Critical and Radical Social Work vol 3 no 2 295304 Policy Press 2015 #CRSW

Print ISSN 2049 8608 Online ISSN 2049 8675 http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986015X14356617209092

pioneers of the radical tradition

The Black Power influence on American schools

of social work
Joyce M. Bell, jmb267@pitt.edu
University of Pittsburgh, USA

This paper examines the influence of the Black Power movement on American schools of social
work. It discusses the movement that black social workers in the United States carried out within
the profession and explains how changes to curriculum standards during the 1970s were an outcome
of that movement. A primary goal, then, of the paper is to raise the idea that Black Power as a
movement was a pioneer in the radical social work tradition.
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key words Black Power movement race social work education National Association of
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Black Social Workers diversity

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Introduction
In recalling his upbringing, historian Robin D.G. Kelley (2003: 1, emphasis added)
writes: The cops, drug dealers, social workers, the rusty tap water, roaches, and rodents
were constant reminders that our world began and ended in a battered Harlem/
Washington Heights tenement apartment on 157th and Amsterdam. Kelleys memoir
reflects a reality that poor people and people of colour know all too well that
social workers are a part of the constellation of actors and institutions that shape
life in the ghetto. A part of that reality is that too often their collective influence
works to constrain rather than enable and simply supervise rather than uplift. This
sentiment is central to understanding the Black Power influence on the profession
in the United States (US).
Starting in the late 1960s, black social workers in the US, empowered and
emboldened by the Black Power movement, carried out their own movement within
the profession to bring about change that was in line with the larger movement for
black liberation. The Black Power influence led US black social workers to:

focus on institutional racism within the profession;

challenge the way that social work was practised in black communities;
address subtle forms of interpersonal racism among their white peers.

While my book, The Black Power movement and American social work (Bell, 2014),
details this process in depth, here I want to address how the Black Power movement
influenced African-American social workers to seek changes to the curriculum in
schools of social work.

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The Black Power influence

The Black Power movement has been portrayed as the quintessential bad boy of
black movement making in the US. All dashikis, black leather and guns, it has been
treated as inconsequential in US political and social life outside of some very limited
cultural outcomes for African Americans. While a new generation of scholarship
is correcting this view (see Ogbar, 2004; Joseph, 2006; Rojas, 2010; Nelson, 2011;
Biondi, 2012; Rogers, 2012; Bell, 2014), both popular and scholarly treatments of
the movement have tended to underestimate the broad impacts of the movement.
However, an examination of the trajectory of American social work reveals that the
movement played an important role in shaping the profession in the late 1960s and
early 1970s, which created lasting effects on the profession through today.

From civil rights to Black Power

The civil rights movement, usually placed between 1954 and 1964, encompassed
the struggle for desegregation and voting rights, and against discrimination in
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general. The beginning of what Joseph (2007) has called the heroic period of the
black liberation struggle is often marked as beginning in 1954 with the Supreme
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Courts decision in the Brown v Board of Education case in Topeka, Kansas, which
outlawed segregation in public education, because it spurred a rise of direct action.
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The roots of the Brown decision, however, date back to the 1896 Plessy v Ferguson
decision when the Supreme Court held that segregation was constitutional as long
as the separate accommodations were equal. As a result, the US had legally become
two societies, one white, one black, separate and unequal (United States National
Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968: 1). The National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) led a historic legal fight against the
separate but equal clause of the Plessy decision using education as the site of struggle.
The culmination of a 20-year-long legal battle, the Supreme Courts decision
in the Brown v Board of Education case was a critical outcome of the NAACP legal
strategy to desegregate public education in the US. Following this civil rights victory,
however, African Americans witnessed massive resistance to school integration across
the country. Southern white people resisted integration by closing schools down,
refusing to integrate and enacting violence. In many ways, the direct action phase
of the movement that we associate with the civil rights movement grew out of
black reaction to white resistance to integration. Taking the struggle from schools
to buses, to other public accommodations and services, the early years of the civil
rights movement was largely a movement against desegregation.
The civil rights movement was primarily concerned with ending legal segregation
and gaining access to institutions previously reserved for white people only. Focused
on equalising access to public services, movement campaigns not only targeted the
state through actions aimed at integrating education and government programmes,
but also sought to integrate public transportation, eating establishments and other
public facilities. In this way, the movement was less about a restructuring of US
society or challenging the basic institutions of US life, and more about reforming the
country in such a way that Africans Americans would have equal access to existing
US political and social life.

