third edition Aso) oalee across the lifespan a AN INTRODUCTION Ola W. Barnett Ostatehval Dam\Vell (eyes exevuural Robin D. Perrin CS)OPEN-ACCESS RESOURCES ps Sanat onthe new Student Study Site | third edition will help you prepare for class andexams' | F amily Vi ol ence www.sagepub.com/bamett3e across the lifespan ¢ Practice quizzes and flashcards reinforce key course concepts and terminology ° Video links enrich your understanding of family violence ¢ A“Learning From SAGE Journal Articles” feature allows you to read recent, relevant articles from SAGE's leading research journals ¢ Web resources present additional information on important topics and trends in family violencethird edition Family Violence across the lifespan AN INTRODUCTION Ola W. Barnett Cindy L. Miller-Perrin Robin D. Perrin Pepperdine UniversityCopyright © 2011 by SAGE Publications, Ine, Al rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or ‘mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Forinformation: SAGE Publications, Ine, SAGE Publications India Pvt, Ltd, 2455 Teller Road B1/11 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area ‘Thousand Oaks, California 91320 Mathura Road, New Delhi 110 044 E-mail: order@sagepub.com India SAGE Publications Lt. SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pe, Ltd, 1 Oliver’ Yard 33 Pekin Street #02-01, 55.City Road Far Bast Square London ECLY 1SP Singapore 048763, United Kingdom Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Barnett, Ola W. Family violence across the ifespan :an introduction / Ola Barnett, pcm, Includes bibliographical references and index, ISBN 978-1-4129-8178-1 (pbk.) 1. Family violence. 1. Mille-Pertin, indy L. (Cindy Lou), 1962- Il. Perrin, Robin D. 1. Title, iyL.Miller-Perrin, Robin D, Perrin —3rd ed, H1V6626,B315 2011 362.82'92—de22 2010032332 ‘This book is printed on acid-free paper. wu RBM 0987654324 Acquisitions Editor: Kassie Graves 7 Associate Editor: ‘Leah Mori Editorial Assistant: Courtney Munz Production Editor: Astrid Virding Copy Editor: Terri Paulsen Permissions Editor: Adele Hutchinson Typeseter: C&M Digitals (P) Led. Proofreaders: Scott Oney, Dennis Webb Indexer: Molly Hall Cover Designer: Bryan Fishman Brief Contents Case Histories Preface Acknowledgments About the Authors 1. History and Definitions of Family Violence 2. Research Methodology, Assessment, and Theories of Family Violence 3. Child Neglect and Psychological Maltreatment 4. Child Physical Abuse 5. Child Sexual Abuse 6. Abused and Abusive Adolescents 7. Dating Aggression, Sexual Assault, and Stalking: Primarily Unmarried, College-Age Individuals 8. Abused Heterosexual Partners: Primarily Women. 9. Abusive Heterosexual Partner rimarily Men 10. Abused and Abusive Partners in Understudied Populations: Cross-Cultural, Immigrant/Ethnic/Racial, Rural, Same-Sex, and Military Groups 11, Adult Intimate Partner Violence: Practice, Policy, and Prevention 12. Abuse of Elderly and Disabled Persons Abbreviations Glossary References Author Index Subject Index 39 83 139 195 249 305 361 41s 469 527 583 639 643 635 773 825Detailed Contents Case Histories Preface Acknowledgments About the Authors 1. History and Definitions of Family Violence Violence in Families Intrafamilial Nonfatal Abuse Intrafamilial Fatal Abuse Why Are Families Violent? Discovering Family Violence: How Social Conditions Become Social Problems Discovering Child Maltreatment: The Historical Context Discovering Intimate Partner Violence: The Historical Context The Co-occurrence of Child Maltreatment and Marital Violence International and Understudied Groups in the Discovery of Family Violence Defining Family Violence: Understanding the Social Construction of Deviance Definitions Corporal Punishment Defining Rape Defining Family Defining Violence Defining Family Violence Legally Defining Farnily Violence ‘Monetary and Other Costs of Family Violence Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues Intervention Strategies Common Myths About Family Violence Goals of This Book Chapter Summary Discussion Questions wRene 10 18 18 nD 22 22 22 23 23 24 25 26 29 33 36 36 37 2. Research Methodology, Assessment, and Theories of Family Violence Studying Family Violence: A Mult Sociological Research Social Work Research Criminological Research Psychological and Psychiatric Research Public Health and Medical Research Neuroscience and Genetics Research Legal Research Cross-Cultural/Global Inquiry Biobehavioral Research: An Emerging Field Interdisciplinary Science Expansion of Federal Government Research Section Summary “Theoretical Explanations for Family Violence Macrotheory: Explaining Pasteras of Family Violence Microtheory: Explaining the Behaviors of Individual Violent Family Members Correlates and Single-Factor Variables Related to Family Violence ‘Multidimensional Theories Section Summary ‘Methodology: How Researchers Try to Answer Questions ‘About Family Violence Sources of Data Assessment and Research Design Issues Family Violence Scales and Measurement Issues Statistical and Evaluation Matters Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues Research Issues Practice Issues Advocacy Issues Policy Implications Section Summary Discussion Questions iplinary Effort 3, Child Neglect and Psychological Maltreatment Scope of the Problem What Is Child Neglect? Definitions of Child Neglect Typologies of Neglect Cross-Cultural Abuse Section Summary 39 40 3 3 5 45 45 SaaR 49 55 57 57 58 60 63 o7 2 75 75 78 80 80 80 82 83 84 84 85 89 93Prevalence/Incidence of Child Neglect Official Estimates Self-Report Surveys Section Summary Effects of Child Neglect Early Neglect Unique Effects Expanded Research on the Effects of Neglect Attachment Difficulties ‘Minnesota Longitudinal Study Cognitive and Academic Deficits Emotional and Behavioral Problems Physical Consequences Section Summary Characteristics of Neglected Children and Their Families, Characteristics of Neglected Children, Disabled Children in Eastern Europe Characteristics of Neglectful Parents Parent-Child Interactions Section Summary Child Psychological Maltreatment Lack of Focus on Child Maltreatment Scope of the Problem Section Summary Children Exposed to Interparental Violence Co-occurrence of Child Abuse and Domestic Violence Defining Exposure to Interparental Violence Prevalence of Exposure to Marita! Violence Effects of Children’s Exposure to Interparental Violence Section Summary Characteristics of Maltreated Children and Their Families Characteristics of Maltreated Children Resilient Children Characteristics of Maltreating Parents Section Summary Explaining Child Neglect and Child Psychological Maltreatment Parenting Problems in Neglectful and Psychologically Maltreating Families Section Summary ‘Methodological Issues Pertaining to Effects Research Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues Practice (Treatment) for Child Neglect and Psychological Maltreatment Section Summary Policy Issues Section Summary Discussion Questions 93 93 94 95 95 98 98 100 101 101 102 103 104 104 104 105 106 112 2 12 13 14 14 116 7 17 17, 1s 1s 19 120 123 123 125 126 130 132 136 138 4. Child Physical Abuse Scope of the Problem What Is Child Physical Abuse? Definitions of Child Physical Abuse Physical Punishment and Child Rearing Physical Discipline—The Debate Section Summary Prevalence/Incidence of Child Physical Abuse Official Estimates Injuries Child Death Review Teams Neonaticidal Mothers Self-Report Surveys Trends in Rates of Physical Abuse Section Summary Effects of Child Physical Abuse on Children Long-Term Effects Associated With Child Physical Abuse (CPA) Physical and Mental Health Criminal and Violent Behavior ‘Substance Abuse Socioemotional Difficulties ‘Mediators/Moderators of Abuse Effects Expanded Discussion of Individual Effects of Child Physical Abuse ‘Medical and Neurobiological Problems Cognitive Problems Behavioral Problems Difficulties Related to Psychopathology Research Issues Section Summary Characteristics of Children Who Are Physically Abused Age Gender Related Variables Race Characteristics of Adults Who Physically Abuse Children Age Gender and Parental Type Race Relationship of Perpetrator to the Abused Child Nontraditional Parenting Psychological, Interpersonal, and Biological Characteristics of Adults ‘Who Physically Abuse Children 139 140 140 Mi 142 1422 145 146 146 147 148 148 149 150 151 152 154 154 154 155 155 156 157 157 159 159 162 163 163, 164 164 165 165 165 167 167 167 168 168 169 170Expanded Discussion of Psychological, Interpersonal, and, Biological Characteristics of Adults Who Physically Abuse Children Biological Factors Emotional and Behavioral Characteristics of Perpetrators Family and Interpersonal Difficulties of Perpetrators Section Summary Explaining Child Physical Abuse ‘The Individual Psychopathology Model—Mentally It Parent The Difficult Child Model Parent-Child Interaction Model Social Learning Theory Situational and Societal Conditions Stress Cultural Acceptance of Corporal Punishment Risk Factors for Child Physical Abuse Polyvictimization/Overlapping Risk Factors Protective Factors That Reduce Likelihood of Abuse Contemporary Theories of Child Physical Abuse Section Summary Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues Practice (Treatment) for CPA Policy Toward Physical Child Abuse Research Issues Prevention of Child Physical Abuse Grandparenting Section Summary Discussion Questions 5. Child Sexual Abuse Scope of the Problem What Is Child Sexual Abuse? Defining Sexual Abuse Normal Touching Prevalence of Child Sex Abuse Disclosure Variability ‘Memory Issues, CSA, and Disclosure Estimates of Child Sexual Abuse Official Estimates Self-Report Surveys Trends in Reported Child Sexual Abuse Section Summary Searching for Patterns: Characteristics of Victims and Perpetrators Characteristics of Sexually Abused Child Victims Characteristics of Child Sexual Abuse Perpetrators Section Summary 171 7 7 a7. 