Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Geopolitics
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713635150
To cite this Article Tuathail (Gerard Toal), Gearid (1998) 'De-Territorialised threats and global dangers: Geopolitics and
risk society', Geopolitics, 3: 1, 17 31
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/14650049808407605
URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650049808407605
This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or
systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or
distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.
The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents
will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses
should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss,
actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly
or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
De-Territorialised Threats and Global
Dangers: Geopolitics and Risk Society
security' problematic.
To explore this curious condition further, this article leaves the
overdetermined modern/postmodern distinction aside in favour of the
interpretative schema offered by the German sociologist and theorist of 'risk
society', Ulrich Beck.8 Beck's work has considerable implications for
understanding and interpreting twentieth century geopolitics, particularly
the late twentieth century 'post-Westphalian' concerns with 'de-
territorialised threats' and 'global dangers'. The paper is organised into
three parts. Part one documents and delineates the emergence of the
discourses of 'deterritorialised threats' and 'global dangers' in late
twentieth century US foreign policy. Part two outlines some of Beck's ideas
and links the emergence of these new discourses to Beck's notion of
'reflexive modernisation'. Part three points to contradictions in the reflexive
modernisation of geopolitics. In all instances the argument is necessarily
brief due to limitations of space.
borderless world, the territorial authority and military might of the United
States are still needed to keep world order and contain 'rogue states and
nuclear outlaws."7
This discourse of 'deterritorialised threats' that are sometimes
territorialised in the actions of rogue and outlaw states dominates the 1997
policy document A National Security Strategy for A New Century, an inter-
agency document that is produced annually under the co-ordinated
supervision of the National Security Council.18 It begins from the premise
that acknowledges no border between the domestic and the foreign: 'Our
strategy recognises a simple truth: we must lead abroad if we are to be
secure at home, but we cannot lead abroad unless we are strong at home.'"
The document identifies three intertwined categories of threats to the
United States and to the world. The first category is 'regional or state-
centered threats', a seemingly traditional territorial conceptualisation of the
threat of coercion or cross-border aggression by states. Yet, this category of
threats is not as traditional as it seems because no state is specified by name
as a threat and the specific threat is the efforts of certain states to obtain
offensive technological capabilities, such as their acquiring nuclear,
chemical or biological weapons. This first category of threats, consequently,
is deeply entwined with the remaining two, both of which are worldwide
and trans-territorial.20
The second category is what the document terms 'transnational threats'
and these include 'terrorism, the illegal drug trade, illicit arms trafficking,
international organised crime, uncontrolled refugee migrations, and
environmental damage.'21 These are threats in the form of dangerous flow-
mations, semi-permanent yet fluid structures of movement, transit and flow
that challenge, erode and undermine the jurisdictional power and authority
of states. They are often difficult to combat because they are amorphous and
decentralised, mobile and shifting webs that cannot be discretely located on
a map. Advances in technologies of transportation, transmission and
22 BOUNDARIES, TERRITORY AND POSTMODERNITY
society the condition is the reverse.28 As societies become more affluent and
the spectre of scarcity begins to fade, previously repressed questions
concerning the design, operation and maintenance of advanced techno-
industrial production systems are raised. Productive forces lose their
innocence as awareness grows that advances in techno-industrial 'know
how' also ends up producing 'latent side effects' and inescapable risks
which are more daunting and dangerous than any ever previously faced by
human societies. Risk society is the 'age of side-effects.'
FIGURE 1
ULRICH BECK'S UNDERSTANDING OF RISK SOCIETY
Yet, the very same US foreign policy is now giving voice to anxieties
and concerns about the byproducts of the modern project. Globalisation
and informationalisation may be celebrated but US foreign policy-makers
now recognise the plethora of risks and dangers which accompany these
processes. 'Deterritorialised threats' and 'global dangers' discourse can be
interpreted as the reflexive modernisation of geopolitical theory. These
discourses have their origins not with the end of the Cold War but much
earlier in the century at the end of the First World War, when the
destructive consequences of modern industrialised war were first seen on a
large scale. The effort, in the 1920s, to ban war did not succeed and the
problem of modern techno-industrial war (total war) remained. As a
problematic, it became more complex with the Second World War and the
Downloaded By: [HEAL-Link Consortium] At: 15:39 25 February 2010
to be neither latent nor marginal but pervasive and profound dangers. The
dormancy of techno-industrial risk production has ended. The reputation of
science as a source of progress is increasingly in doubt as is the possibility
of rational governance and controlled development. Uncertainty has
returned in the form of a widely perceived ecological crisis, emergent
informational vulnerabilities, and increasingly manifest institutional
failures of states, military alliances, financial markets, and proliferation
regimes. The very foundations of the modern project are being questioned.
The modern industrial institutions that have helped create our ongoing
ecological, informational and security crises - the transnational capitalist
market system, techno-scientific culture and the 'national security' state -
are having to confront what they have unleashed. In adjusting their missions
and re-legitimating their mandates they are reflexively modernizing. This
process, however is fraught with contradictions.
the post-Cold War world of risks. The monopoly of Cold War professionals
over 'national security' has been profoundly challenged. Post-Cold War
risks are no longer adequately represented and stabilised as territorial threats
from recognizable enemies; rather post-Cold War risks have become
amorphous and pervasive dangers. 'National security' has become a
problematic of 'global security'. Cold War institutions have attempted to re-
invent themselves by creating new bureaucracies, pluralising their
understanding of security, and developing discourses like 'de-territorialised
threats' and 'global dangers' in respond to the late twentieth century world.
