Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A Thesis
Presented to the
and the
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Faculty of the Graduate College
University of Nebraska
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In Partial Fulfillment
By
November 2008
UMI Number: 1470654
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THESIS ACCEPTANCE
Supervisory Committee
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Supervisory Committee Chair
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I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Dr. Herbert Craig, and the chair of the
Dams Kropp. I would also like to thank the members of my thesis committee, including
Dr. Anita Hart, Dr. Christa Jones, and Dr. Nyla Ali Khan, as well as Dr. Kathryn Benzel,
who provided me with support and advice. Also, a special thanks goes out to Cherie
DeFreece, secretary of the Department of Modern Languages, who was always happy to
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emotional support and babysitting. This project could not have been undertaken, let alone
completed, without them. This includes my mother, Camilla Roark, my father, Dr. James
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Roark, my husband, Abdullah Alhagagi, and my dear friend, Sue Schuyler. Thank you
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all!
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Abstract
This thesis will first investigate the construction of Gitano identity in literature
and film by non-Romanies and will then contrast mainstream Gypsy discourse with the
Tony Gatlif, himself of Spanish Gitano descent, has long provided a voice for
Europes Romani (Gypsy) populations and continues this tradition with his film, Vengo.
Gatlif reflects the history and challenges the stereotyping of Romanies through an
exploration of their oral, musical, and kinesthetic systems of expression. The director
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questions the European custom of romanticizing Gitano life by confronting it directly. He
takes on the essentialized Gitano themes of revenge and bloodlust that have a
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longstanding tradition in the works of writers such as George Borrow, Prosper Mrime,
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Federico Garca Lorca and of directors like Carlos Saura. In contrast to these
conventional narratives, Vengo allows Spains Romani population to speak for itself,
communicating collective identity by means of the art forms to which they are most
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closely connected: flamenco music and dance. Gatlif creates complex characters whose
Table of Contents
Conclusion..... 124
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Notes.. 126
Film, Vengo
Director Tony Gatlif, himself of Spanish Cal (Gitano) descent, has long
provided a voice for Europes Roma (Gypsy) populations and continues this tradition
with his 2000 film, Vengo. In this work, Gatlif reflects the history of flamenco and of the
Cal people who have been the chief purveyors of this art form in contemporary times. In
so doing, the director challenges long-held stereotypes of Spains Gitano population. The
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directors unfiltered lens captures Cal music and dance, which flows out of a collective
memory of injustice, an injustice that has affected the Romanies as well as the other
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persecuted groups that are associated with the genesis of flamenco. The director
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questions the Spanish custom of romanticizing Gitano life by confronting it directly.
Gatlif takes the stereotypical Gitano themes of revenge, passion, and bloodlust that have
a longstanding tradition in the works of writers such as Federico Garca Lorca and
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reclaims them by giving them a first-person perspective. Gatlif allows Spains Roma
population to speak for itself through its music and dance, which are not merely a stylized
form of entertainment, as in the films of Carlos Saura,1 but are part of daily Gitano life,
taking the viewer from the lewd environs of a nightclub brothel all the way to the heights
This thesis will first examine the essentialist nature of the conventional
Eurocentric Gypsy narrative, thus underscoring the significance of Gatlifs work within
dominant culture. The history of the Romanies of Europe, with more specific emphasis
placed on the Cals of Spain and the art of flamenco, will be explored within the context
of Tony Gatlifs films. The deconstruction of Gitano stereotypes that takes place in
Vengo will be compared with the more well-known depictions of Cals in literature and
film by the likes of Federico Garca Lorca and Carlos Saura. Finally, the very soul of
Vengo, its underlying spiritual content, will be investigated, as Gatlif uncovers the sacred
essence of a people who have been accused of lacking religion. In Vengo, the faith of the
Romanies grows out of and is reflected in the music that they create.
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Romanies have long been politically, socially, and economically marginalized as
participation in the mainstream society. This prohibition, along with a fierce sense of
Romani pride in the traditions that make their community culturally distinct, has led to a
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reclusion of Romani people that has worked to perpetuate the aura of mystery and to
heighten the sense of romance that has been attached to Romani identity by non-
Romanies.