172 173 173 176 7 178 178 179 180 181 182 182 182 183 183 183 188 191 191 192 193 194 195 196 196 197 200 200 200 202 206 206 208 209 210 210 210 214 218 Dynamics and Consequences Associated With Child Sexual Abuse Dynamics of Child Sexual Abuse Child Pornography Prostitution Effects of Child Sexual Abuse Initial Effects Long-Term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse Explaining the Variability in Effects of CSA Reactions to Disclosure Section Summary Explaining Child Sexual Abuse Focus on the Victim Focus on the Offender Focus on the Family Focus on Society and Culture Integrative Theories Section Summary Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues Practice (Treatment) Issues Policy for Child Sexual Abuse Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse Section Summary Discussion Questions 6. Abused and Abusive Adolescents Parental Abuse of Adolescents Defining Adolescent Maltreatment Types of Maltreatment Timing of Maltreatment Prevalence of Parent-to-Adolescent Physical/Psychological Abuse Consequences of Adolescent Maltreatment Risk Factors for Parent-to-Adolescent Maltreatment Explaining Parent-to-Adolescent Maltreatment Sexual Abuse of Adolescents Definition of Caregiver-to-Adolescent Sexual Abuse Context and Relationship to Offender of Sexually Victimized Adolescents Prevalence of Sexual Abuse of Adolescents Practice, Policy, and Prevention of Adolescent Maltreatment Abuse of Parents by Adolescents and Parricide Nonfatal Abuse of Parents Adolescent-to-Parent Violence Versus Parricide Prevalence of Family Murders Matricide Analysis Explaining Adolescent-to-Caregiver (Parent) Abuse 219 219 221 221 222 222 225 227 228 228 229 230 230 234 234 235 235 236 236 242 244 247 248 249 250 251 251 252 252 253 256 237 257 237 258 259 260 262 262 263 264 264 265Sibling Abuse Definitions of Sibling Abuse Attitudes Toward Sibling Abuse Prevalence of Sibling Abuse Sibling Sexual Abuse Definitions of Sibling Sexual Abuse Prevalence of Sibling Sexual Abuse Consequences of Negative Psychological, Physical, and Sexual Sibling Interactions Characteristics of Sibling Abusers Explaining Sibling Psychological, Physical, and Sexual Abuse Practice, Policy, and Prevention for Abusive/Abused Siblings Practice With Sibling Abusers Policy for Sibling Abuse Section Summary Effects of Family Abuse on Adolescent Interpersonal Relationships Juvenile Delinguency Bullying Adolescent Dating Violence Definition of Dating Violence (DV) Prevalence of Dating Violence Risk Factors for Dating Violence Consequences of Dating Violence Adolescents’ Responses to Dating Violence Helpseeking Among Teen Dating Violence Victims Characteristics of Adolescents Who Are Violent in Intimate Relationships Explaining Dating Violence Legal Issues for Victims of Psychological/Physical Dating Violence Dating/Intimate Sexual Assault Prevalence Consequences of Dating Sexual Abuse Explaining Sexual Abuse From Peers Legal Issues Concerning Dating Sexual Abuse Same-Sex Assaults Among Adolescents Same-Sex Adolescent Development Prejudice/Victimization of GLBT Youth Medical Screening Practice, Policy, and Prevention for Dating Violence Practice Policy Prevention of Dating Violence and Sibling Abuse Section Summary Revictimization Discussion Questions 265 265 267 267 268 268 270 270 272 272 274 274 275 277 27 278 279 281 282 283 285 286 286 286 287 287 290 291 291 292 292 292 293 293 294 295 295 295 296 298 301 303 304 7. Dating Aggression, Sexual Assault, and Stalking: Primarily Unmarried, College-Age Individuals Factors in Prevalence Estimates of Dating Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking Dating Violence Defining Dating Violence ‘Mutual/Reciprocal Dating Violence Prevalence Estimates of Dating Violence Consequences of Dating Violence Explaining Dating Violence Traits of Individuals Involved in Dating Violence Attitudes Toward Dating Violence Treatment of Dating Violence Policy-Dating Violence Prevention Section Summary Sexual Assault, Sexual Coercion, and Rape Defining Sexual Assault Prevalence Estimates of Sexual Assault Women’s Responses to Sexual Victimization Criminal Justice System Responses Attitudes Toward Sexual Assault Traits of Individuals Involved in Unwanted Sexual Behaviors Consequences of Sexual Assault ‘Medical Responses to Sexual Assault Explaining Sexual Assault Treatment of Sexual Assault Policy—Sexual Aggression Prevention of Sexual Assault Section Summary Stalking Defining Stalking Prevalence Estimates of Stalking Miscellaneous Findings Consequences of Stalking Traits of Individuals Involved in Stalking Victims’ Responses to Stalking Explaining Stalking Practice, Policy, and Prevention of Stalking Section Summary Same-Sex Dating Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking Cross-Cultural Dating Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking 305 307 308 308 308 309 310 310 315 316 317 318 318 320 321 322 324 326 326 328 330 330 332 333 336 336 337 339) 341 341 343, 345 345, 345 348, 348, 349 351 353 354Ethnic Dating Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking NCVS Racial/Minority Prevalence Rates of Nonlethal Assaults Asian/Latinas—Dating Violence Ethnic Comparisons—Dating Violence/Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) Stalking Counseling Services Alcohol/Drug Consumption Associated With Dating Violence and Sexual Assault Resistance Strategies Alcohol-Related Treatment Discussion Questions Note 8. Abused Heterosexual Partners: Primarily Women Blaming Victims of Intimate Partner Violence Blaming by Partner Blaming by Society Blaming by Professionals Blaming Oneself Attitudes of Faith Community Leaders Section Summary Consequences of Violence and Victimization Fear Stress, Trauma, Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, and Curmulative Stress Health Problems Coping With Violence The Hostage Syndrome, Traumatic Bonding, and Attachment Learned Helplessness Versus Survivor Theory Perceived Control Psychological/Brain Disorder Effects of Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence Section Summary Employment ‘Male-to-Female IPV and Barriers to Employment Welfare Assistance Dilemmas Section Summary Criminal Justice System Responses to Intimate Partner Violence Legal Issues Arrest Policies Law Enforcement/Victim Interactions Criminal Justice System Processing Prosecution of MEIPV Perpetrators Judicial Behavior and Decision Making Section Summary 357 357 358 358 359 359 359 359 359 360 360 361 361 363 363 364 366 367 368 368 369 370 372 373 374 376 378 379 380 381 382 383 385 385 386 390 393 395 395 396 398 Effects of MFIPV on Battered Women's Lives and Their Leave/Stay Decisions Leave/Stay Decision-Making Process Do Battered Women Stay? Dangers of Leaving an Abusive Partner Economic Dependence and Its Diffuse Impact Society's Inadequate Support for Battered Women Responses by Faith Communities Welfare Failures and Leave/Stay Decisions Shelters and Transitional Supportive Housing and Leaving Emotional Factors in Leave/Stay Decisions Section Summary Male Victims of Intimate Partner Violence (FMIPV): How Much of a Problem? Cluster Analysis of Male and Female IPV-Involved Individuals Discussion Questions Notes 9, Abusive Heterosexual Partners: Primarily Men Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence (MFIPV) Sociodemographic Characteristics of Batterers Definitions of Intimate Partner Violence and Abuse Comprehensive Government-Crafted Definitions Defining MFIPV Through Factor Analysis Patterns of IPV Estimates of Intimate Partner Violence Homicides/Suicides/Familicides Sexual Assault Psychological/Emotional Abuse of Intimate Partners Nonlethal Assault Estimates Section Summary \ Attitudes and Classifications of Batterers Society's Attitudes Toward Batterers Batterers'Attributions for Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence Johnson's Violent Couple Categories Individual Differences (Traits) Between Batterers and Others Denial and Minixiization Anges; Hostility, and Intermittent Explosive Disorder (TED) Depression, Self-Esteem, Shame, Guilt, and Humiliation Lack of Awareness/Automaticity Empathy Attachment Difficulties and Emotional Dependence Jealousy Marital Dissatisfaction/Satisfaction Section Summary 398 399 402 402 403 404 405 407 4 4l2 414 414 414 415 416 416 417 418 418 419 420 420 42. 