5/11/2017 EthnicIdentityJosephE.Trimble,Ph.D.

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EthnicIdentity
JosephE.TrimbleandRyanDickson
WesternWashingtonUniversity

inC.B.Fisher&Lerner,R.M.(Eds.inpress),Applieddevelopmentalscience:
Anencyclopediaofresearch,policies,andprograms.ThousandOaks:Sage.

Theconstruct,ethnicidentity,canbestbeunderstoodthroughanexaminationofitsetymologicalorigins.ThetermethnichasLatin
andGreekoriginsethnicusandethnikasbothmeaningnation.Itcanandhasbeenusedhistoricallytorefertopeopleasheathens.
Ethos,inGreek,meanscustom,dispositionortrait.Ethnikasandethostakentogetherthereforecanmeanabandofpeople(nation)
livingtogetherwhoshareandacknowledgecommoncustoms.Thesecondpartoftheconstruct,identity,hasLatinoriginsandisderived
fromthewordidentitasthewordisformedfromidemmeaningsame.Thus,thetermisusedtoexpressthenotionofsameness,likeness,
andoneness.Moreprecisely,identitymeansthesamenessofapersonorthingatalltimesinallcircumstancestheconditionorfactthat
apersonorthingisitselfandnotsomethingelse(Simpson&Weiner,1989,p.620).Combiningthedefinitionsandinterpretationsof
identityandethnicityitcanbeconcludedthattheymean,oratminimumimply,thesamenessofabandornationofpeoplewhoshare
commoncustoms,traditions,historicalexperiences,andinsomeinstancesgeographicalresidence.Atonelevelofinterpretationthe
combineddefinitionissufficienttocapturethemannerinwhichtheidentityisgenerallyconceptualizedandusedtounderstand
ethnoculturalinfluencesonitsformationanddevelopment.Atanotherlevelidentityisalmostsynonymouswithethnicitypromptingsome
sociologistslikeHerbertGans(2003)tosuggestthatidentityisnolongerausefulterm.Additionally,becauseofitincreasingpopularity
identityisrapidlybecomingaclichandthereforemoreandmoredifficulttounderstand(Gleason,1996).

Definitionsofethnicidentityvaryaccordingtotheunderlyingtheoryembracedbyresearchersandscholarsintentonresolvingits
conceptualmeanings.Thefactthatthereisnowidelyagreedupondefinitionofethnicidentityisindicativeoftheconfusionsurrounding
thetopic.Typically,ethnicidentityisanaffiliativeconstruct,whereanindividualisviewedbythemselvesandbyothersasbelongingtoa
particularethnicorculturalgroup.Anindividualcanchoosetoassociatewithagroupespeciallyifotherchoicesareavailable(i.e.,the
personisofmixedethnicorracialheritage).Affiliationcanbeinfluencedbyracial,natal,symbolic,andculturalfactors(Cheung,1993).
Racialfactorsinvolvetheuseofphysiognomicandphysicalcharacteristics,natalfactorsreferto"homeland"(ancestralhome)ororigins
ofindividuals,theirparentsandkin,andsymbolicfactorsincludethosefactorsthattypifyorexemplifyanethnicgroup(e.g.,holidays,
foods,clothing,artifacts,etc.).Symbolicethnicidentityusuallyimpliesthatindividualschoosetheiridentity,howevertosomeextentthe
culturalelementsoftheethnicorracialgrouphaveamodestinfluenceontheirbehavior(Kivisto&Nefzger,1993).

YuetCheung(1993)definesethnicidentificationas"thepsychologicalattachmenttoanethnicgrouporheritage"(p.1216)and
thuscenterstheconstructinthedomainofselfperception.TheNetherlandssociologist,SawitiSaharso(1989),extendsthedefinitionto
includesocialprocessesthatinvolveone'schoiceoffriends,selectionofafuturepartner,perceptionoftheirlifechances,andthe
reactionsofothersinone'ssocialenvironment.Bothdefinitionsinvolveboundarieswhereonemakesadistinctionbetween"self"and
"other.Saharso'sdefinitionextendsthe"others"boundarytoincludeanattributioncomponent.Anindividualmaystronglyidentify
psychologicallywithanethnicgroup,however,thestrengthandauthenticityoftheidentityiscontingentontheacceptanceand
acknowledgmentof"ingroup"and"outgroup"members.Saharsosdefinitionisconsistentwiththewritingsofthesociologist,Fredrik
Barth(1969),whoarguedthatethnicidentitywasameanstocreateboundariesthatenabledagrouptodistancethemselvesfromone
another.Barthwasquiteforcefulabouthispositionashestronglymaintainedthatethnicboundariesdefineagroupandnotthecultural
stuffthatenclosesit(Sollars,1996,p.xxii).