However, this attempt by Cold War institutions reflexively to modernise
themselves is burdened with contradictions. For a start, while the universe
of geopolitical risks during the Cold War could be disciplined into a narrow
military paradigm of 'national security', the universe of risks today is not so
easily contained and disciplined. From the military's point of view, 'national
security' during the Cold War was a clearly identifiable problematic that
could be addressed with clarity, decidability and resoluteness. Geopolitical
risks were problems that could be 'controlled' by established institutions
with the application of instrumental rationality. 'Global security' is an
amorphous set of global problems which contain many ambivalences and
undecidables. No unambiguous solutions are apparent. The ability of Cold
War institutions, organised originally in opposition to territorial enemies, to
address the plural challenges of risk society is questionable.
Beck suggests it is virtually impossible for modern institutions to
conceptualise the problems of risk society using only the conceptual
imagination provided by industrial society. By this logic, the reflexive
modernisation of geopolitics by industrial age geopolitical institutions will
inevitably been superficial and partial. It will attempt to reduce the
irredeemably global problems of risk society to an 'either/or' logic of
representing risks as enemies, drawing boundaries against this enemy, and
then applying instrumental rationality to 'solve' the threat.42 Consequently,
DE-TERRITORIALISED THREATS AND GLOBAL DANGERS 29
NOTES
Security (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995). This 'hard' versus 'soft' distinction is used widely
within the policy community, with traditionalists often disparaging the 'soft stuff involving
the environment, humanitarian crises and peacekeeping. Discussing the rationale for a
significant speech on diplomacy and the environment that he gave in April 1996, former US
Secretary of State Warren Christopher argued that "We needed to foster a conceptual
transformation, showing how what some considered to be a 'soft' issue had a place in US
diplomacy alongside the more traditional 'hard' foreign policy concerns." Christopher, in
The Stream of History (note 12), p.414.
15. W. Clinton, Remarks by the President to the 52nd session of the United Nations General
Assembly. 1997. Available from <http.//www.whitehouse.gov>.
16. W. Clinton, Remarks by the President on Iraq to Pentagon Personnel. 1998. Available from
<http.//www.whitehouse.gov>.
17. M. Klare, Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995).
18. The White House, A National Security Strategy for a New Century, May 1997. Available
from <http.//www.whitehouse.gov>. The writing of this document was co-ordinated by
Major James Seaton who is on the National Security Council staff. Many thanks to him for
discussing its creation with Virginia Tech students and I at the White House in February
1998.
19. Ibid., p.2.
20. Ibid., pp.5-6.
21. Ibid., p.6.
22. See R. Betts, 'The New Threat of Mass Destruction', Foreign Affairs, 77/1 (1998), pp.26-41,
and J. Sopko, 'The Changing Proliferation Threat', Foreign Policy 105 (1997) pp.3-20.
23. National Security Strategy (note 18), p.6.
24. Ibid., p.11.
25. See L.Garrett, 'The Return of Infectious Disease', Foreign Affairs 75 (1996), pp.66-79 and
'Runaway Diseases', Foreign Affairs 77 (1998), pp.139-142.
26. See U. Beck, Risk Society; Ecological Politics in an Age of Risk (Cambridge: Polity, 1995),
and The Reinvention of Politics (Cambridge: Polity, 1997).
27. Beck, Risk Society, ibid., p.9. Beck rejects the 'postmodern' as a concept because it is both
vague and overloaded with a weight of meanings. It gestures at a beyond it cannot name. The
concept can be saved and brought into harmony with Beck's own arguments, however, by
thinking of its 'post' not as a beyond but as a 'new modernity'. His argument that new social
movements do not stand in opposition or contradiction to modernity is also true of many
notions of postmodernism which seeks not to reject the Enlightenment and modernity but to
radicalise it.
28. Ibid., p.12.
29. Ibid., p.10.
30. U. Beck, 'The Reinvention of Politics', in Reflexive Modernisation: Politics, Tradition and
Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), p.5.
DE-TERRITORIALISED THREATS AND GLOBAL DANGERS 31
40. See G. Rochin, Trapped in the Net: The Unanticipated Consequences of Computerization
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997) and J. Arquilla and D. Ronfeldt (eds), In
Athena's Camp. Preparing for Conflict in the Information Age (Santa Monica. Rand
Corporation, 1997).
41. U. Beck, Risk Society (note 26), p.23.
42. U. Beck, 'The Reinvention of Politics' (note 30) pp. 1-10.
43. The furore over the US military's efforts to dispose of leaking and aging napalm is a good
example. Even strong Congressional supporters of the military, for example, are taking the
US military to task for shipping hazardous materials into their constituencies. Other
examples include controversies over the US military's storage of its chemical weapon arsenal
and its lagging clean-up efforts at its bomb making facilities at Hanford in Washington state
and Rocky Flats in Colorado.