422 425 426 427 aay aay 428 430 431 431 434 435 436 436 438 442 443Becoming and Remaining a Batterer: Causes of MFIPV 444 Social Support 505 Socialization 445 Differences in Leave/Stay Decisions 506 Verbal Skills/Communication 448 Section Summary 506 Alcohol/Drug Abuse and Battering 449 Rural Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence 507 Stress, Emotions, Mood States, Trauma, and Law Enforcement 508 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) 451 Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence 508 Biology and Genetics 453 Sociodemographic Comparisons 510 Personality Disorders 455 Help-Seeking and Services Available 510 Similarities and Differences Between Partner-Violent-Only Men Section Summary sil and Other Violent Men 456 Same-Sex Intimate Partner Violence (SSIPV) sil ‘Typologies of Male (MEIPY) Perpetrators 457 Estimating the Prevalence/Incidence of Same-Sex 1PV 514 Section Summary 459 Partner Violence 516 Female-to-Male Intimate Partner Abuse (FMIPV) 461 Individual Differences (Traits) of Homosexuals 517 Self-Defensive Female Violence (Violent Resistance, VR) 462 Consequences of Same-Sex Intimate Partner Violence 519 ‘Motives for FMIPV 463 Section Summary 520 Correlates of Female-to-Male IPV 465 ‘The Military and Intimate Partner Violence 521 Battered Women Who Kill 467 Section Summary 526 Section Summary 467 Discussion Questions 526 Discussion Questions 468 11, Adult Intimate Partner Violence: Practice, Policy, and Prevention 527 10, Abused and Abusive Partners in Understudied Populations: Cross-Cultural, Abused Partners: Practice, Policy, and Prevention —Primarily Women 528 Immigrant/Ethnic/Racial, Rural, Same-Sex, and Military Groups 469 ‘National Domestic Violence Hotline: }-800-799-SAFE 528 Cross-Cultural Intimate Partner Violence 470 ‘Agency Practices 528 Africa 473 Social Support 529 Asia 475 Psychotherapists’ Practices 531 Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Tajikistan 480 General Counseling Topics for Battered Women 531 Middle East 481 Policy 535 Europe 484 Prevention Strategies 543 Russia 5 487 Research Needs 545 Latin America 488 Section Summary 545; North America 491 Abusive Adult Partners: Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues 547 Section Summary 492 Practice 547 Immigrant and Ethnic/Racial Intimate Partner Violence 494 General Targets of Batterer Counseling 458 Immigrants 494 Policy 558 Ethnic/Racial Minorities 495 Prevention 561 Laws Affecting Immigrant Women 495 Section Summary 565 Prevalence of Intimate Partner Violence Among Racial/Ethnic Groups 497 ‘Treatment for Female-to-Male Intimate Partner Violence Perpetrators 566 Distinctive Features of Immigrants and Minority Intimate Partner Violence 497 Cross-Cultural Practice, Policy, and Prevention, 568 Disclosure Patterns 500 Practice 569 Trait Comparisons 500 Policy 570 Immigrant and Ethnic Batterers 501 Practice, Policy, and Prevention Among Immigrant/Ethnic/Racial Groups 571 Motives for Intimate Partner Violence 502 Practice 571 Differences in Attitudes Toward the Criminal Justice System 503 Policy 573 Consequences of Male-to-Female Intimate Partner Violence 503 Prevention 574Practice, Policy, and Prevention Among Rural Battered Women Practice Policy Prevention Practice, Policy, and Prevention for Same-Sex Intimate Partner Violence Practice Policy Prevention Practice, Policy, and Prevention in the Military Practice Policy Prevention Discussion Questions 12, Abuse of Elderly and Disabled Persons Introduction Scope of the Problem Defining Elder Abuse Examples of Specific Abuses Attitudes Toward Abuse of Elderly Persons Prevalence of Elder/Adult Abuse Prevalence of Abuse in Rhode Island Prevalence of Elder Abuse in Two National Random Samples of Elders Prevalence of Elder Abuse Reported to State APSs: Abuse of Adults 60+ Years of Age Types of Injuries and Estimates Consequences of Elder Abuse Health Consequences Reactions of Professional Practitioners Section Summary Searching for Patterns: Who Is Abused and Who Are the Abusers? Characteristics of Abused Elders Characteristics of Elder Abusers Explaining Abuse of Elderly Persons Social Learning Theory Social Exchange Theory Stress and Dependency Theories Abuse by the severely mentally il (SMI) Revictimization studies Section Summary Practice, Policy, and Prevention Issues 575 375 375 577 578 578 578 379 580 580 581 581 582 383, 584 585 586 587 588 590 592 592 593 594 594 594 594 595 596 596 508 600 600 601 601 603 604 604 605 Practice Issues for Treating Elder Abuse Social Services (APS) Responses to Elder Abuse Policy Issues for Combating Elder Abuse Community Involvement Prevention Social Support/Social Connectedness Section Summary ‘Same-Sex Elder Abuse: Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgendered Elders Cross-Cultural Elder Abuse Prevalence of Cross-Cultural Elder Abuse Asian Countries Israel Spain United Kingdom Ethnic Elder Abuse African Americans American Indians Chinese Americans Korean Americans Cultural Competence Abuse of Disabled Persons Defining Disability Attitudes Toward Disabled Persons Estimates of Abuse of Disabled Persons Sexual Assault of Disabled Persons Perpetrators of Abuse of Disabled Persons Criminal Justice System Responses Characteristics of Disabled Victims and Their Abusers Disclosure of Abuse and Help-Secking Activities Practice, Policy, and Prevention Abuse in Nursing Homes (Long-Term Care Facilities) Discussion Questions Abbreviations Glossary References Author Index Subject Index 605 607 613 618 620 621 623 625 626 627 627 627 627 627 628 628 628 628 628 629 629 629 630, 630 632 632 633 633 633 634 634 638 639 643 655 773 825Case Histories jen and Lori—Making Up Is Not Hard to Do : Not in My Backyard anita’s Broken Heart and Broken Body fill and Mark—Where Are the Parents? Brian and His “Stupid” Son, Mikie Emmanuelle—Young and Alone Kenny Fell Off of His Razor juliet —A Neonaticidal Mother indrea Yates: The Devil Spoke to Her Love Her but Is She a Nymphomaniac”? Iberto—“I Knew What She Wanted” ‘ave —“Society Doesn't Understand Children’s Sexuality” yantrell and the Dirty Laundry Case History: Tough Love or Psychological Maltreatment? Case History: Country Singing Star Billy Currington Confronts the Past. Case History: Revenge Is Sweet Case History: Claudia and Roberto’s Last Dance at the High School Prom. Case History: “I Just Want to Be Me” Case History: Ivana and Bruce—Teaching Her a Lesson Case History:“I Was Raped; [ WAS RAPED!” Case History:“Rape”—A Word That Dare Not Be Spoken Case History: Mary and Her Date at a Fraternity Bash Case Histor isa—For Better or for Worse Case History: Hedda Nussbaum—When the Protector Needs Protection Case History: Sophia and Boris—Lockdown Case History: She Was Her Husband’s Pet Case History: Karen and Richard Graves ‘i and Bernadette—When a Little Slap Is a Knockout Punch ree Kirkman— Getting Even With the Woman You No Longer Love Kevin and Kim—“She Didn't Clean the Lint Trap” Case History: Zaida and Kumar—“TI Just Bopped Him One” 31 39 83 104 125 139) 149 175 195 223 231 231 241 250 261 267 281 294 305 325 326 330 361 362 375 377 386 415 427 438 461 Case History: Mark and Cheryl—Running for Our Lives, Case History:“Let’s Rape Her 'Til She's Normal” Case History: Awaiting the Birth of a First Baby is a Joyous Occasion Case History: Honor Killing in New York. Case History:“Donit Send Me Back” Case History: The Rain Man Case History: Wendy Calls a Hotline Case History: J Can‘t Let Him Leave Me Case History: Terry and Her Disadvantaged Life Case History: Jenny and Jeff J —Dwindling Assets, Dwindling Devotion Case History: Melvin and Charlie—The Voices Told Him to Do It Case History:“They Laughed at My Genitals” CASE HISTORIES 463 470 490 496 501 522 528 534 541 583 602 625 xxiPreface amily violence is not a new phenomenon—it has probably existed in families since the ‘beginning of time. Only in modern times, however, has society begun to recognize violence against family members as a social problem. ‘The well-publicized findings of multiple fractures appearing in the X-rays of abused chil- dren by Dr. C. Henry Kempe of Colorado propelled the problem of child abuse into public view. ‘The advent of the women's movement in the 1970s helped spawn the battered women’s shelter movement. The vast number of reports of family violence made to the police and other officials also heightened concern about abuse of children, dating partners, spouses, and elders. Family violence research has expanded across the globe, illuminating the vastness of the problem of violence. Now, the World Health Organization expends considerable effort on reduc- ing violence against women and children. Some of these atrocities have come to