You are on page 1of 5

Adult Stature and Standard of Living in the Prehistoric Atacama Desert

Walter Alves Neves; Maria Antonieta Costa

Current Anthropology, Vol. 39, No. 2. (Apr., 1998), pp. 278-281.

Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0011-3204%28199804%2939%3A2%3C278%3AASASOL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-I

Current Anthropology is currently published by The University of Chicago Press.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained
prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in
the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic
journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,
and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take
advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

http://www.jstor.org
Sat Feb 16 17:19:14 2008
278 I C U R R E N T ANTHROPOLOGY

chaeologists conclude that the Atacama Desert became


Adult Stature and Standard of an important node in the economic web of the Tiwa-
Living in the Prehistoric nalzu empire, playing an important role for the camelid
caravans that linked the heartland of the e m ~ i r ewith
Atacama Desert its southernmost periphery in northwestern Argentina
(Oakland 1992, Kolata 1993). For all these reasons, the
~ e r i o dunder the influence of Tiwanalzu is also known
WALTER ALVES NEVES AND as the climax of the Atacamenean culture. After the col-
MARIA ANTONIETA COSTA lapse of Tiwanaku, the Atacameneans turned once
Laboratorio de Estudos Evolutivos Humanos, again to their local resources, maintaining intense trad-
Instituto de BiociBncias, Universidade de SLio Paulo, ing relationships only with southwestern Bolivia and
C.P. I I ~ ~05422.970
I , SLio Paulo, SP, Brazil northwestern Argentina. The tombs of the Later Period
(waaneves@usp.br)llnstituto de Investigaciones show a general impoverishment in number and quality
Arqueologicas R. P. G. Le Paige, Universidad del of associated goods (Costa 1988).
Norte, San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. 7 VII 97 Up to the present, no investigation has attempted to
understand the impact of the Tiwanaku influence on
After almost ~ , o o oyears of local development associ- the general quality of life of the Atacamenean popula-
ated with limited trading with neighboring polities, the tion. Although archaeologists are convinced that there
societies that inhabited the Atacama Desert became was a general enrichment in the region, the nature and
part of the sphere of influence of the Tiwanaku empire distribution of this wealth are still unknown. In this pa-
of the Bolivian altiplano from A.D. 400 until approxi- Der we use adult stature and sexual d i m o r ~ h i s min skel-
mately 900 (Berenguer et al. 1988, Nunez 1992, Oak- etal remains to investigate how the Tiwanalzu influence
land 1992). The nature of the interaction between the affected the Atacameneans' standard of living. This
Atacama societies and the center of the Tiwanalzu state work is Dart of a long-term
" Chilean-Brazilian research
is still a matter of debate among archaeologists. For a project aimed at recovering elements of the lifestyle,
few (Serracino 1980) the influence was restricted to ar- quality of life, and social organization during the prehis-
tistic inspiration; for the majority, however, it had po- toric human occupation of the Atacama Desert using
litical, religious, and economic components (Le Paige osteological information as a point of departure.
