Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sankaran Krishna*
Aren't all cultures and civilizations just screens which men have
used to divide themselves, to put between that part of themselves
which they are afraid of and that part of themselves they want to
preserve?
Richard Wright
401
402 Race, Amnesia, and the Education ofIR
that have historically underlain the unequal global order we now find
ourselves in. Overattention to these details is disciplined by profes
sional practices that work as taboo: such-and-such an approach is
deemed too historical or descriptive; that student is not adequately
theoretical and consequently is lacking in intellectual rigor; so-and-
so might be better off specializing in comparative politics or history
or anthropology; such-and-such a question does not have any direct
policy relevance; and so on.
A second strategy of containment in IR discourse is the idea of
deferred redemption. This operates by an eternal deferment of the
possibility of overcoming the alienation of international society that
commenced in 1492. While "realistically" such overcoming is re
garded as well-nigh impossible, its promise serves as the principle by
which contemporary and historical violence and inequality can be jus
tified and lived with. Redemptive strategies of containment are re
flected in a wide variety of IR discourses: Kant's idea of perpetual
peace as consequent upon international war and dispersion; the pos
sibility of an international community epitomized in organizations
such as the United Nations; the promise of international socialism;
the discourse of capitalist modernization on the Rostowian model;
and more recently, the "end of history" under the regime of globaliza
tion. All these strategies hinge on the prospect of deferred redemp
tion: the present is inscribed as a transitional phase whose violent and
unequal character is expiated on the altar of that which is to come.
In the first section of my article, I illustrate an exemplary act of
abstraction that is central to the self-construction of the discipline of
international relationsthe depiction of nineteenth-century Europe
as a pacific zone (the H u n d r e d Years' Peace) orchestrated by diplo
matic virtuosity. I offer a brief reading of this same century from the
vantage of outside the imperium to illustrate the possibilities of con
trapuntal readings of international-relations discourse. In this section,
I further elaborate what I mean by "strategies of containment" and
how they have worked to constitute IR discourse as a "political un
conscious." In the second section of the article, I examine three dis
tinct encounters between the rest and the West. In each of these, ab
straction works as a strategy of containment to discipline what is
considered legitimately within the purview of "proper" IR discourse
and what ought to be left on the cutting-room floor. In each instance,
I argue that the fetish for abstraction has to be understood as deeply
political and depoliticizing. I first examine the narration of a figure
such as Hugo Grotius as a founding father within the genealogy of in
ternational relations and international law. I contextualize the can
onization of Grotius by placing it in dialogue with the colonization of
Africa and the consolidation of the slave trade across the black
Sankaran Krishna 403
Atlantic. Next, I consider the encounter between the Spanish and the
Mexicans in the mid-sixteenth century that consolidated a national
imaginary in the case of Spain and further propelled the classification
of the Mexicans as a people without history and deserving of geno
cide, slavery, and colonialism. Finally, I look at the encounter between
the British and the Indians in the nineteenth century to show how ab
straction serves as the means to recuperate colonialism and conquest
within liberal discoursehow and why the universalism of Enlighten
ment freedoms could come to constitute the essence of British self-
understanding even as they stopped short of informing their conduct
in the colonies. These contrapuntal readings across three encounters
illustrate how some of the core conceptual categories in IR discourse
were produced through processes of abstraction.
I conclude the article with some thoughts about the implications
of such a contrapuntal analysis for the "education of international re
lations"; that is, how it might and should impact on our pedagogy as
practitioners of something called "IR discourse." 1
Before proceeding, I ought to clarify two central conceptual
themes that recur in this article: abstraction and contrapuntality. I
recognize abstraction as an inescapable analytical device that makes
knowledge practices possible in the first placethat without strategies
of abstraction the infinity of reality would overwhelm us. Yet abstrac
tion is never innocent of power: the precise strategies and methods of
abstraction in each instance decide what aspects of a limitless reality
are brought into sharp focus and what aspects are, literally, left out
of the picture. In related ways, both Michel Foucault and Martin
Heidegger sensitize us to this fact. In the case of Heidegger, drawing
on a Hellenic and tragic tradition of interpretation, he consistently
foregrounds the fact that every effort at knowledge is ineffably ac
companied by a simultaneous and unavoidable concealment of the
plenitude of being from which that which is sought to be understood
is "disclosed." The process of knowledge production is from the very
outset regarded as the flip side of a process of concealment and un
knowing. Among other things, this implies that whether one is for or
against abstraction is an irrelevant question since it is an unavoidable
m o m e n t in the constitution of knowledge. Rather, one ought to be
ever vigilant about what it is that abstraction simultaneously conceals
as it reveals, and further that one give u p the illusion that our devices
of abstraction can ever give us a final and omniscient purchase on re
ality. In similar vein, Foucault's injunctions on the imbricated charac
ter of power and knowledge may be read as a reminder that the pre
cise nature of our abstractions hinges on the productive ends toward
which they are deployedthat is, that "reality" always is already an im-
positional interpretation. In essence, both these writers enjoin us to
404 Race, Amnesia, and the Education ofIR
The list does not include the periods 1815-1839 or 1882-1914, nor
any of similar activities engaged in by European powers other than
the British, such as France, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Bel
gium. In thinking of what it is that allows these numerous and violent
encounters between different peoples to fall out of the history of in
ternational relations, it becomes obvious that a certain principle of
abstraction is at work here, centering on the concept of "sovereignty."