light through the media coverage of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. With worldwide attention focused on family violence, Human Rights Conventions (documents containing stipulations for govern- ‘ment action) have incorporated authoritative language to protect women and children. Progress within the field of family violence has been rapid. Many grassroots organizations, ‘mental health workers, researchers, iawmakers, legal and medical professionals, criminal justice authorities, book writers, and the media have mobilized their efforts to understand the phe- nomenon of family violence. In the past three decades, the general public has become familiar with family violence through news coverage of highly publicized cases, television programs, and movies. At the same time, researchers have made great strides in recognizing the scope of family violence and the context in which it occurs. Despite these advances, academicians have only examined the “tip of the iceberg” of this crisis. Family Violence Across the Lifespan, 3rd Edition has been written to continue the“discovery”. of violence between intimates. There is a great need to go on with the work of bringing the topic into the mainstream of public knowledge. To achieve these goals, the book draws together a voluminous research literature that describes the magnitude, consequences, and causes of family violence. The amouat of published research available since the first edition (1997) and the second edition (2005) of the text has tripled, if not quadrupled. The third edition includes a new chapter on abused and abusive adolescents and another on abused and abusive adult partners in understudied populations. The chapter on understudied populations incorporates scholarship on abused persons among marginalized groups. These populations include rural ‘women, disabled individuals, same-sex couples, military adults, immigrant/ethnic groups within the United States, and cultures worldwide, Other topics cover the social and professional responses to family violence, including clinical treatments, educational efforts within schools, xxii social service agency practices, governmental policies, criminal justice system procedures, and policy and prevention efforts. Because of the breadth of the topic and the enormous amount of available literature, the chapters present a broad overview and summary of research findings, Throughout the volume, the focus has been on providing responsible scholarship by presenting data relevant to both sides of a debatable issue. Along the way, graphic case histories have enlivened statistical accounts, and controversial topics frequently appear within boxed inserts, For readers who are interested in obtaining further details on specific topics, there are additional resources in appendixes and on the book's website (www.sagepub.com/barnett3e). Inparticular,the glossary appendix aids readers in understanding unfamiliar phrases and statistical nomenclature. Its inclusion facilitates readers’ access to a broader coverage of the field. Another appendix contains abbreviations (acronyms) of the names of organizations and phrases used by researchers. These appendixes will simplify the reader’ task of understanding the research findings. ‘We hope that we have presented the content in such a way that readers can find their own personal roles in the struggle to end family violence. We invite you, our readers, to contact us to express your impressions of the book, to send us your personal case histories, or to provide us with additional references and resources. Furthermore, we hope the book offers information to victims and perpetrators that will change their lives for the better. Finally, we hope this text in some measure decreases the isolation and suffering of victims and ultimately contributes to solutions to end family violence. Ola W. Barnett indy L.Miller-Perrin Robin D.Perrin PREFACE Se Oe xxiiiAcknowledgments irst, we wish to acknowledge Kassie Graves, senior acqui at Sage Publications, and C. Terry Hendrix, consulting editor, for reviving the prospects, ofa third edition of the text. Their expertise in recognizing and shaping changes in the third edition expended the scope of the content to include a more global approach. Without their proficiency and guidance, the book would not have become available to academia and the public in general. Weare also grateful to the instractar-reviewers ofthe second edition for their analyses of the book’s content. Their extensive knowledge of the field and constructive com- ments provided new insights and directions for the third edition. ‘Another person we wish to thank is Carol V. Harnish, who read and reread chapters from “common man's” (woman's in this case) perspective, adding clarity to the scientific writing style. She also collected current case histories and up-to-date newspaper stories that helped bring the topic of family violence tolife. Among her many contributions was the important idea ofa glossary of unfamiliar terms as an appendix to the book. The original authors ofthe research discussed in this volume are among those who deserve recognition for helping to create the field of family violence. tis their knowledge and dedication that has laid the foundation for the text. They have not rested on their laurels but have soldiered onward always trying to prevent one more victimization, one more shattered life. Although sometimes disagreeing with each other's methodologies or research interpretations, these professionals are totally united in their commitment to ending family violence. They serve as ‘models to the generation of scholars to follow. In general, we wish to thank the survivors of family violence who provided data for family violence researchers, even when doing so was painful. These men, women, and children seldom receive the acknowledgment they deserve, We are grateful to the staff of Sage Publications for executing the many detailed tasks that accompany publication of a book this size. They are a noteworthy team of experts. Finally, we thank our families who supported us during the many long months of writing. "The publisher and the authors thank the following who reviewed earlier drafts of this book: Dr.Kathryn A. Branch, University of Tampa |. Michael Cruz, Southern Methodist University Ronald Dolon, Ball State University George W. Holden, Southern Methodist University Jan Ricks, LISW, ACSW, University of Cincinnati ‘Melanie Shepard, University of Minnesota-Duluth xxiv About the Authors Ola W. Barnett is a Distinguished Professor Emerita of Psychology at Pepperdine University, Malibu, California. She earned her undergraduate and doctoral degrees in psychology at the University of California Los Angeles, specializing in learning. Her initial research centered on batterers and her later work on battered women and dating violence. She has coauthored two editions of a best-selling Sage book (with A. D. LaViolette) on why battered women stay with abusive partners: It Could Happen to Anyone: Why Battered Women Stay. These books provide a scientific explanation grounded in learning theory for understanding the obstacles battered women face in trying to break free of their violent relationships. Cindy Miller-Perrin is Professor of Psychology and Blanche E, Seaver Professor of Social Science at Pepperdine University in Malibu, California, She is also a clinical psychologist and has worked with developmentally delayed, maltreated, and other troubled children and their families. She has coauthored two other books, including Child Sexual Abuse: Sharing the Responsibility (with S, Wurtele, University of Nebraska Press, 1992) and Child Maltreatment: An Introduction (with R Perrin, 1999,2007).She is also the author or coauthor of numerous articies and book chapters on topics including child sexual abuse prevention, perceptions associated with child maltreatment, family violence, and psychology and religion. She enjoys teaching and researching with under- graduates and is the recipient of the 2008 Howard A, White Award for Teaching Excellence, She has also received honors for her research, including the 2008 Pro Humanitate for a paper published in Child Maltreatment, She recently served as the President of the Section on Child Maltreatment of APAandis currently servingas Member-At-Large for Division 37 Society or Child and Family Policy and Practice. She received her doctorate from Washington State University in 1991 and completed postdoctoral studies in child clinical psychology at the University of Washington, Robin D, Perrin is currently Professor of Sociology at Pepperdine University in Malibu, California. His research interests and publications are in the areas of family violence, devi- ance theory, the social construction of social problems, and the sociology of religion. He is the coauthor of two other books: Social Deviance: Being, Behaving, and Branding (with D. Ward & ‘T.Carter, 1991) and Child Maltreatment: An