Thepsychologist,JeanPhinney(1990),notesthatthereare"widelydiscrepantdefinitionsandmeasuresofethnicidentity,which
makesgeneralizationsandcomparisonsacrossstudiesdifficultandambiguous"(p.500).Currently,themostwidelyuseddefinitionofthe
constructinpsychologyistheonedevelopedbyPhinney(1990,2000,2003).Shemaintains,that,ethnicidentityisadynamic,
multidimensionalconstructthatreferstoonesidentity,orsenseofselfasamemberofanethnicgroup(2003,p.63).Fromher
perspectiveoneclaimsanidentitywithinthecontextofasubgroupthatclaimsacommonancestryandsharesatleastasimilarculture,
race,religion,language,kinship,orplaceoforigin.Shegoesontoaddthat,Ethnicidentityisnotafixedcategorization,butratherisa
fluidanddynamicunderstandingofselfandethnicbackground.Ethnicidentityisconstructedandmodifiedasindividualsbecomeaware
oftheirethnicity,withinthelarge(sociocultural)setting(2003,p.63).

Phinney(1990,2000)viewssubjectiveidentityasastartingpointthateventuallyleadstothedevelopmentofasocialidentity
basedonethnicgroupmembership.ThecrossculturalpsychologistPeterWeinreich(1986)notonlyviewsselfidentityasastarting
point,hebelievesthatidentityformationanddevelopmentreferstodifferentidentitystateswheredifferentsocialcontextswillinfluence
theidentitystateandonesactions.Heassertsthat"one'sidentityassituatedinaspecificsocialcontextisdefinedasthatpartofthe
totalityofone'sselfconstrualinwhichhowoneconstruesoneselfinthesituatedpresentexpressesthecontinuitybetweenhowone
construesoneselfasonewasinthepastandhowoneconstruesoneselfasoneaspirestobeinthefuture."Moreover,Weinreich
maintainsthatethnicselfidentityisnotastaticprocessbutonethatchangesandvariesaccordingtoparticularsocialcontexts.

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Individuals,forexample,mayavoidsituationswheretheiridentityischallenged,threatened,humiliated,andcastigatedandseekout
andsustainwheneverpossiblesettingsthatfavortheidentitystate.Selfexpression,maintenanceofethnicidentity,andsituated
identitiesofferpromiseforunderstandingthecomplexitiesanddynamicsofethnicorientationsthroughWeinreich'stheoryofIdentity
StructureAnalysis(Weinreich&Saunderson,2003).

Severalconceptualapproachestoethnicidentityemphasizeanindividuallevelofanalysiswherenotionsofidentityformationand
developmentarelinkedtoone'sselfconcept.MuchoftheworkinthisareareliesonthesocialpsychologistHenriTajfel's(1982)theory
ofsocialidentity.Tajfelbasicallymaintainsthatone'ssocialidentitystronglyinfluencesselfperceptionandconsequentlyshouldbethe
centrallocusofevaluation.Thestrengthandweaknessoftheselfislargelydeterminedfromourstatuswithourreferencegroupsand
howweassessoutgroupmembers.Whenethnicityandraceformthenexusofaningroup,thenselfidentitywillbecorrespondingly
influenced.One'sdistinctiveethniccharacteristics,however,canberestrictiveasonemayrejectexternaljudgmentsandopinionsoftheir
ownethnicgroupandinturnestablishtheirowncriteriontochallengeandrefutethoseofthedominantoutgroup.Otherresponsesare
possible:individualsmightwithdraworchoosetodissociatewiththereferenttherebycreatingaddedpsychologicalcomplicationsfor
themselves.Tajfel'ssocialidentitytheoryhasgeneratedconsiderableinfluenceonethnicidentityresearchsomeprefertocarryoutthe
workundertheethnicselfidentificationrubric.

Ethnicidentityisusuallycontextualandsituationalbecauseitderivesfromsocialnegotiationswhereonedeclaresanethnic
identityandthendemonstratesacceptableandacknowledgedethnicgroupmarkerstoothers.Onesethnicdeclarationoftenisopento
thescrutinyofotherswhomayvalidateorinvalidatethedeclaration.Ethnicdeclarationsembodyanethnicconsciousnessthatisclosely
alignedwiththeculturalelementsoftheethnicgroupwithwhichtheyaffiliate.Theultimateformofonesethnicconsciousnessisthe
genuineassociationofonespersonalidentificationwithacommunalone.Thusitislogicaltoassumethataconcordancewouldexist
betweenpersonalidentityandanoutsider'ssenseofidentitywheretheimportanceisplacedonone'sowncategoriesandintentionof
selfidentification.Topromotetheunionbetweenselfandother,individualsoftenwilluseethnologicalspeechpatternsandgesturesto
promotetheauthenticityoftheirclaim.Ifoutwardphysicalappearancesdonotmeshwiththestandardphysicalcriteriaorthereisthe
sensethatothersdoubttheidentityclaimethnicactorswilltendtoexaggerateandgiveemphasistomannerismsandspeech
idiosyncrasiesknowntobeparticularandspecifictothereferencegroup.Thisritualorstylisticemphasisfrequentlyoccurs,too,when
ethnicgroupmembersmeetorgatheringeographicareasthatdifferfromtheirhomelandsorcommunitiesofcommonorigin.The
distinctiveritualisaprimeexampleofsituationalethnicityandsituatedethnicidentity.