Wars are defined exclusively as the acts of sovereign powers on each
other in a tradition that goes back a long way in IR discourse, whereas
the impressive list above constitutes merely encounters between vari
ous forms of quasi states, native principalities, warlords, tribes, terri
tories, and puppet regimes, on the one hand, and a sovereign state,
on the other. Such encounters can hence be excised from the ge
nealogy of international relations. Thus, the Revolt of 1857 that swept
across northern India, resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, and at
one point looked likely to bring a forcible end to the British Raj there,
does not count: it is not between two settled sovereign bounded enti
ties that mutually recognize each other as authentic states. Rather, it
is seen as a hiccup in the pacification of empire, a mere "Mutiny" as it
came to be called, a "domestic" issue that is by its very definition in
capable of altering the Hundred Years' Peace.
The operation of this abstraction of sovereignty to deny the
bloody history of the nineteenth century is no aberration. The same
sovereign definition of "war" informs J. David Singer's voluminous
data-gathering enterprise on conflict; it underlies the effort by Bueno
de Mesquita to assess the rational utility calculations of war initiators;
406 Race, Amnesia, and the Education o/IR
Modern life begins with slavery. . . . Slavery broke the world in half,
it broke it in every way. It broke Europe. It made them into some
thing else, it made them slave masters, it made them crazy. You
can't do that for hundreds of years and it not take a toll. They had
to dehumanize, not just the slaves but themselves. They had to re
construct everything in order to make that system appear true. It
made everything in world war two possible. It made world war one
necessary. Racism is the word we use to encompass all this.14
Primal Encounters:
Contrapuntal Readings Across Three Continents
Grotius in Africa
For IR discourse, Hugo Grotius is a founder of international law and
a conservative supporter of absolutism in the aftermath of the Thirty
Years' War. He is regarded as having authored some of the most in
fluential tracts in the evolution of the discipline of international
lawon the freedom of the seas, separation of church and state, the
right to acquisition of discovered properties, and on just war. The bal
ance and moderation of his works have consequently attached his
name to a paradigm that attempts the melioration of Machiavellian
realpolitik with Kantian cooperation.15
The image of Grotius in the disciplinary lore is that of a univer
salist and abstract thinker: he is appropriated purely intellectually, as
an impartial logician and rule maker for an emergent order of na
tion-states in Europe, whose pathbreaking work rightly serves as the
foundation for the evolution of international law over the centuries
thereafter. The world that allows for such an inscription of Grotius is
one that begins and ends with Europe and its interstate rivalries. Let
us turn to how a contrapuntal approach to world politics produces a
rather differently inflected Grotius. The difference highlights the
need to rewrite the conceptual building blocks of IR discourse (sov
ereignty, territoriality, security, the nation-state) and its major fig
uresincluding Grotiusin terms of their conjoined origins in the
colonial encounter, and of the ways in which Europe's dealings with
non-Europeans critically informed and influenced the content of
such terms and people. Siba Grovogui points out in impressive detail
that most of Grotius's work worked firstly to empower the Dutch in
their arguments and battles with the Spanish and the Portuguese over
the rights to trade with the colonies, both in Asia and Africa, as well
as with the New World; and secondly, it worked to coalesce an incipi
ent Europe against the "other"variously defined as the Islamic Mid
dle East, the despotic Asians, the propertyless Indians of the New
World, and the slaves of Africa.16 He shows that Grotius's influential
Mare Liberum, the renowned tract on the freedom of the seas, was oc
casioned by the Dutch East India Company's desire to hang on to a
Portuguese galleon captured by them in the Straits of Malacca. (To be,
clear, Grotius was hired by the Dutch East India Company to write this
tract.) This occurred in the context of the Dutch rebelling from
under Spanish hegemony and seeking to enlarge their share of colo
nial trade during the decline of the Spanish and Portuguese empires.