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 The Black Power influence on American schools of social work

The civil rights movement employed a dominant rights frame one that claimed
that each person in the US should have the same rights as anyone else. In this way,
the movement relied on an individual notion of freedom. It appealed to American
individualism by asserting that no one should be denied the basic rights of citizenship.
Movement actors also attempted to appeal to Americans moral conscience through
tactical choices. Marches, sit-ins, boycotts and other non-violent demonstrations
were the centrepieces of the tactical repertoire of the movement.
Between 1954 and 1965, the nations attention was on the modern civil rights
movement, but there was a parallel movement for self-determination that was the
precursor to Black Power. For example, Malcolm X was organising with the Nation
of Islam during this period and was only assassinated in 1965 after the passing of
the Civil Rights Acts. But it was only after 1965 that this parallel movement was
given a name Black Power.
In June of 1966, James Meredith began marching across the south alone to
protest about the severe racism against African Americans in the south. Shortly after
beginning his march, he was shot by a sniper and sent to the hospital for treatment.
On hearing about Merediths lonely march and subsequent shooting, civil rights
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activists decided to pick up where he left off and continue the march in his name.
It was when the march reached Greenwood, Mississippi that Stokely Carmichael
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(then associated with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee SNCC)

delivered his now famous Black Power speech sparking off what would become a
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new slogan for black organising in the US. Carmichael told the audience: This is
the twenty-seventh time that Ive been arrested. I aint going to jail no more. The
only way we gonna stop them white men from whippin us is to take over. What we
gonna start saying now is Black Power! The crowd responded with unified shouts
of Black Power, with the SNCCs equally passionate Willie Ricks leading the crowd
in a call and response: What do you want?, BLACK POWER!, What do you
want?, BLACK POWER! (Woodard, 1999; Joseph, 2006).
Black Power quickly moved from a rallying cry to a prominent and identifiable
political and ideological force in American life. Following on the heels of the Watts
rebellion of 1965,1 Black Power offered a language for many in the black community
to express a wide range of reactions to the dismal situation in poor black communities.
The Black Power movement developed as a loosely organised network of organisations
and individuals committed to radical social change, and independence in black
economic, political, social and aesthetic life. The Black Power movement, then,
challenged the wholesale acceptance of integration as the appropriate strategy for
black people in the US, advocating instead for various forms and levels of separation
from the white mainstream.
There was, however, more to the Black Power movement than the popular image
of the movement that dominated television newscasts and government surveillance
reports. There was a strain of the movement that was aimed at dismantling
institutionalised racism. In their famous treatise on Black Power (so named), Stokely
Carmichael (later called Kwame Tour) and Charles Hamilton explicated one of the
first social science theories of institutional racism and made a call for Black Power to
work to both carve out space in existing institutions and to close ranks in order to
build independent black institutional capacity. Carmichael and Hamilton (1967: 4,
emphasis in original) define racism as the predication of decisions and policies on
considerations of race for the purpose of subordinating a racial group and maintaining

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 Joyce M. Bell

control over that group. They argue that racism is both overt and covert and both
individual and institutional. The first form they argue consists of the overt acts of
individual white people against individual black people. They argue that:

The second type is less overt, far more subtle, less identifiable in terms of
specific individuals committing the acts. But it is no less destructive of human
life. The second type originates in the operation of established and respected
forces in the society, and thus receives far less public condemnation than
the first type. (Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967: 4, emphasis in original)

In other words, Carmichael and Hamilton argue that institutional racism refers to
the kinds of practices and actions that exist within and operate through the existing
institutional arrangements of social life.
Black Power makes the case, then, that black people have to both build independent
institutions and have black community representatives within existing institutions to
represent black interests. Making the now-famous argument that African Americans
must first close ranks to build independent power, Carmichael and Hamilton (1967:
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45) make the case that black people must lead and run their own organizations. In
the face of persistent racism that treats black people as incapable of handling their own
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affairs, they go on to provide an important justification for closing ranks that only
black people can convey the revolutionary ideaand it is a revolutionary ideathat
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black people are able to do things themselves (1967: 45).