Introduction (with C. Miller-Pervin, Sage, 1999). He is also the author or coauthor of numerous articles on a variety of topics, including the satanism scare, the growth of conservative churches, the relationship between religious com- mitment and honesty, and religion as deviant behavior. He teaches Introduction to Sociology, Introductory Statistics, Deviant Behavior and Social Control, and Sociology of Religion and is. the recipient of the 2004 Howard A. White Award for Teaching Excellence. He received his doctorate in sociology from Washington State University in 1989. Following his doctoral stud- ies he was assistant professor of sociology at Seattle Pacific University in Seattle, Washington, xxv ere re a Ce OOCHAPTER 1 History and Definitions of Family Violence May 14, 2009, Daily Press (Victorville, CA): On Mother's Day, sheriff's deputies discovered 2 94-year-old woman living in a wooden shed with no running water or cooling. The depu- ties arrested her 59-year-old son Ronald Rego and his wife for elder abuse. They were living on the property in a travel trailer. Adult protective services placed the woman in the house of a neighbor who was willing to take her in ("Calif. Husband, Wife,” 2009). May 21, 2009, Sun News (Myrtle Beach, SC): A woman told police that het husband tied her up with duct tape, assaulted her, and tried to kill her with a roach-killing gel. After other abuses, he asked her if she was “ready to meet her maker.” Police arrested her 24-year-old husband for intent to kill, criminal domestic violence, and kidnapping ("SC Husband Jailed,” 2009). June 6, 2009, Santa Fe New Mexican (Santa Fe, NM): A 22-year-old father-to-be, Marino Leyba, intentionally killed his unborn son by shooting his 17-year-old wife in the stomach and upper torso. He also shot the mother's father after bursting into his father in-law’s, apartment. Although the district attorney could prosecute Lebya for two murders, she could not lawfully prosecute him for killing the fetus. There was no law against killing a baby in the womb, she said "Police: NM. Suspect,” 2009), May 7, 2007, Houston Chronicle (TX): Two young women thought they could manage the persistent unwanted attention of their ex boyfriends. They were wrong. Rachel Pendray, a 20-year-old Sam Houston University cheerleader, died when the man she rejected (Continued) Unless otherwise noted, all ofthe case histories presented in this volume come from our own personal knowledge ‘of the cases described, which we have gathered through our experience as researchers and practitioners inthe feld ‘of family violence. Also, unless otherwise noted, all ofthe names used in these case histories are pseudonyms.(Continued) shot her and then killed himself. Tynesha Stewart, a 19-year-old Texas A&M freshman, disappeared during a spring break. Her ex-boyfriend later admitted to choking herto death, dismembering her body, and burning the remains in his apartment barbecue pit. Although both men were controlling, constantly e-mailing, and showing anger, no one recognized the warning signs ("Ignoring Warning,” 2007). he newspaper articles cited above represent a sample of the diverse stories about family violence that recently appeared across the United States. Although news media accounts of family violence often represent the most sensational cases, there is no reason to believe that the particular stories above are in any way unique, Because of sensationalism in the media, readers hear little about the commonplace, routine violence that occurs within families. To comprehend the complexity of family violence, this text offers an examination of family violence that is both comprehensive and scientific. Even though this chapter serves as a preview, readers will be able to grasp a deeper understanding of many different issues associ- ated with family violence. A list of some of these issues is as follows: (a) the estimates of the different types of assault, (b) the scientific research involved, (c) the various theories that try to explain family violence, (4) the definitions, (e) the various forms of abuse, (f) the physical and psychological consequences of family violence, (g) current treatments for both victims and perpetrators, and (h) various policy recommendations aimed at ending family violence. The first chapter begins by considering two important questions: “When (and how) did family violence come to be recognized as a social problem?” and “How is family violence defined?” ‘The successive chapters in the text will round out the information presented here. VIOLENCE IN FAMILIES Society tends to think of the family as a relatively safe place, a safe harbor, a place of sustenance and care, It is a place where spouses love each other and their children. Regrettably, this view of families is idealized. Far too often, families are a source of maltreatment and violence. How common is child abuse, sibling abuse, abuse of parents, dating abuse, spouse abuse, and elder abuse? For a variety of reasons, this question is very difficult to answer. First of all, there is little agreement on exactly what constitutes family violence. Even when definitional consensus is achieved, however, the fact remains that most family violence occurs behind closed doors. It is often hidden, unnoticed, and ignored. As a result, it does not come to the attention of authorities and become part of official estimates. In addition, victims may not recall abuse, may not perceive the behavior as abusive, may not wish to disclose the abuse, or may not even be able to report the behavior. Given these numerous impediments, any statistics on family violence shouid be interpreted with a degree of caution; most are underestimates. In actuality, there is simply no way to know with certainty how much family violence exists in society. ‘There are a number of data sources that provide a sense of the scope of the problem. Some, for example, monitor the number of criminal assaults, while others record the number of FAMILY VIOLENCE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN rT homicides. With the advent of computers, governmental organizations have inaugurated one ‘or more electronic databases to better track family violence. A few of the standard and newer ‘government systems are the following: CCevrens For Disease ConTROL AND Namiowat Catto Asuse ano Nester Dara System Prevention (CDC) (NCANDS) Nartonat Istrrure oF Justice (NI]) Nartowat Cewre For INjuRY PREVENTION AND Conrnot (NCIPC) Your Risk Betavion Syste (YRBS) Namiowat Euectronic Injury SunvEWLaNce Sysvem (NEISS) Fepenat. Bureau oF Investication (BI) USS. Deparment oF Heaur AND Human Services (DHHS) "Narionat Cainte Vicrisazarion Survey (NCVS) -Moratorry an Mortatsry Weexy Review (MMwr) US. Depaetwent oF Jusnice (DOJ) Benaviorat Risk Facto Sumvel.Lance Syste, (BRESS) Nationa: Comoratorry Survey (NCS) ‘Aporriow & Foster CaR ANALYSIS & Reporine Svstem (AFCARS) Namiowat Viotenr Dear Reporting [Nariowat Survey oF CrtpRen Expose System (NVDRS) ‘10 Viowrnce (NarSCEV) [NariowaL IncipeNt-Basep REPORTING ‘Sysrem (NIBRS) In addition, there are a number of surveys conducted by university academics and by nongov- ernmental agencies. few of these are the following: ‘National Famity VioLence Surveys (NFVS) ‘SrveRITY oF VIOLENCE AGaINst WOMEN ScaLes (SVAWS) [Namionat Viowence Acamsst WoMEN Nationa Sunvey oF Fant ‘Survey (NVAWS) fs an HouseHOLDs (NSFH) intrafamilial Nonfatal Abuse The statistical summaries on family violence that follow document that women and children are ‘more likely to be victimized in their own homes than they are on the streets of America’s most violent cities (Bachman & Saltzman, 1995; Hotaling, Straus, & Lincoln, 1990). Family violence has significant ramifications for a number of personal, societal, and health problems that affect people in the United States (e.g., A. S. Jones, 2000). Overall, family interactions comprise the single greatest determinant of an individual's level of violence outside the home. Children who are abused, or who witness violence, are far more likely to engage in violence themselves, both as children and when they are adults. CHAPTER 1 HISTORY AND DEFINITIONS OF FAMILY VIOLENCE a GO OO OG GO OO© Child maltreatment. US. Department of Health & Human Services (DHHS; 2009) specified that for the year 2007, social service agencies across the United States received approximately 3.5 million reports of child maltreatment, a rate of 10.6 per 1,000 children. The 2007 rate of abuse is below the all-time high of 15.3 per 1,000, which was recorded in 1993. Parents were the perpetrators of the abuse in 80% of these cases. © The National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000b) found that 52% of adult women and 66% of adult men in the survey sample reported being assaulted as children by adult caretakers. ‘© The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS; Rand, 2009), based on telephone interview data, reported that 255,630 rapes occurred in 2006. Strangers