Atanindividualorsocietallevelonemayrelyonlabelstodescribetheirethnicaffiliationandsubsequentlytheiridentity.Labels
assistinclassifyingandnamingpeople.Thus,ethniclabelinghasasociopoliticalvalueandfunction,especiallyforcensusand
demographicstudies.Atasuperficiallevel,wheregeneralizationsaboutdistinctculturalorientationsarenotused,ethniclabelsservea
usefulfunction.However,useofalabelisasmallpartoftheidentityprocess,asoneislikelytoexpandthelabelingtoincludeother
identifierssuchasnatalbackground,acculturationstatus,egoinvolvement,andattitudestowardownandothergroupsbehavioral
preferencessuchaslanguageusage,friendshipaffiliations,musicandfoodpreferences,andparticipationinculturalandreligious
activitiesmaybeincluded(Trimble,2000).

Peoplewithmixedethnicbackgroundspresentinterestingethnicidentitycasesastheyhaveatleasttwoethnicgroupsfromwhichto
claimandnegotiateanethnicdeclaration.Basedonextensiveinterviewswithpeopleofmixedethnicbackgroundtheclinical
psychologistMariaP.P.Root(1994)identifiedfourbasicreasonswhyamultiethnicpersonwouldchoosetoidentifywithaparticular
groupregardlessofhowothersmayviewthem.Rootmaintainsthat:1.)Oneenhancestheirsenseofsecuritybyunderstandingadistinct
partoftheirethnicheritage2.)Parentalinfluencesstimulatedbytheencouragementofgrandparentspromoteidentity,therebygranting
permissiontotheoffspringtomakeachoice3.)Racismandprejudiceassociatedwithcertaingroupsleadtosharingexperienceswith
family,therebyassistingtheindividualtodeveloppsychologicalskillsanddefensestoprotectoneself(thesharedexperienceshelpsto
buildselfconfidenceandcreatesthesensethatonecancopewiththenegativeelementsoftenassociatedwiththegroup)and4.)
"Genderalignmentbetweenparentsandchildrenmayexertinfluenceonethnicandracialsocializationparticularlywhentheyhavegood
relationshipsandaremutuallyheldinesteem"(p.15).

Thefirstobliquereferencetoethnicidentitycanbefoundintheanthropologicalandsociologicalliteratureoftheearly20th
century,inreferencetothefieldstudyofnonwesterncultures.Theterms,ethnicgroupsandethnicity,werefirstusedinanthropologyto
refertoapeoplepresumedtoaffiliatewiththesameculturalgroupandwhosharedthesamecustom,languageandtraditions.Overthe
yearstheconstructseemstohaveemergedthroughthecombinationofethnicandidentityandtheirmeanings,asareasonablythorough
literaturesearchwasunabletouncoveracoiningauthororanoftenciteddefinition.

Referencetothenotionofethnicidentitycanbetracebacktotheearly19thcentury.In1808,HughMurray(1808),inreferringtothe
influenceofmentalimagesonselfrecognition,assertedanotablymodernviewontheconstructwhenhestated,ButIthinkitevident
thatthecharacteristicqualitiesarewhollyunconnectedwiththoseexternalbyraceswhicharedistinguished.Mindismoreflexible
substanceandyieldsmorereadilytotheinfluenceofalteredcircumstances(pp.3334).Writingaboutindividualandnational
differencesbetween1830and1835thenaturalist,AlexanderVonHumboldt,maintainedthat,Languageistheouterappearanceofthe
mentalitiesofpeoplestheirlanguageistheirmentalityandtheirmentalitytheirlanguage.Onecanhardlyoveremphasizetheiridentity.
Peoplewhoshareacommonlanguagedevelopasimilarsubjectivity,aweltanschauung(worldview)(VonHumboldt,18301835/1985),
p.12).Inbothcitations,languageandonesmentalimagesformedthebasisofthescholarsobservationsabouttheimportanceof
identityfromanationalisticperspective.

