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In some ways, there is nothing worse than academizing humor. But what happens when
jokes are the vehicle for reconciling precarious economies? Anthropological attention
has examined humor as a means of nonideological political critique, and as a means of
maintaining social relations. Building on these traditions, I explore the jokes that Indian
transnational migrant programmers tell about outsourcing and call center worksuch as
envisioning a world in which presidents are replaced by call center workerswhich parody
the palpable contradictions of knowledge economies. Humor can be a tool to disrupt what
Autonomist Marxists have described as the incorporation of the soul into the heart of
cognitive labor. It can also police the boundaries of acceptable behavior. This article uses
accounts of the lives of Indian programmers, particularly those for whom Berlin provided
passage into the middle class, to closely analyze how Indian programmers maneuver
between the roles of racialized, backend, grunt coder and of upwardly mobile global Indian
citizen. In examining the joke, this article will show how transnational knowledge work, as
a relatively novel economic formation, intersects with recent concern with the ontological
status of objects and machines. This article argues that a rigorous understanding of human
nonhuman relationships needs to take into account the interstitial forms of connectivity
that explain how these relations involve the ordering of people and things against the
texture of economic change.
Keywords: software work, cognitive labor, humor, race, India
A joke . . . and like any other injury, you watch it rupture along its
suddenly exposed suture.
Claudia Rankine
1. Most theorists of technology and economy fail to notice the processes by which the
relationship is mediated. Christian Fuchs (2002), for example, admits that immaterial
mental, and knowledge labor are becoming more and more important, but they are dia-
lectically related to material-substantial production, yet goes on to define this material
level as infrastructures, modems, computers, fibre optical cables, networks, circuits,
wires, data carriers. The short circuit between the immateriality of labor and the obvi-
ous materiality of wires without recognition of what mediates between the two allows
for the conclusion that information as a creator of surplus value produces almost
no reproduction costs. Yet the reproduction costs are borne by the raced bodies who
have to produce themselves in particular ways. Approaches to the materialization of
computing technologies across power-laden geographies can be found in Philip, Irani,
and Dourish (2012). Nardi (2015) discusses the ideology of virtuality.
capitalist discipline. But, though humor is central to this essay, it is not my only
quarry. I attempt here an investigation of humor as a connective tissue. In other
words, I use humor to make sense of what Stuart Hall ([1980] 1996) calls the ar-
ticulations between economies and subjects, on the one hand, and persons and
things, on the other (see also Amrute 2014a).
To analyze humor as articulation, I discuss materializations as making and un-
making kinds of relations among humans and things. Then, I look at caricature to
understand how humor renders racialized bodies as natural carriers of value even
while Indian IT worker humor talks back to such renderings. Finally, I explore the
kinds of rends to the social fabric that these instances of humor accomplish.
2. Several theorists show that the IT sector is dominated by upper-caste subjects. See
C. Fuller and Narasimhan (2007), Adjit, Donker, and Saxena (2012), and Thorat and
Newman (2012).
3. I am thinking here of Marxs statement on the fetishit expresses both the hidden
social relations that govern production, and what those social relations really are
(Marx [1887] 1982: 176).
4. Ingold (2012), for instance, takes the term multispecies to task for being bounded by
the idea of speciation. However, even banishing species from the critical lexicon will
not ipso facto force attention toward the means through which the living and the non-
living are conjoined.
Stuart Hall, Gayartri Spivak, and Alexander Weheliye elaborate on the term ar-
ticulation to analyze power relations as a contingent formation, which, they stress,
could be organized otherwise (Hall [1980] 1996; Spivak 1998; Weheliye 2014).
Adding articulation to the ontology of the nonhuman adds a third dimension to
this ontology, one that is sensitive to the tissues that connect humans, nonhumans,
and things. Renderings are a kind of articulation that can address the hierarchies
and resistances, accommodations and refusals within particular human and non-
human economies.