It is important to begin by clarifying some of the nomenclature that has long been
associated with the Romani people; although the origins and consequences of this
understanding of these words from the start. The word Gypsy is considered highly
derogatory, not only because it has grown out of a misinterpretation of Romani origin but
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Gypsy is a misnomer; the Romanies of Europe have been mistakenly called Gypsies
throughout the centuries because they were believed to have been wandering penitents
from Egypt on religious pilgrimage in Europe (Gypsy comes from the word
Egyptian). By posing as pilgrims from Little Egypt, the Romanies were granted safe
passage through much of Europe, even possibly gaining a letter of support from Pope
Martin in 1423 (Kenrick, Dictionary 202). As new immigrants to the continent, the
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security, however fleetingly. Other spellings and words that have resulted from this
misunderstanding are Gipsy, Gitano, Sipsiwn, Ijito, Gjupci, Yiftos, and Gitan (Hancock,
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Romani People 1). Another term, Tsingani (also Cingano, Cikan, Zigeuner and ingene),
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came from Byzantine Greek (Atsingani) and signified the dont touch or hands off
people. Because Romanies were seen to keep a distance from everyone else, they were
The (mis)use of the word Gypsy has developed several other permutations and
the g, thus implying that it is not an ethnic designation, but rather a life-style descriptor.
The word is used in this manner to name all class of wandering people or to imply a wild,
freewheeling way of life, neither of which is related to ethnicity. When presented merely
as a gypsy, the Romani individuals very existence and history are brought into
question. In his book, We are the Romani People, noted Romani scholar Ian Hancock
initial letters, and writing Gypsy as gypsy has only reinforced the
ethnicity. (xxi)
Gypsy is also a word that takes on mythical connotations; gypsies are often portrayed
as being akin to elves, fairies, witches, trolls, and other magical, make-believe beings,
further working to undermine the fact that the Romanies comprise a socio-linguistically
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distinct group of people. These fallacies continue to marginalize a people whose struggle
to attain basic human rights is deeply compromised by the widespread view held by those
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outside of the community that gypsies are merely inventions of fiction.
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However, even when recognized as a real, historically and linguistically separate
class of people, the Romanies continue to be pursued by the relentless imaginings of the
they are carefree and colorful dancers and musicians who avoid work and read palms;
they are dangerous and mysterious knife-wielding bandits. To gyp someone is used in
the English language to express the act of swindling an innocent and gyp is taken
directly from the word Gypsy. These portrayals get at the heart of an even deeper
problem for the Romanies of Europe: an inability to escape how the Gypsies are
imagined within the European collective popular mind. Within this particular Gypsy
paradigm, the problem that is evident in what Katie Trumpener refers to as the cultural
her article, The Time of the Gypsies: A People without History in Narratives of the
West, Trumpener goes on to explain the unique nature of the Romani dilemma:
In the depictions of the press and of mass culture, in literature written for
realize that the Gypsies are a real and sizable population living as a still-
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threatened minority in Europe and North America, but also a refusal to
Romani. Romani (plural Romanies) is used as a singular noun, an adjective, and is also
the name of their language. In his book, Roma: The Punjabi Emigrants in Europe, Central
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and Middle Asia, the USSR and the Americas, W. R. Rishi gives one possible etymology
of the word Rom (from which the word Romani derives) as coming from the Sanskrit
Rama in Sanskrit has the following meaning . . . One who roams about[,]
Rishi explains that Rama was also the son of a great Hindu king and belonged to the
royal Kshatriya (warrior) class. This is significant because many contemporary scholars
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now believe that the Romanies of Europe are descendents of the Rajputs and/or Jats,
which are both warrior castes of India. In the Hindu tradition, Rama was himself a
wanderer, roaming in the forests for fourteen years while in exile. Rishi concludes that
the word Rama came to mean wanderer because the Jain sources held him to be the
As the tongue that is spoken in various dialects by past and present Romani
people, Romani has Indo-Aryan roots; the Romani language has allowed linguists to
determine that the true place of origin of the Romanies is Northern India and not Egypt.
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Linguists have also been able to use the Romani language to establish various routes that
the Romanies followed out of India, as well as to roughly calculate the amount of time
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spent in each region as the Romanies passed through Persia, Central Asia, the Middle
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East, Armenia, and Turkey on their way into Europe. Genetic proof is now available to
While nine centuries removal from India has diluted the Indian biological
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connection to the extent that for some Romani groups it may hardly be
The term Romani is considered to be more dignified and respectful not only because it is
refer to non-Romanies as gadze (singular gadzo); this expression is not a proper noun,
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People xxii).