Similarly, the incipient secularization of Grotius's arguments against
the pope's whose various edicts and bulls had favored Spain and Por
tugal has to be contextualized against a rising Dutch economy that
was predictably antimercantilist. As Grovogui notes,
410 Race, Amnesia, and the Education oflR
The key step in the canonization of the work of Grotius within the
field of international relations, the step that anoints him as a founder
of modern international law, is an act of abstraction; that is, to shear
the theoretical principles of his various works away from the historical
contexts within which they emerged, the purposes they were meant to
serve, the interests they were furthering, the specific peoples they
were simultaneously dispossessing and empowering, and the acts of
epistemic and physical violence that they set in motion. Abstraction,
in this sense, is to denude a historical process of its sociality and in
stead to reify it into disembodied principles of change and evolution.
Grovogui notes in a trenchant summary:
While it is true that the idea of Europe would remain a checkered one
for centuries to come and would be punctuated by the worst wars of hu
mankind, both direct and proxy, the residual notions that would even
tually consolidate this space as the ultimate repository of civilization,
the metric of justice, and the arbiter of international fairness are al
ready evident in the contrapuntal process that Grovogui charts here. 2 0
The same international law that sanitized and normalized the
theft of lands and the destruction of the sign-systems of indigenous
governance and property in Africa in these centuries is today used to
preside over the decolonization of Namibia, South Africa, and Zim
babwe. What is left sacrosanct in the process of decolonization is the
property of the "settler" and the corporations of the Western na
tionsthus fully embodying the truth of both Marx's dictum that
"the origin of all property is theft" and Nietzsche's insight that "truths
are illusions about which one has forgotten that this is what they
are." 2 1 Africa comes into being, alongside Europe but as a space of
lack, of inadequacy, incompleteness, and incompetence in the busi
ness of achieving nationness. Once again, race serves as the silent
epistemic absence that "presences" Europe and the sovereign, devel
oped white world. As Mahmood Mamdani finds in his continentwide
comparative analysis of the genealogies of postcolonial state forma
tion in Africa, Western contact and colonialism introduced ideas of
tribalism and tribal chieftainship based on their own preferred ab
stractions of Africa. The interaction of these introduced abstractions
with the political ground realities and social fractures in the various
parts of Africa have produced a continent riven by ethnic and "tribal"
strife. It is the related simultaneity of these processes that is forgot
ten in so much of the contemporary literature on Africaboth in the
412 Race, Amnesia, and the Education ofIR
Cortes. They learned the indigenous languages and created their gram
mar. The latter, of course, is not an innocent process, as one can well
imagine. The encounter between an alphabetized society and an ideo
graphic language at different levels of power and control necessarily re
made the latter on the template of the former. As Mignolo notes, un
derstanding in this encounter was exclusively on Castilian terms:
Burke is fully cognizant of the role that abstraction plays in the power
of the liberal doctrine to marry its (proto)-Darwinist hierarchies to
the interests of empire. His "well-known suspicion of abstract forms of
reasoning" stem from his reservations that "by diminishing the signif
icance of 'circumstances' they glide over the very things that give tex
ture and meaning to human experiences."37
Lest it be thought that Burke (or Mehta or myself) subscribes to
some naive theory of knowledge that uncritically valorizes lived expe
rience, or fails to recognize that abstraction is an inevitable and in
escapable part of any effort at comprehension, it is not abstraction
per se that Burke opposesit is the hubris that accompanies this will-
to-knowledge that he wishes to alert us to. 38
The three encounters in this section of the article together
amount to an effort at unsettling the hierarchies that inform IR dis
course. In its mainstream variants, the fetish for theory and abstrac
tion in IR discourse encourages us to see the world as populated by
nation-states that have somehow traveled sui generis through time,
and without their histories having intertwined and overlapped. From
such a construction, IR discourse can then array these spaces in terms
of their proximity to an idealthe sovereign, developed, and secure
nation-stateor their distance from itthe sorry, lackey quasi-states
destined for perpetual anarchy within and without. The contrapuntal
readings offered here disturb the effort of mainstream discourse to
sustain the originary alienation that inaugurated the modern dispo
sition of nation-states.
