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access to The Historical Journal
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The HistoricalJournal, 47, I (2004), pp. 101-126 ( 2004 Cambridge University Press
DOI: Io.Io17/Sooi8246Xo3003534 Printed in the United Kingdom
LUCY DELAP
A B STRACT. This article examines the development of the idea of the '
Edwardian feminists and contextualizes it within the aristocratic political tho
idea of the 'genius' and the 'superman' in order to shed light on why, for so
idealfeminist agent was to be an elite, discerning, remotefigure. I argue that
an 'introspective turn', marked by an interest in character, will, and person
emancipation. The focus of political change was firmly located within wome
widespread, even though only a minority chose the language of the 'superwom
to the 'superwoman' indicates the impact of Nietzschean and egoist ideas u
The 'superwoman' was used to position feminism as a movement not just for
social regeneration, and represents a characteristically Edwardian belief in
individual' to promote social change.
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IO2 LUCY DELAP
3 Teresa Billington-Greig, The militant suffrage movement - emancipation in a hurry (London, 1911), p. 213.
4 Flavia Alaya, 'Victorian science and the genius of women ', Journal of the History of Ideas, 38 (977),
pp. 261-80, at p. 268, original emphasis.
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN IO3
demands commonly associated with suffrage feminism. It will be my ar
that ideals central to the genius and superwoman 'discourses' - i
character, will, and personality - were very important to many femin
this period. These have not received much historical attention beca
are difficult to incorporate into the commonly accepted narrative of tw
century feminism, that equates the Edwardian period with suffragism
'liberal feminist' struggle for equality. In offering a new reading of Ed
feminists' interest in genius and the 'superwoman', this article aims t
textualize the interest within contemporary political and cultural deb
to indicate the way in which feminist thinkers engaged with self-con
'modern' explorations of the self. This is not to suggest that 'superwo
an unproblematic idea, and I conclude with an examination of its limit
and tensions.
5 The term 'superhuman' is here used as a shorthand for the many 'super' entities (-man, -woman,
-natural, -consciousness) discussed by Edwardians, though 'superhuman' was itself also a term in use.
6 Howard Mumford Jones, Revolution and romanticism (Cambridge, MA, 1974), and M. H. Abrams,
The mirror and the lamp: romantic theory and the critical tradition (Oxford, 1953).
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IO4 LUCY DELAP
ability,eagerness to work and power
a man should be repressed'. The com
ment, that women's genius existed b
Galton, if women were not eminent,
ability.7
Genius was also shifting from a spiritual or poetic ideal towards an empirical,
measurable one. Galton's work started a trend towards empiricism in the study of
genius - it could be confirmed by skull size, skin and eye colouring and so on.8
This quantification and narrowing of genius was continued into the Edwardian
period by the work of Havelock Ellis. Ellis's 1904 study of British genius attempted
a more 'empirical' account of genius than that of Galton, based upon flows of
'mental energy' and development of the nervous system. He defined genius,
somewhat vaguely, as 'a highly sensitive and complexly developed adjustment of
the nervous system along special lines'.' It took the form of 'intense cerebral
energy', directed along a 'limited path'."1
Ellis was at root committed to the empirical and hereditary model of Galton.
His work indicates another shift in the discourse of genius, from the unconven-
tional, excessive romantic genius to a more conventional idea of 'eminence' by
public recognition. 'Eminence', indicated through being listed in the Dictionary of
national biography, gave Ellis his population of geniuses. But his concept of genius
still had clear links to the constellation of ideas associated with romantic genius.
Like the romantics, Ellis felt that the genius was an 'exfoliating' agent of 'life
renewal', and his account of genius was associated with strong passions, imagin-
ation, the unconscious, and sexual drives.n Sexual energy or, as it was sometimes
described, 'vital force', was a successful idiom in use to describe the nebulous
concept of genius; references to 'vital force', 'life force', or 'energy' are common
in Edwardian descriptions of what it was to be a gifted person or a leader.12
7 Galton accepted that small numbers of eminent women did exist, but could not see them as
sexually attractive. He believed they would be unlikely to marry because of their 'dogmatic and self-
asserting type' or their 'shy, odd manners'. This meant that their 'genius' could not be passed on, and
was thus an evolutionary irrelevance. Francis Galton, Hereditary genius: an inquiry into its laws and conse-
quences (London, 1950), p. 318.