5. See for example, Anthropological Forum 18 (3) (2008), edited by John Carty and
Yasmine Musharbash, the May 2013 special issue of American Ethnologist on jokes and
humor, and de Vienne (2012).
that the migrant body is used to come to terms with new conditions of labor. Some
cartoons appeared as large, full-color, photographs in multipage articles about In-
dian IT. Others were printed in the blank space at the bottom of pages of movie
listings. Still more surfaced in the humor section of a website dedicated to Indians
in Germany. The caricatures depicted Indian programmers in three major ways: as
backward primitives, as ascetic world renouncers, and as sensualists. The images
concretized a welter of fears about how a globalized high-tech economy might un-
settle patterns of work and employment within the nation. They did this work by
rendering the Indian body hypervisible (Rankine 2014: 49).
Many Berliners whom I interviewed made the determination that these im-
ages represented the old-fashioned fears of out-of-date anti-immigrant Germans.
Showing them the cartoons, they abjured the sentiment they discerned in these im-
ages. A journalism student named Peter who described himself as pro-immigrant
said that the Green Card visa should be supported. He read most of these cari-
catures as mocking the technologically incompetent Germans and saw nothing
wrong in them. At the same time, Peter suggested that immigration was a prob-
lematic issue because of the ghettoization produced by the lack of education and
knowledge of German among Turkish Germans in large cities. His opinion indi-
cated the complicated calculations that divided high-tech from working-class mi-
grants. A Berliner named Aigul whose parents migrated to Germany from Turkey
before she was born believed that the Green Card debates would prove important
in changing governmental policy toward immigration. She was particularly heart-
ened by activists success in changing German immigration law to allow young
immigrants to choose German citizenship when they reached the age of majority.
When I discussed the cartoons with her, she readily recognized their stereotyp-
ing of the Indian programmers but thought it relatively rare. I enlisted her help
in collecting caricatures from newspapers and magazines. We were surprised that
in the end we gathered twenty-five of them, all playing on contrasts between the
this-worldly and otherworldliness, materiality and spirituality, advancement and
backwardness.
Another Berliner I interviewed, who was chief research officer at a European-
wide institute studying migration patterns, believed the debate on the German
Green Card was unimportant given the small numbers of migrants it would attract
in comparison with the much larger guest worker and asylum seeker populations.
This opinion framed immigration as a biopolitical question written in the language
of large-scale demographic shifts, and thereby discounted high-tech software work
from its proper domain. The research officer thought the caricatures a distraction
from the real work of integrating both immigrants and Islam.
I gather these images together not to index German racism, but to study mass-
mediated cartoon images ethnographicallythat is, by treating them as condensed
signs of anxiety and expectation. Doing so uncovers how the racial imaginary sur-
rounding the Indian programmer becomes a means to work through the problem
of neoliberal economies and migration in a liberal state that requires that these
problems be approached through displacement. What Freud ([1905] 1960) might
have described as an acceptable discharge of negative affect emerges here to inter-
rogate that which is outside the bounds of public humor (the Turkish migrant) and,
at the same time, to produce a willing public that accepts a transnational, racialized
division of labor.6
The following caricature from the March 2000 issue of Titanic satirizes both
the Indian IT worker and anti-immigrant fear (fig. 1). The headline reads, The
Computer-Indians, how far ahead of us are they really? Beneath the title, the text
continues, Can Germany bear the Computer-Indians? Will they first take our jobs
and then our German women? In a series of exposs designed to mimic the con-
ventions of photojournalism, it showcases hard manual labor, old machines, and
barbaric practices to voice incredulityIndian are not ahead of Germans, but far
behind. Each picture is isolated from its context of production even while together
they create a collection that claims to represent the truth of the world (Stewart
1992: 162). Outlining each picture in black, the page juxtaposes scenes of back-
wardness with text that describes computer hardware manufacturing.
The image of the rock breakers in the upper left corner reads like a large-scale
painting, with the vanishing point receding into the distance, defining an expanse
of men and material set up in counterpoint to the caption, which describes a silicon
mine: All employees wear headscarves, since even the smallest hair can make a
[micro]chip useless. The pictures evoke traditions of European landscape paint-
ings of the Orient, which create sweeping visions of bodies in harems, at work, and
in battle. The Indians break rocks, carry boulders on their heads, and work at giant
turbines. In the text accompanying the pictures, the turbines are described as CD
ROMS and supercomputers. The figure in the bottom right corner is captioned as
the Bill Gates of Bangalore, who owns the license for the very successful operat-
ing system, Caste 2000. Such pictures extract Indian programmers from the con-
text of Indian higher education, middle-class expertise, and historical development
of the computer in India (Amrute 2010; Sen 2016). Instead, manual labor is framed
by cognitive value.