1965, Browman 1980, Llagostera, Torres, and Costa Specialists in human growth and development and
1988, Nunez 1992, Oalzland 1992). The only point that more recently also economists (Eveleth and Tanner
seems well established is that the interaction did not 1976; Tanner 1981, 1986; Jelliffe 1966; Martorell 1982;
involve any military action (Neves et al. 1996). This Larsen 1987; Frisancho 1990; Steckel I 99 5 ) consider
seems to have been the case in the more nuclear areas adult stature a potent indicator of the nutritional status
of the empire in the south-central Andes as well (Brow- and standard of living of a population, not only because
man 1980, Stanish and Steadman 1994). The archaeo- there is a strong relationship between stature and food
logical sites excavated in the Atacama Oasis dating intake during maturation (McLaren 1976) but also be-
between A.D.400 and 900 show an explosion of man- cause size variation in adults is likely to reflect chronic
ufacturing and decorating of everyday material culture conditions (Bogin 1988). In other words, stature in
and especially of mortuary, ritual, and religious objects adults reflects the environmental conditions to which
(Oalzland 1992). Most of these objects became at that individuals were subject during their subadult lives. Al-
point similar to those used in the heartland of Tiwa- though certain nutrients, such as calories, protein, zinc,
nalzu and were elaborately decorated with altiplano mo- and vitamins, have been shown to be important in
tifs such as the head hunter and felines. Two important maintaining growth, growth is not exclusively related
elements differentiate the tombs of this period from to nutrition (Huss-Ashmore, Goodman, and Armelagos
those of previous or later ones: a greater number of mor- 1982, Larsen 1987); a multitude of other factors inter-
tuary associations in general and a high frequency of vene between diet and nutritional status, including
items of hallucinogenic paraphernalia (the "rappee work intensity and disease load during the growing
complex" [Le Paige 1965, Llagostera and Costa 1984, years (Allen 1984). For this reason, we agree with Tan-
Llagostera et al. 1988, Oalzland 19921). Although the ner (1986)that human growth can be used to judge the
habit of inhaling hallucinogenic substances was already quality of a society's life and with Steckel (1gg5:1908),
in place in the Atacama Desert long before Tiwanalzu who calls it "a measure of the consum~tionof basic ne-
influence became apparent, there is no doubt that it cessities that incorporates demands placed on one's bio-
reached its peak under the influence of the altiplano (Le logical system." In this work we use femur length as a
Paige 1965, Llagostera and Costa 1984, Nubez 1992). proxy for adult height. As has been widely demon-
Another difference detected by archaeological studies is strated in several classic works, there is a strong correla-
that the commercial network of which Atacameneans tion between the length of the lower limbs and total
were a part significantly expanded during this period, height in humans (Maresh 1955, Genoves 1967, Broth-
involving a multitude of new raw materials, including well 1981, Ubelalzer 1981, Larsen 1987).
gold and precious stones, and exotic items from various We used femur length in two complementary ways to
parts of the south-central Andes. From this some ar- assess differences in standard of living in the course of
Volume 39, Number 2, April 1998 1279