8 This trend was bolstered by the empirical investigations into the distribution of genius or intelli-
gence, such as the account published in 1871 by Hyde Clarke, 'On the geographical distribution of
intellectual qualities in England', Journal of the Statistical Society of London, 34 (Sept. 1871), pp. 357-73.
9 Havelock Ellis, A study of British genius (London, 1904), P. 227.
10 Ellis, British genius, pp. 229, 203.
"1 Christine Battersby, Gender and genius: towards afeminist aesthetics (London, 1989), p. 102. See also
Andrew Elfenbein, Romantic genius: the prehistory of a homosexual role (New York, 1999); Mumford Jones,
Revolution and romanticism, chs. 9 and io. For contrasting earlier meanings of genius, see KineretJaffe,
'The concept of genius: its changing role in eighteenth-century French aesthetics', Journal of the History
of Ideas, 41 (1980), pp. 579-99, and Logan Pearsall Smith, Words and idioms: studies in the English language
(London, 1957).
12 Vitalism can loosely be described as the postulation of a 'life force' additional to mechanics or
chemistry as an explanatory device in science. It had been discarded as a scientific theory for
Edwardians, but remained influential as a social ideology. Edwardian vitalism gained intellectual
standing through the growing influence of Samuel Butler, and the popularization of Henri Bergson.
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN I05
For Ellis, life force, and therefore genius, was closely relat
argued 'In men the sexual instinct is a restless source of e
flows into all sorts of channels', and he described creativity
sexual character, in the same sense as a beard'.13 Sexual ex
despite the trend to a more conventional concept of the ge
a means (for men) to become a genius. The genius might b
his sexual promiscuity, or he might be seen to sublimate his
creative work.
'Vital force' was a prominent trope in the plays of G. B. Shaw and many modernist writers, and was
seen as an alternative 'engine' of evolution to the survival of the fittest postulated by Darwin. Evol-
utionary theory had been influential in encouraging ideas of 'higher types', but seemed to rule out free
will, as well as the divine element in human life. Samuel Butler argued instead that evolution was a
process of' willed adaptation to the environment', which he (and, later, Henri Bergson) referred to as
'creative evolution'. G. D. H. Cole, Samuel Butler and the way of allflesh (London, 1947), p. 25; Henri
Bergson, Creative evolution, trans. Arthur Mitchell (London, 1911). Creative evolution would allow
humans to approach God or superhumanity, through ever increasing self-consciousness. Evolution
towards higher forms was 'directed mainly by intelligent sense of need', and driven by the human
qualities of ingenuity and heroism - in other words, by 'life force'. Samuel Butler, Life and habit
(London, 1916), pp. 253, 297.
13 Havelock Ellis, Man and woman: a study of seconday and tertiay sexual characters (London, 1934; 8th
edn), p. 360, and quoted in Alaya, Victorian science, p. 275.