Such caricatures voice the racial threat that Indian programmers represent: that
they will bring with them to Germany primitive customs and ways of life that are
impossible to uphold in Europe. The image also mocks Germans who are xeno-
phobic. The titles and subtitles seem to raise questions about who might actually
worry about the Computer-Indians stealing German women. Titanic, as a satiri-
cal magazine, keeps the possibility open that people like the sociology student who
describe themselves as proimmigrant would see in this piece an exposure of the
untenable claims of anti-immigrant politics. Yet, under the cover of this mockery it
also renders a version of the Indian coder as a primitive individual who could not
possibly surpass Germans in technological acumen. As Achille Mbembe (2001)
writes in his discussion of Cameroonian political cartoons, caricature, through its
gesture toward comedy, masks the power of recursivity to solidify a negative image
of a population. This narrative helps naturalize divisions of labor in the office that
assign Indian coders backend grunt programming that is repetitive and is consid-
ered uncreative, like the software-testing work that Meenakshi does.
6. See, for comparison, Lilia Moritz Schwarczs penetrating analysis of Brazilian imperial
cartoon culture, where caricature reworked and revolutionized hitherto consensual
and naturalized public positions and images and gave form to major impasses and
contradictions (Moritz Schwarcz 2013: 31617).
Figure 1: The Computer-Indians: How far ahead of us are they? Titanic Magazine, 2000.
(Reproduced with permission.)
The second and third cartoons emphasize the otherworldly spirituality of the
Indian programmer. They compare Indian programmers as spiritual ascetics and
their hapless German employers. In the second image (fig. 2), the turbaned IT
worker tells the worried-looking German, The data havent disappearedtheyre
off wandering in a search for another computer. Also published in Zitty magazine
in 2000, the third image (fig. 3) shows a computer with a snake emerging out of a
basket as its screensaver. On top of the monitor sits a collection of small objects.
The caption reads, Because every monitor has to have figurines, soon there will
also be an Elephant God, a happy Buddha and Sikh Smurfs.
Figure 2: The data havent disappearedtheyre off wandering in a search for another
computer. Bernd Zeller, Zitty, 2000. (Reproduced with permission.)
The second cartoon explicitly compares the Indian IT worker and the German
everyman by means of bodily contrasts. The German boss is small and confused
looking, the Indian worker is turbaned and inscrutable. Between the two figures
is the white space of a request, and of an answer. The Indian IT worker tells the
joke; the joke shows up the technical incapacities of the German manager. This
white space seems to indicate a permanent separation between the two. Firstly,
that the German, who is technically challenged, and the Indian, who is technically
adept, will be kept apart by their differences, and assigned different roles in an of-
fice division of labor. Secondly, that the technical answers the Indian will provide
will be enigmatic and spiritual, corresponding to an Orientalist fantasy of what the
German national cannot comprehend.
The computer is a mysterious object not easily understood. The computers opera-
tor is similarly mysterious. The third image displays the everyday ephemera of the of-
fice, monitor figurines, replaced by the recognizable tropes of India, gods with many
arms and elephant heads, the Buddha, and Sikh Smurfs. This collapse between the
programmer and the machine is accomplished almost fully by the screensaver, which
fuses the Indian as mysterious snake charmer with the machine as unknowable.
Figure 3: Because every monitor has to have figurines, soon there will also be
an Elephant God, a happy Buddha, and Sikh Smurfs. Bernd Zeller, Zitty, 2000.
(Reproduced with permission.)
The interplay between the truth of the pictureswhich present India as defined
by manual labor and old machines, as well as fetish objects and spiritual enigmas
and the black and white spaces that enclose and enliven them suggests that the
value of Indian programmers (itself posed here as a contradiction) can be found
in the specialized labor they can do for a firm. While these caricatures destabilize
the true identity of Indian programmers, they also call into question the capabili-
ties of normative white (East) German male employers.