perpetrated 39.196,and intimates perpetrated 60.9%. Of those raped, 22.9% were 18 to 20 years old and 22.89% were 21 to 29 years old. The NVAWS (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000b) found that rape by an intimate partner occurred against nearly 10% of women. ¢. The NVAWS (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000a) presented data on intimate partner violence (IPV) showing that 22% of women and 7% of men reported experiencing IPV at some point in their lifetimes. Intrafamilial Fatal Abuse © The US. Department of Health & Human Services (2009b) estimated that in 2007 approximately 1,760 children in the United States died as a result of abuse and neglect. Of these children, 42.2% were under the age of 1 year and 75.7% were under the age of 4. One or both parents caused 70% of the fatalities. The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP; US. Department of Justice, 2006) reported that of juvenile murder victims with known offenders, 39% were killed by family members, 46% by acquaintances, and 15% by strangers. Surveillance for Violent Deaths—The National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS—within the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC]; Karch et al., 2009) tabulated 616 deaths of intimate partners with 16 states reporting. Of these, 370 (60.1%) were females and 246 (39.9%) were males. The largest number of victims and offenders were in the 35 to 44 age range. ‘© Surveillance for Violent Deaths —The NVDRS (Karch et al.,2009) found that of homicide- suicide deaths, 1PV problems preceded the crimes in 73.0% of the cases (see also Felthous et al.,2001; see Regoeczi, 2001, for Canadian IPV homicides). The US, Bureau of Justice Statistics (2007) summarized gender differences among homicide victims from 1976 to 2005. For females, intimates killed 30.0%, family members killed 11.79, known acquaintances killed 21.8%, strangers killed 8.8%, and unknown assailants killed 27.7%. FAMILY VIOLENCE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN For males, intimates killed 5.3%, family members killed 6.7%, known acquaintances killed 35.6%, strangers killed 15.5%, and unknown assailants killed 37.89%. © The National Center for Injury Prevention and Control (CDC, 2007) reported that in 2005, homicide was the fourth-leading cause of death for children ages 1 through 11. Combined homicide-suicide.In combined homicide-suicides, a perpetrator commits suicide after killing others, most often an intimate partner. The perpetrators may also kill their children, in-laws, romantic partners of the victim, and others. related category of deaths are the col- lateral deaths of family and friends. Inaclaims-making move, scholarsinthe state of Washington asserted that family homicide rates ought to include these collateral deaths occurring with an IPV homicide/suicide (Washington State Coalition Against Domestic Violence, 2000). Because of family violence researchers interest in these IPV-related deaths, statisticians are now begin- ning to tabulate the frequencies of these occurrences. WHY ARE FAMILIES VIOLENT? Al families have tensions, and all families may occasionally resolve these tensions in inappropri- ate ways. Even the best parents and the most loving couples display inappropriate behaviors. They sometimes lose their tempers, say intentionally hurtful things to one another, raise their voices when arguing, and even lash out physically. In many respects, aggression isa normal i.e,common and culturally approved) pact of family life. Since these behaviors are so common and widespread, one has to ask“Why? and “Why are women and children so often the ones who are victimized?” Structural factors. Many structural factors make families particularly prone to violence. One of these is the amount of time family members spend together, which increases the opportunity for violence. In addition, power differentials often exist among family members, and those who are less powerful runa greater risk for victimization, Children are subordinate to parents, wives often must be subordinate to husbands, and sometimes elderly parents are subordinate to their adult children. Further complicating matters is that children and women usually cannot fight back; nor can they always choose with whom they will or will not interact. Children are dependent on their parents,and wives are very frequently dependent on their husbands. Whereas many interpersonal conflicts can be resolved simply through the dissolution of relationships, most family relationships are protected by law and are not so easily severed. Even when child maltreatment comes to the attention of authorities, states are reluctant to break up families. Instead, authorities give dysfunc- tional famities multiple opportunities to change. Finally, the privacy and autonomy traditionally granted to families make violence relatively easy to hide (Brinkerhoff & Lupri, 1988). Idealization of the family. Levesque (2001) asserts that the problem begins with an idealized notion of the family. This image of the family includes several beliefs: (a) parental rights super- sede children’s rights; (b) parents can and should have control over the development of their children; (c) family members will actin the best interests of children and elderly parents who are incapable of caring for themselves; (d) families rooted in traditional cultures are strong CHAPTER 1 HISTORY AND DEFINITIONS OF FAMILY VIOLENCEfamilies, even if some of their customs justify family violence; and (e) families have the right toprivacy and autonomy, even if this right results in harm to vulnerable members. This percep- tion of the family serves to “justify what otherwise could be construed as violent, abusive, and worthy of intervention” (p.5). Family norms. There is little doubt that family norms, such as spanking, contribute to a certain amount of family aggression, Summarized by Bender et al. (2007), Phoenix Children's Hospital reported the following rates of physical punishment by parents: (a) Nearly 66% of 1- and 2-year- olds, (b) 80% by the time children reach Sth grade, and (c) 85% by the time adolescents are in high school. Along the same lines, the National Opinion Research Center (1998) disclosed that 73% of surveyed Americans agreed or strongly agreed that itis “sometimes necessary to dis- cipline a child with a good hard spanking” Social tolerance of violence. In addition, social scientists almost universally maintain that society’s acceptance, encouragement, and glorification of violence contributes to abuse in the family. Such tolerance may have a spillover effect, raising the likelihood of violence in the home (Tolan & Guerra, 1998). Depiction of women in advertising and in video games, for example, often char- acterizes women as sex objects and as victims (Stankiewicz & Rosselli, 2008). Objectification of, males in the media appears to be problematic, as well (Johnson, McCreary, & Mills, 2007). As a case in point, a Japanese-produced video game, Rapelay, features players stalking and raping a mother and her two daughters. At least in this one situation, Amazon, eBay, and other selfers banned the sale ofthis “game” (“NYC Official: Ban}’2009). Although a minority of social scientists may still contend that attributing any youth violence to the media is empirically unjustified, most, now disagree (C. A. Anderson et al.,2003). Watching media violence constitutes a form of social learning, a broadly accepted theory that explains fearning through observation. CASE HISTORY Ben and Lori—Making Up Is Not Hard to Do Atan after-theater party that Ben and Lori attended on their vacation, Ben struck up a conversation with Vanessa, a 20-year-old ingénue from the Dominican Republic. When Lori noted Ben's interest in Vanessa, she began flirting with one of the theater company's young male dancers, Danny. Lori made a show of kicking back with Danny, requesting slow music, rubbing up against him while dancing, and asking him to bring her several glasses of wine. The next thing she knew, Ben was ‘out of sight and so was Vanessa, Lori stormed out of the party with Danny in hot pursuit. ‘As Lori walked down Broadway at midnight, Ben came out of nowhere and pleaded with her to come back to the party. Lori slapped his face, screamed that he was a cheat, and marched con toward their hotel. Ben tried to stop her by pinning her to a wall. He accused her of being tumed on by Danny, so Lori taunted Ben, saying things like "Young guys in tight pants look good to me!” When Ben couldn't shut Lori up, he slapped her once and twisted her arm behind her back. When he let go, Lori ran crying to their hotel. Inside their room, Lori slammed things around and insisted that Ben no longer loved her. She threw Ben's jacket to the floor and stomped all over it. Ben said that Lori ought to know that he FAMILY VIOLENCE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN yr loved her. Didn't she know that he thought she was the “sexiest