TABLE I
Skeletal Samples Included in the Study

Absolute Dating

Period Site N Date (A.D.) Source

Pre-Tiwanalzu Solcor-3 26 250 i 150b Llagostera et al, (1988:64)


480 -+ 60 Llagostera et al. (1988:64]
Tiwanalzu Solcor-3 34 480 i 80 Llagostera et al, (1y88:65]
570 -+ 60 Llagostera et al. (1y88:65)
680 i 90 Llagostera et al. (1988:65)
510 -+ 150' Berenguer et al, (1988:344)
720 2 95' Berenguer et al. (1988:344)
850 C 110" Berenguer et al, (1988:344)
910 i 50" Berenguer et al. (1988:344)
920 i 120' Berenguer et al. (1988:344)
Post-Tiwanalzu Quitor-6 27 920 ? 120d Costa (1988:105)
1060 i 180 Costa (1988:105)
1240 -+ 70 Costa (1988:105)
Coyo-3 30 990 * 50 Agustin Llagostera, personal
communication
Agustin Llagostera, personal
communication
Agustin Llagostera, personal
communication

a Except where otherwise indicated, all dates are 14C.


From a tomb in the Quitor-6 cemetery, used as a chronological marlzer for Solcor-3 because of
the similarity of the associated pottery.
' Thermoluminescence dates.
A thermoluminescence date of 840 -+ 70 was rejected by the excavators.

the prehistory of the Atacama Desert (Larsen 1987). is statistically significant (table 3). This pattern is con-
First we simply compared the means of adjacent pairs of sistent with the fact that males are more susceptible to
periods, and second we determined the degree of sexual variations in nutrition than females. In short, we can
dimorphism within each period. The second strategy is say that during the Tiwanalzu period the Atacamenean
justified by the fact that body variables are sexually di- population experienced a significant increase in stature,
morphic under good nutritional conditions (Frayer and for males about 3 %.
Wolpoff 1985). Females show better growth canaliza- We found a similar trend when the pattern of sexual
tion than men and for this reason are less susceptible dimorphism was investigated. As can be seen in table 4,
to nutritional stresses (Tanner 1962; Stini 1969, 1982, there is significant sexual dimorphism during all three
1985). Consequently, nutritional stresses affect physi- periods, but whereas during the Pre-Tiwanalzu period
cal growth and development in males more than in fe- males were 7.0% bigger than females, this difference in-
males, reducing sexual anthropometric differences in a creased to 8.6% during the Tiwanaku and dropped again
population (see Stinson 1985 for a review and a different to 6.5 % during the Post-Tiwanalzu.
opinion). For this reason, an assessment of sexual di- Was the increase in adult male stature during the Ti-
morphism for body proportions can also be used as an wanaku period the result of a generalized improvement
indicator of the standard of living of a population (To- in nutritional status of the whole population, or was it
bias 1962, 1972; Frayer and Wolpoff 1985; Larsen 1987; restricted to certain individuals pertaining to a defined
Baffi and Cocilovo 1989; Pucciarelli et al. 1993). elite? Although an absolute answer to this question can
We examined skeletal samples representing three pe- never be obtained, the problem can be tackled by com-
riods of the local prehistory: Pre-Tiwanalzu, Tiwanalzu, paring the variation of femur length among males in the
and Post-Tiwanalzu (Pre-Inca) (table I ) . Although the three periods analyzed. From the coefficients of varia-
samples are rather small, they represent the totality of tion in table 2 it is apparent that the Tiwanalzu period
skeletons for which cranial and postcranial material are does not show any increase in variation compared with
available. the other periods. This means that, at least when it is
As can be seen in table 2 and figure I, there is a compared with the two other periods, the data do not
tendency for femur length to increase from the Pre- support the hypothesis of a concentration of health in a
Tiwanaku to the Tiwanalzu period and to decrease from few individuals during Tiwanalzu times. Assuming that
the Tiwanalzu to the Post-Tiwanalzu. Although this the cemeteries studied are representative of the Ataca-
happens with both sexes, only the difference fo; males menean population during the periods under analysis, it
TABLE 2
Descriptive Statistics for Femur Lengths b y T i m e Period

Femur Length

Standard Coefficient of
Period N Mean Deviation Variation (%I Range

Pre-Tiwanalzu
Males 14 415.28 13.76 3.31 397-437
Females 11 387.82 15.62 4.03 355-421
Tiwanalzu
Males 16 427.69 17.48 4.09 404-462
Females 18 393.67 17.15 4.36 361-429
Post-Tiwanaku
Males 21 413.14 24.37 5.90 371-450
Females 36 387.92 17.67 4.55 350-430

Pre-Tiwanaku Tiwanaku Post-Tiwanaku


Periods
FIG. I. Mean femur length variation among t h e different prehistoric periods.

TABLE 3 TABLE 4
Values of Student's T Tests between Adjacent Periods Values of Student's T Test between
(Males and Females) Sexes within Periods

Tiwanalzu
Tiwanaku Males Females

Pre-Tiwanaltu 4.670 0.0001


Tiwanalzu 5.722 0.0001
Post-Tiwanalzu 3.751 0.0005
Pre-Tiwanaku 2,137 0.0415 0.921 0.3654