The final image (fig. 4) accompanies a four-page, full-color lifestyle article on
the prospect of Indian IT workers coming to Germany found in the national news-
paper Die Zeit. Surrounding a figurine of Apu, the Indian convenience store clerk
from the American cartoon The Simpsons, the text tells the reader, The first com-
puter experts are already here. But there is so much more that this far-off land can
teach us, finally to have good sex, ... to make more movies with happy ends, and
to stay calm through meditation regardless of what happens. The figure of Apu
Figure 4: Learning from the Indians: The first computer experts are already here.
But there is so much more that this far-off land can teach us. Die Zeit, April 6, 2000.
(Reproduced with permission.)
7. Such a tendency is evidenced by the magazine Charlie Hebdo, which recently opened
a sister branch in Berlin. Countervailing this tendency is the German Volkerhetzung
(Incitement) law, which legislates imprisonment for those who incite hatred against
national, racial, religious, or ethnic groups or individuals, or assaults human dignity by
maligning such groups or those who belong to them.
8. Though more traditionally translated as can, as with the English box, die Dose can be
slang for vulva: http://www.duden.de/rechtschreibung/Dose.
sexually experienced, according to its teller. These moments illustrate another path
of commonality not stressed in this article, the space opened up among women
outside the regimes of difference that might divide them at work though ribaldry
and assertions of sexuality that are neither about reproduction nor about confes-
sion (Ramberg 2014). Such joking happens in the interstices within the consolida-
tion of the Indian programmer as the alter, effeminate, male automaton.
the dates when Adi was issued a residence permit, when he became the responsibil-
ity of the case officer, when he lost he job, and when he was interviewed by the case
officer working on his visa. The letter went on to detail the extent of the rights to
which Adi was entitled to as a temporary tech worker in Germany. The bureaucrat
then wrote that Adis visa would not be renewed, and outlined the reasons why:
Because of the high population density and the duties of the Federal
Republic of Germany toward members of the states of the European
Union as well as members of other foreign states whot have taken up
permanent residence on federal territory, there is an official interest in
controlling the immigration and residence of members of foreign states.
Finally, the letter threatened Adi with extradition, and, in order to assure that the
German government was not putting him in any physical danger by returning him
to India, it noted that he could be extradited to another country that was bound
to accept him.
Adi and I parsed the official verbiage as we sat in the apartment he shared
with his wife Maya and their young son Krishna in a Berlin neighborhood called
Kreuzberg. We talked about the claims made by this particular bureaucrat. Adi was
irked by the power that this individual had over his case. Called Ermessensgerecht,
which could be glossed as discretionary authority, this provision of the law left
it up to the case officer to determine whether a visa would be issued.9 It was clear
from the language that the bureaucrat could have decided to extend his visa. We
focused on the reasons she had given, the high population density and the duties
of the Federal Republic of Germany toward members of the states of the European
Union as well as members of other foreign states.
There was no population density problem in Germany. Newspapers had been
reporting for years that the birth rate in Germany was sinking, to the detriment of
the country. Unless, of course, as Adi pointed out, she had meant that the immi-
grant population was too high in Germany. This was clearly a political issue, Adi
thought. He further opined that the letter revealed the anti-immigrant attitude of
most Germans. But he already knew this. He was most perplexed by the seemingly
arbitrary decision-making process. He thought that well-qualified technological
experts such as himself should be subject to a different, more logical, decision-
making process and not lumped together with all other immigrants.
After we finished talking about his letter, he thought for a while and with a quiet
smile hurried back over to his desk. He put into my hand a printout of an email he
received the previous week, and waited while I scanned its lines.
outsourcing announcement, Washington, D.C., read the byline:
Congress today announced that the Office of the President of the United
States will be outsourced to overseas as of August 30. The move is being
made to save $400K a year in salary, a record $521 billion in deficit
expenditures and related overhead.
The cost of savings will be quite significant, says Congressman
Adam Smith (R-Wash), who, with the aid of Congress research arm, the
General Accounting Office, has studied outsourcing of American jobs
extensively. We simply can no longer afford this level of outlay and re-
main competitive on the world stage, Congressman Smith said. Mr. Bush
was informed by e-mail this morning of the termination of his position.
He will receive health coverage, expenses and salary until his final day
of employment. After that, with a two week waiting period, he will then
be eligible for $240 a week from unemployment insurance for 13 weeks.
