 2003). Silicon Valley mediums have
contributed to the revitalization of len dong spirit possession by exhibiting
an intense curiosity about the religion, contributing funds for the refur-
bishment of temples, purchasing ritual goods in Vietnam, and hiring Viet-
namese ritual personnel for ceremonies held in Vietnam. US mediums also
contribute to revitalization by enhancing the prestige of Vietnam-based
spirit mediums, many of whom boast about their overseas clientele.
Transmigration results in a two-way exchange of ritual goods, ideas,
and behaviors (Brettell 2003; Levitt 2001). Spirit mediums at one Viet-
namese temple have, for example, adopted the drunken style of the Seventh
Prince from US mediums. At the same time, mediums in the US have altered
the outfits of certain spirits to fit the style of their Vietnamese colleagues.
Silicon Valley temples have also adopted ritual goods from Vietnam that
were previously unavailable in the US but that were subsequently altered
to fit local circumstances. For example many Silicon Valley temples do not

62 Karen Fjelstad
have access to votive offerings because they are rarely made in the US and
are very difficult to ship from Vietnam. One Silicon Valley temple asked
their master medium to have votive offerings constructed, photographed,
and then burned in Vietnam in the name of the US temple. The master sent
the photographs to the US and they are now used as substitutes for the
original votives.
Technology helps to facilitate transnational interactions. Silicon Valley
mediums often use telephones to contact their counterparts in Vietnam
but they do not use the Internet for similar purposes, perhaps because
access is too costly and limited for many of the mediums in Vietnam.
Silicon Valley mediums also view spirit possession ceremonies online and
they purchase videos of ceremonies that are held in Vietnam. In fact, one
group of US mediums selected a Vietnamese temple for their ceremonies
after seeing it on a video. Many mediums in Vietnam and the US have
their ceremonies videotaped by paid professionals and they are freely dis-
tributed to other mediums. The tapes are viewed as a form of pleasure,
a method of interacting with the spirits, and a way to learn about the
pantheon. Watching ceremonies is a popular pastime and whenever there
are two or more mediums gathered together, it is likely that a video of a
possession ceremony is playing. Mediums often analyze the mood and
behavior of spirits through their incarnations, and videos help them to
learn how the spirits dance and what they wear when they are incarnated
into other mediums. Recently, a number of US mediums have been send-
ing each other an online video in which a Vietnamese medium chokes
and pierces herself while incarnating one of the spirits. The video is used
to educate each other about the various kinds of possession, but watch-
ing them can have unintended effects. For example, one Silicon Valley
medium told me that she became possessed while watching a video of
herself becoming possessed!
Len dong spirits in Vietnam and the US have changed as a result of
transnationalism. The spirits have modified their clothing and their behav-
ior, and they have changed in the conditions under which they are made
manifest. One of the Silicon Valley temples has high rates of spontaneous
possession. In spontaneous possession the spirit appears for a few seconds
or minutes, often taking over the mind and body of the medium (Fjelstad
and Maiffret 2006). Spontaneous possession can occur during another
mediums ceremony or it can occur outside the context of possession cer-
emonies. These incarnations are rare in Silicon Valley and in Vietnam.
However, when the Silicon Valley mediums had ceremonies in Vietnam,
they exhibited high degrees of spontaneous possession, especially by the
Young Prince. At fi rst the Vietnam-based mediums did not recognize the
trance, but soon they learned to differentiate between normal and trance
states among US mediums. After a few days of observation, the Vietnam-
ese master medium was himself spontaneously possessed. The master told
the US mediums that their religiosity and devotion awed him, and he was

impressed by the spontaneous possession. In fact, he said the US mediums
are more devoted than Vietnamese in Vietnam!
Some scholars have commented on increased monetarization of religious
practice that has resulted from transmigration (Brettel 2003; Levitt 2001).
The past decade has witnessed a tremendous increase in ritual goods used
in len dong ceremonies (Fjelstad and Nguyen 2006). This is a result of the
renovation (doi moi) that led to increased incomes for some Vietnamese,
and subsequently greater expenditures on ritual goods. The renovation also
allowed Silicon Valley Vietnamese easier access to Vietnam and its ritual
items, and they too consume increasing amounts of ritual goods. The shear
amount of paraphernalia used in possession ceremonies has caused some
outsiders to describe len dong ceremonies as instances of conspicuous con-
sumption (Kitiarsa 2008).
According to my research, spirits in Silicon Valley and Vietnam differ in
their attitudes to commercialization and conspicuous consumption (Fjel-
stad 2006). My work with Silicon Valley mediums has revealed an inter-
esting twist in the relationship between spirits and the economy, and it is
especially ironic because it counteracts stereotypes that US and Vietnam-
based mediums have of each other. Whereas the so-called communist
mediums of Vietnam fi nd it quite normal to ask the spirits for wealth and
prosperity, the rich Americans think it is inappropriate to be so material-
istic. The spirits of Silicon Valley mediums do not like it when humans are
solely focused on material wealth, and explain that is appropriate to ask
spirits for good health, fertility, or educational success but it is not accept-
able just to ask for money. Such work, they say, belongs to people who work
with other kinds of spirits, not those of the Mother Goddess religion. In
fact, some Silicon Valley mediums privately wondered if their Vietnamese
master used magic so that his clients would feel compelled to send him lots
of money. It is not that people should not ask the len dong spirits for any
money, but they should not ask for too much. Many US-based mediums
fi nd it strange that people in Vietnam discuss money so openly.
These different approaches to money can be explained in two ways.
One possibility is that US mediums do not need to ask spirits for money
because they have greater fi nancial security. This explanation fits with the
idea that people turn to spirits as a consequence of fi nancial insecurity
that is sometimes exacerbated by the global economy. However, many US
mediums are low income and some are poor by US standards. Their fi nan-
cial concerns are comparable to their Vietnamese counterparts, but they
still say they should not ask the spirits for too much money. Another
explanation considers cultural differences between US and Vietnam.
Vietnamese are quite comfortable inquiring about personal incomes or
the price of things, but such behavior is unacceptable in the US and many
Americans are appalled at any open discussions of fi nances. Vietnamese
Americans who have adopted this cultural attitude sometimes experi-
ence culture shock while traveling to Vietnam. However different their