They also make a second argument that Black Power can also be gained by carving
out space and developing power bases within existing institutions. Carmichael and
Hamilton (1967: 46) state:

Black Power means, for example, that in Lowndes County, Alabama a black
sheriff can end police brutality. A black tax assessor and tax collector and
county board of revenue can lay, collect, and channel tax monies for the
building of better roads and schools serving black people. It means the
creation of power bases, of strength, from which black people can press to
change local or nationwide patterns of oppressioninstead of from weakness.

They importantly note, however, that this does not mean merely putting black faces
into office. Black visibility is not Black Power (1967: 48, emphasis in original).
Carmichael and Hamilton make an important distinction between individual uplift
and representation. They are clear that what they are calling for is not the visible
placement of black people in positions of power for the sake of providing a job for a
few isolated African Americans. Rather, they are interested in having black people
who would press for institutional change, appointed to important positions.
In this way, Black Power and similar endeavours provided the blueprint for
a generation of new black professionals and political figures who were actively
working to develop strategies for gaining institutional power. From the Black Power
conferences to the black political conventions and the rise of black mayoral and
congressional politics, the black political context of the late 1960s and early 1970s
was profoundly shaped by the Black Power movement. Further, with Black Power
as a central ideological force in black life, African Americans who were situated in

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a variety of institutional settings brought the movement with them. Influenced by

the movement, black people in the US fought for:

black studies departments in American universities;

the development of Afrocentric curriculums in various educational endeavours;
representation on the boards of directors of organisations serving black
communities;
greater racial diversity and sensitivity within organisations of all kinds.

This element of the Black Power movement the work that African Americans in
all kinds of organisations did to bring the ideas of the movement into institutions is
one of the least understood facets of the movement. It is this way of thinking about
Black Power that profoundly shaped the profession of social work in the US in the
late 1960s and early 1970s.
Indeed, while Hamiltons influence on the way the general public understood
Black Power is undeniable; his influence on black social workers was direct. He was
the invited speaker of choice during 1967 and 1968 while black social workers were
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building their movement. As a result, his conception of Black Power is central to

the way the National Association of Black Social Workers (NABSW) emerged as an
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independent organisation. Moreover, Carmichael and Hamiltons focus on challenging

institutional racism shaped the kinds of changes that black social workers in the US
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sought within the profession. One important illustration of this is the impact that
black social workers had on the curriculum standards for schools of social work.

Diversity standards
Following an early focus on pluralism among at least Settlement workers within the
profession, by the 1920s American social work had reverted to a white-centred focus,
abandoning a focus on pluralism. But responding to pressure from the NABSW, as
well as from other African Americans and other people of colour throughout the
profession in the 1960s, the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE), which is the
accrediting and standards-setting body of the profession in the US, eventually adopted
standards mandating content on race, racism and people of colour (Potocky, 1997).
As a result of activism within the profession, social work made huge strides in the
recruitment of people of colour into the profession and in making curricular change
in social work education. CSWE had non-discrimination mandates much earlier
than many professions. In fact, CSWE had a standard that prohibited discrimination
in the selection of students and faculty for schools seeking accreditation since 1954
when the Supreme Court ordered the desegregation of public schools (Pins, 1971;
Trolander, 1997). But the pressure that black social workers exerted on the profession
led to the adoption of relatively aggressive recruitment standards for students and
faculty of colour and to the creation of diversity-related curriculum standards in the
early 1970s.
By 1965, the initial CSWE non-discrimination standard was revised, requiring
that accreditation reviews include details on how schools deal with discrimination
in admissions, in their overall programme and in the recruitment and retention of
faculty (Trolander, 1997). And in 1968 the standard that would come to be formalised
under the number 1234 was revised, mandating that each school must demonstrate

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the special efforts it was making to enrich its program by providing racial and cultural
diversity in its student body and staff (CSWE, 1971, cited in Jani et al, 2011: 285 and
Trolander, 1997; see also Pins, 1971). This made CSWE the first among national
accreditation bodies to have an affirmative action standard (Trolander, 1997: 120).
When it was formalised as Standard 1234 in 1971, CSWE mandated that review
teams assess promotion and tenure policies for faculty of colour, and discrimination
within field placements and that programmes have internal procedures for handling
discrimination complaints (Trolander, 1997). It also launched several special
programmes to aid schools in attracting, developing and retaining more students
and faculty of colour (Pins, 1971). In 1973, as a result of pressure from black social
workers, the standard was revised again (becoming Standard 1234A) by specifying
that a school must make special, continual efforts to enrich its program by providing
racial, ethnic and cultural diversity in its student body and at all levels of instructional
and research personnel and by providing corresponding educational supports (CSWE,
1973, cited in Jani et al, 2011: 286). As Jani et al (2011: 286) point out, this was also
the first time that CSWE explicitly suggested that the curriculum should reflect
knowledge of racial and ethnic minority groups. The primary purpose of Standard
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1234A, according to CSWE (1973), was to achieve the incorporation of knowledge