woman at the party, so blond, 0 cool, $0 beautiful’? Lori burst into tears and told Ben that she wanted only him. He grabbed her and began kissing her passionately. The real party lasted until 3 a.m. Lori and Ben had learned long ago that a few slaps here and there were just part of their relationship. Afterall, they weren't really violent, because they loved each other and no one ever got hurt. This case history provides an example of how many couples view a certain amount of aggression as acceptable in their relationships. Social acceptance of violence. Scientific polls gauging the attitudes of large segments of the U.S. population toward IPV have identified an antiwoman bias, enhanced somewhat by the gender of the respondent. In a cynical vein, McMahon and Pence (2003) asserted that society would prefer that battered women be “perfect victims,” those who neither instigate abuse nor fight back. Although significant changes in attitudes toward drunk driving and littering were evident over the years 1982 to 1992, changes concerning IPV were more limited. Younger males, but not ‘older males or any-age females, drawn from a random community sample said they would be worried about legal repercussions if they hurt someone else, Men also said they would be embar- rassed if their friends and acquaintances found out that they hurt someone, but they did not report any substantial increases in feeling guilt or shame if others did find out (Grasmic, Blackwell, Bursik, & Mitchell, 1993). Another poll taken during 1992 uncovered some typical attitudes toward IPV, Americans ranked domestic violence as fifth on a list of public concerns, with only 34% of the total respon- dents agreeing that itis an extremely important topic. The general public failed to endorse arrest as the proper response to spouse abuse; that is, most IPV is not seen as a crime. At a minimum, ‘many respondents said a man would have to hit a woman hard (53%) to deserve arrest, but if he punched her, 94% agreed that arrest was appropriate. One disturbing and persistent belief among, 38% of respondents was that“Some women provoked men into abusing them (E.Klein, Campbell, Soler, & Ghez, 1997). By 1995, domestic violence ranked first among social concerns, with 83% of respondents evaluating it as an extremely important social issue. At that time, the respondents also thought that public intervention was necessary (82%), especially if an injury occurred (96%). The principal reason they cited for the necessity of public intervention, however, was to protect children, not women (E. Klein et a, 1997; see also Nabi & Horner, 2001). Cultural factors. Cultural factors can also be useful in explaining male-to-female intimate partner violence (MFIPV). Some cultures accept violence; others condemn it.In some cultures, such as Brazil and the Arab world, a husband’s violence against an unfaithful wife presumably restores the husband's honor (Kulwicki,2002; Vandello & Cohen, 2003}. Many authorities place partial blame for the widespread acceptance of violence in US. culture on the content of televi- sion programming as well as movies, sports, toys, and video games (Bushman & Anderson, 2001). Others cite approval of violence within the home as a contributing factor. For some, the most crucial element is cultural acceptance of male dominance. CHAPTER | HISTORY AND DEFINITIONS OF FAMILY VIOLENCEIndividual factors, In addition to powerful social forces that may foster family violence, there are a number of more individual factors that do so as well. One factor, of course, is some type of mental illness or mental disorder, such as schizophrenia. Another factor is individual differ ences, uch as vulnerability to jealousy, or anger. One powerful precursor of family violence that may flow across the lifespan is level of attachment. Attachment refers to the affectional bond between a parent and a child or, later as an adult, the bond between romantic partners. Disruptions in attachment are related to numerous correlates of family violence, such as intense emotional dependence (D.G, Dutton & Painter, 1993a; Holtzworth-Munroe & Hutchinson, 1993). DISCOVERING FAMILY VIOLENCE: HOW SOCIAL CONDITIONS BECOME SOCIAL PROBLEMS Although historians have characterized America as a violent nation, their focus has been on collective social violence. Consistently overlooked was the significant amount of interpersonal violence and even violence in wars. This oversight helps explain why Americans expressed sur- prise over the enormous amount of violence among family members (Leonard, 2003). Presumably, few knowledgeable people would now question the assertion that family violence isa serious social problem. In addition to increased coverage in the media, the academic community has covered the topic in textbooks on social problems and deviant behavior, and increasingly universities are offering specific courses on family violence. The amount of research on the topic has grown exponentially, leading to countless new publications related to family violence. Articles report- ing on family violence research have also become increasingly common in mainstream journals in other fields: sociology, psychology; social work, law, criminal justice, epidemiology, cross- cultural issues, human rights, homosexuality, and health. In addition, numerous social move- ‘ment organizations and federal agencies are increasingly dedicated to assisting victims and preventing family violence (see Adair & Vohra, 2003). Others point to the overall advances in the field (Kendall-Tackett, 2009). Despite all these encouraging signs, Pyles and Postmus (2004) complain that theorizing has not kept pace with the upsurge in research. Concern and outrage about family violence has also increased around the world, and sev- eral international treaties explicitly include human rights protection from violent family mem- bers. The 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of he Child proclaimed that all children should be protected from “physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent ‘treatment, maltreatment or exploitation including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child” (quoted in Levesque, 2001, p. 7). The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (1994) condemned any “act of gender-based violence that results in or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life” (quoted in Levesque, 2001, p. 7). In these documents, the United Nations rejected cultural relativism, declaring thatall U.N. member countries must eliminate any cultural practices or customs that permit the abuse of women or children. In the ensuing years, however, i is clear that progress in reducing violence against children and women has proceeded at a snail’s pace. FAMILY VIOLENCE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN FO Children’s human rights, The customary view of children’s rights is through the lens of family law, and to date, observers have justly concluded that “international law and the human rights jurisdiction can be surprisingly disappointing in allowing children’s rights” (Sawyer, 2006). Children need much more protection in terms of property rights and in custodial decisions. International law seems inoperative in compelling various countries to honor agreements, such as the Hague Convention. A custodial dispute concerning an 8-year-old American boy and his biological father clarifies the problem. A Brazilian court awarded custody of the boy to his Brazilian stepfather following the death of his mother, even though she had abducted him illegally when he was only 3 years old (Simao, 2009). Women's human rights, Improvement in the status of women across the globe has been pains- takingly slow.An International News report on October 12,2006, proclaimed that the U.N. found violence against women to be severe, pervasive, and worldwide. A 2006 BBC News report on October 11 stated that Ethiopian women were the most abused women in the world, with 60% reporting sexual violence and marital rape.In addition, 100 countries had no domestic violence Jaws whatsoever. Emblematic of the sheer needless cruelty toward women, Ghanaian commu- nities punish widows in many of che following ways: “by seclusion, pouring pepper into the eyes and private parts of a widow and preventing her from eating as signs of mourning” {Amoakohene,2004,p.2375).Clearly family violenceis a universal problem, receiving recogni- tion on the social agendas of the United States and many other nations. It is important to rec- ognize, however, that concern about family violence is a fairly recent phenomenon. Social constructionism, When and how did family violence come to be seen asa social problem? According to many sociologists, social conditions become social problems through a process of social constructionism (Loseke, 2003; Spector & Kitsuse, 1977). From this perspective, soci- etal reactions are central to the process through which a social condition is redefined asa