Post-Tiwanalzu 2.021 0.0510 1.138 0.2604

Volume 39, Number 2, April 1998 1 281

seems there was a general improvement in standard of nalzu empire: A view from the heartland. American Antiquity
living in the Atacama Desert between A.D. 400 and goo. 5 11748-62
-----. 1991. The technology and organization of agricultural pro-
We still know very little about the details of the rela- duction in the Tiwanalzu state. Latin American Antiquity 2:
tionships between the core of the Tiwanalzu empire and 99-125.
its peripheries (Oakland 1992, Kolata 1993). Even for . 1993. The Tiwanaku: Portrait of an Andean civilization.
the heartland of the empire, specialists still differ as to Oxford: Blacltwell.
L A R S E N , C . S . 1987. Bioarchaeological interpretations of subsis-
how the central power involved and incorporated local tence economy and behavior from human skeletal remains. Ad-
polities in higher-order political structures. Kolata vances i n Archaeological Method and Theory 10:339-445.
(1986, 1991)~for instance, envisions a highly centralized L E P A I G E , G . 1965. Sun Pedro de Atacama y su zona. Anales
bureaucracy that constituted a managerial level be- de la Universidad del Norte 4.
L L A G O S T E R A , A , , A N D M . A . C O S T A . 1984 Muse0 Arqueo-
yond that of locally autonomous villages. In contrast, logico R. P. Gustavo Le Paige, Sun Pedro de Atacama. De-
Albarracin-Jordan (1996) sees a more independent life partamento de Extension Cultural, Ministerio de Educacion, Se-
for the villages, which were incorporated into the em- rie Patrimonio Cultural Chileno.
pire through what he calls "integrated nested hierar- L L A G O S T E R A , A , , C . M . T O R R E S , A N D M . A . C O S T A . 1988.
chies." Under this second model, operations were man- El complejo psicotropico en Solcor-3 (San Pedro de Atacama).
Estudios Atacameiios 9:61-98.
aged and coordinated by the local administration and M C L A R E N , D . Editor. 1976. Nutrition i n the community. Lon-
performed by the pooling of local labor; "the political don: John Wiley.
system was articulated by shared ideological beliefs M A R E S H , M . M . 195 5. Linear growth of long bones of extremi-
that provided a common language among the different ties from infancy through adolescence. American Journal of
levels of authority" (Albarracin-Jordan 1996:205). Re- Diseases of Children 89:725-42
M A R T O R E L L , R . 1982. Nutrition and health status indicators.
gardless of how the Atacamenean population articu- Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
lated with the higher-order political structure of Tiwa- N E V E S , W . A , , M . A . C O S T A , K . S A L M , A N D R. G .
nalzu, our results point to a positive impact on the C U N H A . 1996 Osteologia da organiza~sosocial em San Pedro
former derived from the relationship. de Atacama: Trauma e tens50 social. Paper presented at the
4th Congress of Latin American Association of Biological An-
thropology, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
N U N E Z , L . 1992. Cultura y conflito en los oasis de Sun Pedro
References Cited de Atacama. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria.
ALBARRACIN-JORDAN, 1. 1996. Tiwanaltu settlement system: O A K L A N D , A . 1992. Textiles and ethnicity: Tiwanaltu in San Pedro
The integration of nested hierarchuies in the Lower Tiwanaltu de Atacama, North Chile. Latin American Antiquity 3:3 I 6-40.
Valley. Latin American Antiquity 7:183-210. P U C C I A R E L L I , H . M . , F. R . C A R N E S E , L . V . P I N O T T I ,
A L L E N , L . H . 1984. Functional indicators of nutritional status L . M . G U I M A R E Y , A N D A . S . G O I C O E C H E A . 1993. Sexual
of the whole individual or the community. Clinical Nutrition dimorphism in schoolchildren of the Vila IAPI neighborhood