of racial, ethnic and cultural groups, their generic components as well as differences
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in values and life styles, and the conflicts these generate in the configuration of
American Society (cited in Jani et al, 2011: 286).
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Standard 1234A was largely a reflection of internal pressure within the profession.
Responding to activism by people of colour within social work, CSWE organised task
forces on racial minorities to increase the numbers of faculty of colour in schools of
social work. It convened task forces for American Indians, Puerto Ricans and Chicanos
in 1970 and for African Americans and Asian Americans in 1971. The CSWE Black
Task Force was the outcome of a June 1970 CSWE workshop entitled Problems and
Needs of the Black CommunityIssues, Development, and Perceptions: Implications
for Social Work Education. The participants in that workshop called for CSWE to:

identify and develop curricular content on African Americans;

find ways to increase the numbers of African Americans in graduate schools of
social work as well as in undergraduate programmes (CSWE, 1973).

The Black Task Force was charged with answering this call. It was made up of 15
black social workers and nine liaison members from black schools of social work.
In diagnosing the problem, the task force suggested, first, that the lack of black
content in the social work curriculum was a result of pervasive and persistent racism
in the US. It made the case that the lack of black social work educators was directly
tied to the lack of curricular materials related to African Americans. So, while the task
force held that it was important to recruit and retain black faculty, it focused its report
on curriculum reform. Pointing out that many white social work educators continue
to view the inclusion of Black content as a non-scholarly endeavor, its report made
the case that an endeavor of this nature must have the commitment of the total social
work education community, adequate funding and minority staffing (CSWE, 1973:
2). Overall, the task forces curriculum suggestions recommend heightened attention
to the role of institutional racism in the lives of African Americans. It made particular
recommendations for the three major areas of studies in most schools of social work:

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 The Black Power influence on American schools of social work

human behaviour and the social environment;

social welfare policy and services;
methods/practicum.

In the CSWE curriculum policy, human behaviour content was the body of content
relating to human behaviour that is designed to contribute the students understanding
of the individual, group, organizational, institutional, and cultural contexts within
which human behaviour is expressed and by which it is significantly influenced
(CSWE, 1969, cited in CSWE, 1973: 1). The task force insisted that for students
of social work to understand black behaviour in context, they must understand the
distinctiveness of the black American experience, as marked by a history of slavery
and exclusion. Therefore, the curriculum should consider the Black experience
in the United States as unique, not to be compared to any other immigrant group
(1973: 6). It further argued that social work education must recognize that societal-
economic forces and the resultant institutional racism may be a major factor that
creates stress in Black communities and limits the realization of potential in Black
individuals (1973: 6).
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The focus on institutional racism was also central to the task forces recommendations
for curricular changes in the social welfare policy and services sequence. CSWE
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mandated that social work programmes must provide a way for all students to
acquire knowledge of the general policies, conditions, legislative bases, institutions,
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programs and broad range of services relevant to social welfare in contemporary

society (CSWE, 1969, cited in CSWE, 1973: 7). The task force made the case that
while social work education did pay attention to the history of social welfare policy,
it ha[d] not acknowledged that the nations preoccupation with power, profit, and
privilege has been a primary determinant of American social welfare policy in a
way that institutionalised discrimination against African Americans in social welfare
(1973: 6). The recommendation was that this sequence of the curriculum should
include historical documentation of the fact of racism in American Life and, in so
doing, direct scholarly attention to its solution (1973: 7).
The task force provided an outline of educational objectives and underlying
assumptions as a guideline for adopting its suggestions. Its aim was to help the student
to develop:

an understanding of how the economic, social, political and class forces that
determine social policies are implicitly influenced by racism;
an ability to analyse how social policy is formulated by legislation, by the courts
and by government bureaucracies, and how this formulation is influenced by
racism;
an awareness of the impact of institutional racism on black Americans and other
minority ethnic groups, with a particular reference to the distribution of societal
resources and the patterns of delivery of educational, health and social services
(1973: 8).