Rather than recapitulate what has been an overlong article, I will con
clude by pointing to some of the implications of this form of contra
puntal analysis to the education of international relations; that is, to
our pedagogic practices as teachers in this discipline. First, we need
to ask ourselves what are the political entailments of the specific
forms of abstraction that we valorize? What is the will-to-knowledge
that our aesthetic privileging of ahistorical theorizing embodies? Sim
ply put, what is the relationship between our practices of abstraction
and the disappearance of questions of race from the field of inter
national relations? Second, we need to be sensitive to the routine,
everyday policing of the study of international relations by the very
strategies we use to demarcate our field from that of subjects such as
history, comparative politics, anthropology, literature, and cultural
Sankaran Krishna 421
studies, to make a random list. Why is it that, at the end of these dis
ciplining moves, we find ourselves inhabiting a discipline that has ex
cised questions of inequality, genocide, the theft of lands and cul
tures, and has, in their stead, centered on issues such as combating
terrorism, securing sovereignty, and winning the games that nations
play? Third, in what ways are our own pedagogical practices complicit
with the narration of international relations as the quintessential
"prose of counterinsurgency"on the side of the state and against
the imagination of non-national ways of being? Fourth, what is the re
lationship between the political unconscious of our disciplinethe
repressed stories of racism, genocide, violence, and theftand the
obsessions of our craftterrorism, illegal immigration, insecurity, and
secrecy? I have said enough to indicate that a relentlessly contrapun
tal approach to the multiple histories that have produced the present
dispensation is at least a beginning. We have to work and see around
the dazzling blindness of white IR and its abstractions, accepting and
reiterating the conjoined histories that constitute us and our craft
tells us what to do tomorrow.
Notes
This article is a first cut into issues that I suspect will obsess me for the next
few years. I would like to thank Randy Persaud, Jorge Fernandes, Mike
Shapiro, Itty Abraham, Naeem Inayatullah, Jonathan Goldberg-Hiller, Konrad
Ng, and Siba Grovogui for their comments and support. The epigraph is
from Richard Wright, The Outsider (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 135.
1.1 deliberately choose the term IR discourse, rather than IR theory, IR lit-
erature, or just IR The use of discourse is intended to inflect theory, discipline,
or any social narrative with considerations of power. As Walter Mignolo ex
plicates in his choice of colonial discourse over colonial literature in his work on
the Renaissance, "[d]iscourse used in this sense has an enormous advantage
over the notion of literature when the corpus at stake is colonial. While colo-
nial literature has been construed as an aesthetic system dependent on the Re
naissance concepts of poetry, colonial discourse places colonial discursive pro
duction in a context of conflictive interactions, of appropriations and
resistances, of power and domination": Walter Mignolo, The Darker Side of the
Renaissance: Literacy, Territoriality, and Colonization (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press, 1995), p. 7; all emphases are in the original.
2. For reasons of space, I can do no better than offer this brief descrip
tion of the intimacy between abstraction and issues of power. My under
standing of Heidegger in this regard relies heavily on two recent works: Rdi
ger Safranski, Martin Heidegger: Between Good and Evil, trans. Ewald Osers
(Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1998), and Michael Dillon, Politics of Security: To-
wards a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought (New York: Routledge, 1996).
For more on Foucault on abstraction and interpretation, see his essays 'Truth
and Power" and "Two Lectures," in Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected
Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pan
theon, 1980), pp. 78-108, 109-133.
422 Race, Amnesia, and the Education ofIR
3. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Knopf, 1993). Page-
number references are given in the text.
4. Frantz Fanon's description of this originary alienation at the heart of
the modern interstate system advises us to
not forget Europe's crimes, of which the most horrible was com
mitted in the heart of man and consisted of the pathological tear
ing apart of his functions and the crumbling away of his unity. And
in the framework of the collectivity there were the differentiations,
the stratification, and the bloodthirsty tensions fed by classes; and
finally on the immense scale of humanity, there were racial ha
treds, slavery, exploitation, and above all the bloodless genocide
which consisted in the setting aside of fifteen thousand millions
of men.
Fanon, Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1968), p. 315.
5. For more on the enablements of such a conjoined reading of modern
history and its refusal to either drop anchor in nativism or forgo the invalu
able legacy of "European" ideas such as freedom and democracy, see also
Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical
Difference (Princeton: Princeton UP, 2000).
6. This particular list is cribbed from V. G. Kiernan, Poets, Politics, and
the People, ed. Harvey J. Kaye (London: Verso, 1989), p. 134.