3:169-75. (Quilmes, Buenos Aires, Argentina). American Journal of Physi-
B A F F I , E . I . , A N D 1. A . C O C I L O V O . 1989. Evaluation delim-
cal Anthropology 92:165-72.
pacto ambiental en una poblacion prehistorica: El caso de Las S E R R A C I N O , G . 1980. Tiwanaltu desde San Pedro de Atacama.
Pirguas, Salta, Argentina. Revista de Antropologia 8:39-43. Estudios Arqueologicos 5:95-106.
B E R E N G U E R , I., R . C A S T R I , A N D O . S I L V A . 1980. Reflexi- S T A N I S H , C . s., A N D L . S T E A D M A N . 1994 Archaeologicalre-
ones acerca de la presencia de Tiwanalzu en el norte de Chile. search at Tumatumani, Juli, Peru. Fieldiana: Anthropology 23.
S T E C K E L , R . H . 1995. Stature and the standard of living. Tour-
Estudios Arqueologicos 5:8 1-93.
B E R E N G U E R , T . , A. R O M A N , A . D E Z A , A N D A . L L A G O S - nal of Economic Literature 33:1903-40.
S T I N I , W . A . 1969. Nutritional stress and growth: Sex differ-
T E R A . 1988. Testing a cultural sequence for the Atacama
Desert. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 29:341-46. ence in adaptive response. American Tournal of Physical An-
B O G I N , B . 1988. Patterns of human growth. Cambridge: Cam- thropology 31:417-26.
bridge University Press. -. 1982. "Sexual dimorphism and nutrient reserves," in Sex-
B R O T H W E L L , D . R . 1981. Digging up bones. Ithaca: Cornell ual dimorphism i n Homo sapiens. Edited by R. L. Hall, pp.
University Press. 391-419. New York: Praeger.
B R O W M A N , D . L . 1980. Tiwanalzu expansion and altiplano eco- . 1985. "Growth rates and sexual dimorphism in evolution-
nomic patterns. Estudios Arqueologicos 5:1o7-20. ary perspective," in The analysis of prehistoric diets. Edited by
c o S T A , M: A . 1988. Reconstitution fisica y cultural de la pobla- R. I. Gilbert and J. H. Mielke, pp. 191-226. Orlando: Academic
cion tardia del cementerio de Quitor-6 [San Pedro de Atacama). Press.
S T I N S O N , S . 1985. Sex differences in environmental sensitivity
Estudios Atacamerios 9:99-126.
E V E L E T H , P . B . , A N D 1. M . T A N N E R . 1976. Worldwide varia-
during growth and development. Yearbook of Physical Anthro-
tion in human growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pology 28:123-47.
T A N N E R , T. M . 1962. Growth at adolescence. Oxford: Blaclzwell.
F R A Y E R , D . w., A N D M . H . W O L P O F F . 1985. Sexual dimor-
phism. Annual Review of Anthropology 14:429-73. -----. 1981. A history of the study of human growth. Cam-
F R I S A N C H O , A . R . 1990. Anthropometric standards for the as- bridge: Cambridge University Press.
sessment of growth and nutritional status. Ann Arbor: Univer- . 1986. "Growth as a mirror of the condition of society:
sity of Michigan Press. Secular trends and class distinction," in Human growth: A
G E N O V E S , S . 1967 Proportionality of the long bones and their
multidisciplinary review. Edited by A. Demirjian, pp. 3-34.
relation to stature among Mesoamericans. American Journal of London: Taylor and Francis.
T O B I A S , P . v. 1962. On the increasing stature of the Bushmen.
Physical Anthropology 26:67-78.
H U S S - A S H M O R E , R . , A . H . G O O D M A N , A N D G . 1. A R M E - Anthropos 57:801-1o.
L A G O S . 1982. Nutritional inference from paleopathology. Ad- -. I 972. "Growth and stature in South African populations,"

vances i n Archaeological Method and Theory 5:395-474. in Human biology of environmental change. Edited by D. J. M.
TELLIFFE, D. B. 1966. The assessment of nutritional status of Vorster, pp. 96-104. London: International Biological Program.
U B E L A K E R , D . H . 1981. Human skeletal remains: Excavation,
the community. Geneva: World Health Organization.
K O L A T A , A . L . 1986 The agricultural foundations of the Tiwa-
analysis, interpretation. Chicago: Aldine.

You might also like