As mentioned above, the word Gitano, like the word Gypsy, is also a
misnomer; when the Romani people entered Spain in the fifteenth century, they were
mistakenly thought to have come from Egypt (Gitano was derived from Egipciano). In
Spain, Romanies often refer to themselves as Cals (a Romani word meaning black;
singular: Cal; feminine: Cal) and to their language as Cal; for this reason, the term
Cal will be used to talk about the Romani populations of Spain except within
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quotations, or when discussing the various stereotypes that are associated with the word
Gitano (Kenrick, Dictionary 37). Also, the concept of race, when used to imply that
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collective differences are the result of pre-determined biological factors, has been proven
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to be unfounded; therefore, when used in this thesis, the word race will be employed as
a designator of a shared sociolinguistic and historic legacy rather than to imply some sort
Western Gypsy fantasies for the actual shape of Romani lives in Europe (Trumpener
848) will be scrutinized in this thesis, it is important to draw a distinction from the
For the viewer to fully understand the impact of the films of Tony Gatlif, a Cal
filmmaker who interprets Romani themes, on the greater Romani community, his work
must first be placed within the larger context of European Gypsy scholarship and
Romani origins began with the resurgence of European interest in philology in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and with researchers newly created quasi-scientific
superiority of Europeans and inferiority of everybody else. Edward Said describes these
newly energized scientific pursuits in detail, and many of the ideas contained in
Orientalism can just as easily be applied to the Romanies who were (and are) after all, the
boundaries between the Occident and the Orient by European pseudo-scholars and in
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turn by the rest of European society. In the case of the Romanies, these boundaries have
been not only physical in their denial of space (Romanies have never been made to feel
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welcome on European territory), but also psychological in scope; Romanies as Gypsies
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have been both mythologized and maligned. From the time that the first anti-Romani
laws were passed in Europe, laws which made it legal to enslave Romanies (first
recorded in Romania in 1385) and laws which challenged the Romanies very right to
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exist by ordering their expulsion (the first of such laws was introduced in Switzerland in
1471), their forced deportation (first introduced in Portugal in 1538), their forced
sterilization (first introduced in Czechoslovakia in 1972), and even their execution (first
separate from and unequal to other Europeans. It is irrelevant that Romanies have been
residents in continental Europe since at least as far back as 1290, when they arrived in
Greece from Byzantium; they have consistently been viewed and treated as unwelcome
Although the aforementioned laws (far from being a complete list) have obviously
been devastating to Romani identity, both the academic and fictional portrayals of
Romanies in Europe have been equally destructive and perhaps much more difficult to
alter, since there is no concrete harm or physical scarring which the Romanies can
identify. The hegemony that has been put into place by the dominant culture attacks the
basic identity of the Romani while simultaneously trapping the Romani individual within
its confines. Even though this essentialism damages the Romani collective psyche and
leads to further bias on the part of the gadze, it continues to flow unchecked through
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childrens stories, like Walt Disneys The Hunchback of Notre Dame, as well as other
media. Ian Hancock describes the dual nature of the discrimination against the Romani
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people, emphasizing the negative consequences of the psychological aspects of this
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discourse:
legislation, such as that enacted against the Romani people in almost every
factual and fictional. This last category, the portrayal of Gypsies in poetry,
film and novels, is the most effective in establishing such negative feelings
because they are absorbed by children at a time when they are most
The Romanies of Europe, like other Orientals, face an assault on two fronts; they are
not only required to overcome an onslaught of harmful legislation, but they must also
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fight a tenacious psychological battle to take back their very identities from gadze
oppressors. The psychological component of the Romani struggle is directly related to the
the Romani population, as well as to the fiction that such erudition engenders. This
the films of Tony Gatlif, which have worked in direct opposition to the hegemonic
The Romani collective identity has long fallen victim to the whims of European
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fantasy and it is more than evident that in literature these resident others have been
dealt with based on assumptions of their inherent inferiority. Edward Said asserts that the
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Orientalist creates an Orient based on his own prejudices and fantasies and always
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conceives of this Orient as subordinate to the Occident. In European popular perception
the Romanies have been painted romantically as magical, seductive, free, and wild
thieves, beggars, charlatans, and kidnappers. Both sets of notions imply the difference,
and by extension the inadequacy, of the Romani outsider when compared to other,
real Europeans.
Just as the Orientalist is mainly concerned with the glorified and romanticized
past of the Oriental culture which he studies, and bemoans the state of backwardness into
which the Orientals of contemporary times have fallen, many Europeans romanticize
their perceptions of the Romanies of the past, wishing that the Romanies of today would
quit their urban, sedentary lifestyle and return to their nomadic ways of yesteryear. After
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an earlier idyllic, rural way of life (Hancock, The Romani People 64). Hancock goes on
to explain that the created gypsy persona is the result of . . . a combination of the
racial hierarchy (65). Gypsy scholars and other writers, especially those belonging to
the Romantic movement, have done much to glorify the image of this mysterious
Gypsy of bygone days, who traveled in caravans and told fortunes, while doing very
little to correctly reflect, much less improve, contemporary Romani reality, which has
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more often than not been one of poverty and social exclusion (Trumpener 869).