Whenfirstused,ethnicidentitywassynonymouswithraceorracialidentityandethnicityingeneral.Itislikelythatethnicitywasfirstused
bytheFrenchnationalistandscientist,GeorgesVacherdelaPouge,in1896todescribethenaturalandcounterfeitcultural,
psychologicalandsocialcharacteristicsofapopulation,andinordertodistinguishthelatterfromtheconceptofracewhichhedefined
asaseriesofphysicalcharacteristics(VacherdelaPouge,1896).HerbertJ.Gans(1996)suggeststhatthesociologistDavidRiesman
gaveethnicityanewandsalientmeaninginthe20thcentury.WernerSollars(1996),ontheotherhand,attributestheearliestuseofthe
termtoEinarHaugenandJoshuaFishmanwhowerelikelyinfluencedbythesociologistW.LloydWarner(seep.xxxvii)allofwhom
werewritingabouttheconceptinthe1940sand1950s.Raceandethnicitywereoftenusedinterchangeablyinreferencetoboththe
physicalandculturalcharacteristicsofanindividualasamemberofhisorherethnicorracialgroupandthecircumstancesthat
influenceditsimportance.Onthispointin1916,thephilosopherHoraceKallenwrotethat,Whenthequarrel(whethertheyidentified
withtheEnglishorBritonsinAmerica)cametheyrememberedhowtheyhadleftthemothercountryinsearchofreligiouslibertyfor
themselveshowtheyleftHolland,wheretheyhadfoundthisliberty,forfearoflosingtheirethnicandculturalidentityandwhathardships
theyhadborneforthesakeofconservingboththelibertyandtheidentity(Kallen,1996,p.69).In1922,thesociologist,MaxWeber,
wroteaboutethnicgroupsinanovelway,includingwithinthedefinitionasubjectiveelementthatpreviouslyhadbeenabsent.Weber
alsodifferentiatedbetweenracialandethnicidentitybyproposingthatabloodrelationshipwasnecessaryforracialidentificationbutnot
forethnicidentification.Hedefinedethnicgroupsas,thosehumangroupsthatentertainasubjectivebeliefintheircommondescent
becauseofsimilaritiesofphysicaltypeorofcustomsorboth,orbecauseofmemoriesofcolonizationandmigrationthisbeliefmustbe
importantforgroupformationfurthermoreitdoesnotmatterwhetheranobjectivebloodrelationshipexists.Althoughhewroteaboutthe

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significanceofethnicityingeneral,Weberneveracknowledgedtheneedforanindividualsactiveparticipationintheirethnicidentity
formation,nordidheexploretheconstructmuchbeyondadefinitionalconceptualization.

Theconceptofethnicidentitybegantoreemergeinthesocialandbehavioralsciencesliteratureofthe1960sand1970s.Ethnicity,for
example,ismoresalienttodaythaninpriordecades."Ethnicity,"maintainsDanielBell,"isameans(now)fordisadvantagedgroupsto
claimasetofrightsandprivilegeswhichtheexistingpowerstructureshavedeniedthem"(1975,p.174).Andforthepastfewdecades
America'sethnicminoritygroupshavebeenactivelyassertingtheircivilrightsanddemandingprivilegesheretoforedeniedthem.

Severalfactorshavebeencitedasleadingtothisrenewedinterestinethnicity,arguablythemostsignificantbeingthecivilrightsstruggle
ofAfricanAmericansintheUnitedStates.ThebeginningofthismovementcanbecharacterizedasanattemptonthepartofAfrican
AmericansleadersandtheAfricanAmericanscultureingeneral,totakechargeoftheirethnicandracialidentityandtosubsequently
redefinetheirethnicityatbothasocietalandculturallevel.Consequently,thesocialmovementledtoincreaseddiscourseonthetopics
ofraceandethnicityinadditiontoanupsurgeinsocietalawarenessregardingthesetopics(Bourguignon,1979Phinney,1990).

MoreandmoreitappearsthatNorthAmericansarerealizingthattheirbiologicalancestorswittinglyandunwittinglyinfluencetheirlives.
Togainsomeunderstandingandperhapstoaddstructureandmeaning,manyaresearchingtheiratticsforlonglostrecordsdescribing
theirsocialhistories.Andfromthediscoveriesoneconstructsa"symbolicidentity.""Ifyouwishtounderstandpersonstheir
developmentandtheirrelationswithsignificantothers,"maintainsAnselmStrauss(1959),"youmustbepreparedtoviewthemas
embeddedinhistoricalcontext"(p.164).Inthecourseofconstructingandmaintainingtheidentity,commonhistoricalsymbolsare
identified,shared,andpassedalongtofuturegenerations.Thesymbolsalsocanserveasapublicaffirmationofone'sethnicclaim
clothing,decals,adornments,flags,food,language,andcelebrations.

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JosephE.Trimble,Ph.D.,CenterforCrossCulturalResearch2010|PhotoCredits

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