Unfortunately he will not be able to receive state Medicaid health
insurance coverage as his unemployment benefits are over the required
limit. Im in shock, Mr. Bush stated, I thought for sure Id have some
job security around here. I have no idea what Ill do now, he further
lamented.
Sanji Gurvinder Singh of Indus Teleservices, Mumbai, India, will be
assuming the Office of President of the United States as of September 1.
Mr. Singh was born in the United States while his parents were here on
student visas, thus making him eligible for the position. He will receive
a salary of $320 USD a month but with no health coverage or other
benefits....
A Congressional Spokesman noted that Mr. Singh has been given
a script tree to follow which will allow him to respond to most topics
of concern. The Spokesperson further noted additional savings will be
realized as these scripting tools have already been used previously by
Mr. Bush here in the US. Such scripts will enable Mr. Singh to provide an
answer without having to fully understand the issue itself.
Congress continues to explore other outsourcing possibilities, includ-
ing that of Vice-President and most Cabinet positions.
Adi explained that, for him, the joke poked fun at all the bureaucratic nation-states
and greedy corporations and their obsession with the Indian IT worker. It was
about refusing to take the world that Indian programmers operate in too seriously.
Because of the hype about the political costs of outsourcing, Adi believed, he was
refused a visa extension. At the same time, because it is hype, Adi knew he could get
another job. Within two months, he, Maya, and Krishna pulled up stakes, moved to
London, and Adi started his own company based on a business-processing applica-
tion to help firms keep track of their long-term clients.
Adis outsourcing parody disfigures a social worldit both renders and it
rends, as Didi-Huberman suggestsby pushing to the limit what is possible
when value is produced through services rather than material production, and
in an economy where competitive advantage is produced by providing these ser-
vices as cheaply as possible. At a certain point, the joke seems to say, answering
a customer service complaint and answering the complaints of state will begin
to blur and look the same. This moment of comedy plays up the automation
of bureaucracy in its disregard for individual life (Bergson [1911] 1999), and
thus demonstrates the extent to which cognitive economies will go in the drive
toward lower costs and greater profit margins, making nation-states themselves
subject to the laws of surplus value. The formalism of Adis outsourcing an-
nouncement mimics the formal tone of the bureaucratic letter that threatened
him with extradition.
Using the genre of a newspaper article, the joke circulates in a parody of a piece
of authentic news; the writerly conventions of journalism produce tension between
the reality of the news report and its unbelievable content.10 The unknown author
interlards the faux article with knowing winks to the audience that heighten the
comedic tension in the text.11 The name of the congressman, Adam Smith, is a nod
to the author of The wealth of nations, one of the founding fathers of capitalism.
The copy also pays homage to the rules and regulations that affect nonnational la-
borers and have become a staple of the experience of diasporic Indian IT workers.
It points out why, for instance, the Indian worker is eligible to be president (he was
born in the United States while his parents were there on a student visa) and reveals
when President Bushs health care and unemployment benefits will expire (thirteen
weeks). The theme of cost saving surfaces throughout, including the small salary
($320) the Indian president will make.
For Adi, this materialized black comedy cancels out the sting of the letter from
the visa office. He is reassured that it is all just farce, the life of the IT worker is a
tale, told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing. Adi uses the joke to
point out the absurdity of the very economy in which he works.
As in Angelique Haugerds study of satire in American anticapitalist activism
(Haugerd 2013), this hyperrealistic parody unearths the status quo and the rhetori-
cal tropes that undergird it. Imagining a world only slightly more absurd that the
one they inhabit, where stand-ins for POTUS and the German chancellor could be
reached via automated call scripts, uses this mode of parodic overidentification to
extend the logic of outsourcing, thus revealing its highly regimented ridiculousness
(Boyer and Yurchak 2010: 191; Yurchak 2013: 252). This sentiment is heightened
when Adi juxtaposes the joke with, in his opinion, the equally ridiculous letter
from the visa office. The strict adherence to the form of a newspaper article al-
lows for the content of the jokethe replacement of President Bush with an Indian
worker in Mumbaito appear credible and, in the process, reveals the petty injus-
tices (lack of benefits, race to the lowest wage) of the actual, everyday workings of
the software outsourcing industry. Unlike the public addresses in the Jon Stewart
and Stephen Colbert shows that Boyer and Yurchak analyze, this joke circulates
within a more limited counterpublic, where its ability to rupture the perceived way
of doing things confronts the need to find ways to thrive within the status quo.