64 Karen Fjelstad
attitudes are towards money-talk, both Vietnam- and US-based mediums
agree that spirits should be offered material goods proportionate to ones
wealth. A wealthy person should provide the spirits with more offerings
than someone who is poor, and the absolute is not nearly as important
as the relative amount. Material goods that are offered to the spirits are
symbolic of a mediums devotion, which is expressed by a willingness to
sacrifice a bit of ones money or time or energy for the spirits. However,
the spirits have something of a sliding scale. The trays of fruit, cookies,
bottled water, or beer offered to the spirits by a wealthy medium are thus
equal to a cup of rice or a stick of incense from a medium who is poor.
This chapter has discussed the migrations of len dong spirits and their
mediums, raising issues associated with various phases of the process.
Migration from the homeland motivated some, but not all spirits to
migrate. Many spirits that left Vietnam had specific roles helping their
mediums. Others stayed in the homeland because they had material
requirements that prevented travel or because they were tied to specific
places. The Mother Goddess religion and the len dong ritual are syncretic
practices that are accepting of diversity, accommodating to difference,
and flexible in the ability to adjust to changing circumstances. These
characteristics apply equally to the spirits and their mediums who have
managed to prosper and thrive while facing the difficulties of migration
and transmigration. During the process of adaptation to a new land the
spirits adjusted to the different situation, including alterations in ritual
goods, and they began to adopt local beliefs, values, and behaviors. Early
migrants tried to keep the traditions alive by serving the spirits quietly
so as not to enhance their own visibility but all of this changed when
migrants became more familiar with life in the new land. The spirits
were served more openly and frequently, and were able to recruit younger
mediums. Once migrants were able to return to the homeland the spir-
its underwent numerous transformationsthe US-based spirits adopted
beliefs, values, and behaviors from their Vietnamese counterparts and
the Vietnamese-based spirits borrowed from the Americanized spir-
its. Traveling to Vietnam allowed US and Vietnam-based len dong spirit
mediums opportunity to meet and share ideas after being separated from
each other for more than a decade. Although the fi rst meetings were
fraught with difficulty because of differing socioeconomic, political, and
historical circumstance, mediums were able to overcome such differences
with help from their spirits. Certain spirits crossed borders more easily
than others, perhaps because of their youthful demeanor or their lower
status, and they facilitated transnational interactions. As I have shown,
len dong spirits are affected by migration and transnational activities
while simultaneously exerting influence on these processes and on the
human believers who engage in them. Such spirited migrations have led to
the continual growth and change of the Mother Goddess religion and its
spirit possession rituals.

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NOTES
1. The 2008 portion of this research was conducted with Nguyen Thi Hien. It
was graciously supported by an International Collaborative Research Grant
from the Wenner Gren Foundation.
2. In the early 1980s I spent over one year trying to locate a spirit medium,
an adherent, or a temple of the Mother Goddess religion. I knew the reli-
gion was practiced because I had been writing to a Vietnamese historian
who had been to local ceremonies but he could not take me to one because
of ill health. Attempts to enter the community of mediums included having
my fortune read by diviners (thay boi) who advertised in Vietnamese lan-
guage newspapers, seeking the advice of community leaders, volunteering at
a senior center, and translating for Vietnamese scholars. I hoped one of these
activities would lead to an introduction with a spirit medium. I did not learn
until much later that many spirit mediums were reluctant to talk about their
religion with non-Vietnamese peoples. They believed that scrutiny by Ameri-
can legal and political institutions might lead to government prohibition, as
was the case in Vietnam, and they knew that some other Vietnamese viewed
the religion as a primitive form of superstition.


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3 Spirited Migrations

The Travels of Len Dong Spirits and

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