social problem. Societal reactions to various situations, such as child abuse, can come from many sources: individual citizens, religious groups, social movement organizations, political interest ‘groups, and the media, to name but a few. Through their reactions to particular social condi- tions, individuals and institutions play a crucial role in transforming public perceptions. Claims-making. Various interest groups change social conditions into social problems by actively engaging in the process of raising awareness about that condition. The term claims- making has been applied to the activities of such groups; it refers to the “activities of indi viduals or groups making assertions of grievances or claims with respect to some putative condition” (Spector & Kitsuse, 1977, p. 75). Generally speaking, the process begins when claims-makers express anger or distress about a particular condition that they see as highly objectionable, Claims-makers may have vested interests in the outcomes of their protests, or they may simply be moral entrepreneurs engaged in what they see as a purely moral crusade (Becker, 1963). As the cause of a particular claims-making group becomes acknowledged by society more generally, the social condition comes to be defined as a social problem. Social problems, then, are essentially discovered through this process of societal reactions and social definitions. From this perspective, social problems come and go as societal reactions to given conditions change CHAPTER 1 HISTORY AND DEFINITIONS OF FAMILY VIOLENCE10 Among other things, the social constructionist perspective helps to explain cross-cultural variations in definitions of family violence. That is, what is condemned as abuse in one culture not always condemned in another. The social constructionist perspective also helps to illustrate how research is used in ongoing debates about social problems. The findings from family violence research have not uniformly settled disagreements about family violence-related topics. Instead, the research has become one of the most contentious areas in the social sciences. Experts pose ‘many significant and far-reaching questions: Is family violence increasing or decreasing? Aremen as likely as women to be the victims of intimate partner violence? Should parents be allowed to hit their children? And what constitutes rape? Although one might hope that research could settle such debates, the reality is that competing claims-makers interpret research data differently. Furthermore, those on both sides in any given debate typically arm themselves with their own sets of empirical findings, which they espouse asthe truth. From a social constructionist perspec- tive, the “winners” of these debates define the nature and the facts of social problems (Best, 2001). Discovering Child Maltreatment: The Historical Context ‘This history of childhood is a nightmare from which we have only recently begun to awaken. ‘The further back in history one goes, the lower the level of child care, and the more likely chi dren are to be killed, abandoned, beaten, terrorized, and sexually abused. (deMause, 1974, .1) Contemporary conceptions of children and childhood in the United States—that childhood is a special phase of life and that children should be loved, nurtured, and protected from the cruel world—emerged only within the past few hundred years. As Empey, Stafford, and Hay (1999) noted, in previous times children were “regarded more as small or inadequate versions of their parents than as sacred beings in need of special protection” (pp.6-7). One illustration of the previous indifference to children as a group with special status is the historical practice of infanticide, Some scholars maintain infanticide was the most frequent crime in all of Europe and remained a relatively common practice until about 1800 (Piers, 1978). Over the centuries, the value of children grew in developed societies, and by the 1900s in the United States, the government’ interest in the welfare of children resulted in child protection Jaws including child labor laws, the creation of a juvenile court system, and mandatory educa- tion requirements. Although these changes likely reflect an increase in the value U.S. society placed on children, they no doubt also came about because of the state’s interest in protecting itself from troubled children and the troubled adults these children often become (Pfohl, 1977). Discovering child physical abuse. In many ways, the indifference to childhood evidenced in previ- ous centuries is not difficult to explain. The harshness of life, the high rates of disease, and the visibility of death all contributed to a general devaluation of life and of children’s lives in particu- Jar.Inaddition, most societies regarded childrenas the property oftheir parents, who were allowed to treat their property as they saw fit. In some cases, parents probably viewed their children as economic liabilities —as little more than more mouths to feed (Walker, Bonner, & Kaufman, 1988; Wolfe, 1991). Many scholars trace the actual discovery of child abuse in the United States to the house of refuge movement of the early 1800s. The medieval principle of parens patriae—that is, the FAMILY VIOLENCE ACROSS THE LIFESPAN right and responsibility of the state to protect those who cannot protect themselves—guided this movement (Pfohl, 1977). As aresult of reforms brought about by the movement in the early to mid-1800s, authorities began to house children who were neglected, abused, or otherwise on the road to ruin in one of many state-supported institutions. The house of refuge movement represents the government’ first attempt to intervene in neglect and abuse cases (Empey, etal., 1999). First child abuse court case, Probably the most famous early court case involving child abuse wwas tried in 1874, Church social worker Etta Wheeler discovered that 8-year-old Mary Ellen Wilson was being beaten and starved by her stepmother. After unsuccessfully seeking help to remedy the situation, Wheeler took the case to Henry Bergh, founder of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. Mary Ellen was, afterall, a member of the animal kingdom, A courtroom full of concerned New Yorkers, many of them upper-class women, heard the shocking details of Mary Ellen’ life. The stepmother had beaten her almost daily and did not. allow her to play with other children or even to leave the house. Mary Ellen had an unhealed gash on the left side of her face, where her stepmother had struck her with a pair of scissors. ‘The jury took only 20 minutes to find the stepmother guilty of assault and battery (Pleck, 1987). Child-saving movement, Because of the resulting public outcry, concerned citizens eventually founded the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children in 1874 (Pagelow, 1984). This organization, and the larger child-saving movement of which it was a part, advocated for dra- ‘matic changes in society's treatment of children. Increasingly child protection advocates argued that children need to be loved and nurtured, and if parents fail to protect their children, the state should intervene. They argued, in effect, that parents should not have complete authority over their children (Finkelhor, 1996). Largely as a result of the claims-making of child advocacy groups, many state legislatures passed child protective statutes in the early 1900s, criminalizing parents’ abusive and neglectful behavior and specifying procedures for meeting the needs of abused and neglected children (Pleck, 1987). Although there was considerable movement toward child protection during this time, sociolegal reactions to the problem of child abuse remained somewhat sporadic. For example, no Jaws existed to make the reporting of suspected child abuse mandatory for certain professionals. The battered child syndrome. The full recognition of child abuse asa social problem in the United States was not complete until the 1960s, when Dr. C. Henry Kempe and his colleagues first described the battered child syndrome. They further suggested that physicians should report any observed cases of abuse (Kempe, Silverman, Steele, Droegemueller, & Silver, 1962). Kempe etal, defined child abuse asa clinical condition with diagnosable medical and physical symptoms resulting from deliberate physical assault. This declaration was important because it marked the addition of the considerable clout of the medical community to claims-making about the child abuse problem. When medical doctors combined forces with other professionals and child protection advocacy groups, the movement rapidly gained momentum. Before the end of the 1960s, every U.S. state had created laws mandating that professionals report suspected cases of abuse, and in 1974, Congress enacted the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act, which provided federal funding to help states fight child abuse. CHAPTER 1 HISTORY AND DEFINITIONS OF FAMILY VIOLENCE u