Such humor operates on multiple fronts to create adjustments to the uneven
politics of the worlds that IT workers traverse. Within the world of corporate IT
labor, Indian programmers create their own value through the performance of
their future potential. Programmers produce surplus value for the companies who
employ them through their coding work. From their vantage point, they can also
recognize the devaluation of their labor as uncreative (Amrute 2014b).
Two further jokes explicitly made light of the immateriality of new economies
and the immoderate demands such economies make of migrant coders. On an eve-
ning after a long week of work in 2004, twelve young people between the ages
of twenty-five and thirty-two, some from Delhi, some from Mumbai, most from
Just as the Hindu patriot surveying India today turns to a scriptural past as an an-
tidote to historical belatedness, the programmer who is expected to squash bugs
or write code on time and on budget has to rationalize complications and missed
deadlines.
Another comedic interlude surfaced when a group of Indian IT workers who
had become close friends were on the way to one of their weekly expeditions to
different parts of the city. A programmer named Mayur Reddy was baptized dur-
ing a late-spring picnic in Berlins Treptower Park with a moniker he would never
be able to shed. His phone kept ringing. He was on call with his support team that
Sunday and had to be available to answer questions about his companys product
or come into the office if necessary. Each time his phone chirped, he picked it up
and walked a few feet away. By the third time, someone shouted out, Hey, Mobile
Ready, what are you answering the phone all the time for? Mobile Ready is a
pun on Reddy, his last name, and it became his permanent nickname. Each time
after this when he mentioned his job, he would be teased ruthlessly for always hav-
ing his mobile ready to be reconnected (Berardi 2009) to the siren song of his
office. Mobile Readys fellow programmers endorsed comedys demand to leave
work behind. As one final example shows, humor that provides a critique of work
is counterbalanced by humor that establishes the professional supremacy of Indian
programmers established through access to software work.
points where different bodies and machines meet. Pixelations describe, hide, and
condition the asymmetry between the elements conjoined, both representing and
distorting (M. Fuller 2008: 150). They provide simultaneously broadbrush and
granular visions about the connection between humans and things. By centering
these renderings in analysis, the ontological approach to humannonhuman rela-
tionships gains connective tissue. The renderings of these relationships on screen
show how humans and nonhumans are enrolled in creating particular orderings of
the world. Exploring how a humannonhuman relationship comes to support and
suspend a particular world adds a dimension to the otherwise flat relationship be-
tween human and nonhuman beings, which is necessary in addressing the ongoing
effects of power on bodies.
Jokes, parodies, and comedic ironies slow the rush of capitalist labor and make
concrete the logics that underpin it. As an affective, embodied practice, humor, like
music, provides a venue for shaping personhood and conduct in terms that grasp
both the ineffable nature of cognitive economies and the material embodiment of
economic form (Brennan forthcoming). Analytically, programmers jokes can both
be heard for the satirical critique they make of racialized migration regimes and
precarious labor conditions, and listened to for the space they clear that remains
undecided on how best to engage with these economies.13
Humor reveals the injuries of bodily labor in cognitive economies, where bod-
ies and machines are stitched together imperfectly. Along these sutures, humor
reveals a class of bodies that are created just like machines even as those very bod-
ies question the capitalist demand for the ceaseless valuation of their cognitive and
affective capabilities. Source code editors like the one programmers use when they
bug test render code visible. Retorts on clever and stupid cooks render one vision
of humans and things even while they materialize others. The toggle between these
renderings and the underlying code happens across a social field, as humans and
technologies in their particularity are entangled, disentangled, and fused.
Acknowledgments
Support for this research was provided by the Wenner-Gren Foundation, the Simp-
son Center for the Humanities at the University of Washington, the Fulbright
Foundation and the Social Science Research Council. Special thanks go to Kathryn
Zykowski, Jennifer Dubrow, Vicki Brennan and the journals anonymous reviewers.
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Sareeta Amrute
Department of Anthropology
University of Washington
314 Denny Hall
Box 353100
Seattle
WA98195-3100
USA
amrutes@uw.edu