The task force argued that these objectives were based on three basic underlying
assumptions:

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racism in combination with poor-law thinking is dysfunctional and inhumane

in our current society;
the persistence and viability of institutional racism is incompatible with the
goals of social justice;
social problems such as poverty, unemployment, and ghetto living require basic
structural changes rather than remedial, incremental reforms (1973: 8).

It also made suggestions for the methods and practicum area of the social work
curriculum, which CSWE policy defined as the area of the curriculum designed to
help the student learn and apply the knowledge and principles of social work practice
in accordance with the values and ethics of the profession (CSWE, 1969, cited in
CSWE, 1973: 9). It pointed to three areas of basic knowledge that it thought social
work students would need to develop in order to work with African Americans:

the history of black people, especially as it relates to culture, religion and family
development;
the political and economic systems that affect African Americans;
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a perspective on human growth and development that recognizes the

oppression of Black people and evaluates behavior with regard to the societal
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forces that depersonalize and reject Black people (1973: 10).

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Taken together, these suggestions certainly offered a harsh critique of social work
education. But they also offered a way forward, which was reflected in the new CSWE
diversity curriculum standard. The first curriculum policy statement by CSWE in
1952 stated simply that social workers should consider all social, cultural and spiritual
influences on an individuals development. In 1962, the curriculum guidelines
mandated that social work curricula should help students to recognize, understand,
and appraise, human behavior in the light of personal and cultural norms and values
and varying conceptions of effective social functioning and well-being (Moore and
Dhooper, 2000: 7). The changes as a result of internal pressure in the 1960s were clear
in the 1973 guidelines for implementing Standard 1234A. Here, CSWE (1973: 10)
stated that effective responsible participation in the helping professions in a diverse
society requires that opportunities be provided to incorporate the understanding that
is based on direct interaction and involvement with different groups in the broader
society. And by 1983 the curriculum policy statement called for the inclusion of
diversity content and required that the curriculum pay attention both to patterns and
consequences of discrimination and oppression and to the experiences, needs and
responses of people that have been subject to institutionalized forms of oppression
(CSWE, 1983, section 7.4, cited in Moore and Dhooper, 2000: 7). This shift towards
a focus on institutional racism is a clear reflection of the black movement within the
profession and the Black Power influence more broadly.
The CSWE guidelines were certainly not the only developments in the profession
as a result of black pressure within social work. New courses with diversity content
were put on the books at schools of social work, textbooks were developed that
dealt specifically with diversity issues, more articles were published in the discipline
on the subject of race and there were modest increases in the number of students
and faculty of colour in social work. By the 1970-71 school year, almost 25% of all
incoming first-year Master of Social Work (MSW) students were students of colour.

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 The Black Power influence on American schools of social work

About 14% were black; while 4.3% were Chicano or Puerto Rican, reflecting a 2.5
times increase in the total number who entered from 1968 (Pins, 1971). By 1972,
there were 1,226 black first-year MSW students, representing 15.8% of the incoming
class (CSWE, 1972).
In all, black social workers arguments about the institutionalised racism in social
work led to lasting change in the training structures of the profession. But it also
extended to discussions around more subtle interpersonal forms of racism within
the profession, the need for job security for black social workers and a conversation
about black representation in the leadership of the profession. In this way, the debates
and critiques that were forged within the profession under the influence of Black
Power are still relevant in contemporary conversations about approaches to diversity
content across the curriculum.
The impact that black social workers had on the profession as a result of the Black
Power movement has been vastly understudied and underestimated in existing
literature. However, as this work illustrates, it is without a doubt that the movement
had a significant impact on the profession and the practice of social work. One of
the movements greatest triumphs is that the curriculum in schools of social work
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has been interrogated. And while a complete transformation is elusive, most social
work education reflects the less pathological representation of black culture and black
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communities that black social workers struggled for. In this way, understanding their
pioneering legacy can pave the way for continued progress in the profession.
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Note
1 The Watts rebellion of 1965 was an urban uprising that occurred in the wake of an

incident of police brutality against an African American man in Los Angeles. See Horne,
1995.

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