While the Orientalist disregards the reality of the Oriental and instead seeks to
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define the Orient by essentializing and exoticizing it (thereby rendering it more easily
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comprehensible and less threatening to the European mind), so too the Gypsy scholar
simplifies the Romani and reduces him to easily definable and recognizable
characteristics. These stereotypes are then further perpetuated in literature and film,
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unable to break out of as they have historically been utterly excluded from the dialogue
of their identity. The Gypsy scholar, like the Orientalist, sets up an us versus them
economic, and territorial authority. According to Said, the role of the scholar in the
So far as the strictly scholarly work was concerned (and I find the idea of
thought about the Orient, it always rose from the specifically human detail
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could never revise itself. (96)
As with other Oriental populations, the Romani identity of today remains chained to a
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distant, romanticized past which, until relatively recently, was repeatedly validated by
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Gypsy scholars. Today, European writers and directors have tended to stick to this
Gypsy script, continuing the scholars work by creating characters that conform to their
audiences expectations: wandering Romanies who steal, read palms, seduce, and settle
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scores at knife-point. In the shared subconscious of the dominant culture, the Romani
remains a seductress, a savage, a traveler, and a thief; this is the predicament of the
modern Cal, who tries to wash the blood of the rival from his hands or who struggles to
free herself from the dogma of Carmen. The contemporary Romani must work to
negotiate a new place for himself or herself within present-day Europe. In seeking to
achieve this position, one that more authentically reflects the Romani reality, Romanies
must battle scholars and writers alike as the very identity of the Romani people is at
stake.
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To discover the basis for the current popular notions about Romanies, it is
necessary to return to the original source of much of the information: the early
scholarship related to the Romanies and their language. Romani Studies as it exists today
owes much to the grammars of the Romani language, which were inaccurate more often
than not, that were written by evangelists and scholars alike. Generally speaking, these
investigations were not undertaken to improve the lives of the Romanies or to open
channels of communication between the Romanies and the gadze; instead, Gypsy
scholars used Romani to demonstrate the inferiority of the language, and thereby of its
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speakers, or to underscore the Romanies pagan tendencies in order to justify the
saving of Romani souls. By unlocking the mysteries of a language that was long
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thought to be merely a thieves tongue rather than a properly evolved idiom, both
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religious and scholarly approaches sought to confirm already fossilized opinions about
the Romanies. Gypsy scholarship defined Romani identity according to its own
Eurocentric prejudices about the community, and therefore did little to lessen the divide
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between Romani and gadzo and much less to ameliorate the condition of the Romani
people as a whole. The acquisition of the Romani language instead became a tool to
justify the well-entrenched stereotypes as well as the institutionalized injustices that the
Romanies had already endured for centuries. As the Orientals of Europe, the Romanies
were also seen as absolutely different from other Europeans and were reduced to a
student, Vyli Stefn, overheard some exchange students from India discussing the
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ancient Indian language, Sanskrit. Stefn knew some Romani laborers and had learned
some words and phrases in their idiom; upon hearing the Sanskrit words, he immediately
recognized a connection to the Romani language (Hancock, Romani People 2). In 1776,
the first article on the Indian origin of Romani was published in Austria and in 1888, the
Gypsy Lore Society was established in England (Kenrick, Dictionary xxiii, xxiv).
written by men whose reason for learning the exotic language was to aid in their
attempted proselytism of people who were viewed to be lacking in faith. Evangelist and
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pseudo-grammarian George Borrow was one such man; he translated St. Lukes Gospel
into Romani in 1837 and first published The Zincali: An Account of the Gypsies of Spain
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in 1843 (Kenrick, Dictionary xxiii). In this work he describes his time spent amongst the
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Romanies of Spain and also provides a basic (and deeply flawed) grammar of the Romani
language. His book was so popular that Borrow followed it up with several other works
expert on all things Romani, as what Said refers to as a cultural decoder, to whom the
rest of the gadze, who clearly lack Borrows personal experience with the subject matter,
can turn in trying to make sense of such a strange and mysterious people as the
Romanies. Although George Borrow purports to have the Romanies best interests at
heart, his contempt for them is never far beneath the surface of his self-righteous
evangelism. Like Edward Lane in Egypt, George Borrow gains the trust of the Romanies
their language (something that very few other gadze have bothered to take an interest in),
he is able to pass himself off in Spain as a Romani man from England. But in spite of the
continuous hospitality that is shown to him by the Romanies, whom he secretly writes
about, and in spite of his own deceptive behavior, Borrow is constantly reminding the
reader of The Zincali: An Account of the Gypsies of Spain that the Cals are not
trustworthy, that they are considered at best as thievish chalans, and the women as half
sorceresses (167). In using expressions like wild beast (138), grotesque (138),
demons (150), wicked-looking (169), and Gypsy hag (171) to reference the
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Romanies that he supposedly wants to rescue from eternal damnation, Borrow forces the
reader to question his claimed motives. He takes giddy pleasure in relating the bizarre
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and licentious tales that are alleged to be firsthand accounts of his life amongst the
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Romanies. The objectivity of his research is dubious at best, and one is compelled to
wonder instead if these wild tales were invented to help sell his books; Borrows The
Zincali: An Account of the Gypsies of Spain so titillated the gadzo readers of his day that
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he wrote several sequels, which were also wildly popular with his European readership.