7. SeeJ. David Singer, ed., The Correlates of War, vols. 1 and 2 (New York:
Free Press, 1979); Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, The War Trap (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1981); and Rudolph J. Rummel, Power Kills: Democracy as a
Method of Non-Violence (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Press, 1997).
8. Bernard Nietschmann, "The Third World War," Cultural Survival
Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1987): 1, 7. Quoted in Michael Shapiro, Violent Cartogra-
phies: Mapping Cultures of War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1997), pp. 176-177.
9. This is why, following the subaltern studies historian Ranajit Guha, I
have called the discipline of international relations a "prose of counter-in
surgency": See my Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka, and the Question of
Nationhood (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
10. Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Sym-
bolic Act (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell UP, 1981).
11. This last definition of a strategy of containment is from one of Jame
son's best interlocutors, William Dowling, in his Jameson, Althusser, Marx: An
Introduction to the Political Unconscious (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell UP, 1984), p. 54.
12. Jameson, note 10, p. 213.
13. In this context of abstraction, I really cannot do better than quote,
once again, Dowling, who elucidates how the process works in the context of
economics:
Classical and neoclassical economics function as strategies of con
tainment . . . not simply through their premature closure (closing
off inquiry before it can lead to ultimate questions about history
and society) or even through their repression of history (repressing
the sense in which the market economy described in their texts
could not exist without exploitation and oppression), but through
the way they accomplish this closure and repression, treating the
workings of an emergent capitalism as eternal and objective eco
nomic laws.
Sankaran Krishna 423
Dowling, note 11, p. 79. Without using the term strategy of containment,
but with a brilliant deployment of the notion of taboo, Rick Ashley inaugu
rated this line of argument within IR by his analysis of the way "economism"
works within and as the discipline. See Ashley, "Three Modes of
Economism," International Studies Quarterly 27 (1983), pp. 463-496; and T h e
Poverty of Neorealism," International Organization 38 (1984), pp. 225-286.
14. From Paul Gilroy's interview with Toni Morrison, published as "Liv
ing Memory: Meeting Toni Morrison," in Paul Gilroy, Small Acts (London:
Serpent's Tail, 1993). Quote reproduced from Gilroy, Black Atlantic (Cam
bridge: Harvard UP, 1993), p. 221. As in the works of Gandhi and those of
Ashis Nandy, Aim Csaire, and Frantz Fanon, there is a keen appreciation
here of the fact that victory is often more catastrophic for the culture and civ
ilization of the victor than it is for that of the vanquished. The defeated civi
lizations, at one level unencumbered by the need to continually reinvent
themselves along a hypermasculine will to dominate the world, may be bet
ter able to preserve those values and principles that are, in the longer run,
more conducive to the survival of the species and the planet.
15. James Der Derian, On Diplomacy: A Genealogy of Western Estrangement
(Oxford, Eng.: Basil Blackwell, 1987), p. 16.
16. Siba Grovogui, Sovereigns, Quasi-Sovereigns, and Africans: Race and Self-
Determination in International Law (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1996).
17. Ibid., p. 58. In any case, in his text War and Peace, Grotius had already
argued that slavery was legally acceptable.
18. Ibid., pp. 43-44, 63.
19. Ibid., p. 61.
20. Self-contained stories of the West are, obviously, hardly unique to IR
discourse, but the dominant modus operandi of knowledge production in
modern times. In a brilliant recent article, Susan Buck-Morss examines the
paradox of the coeval and related emergence of Enlightenment ideals of
human emancipation alongside that of global slavery, the extraordinarily im
portant role played by the Haitian revolution in the ideals of the French Rev
olution and enlightenment, in Hegel's and many another Western thinkers'
meditations on slavery, and of the importance of disciplinary boundaries in
perpetuating the myopia that regards these events as disconnected and dis
parate. See Susan Buck-Morss, "Hegel and Haiti," Critical Inquiry (summer
2000), pp. 821-865.
21. Friedrich Nietzsche, "On Truth and Lie in an Extra-moral Sense," in
The Portable Nietzsche, ed. and trans. Walter Kaufmann (New York: Viking
Press, 1954), pp. 46-47.
22. Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the
Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1996).
23. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and
Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991).
24. Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural
France, 1870-1914 (Stanford: Stanford UP, 1976).
25. Mignolo, note 10.
26. Besides the second half of Mignolo's The Darker Side of the Renaissance,
see also Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of Eng-
land (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
27. Mignolo, note 1, p. 42.
28. Ibid., p. 46.
424 Race, Amnesia, and the Education o/IR