Borrow contends that he is an objective observer recounting only facts, but he perpetuates
myths that were already in circulation about the Romanies, like that they were headed by
Counts or Kings (55), even though such rumors about the Romanies have turned out
Deutsch 94)
Borrow is not only a spy, he is also a voyeur; although Borrow insists on the
unwavering chastity of Romani women (one of the few compliments that he allows the
race), he nevertheless delights in describing the Cal womans perceived sensuality; here
The Gypsy women and girls were the principal attractions to these visitors
[Spanish hidalgos and nobility]; wild and singular as these females are in
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their appearance, there can be no doubt, for the fact has been frequently
proved, that they are capable of exciting passion of the most ardent
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description, particularly in the bosoms of those who are not of their race,
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which passion of course becomes the more violent when the almost utter
more licentious in word and gesture, in dance and song, than the Gitanas;
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but there they stop: and so of old, if their titled visitors presumed to seek
those who expected that the gem most dear among the sect of the Roma
This passage reveals not only a less than pious outlook on the part of Borrow, who
supposedly was, after all, a savior bringing the Gospel into heathen enclaves, but also a
now familiar complete lack of objectivity with regard to his subject matter. Borrow
casually depicts his Cal hosts as being seductresses and knife-wielders, as in the excerpt
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allegations were not enough, Borrow insists that the Romanies have no religion, that they
are a godless people who have forsaken their ancient Indian creed and have failed to
replace it with the Christian dogma of their adopted European lands. Apparently the
Cals of Spain need a vulgar-minded gadzo to explain the finer points of Christianity to
Even while Borrow constantly notes that the Gitanos in general are very poor
and repeatedly describes their hovels and ghettos, like Triana, a Cal neighborhood in
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Seville, the most creative Christian act that Borrow is able to come up with to alleviate
their wretched condition is to preach the Gospel to them (164). Although his attitude
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demonstrates time and again that he does not believe that his Cal subjects are capable of
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comprehension (especially of a subject which is spiritual in nature), Borrow nevertheless
trudges on with his proselytizing, with his arduous and unthankful task of distributing
the Gospel among [the Romanies] (7). His attitude is paternalistic and self-indulgent; he
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is saving them, he is enduring personal discomfort and even incarceration in order to lift
their wretched souls out of darkness. Borrow describes the reaction of his little
When I had concluded I looked around me. The features of the assembly
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were twisted, and the eyes of all turned upon me with a frightful squint;
not an individual present but squinted . . . Such are the Gypsies. (211)
In his zeal, Borrow does not stop to consider that perchance his congregation was
humoring him by letting him preach, or that conceivably, being content with their own
form of spirituality, these Romanies had no need of his wholesale religion. Maybe the
assembled Cals squinted out of pity for this unorthodox English Gypsy rather than
out of an incomprehension of his words. Borrow holds on to the hope that in spite of the
stony nature of the ground onto which he casts his Christianizing seeds, that perhaps
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some of the seed that [he] scatter[s] may eventually spring up and yield excellent fruit
(205). Borrow narcissistically concludes: Of one thing I am certain: if I did the Gitanos
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no good, I did them no harm (205). This last statement is more than debatable, for while
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Borrows evangelism may not have left physical scars on the Cals, his books about them
were most certainly injurious. The stereotypes that his factual, insiders account of
Romani life concretized have continued to leave their mark on the Cal psyche up to the
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present day. Borrows books on the Romanies would serve as source material for
contemporary writers and in turn for future filmmakers, insuring that the essentialist
hijacking of Romani identity would continue well into modern times, entertaining gadzo
As Said explains, What Orientalists . . . and other pioneers made available, the
literary crowd exploited (168). So too the literary crowd turned to George Borrow for
creative inspiration. For Romantic writers who could not afford the expenses associated
with extended travel in the Orient, the Spanish Cal proved a suitable substitute for the