14 Ellis, British genius, pp. IO-Ir. 15 Ibid., pp. 158, 159.
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io6 LUCY DELAP
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN IO7
II
What impact did these theories of genius and 'life force' have on
thought ? The shift from a universal to a more elitist idea of genius reson
and had perhaps informed, a turn within nineteenth- and early twentiet
political thought towards a more aristocratic and elitist form of polit
eminent or great individual was seen to provide leadership - national le
or leadership for the whole process of human evolution. Francis Galto
mented: 'We know how intimately the course of events is dependent
thoughts of a few illustrious men.'22 He made it clear in his study of ge
he was trying to define the qualities of leadership that justified imperi
Europeans. Later thinkers saw the problem of leadership as one raised
empire but by the move to a wider democracy. William James argued
'Our democratic problem thus is stateable in ultra-simple terms: Who
kind of men from whom our majorities shall take their cue ?' He sought el
would act as 'the yeast-cake for democracy's dough'.23
The fascination with elites and aristocracies is unsurprising amongs
servative thinkers who had long held that, as W. H. Mallock put it, 'the
human powers and the highest human faculties ... are embodied in an
polised by a minority of exceptional men'.24 But forms of elitism were
among progressive and radical thinkers. The 'new liberal' J. A. H
described the repudiation of democracy in favour of aristocracy by w
reluctantly termed 'the party of progress'. Writing in 1906, he noted:
have I found such great contempt for the capacity, the morals, and the
the people as in this country.'25 George Bernard Shaw tried to capture
vergence around the idea of aristocracy in a lecture on Ruskin's politics,
labelled 'Tory oligarchism' or equally, 'Tory Communism'.26 John Rus
proposed in I86o 'the eternal superiority of some men to others, somet
of one man to all others'; and thus 'the advisability of appointing such
or person to guide, to lead, or on occasion even to compel and subd
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io8 LUCY DELAP
Mere DEMOCRACY cannot solve the social question. An element of ARISTOCRACY must be
introduced into our life. Of course, I do not mean the aristocracy of birth, or of the purse,
or even the aristocracy of intellect. I mean the aristocracy of character, of will, of mind.
That only can free us. From two groups will this aristocracy I hope for come to our people:
from our WOMEN and from our WORKMEN.
The idea of the women's and working-class movements as seed-beds for a new
'aristocracy' was thus already prominent in the I89Os. Politics could serve the
needs of the few, because in them were the seeds of the future, while the rest could
be variously disregarded as the 'herd', 'crowd', or residuum, whose utility
and fulfilment were unimportant. Alfred Orage, editor of the British periodical
The New Age, summed this up in 1907 when he argued that 'the question to be
asked of every institution is whether it makes for the creation of a superior type'.28
Utilitarian concerns were scorned, and political argument centred on the evol-
ution of a 'great society', or 'higher beings'. Many subscribed to a 'top-down'
political style, believing the poor and the workers to be too volatile, or exhausted
and dehumanized by their struggle for existence, to provide political
leadership. The Fabians had tended to regard the poor as positively disqualified
from participation: 'it is difficult for their atrophied brains to grasp an idea. Even
if they could, their devitalised natures and anaemic bodies would be incapable of
working for it. This explains why no socialist has or ever will come from the slums.'29
It was not only conservatives, then, who dwelt on leadership and aristocracy. For
progressives and radicals as well, leadership was crucial.
These comments capture the focus of much political and utopian thinking
within 'advanced' or 'progressive' Edwardian circles.30 Innovation was to come
from the front, from a few gifted individuals. Impetus for the elaboration of
27 John Ruskin, 'Unto this last', in E. T. Cook and A. Wedderburn, eds., The works of John Ruskin
(London, 1905), p. 74, quoted in Ernest Barker, Political thought in Englandfrom Herbert Spencer to the present
day (London, 1915), p. 193.
28 A. R. Orage, Nietzsche in outline and aphorism (Edinburgh, 1907), p. 51.
29 Ruth Cavendish Bentinck, 'The point of honour: a correspondence on aristocracy and social-
ism', in Sally Alexander, ed., Women's fabian tracts (London, 1988), p. 144. George Bernard Shaw's
The illusions of socialism (London, 1956) made a similar argument.
30 The content of affiliations such as 'progressive' are hard to establish for this period, one in which
iconoclasm and experimentalism reigned, and the 'avant-garde' became a site of a curious mixture of
radicalism and reaction. See Tom Steele, 'From gentleman to superman: Alfred Orage and aristo-
cratic socialism', in C. Shaw and M. Chase, eds., The imagined past: history and nostalgia (Manchester,
1989), PP. 12-27, and Paul Peppis, Literature, politics and the English avant-garde: nation and empire, I901-1918
(Cambridge, 2000).
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN I09
31 The first British edition of Stirner's work was published in 1912. Max
trans. Steven T. Byington (London, 1912). 32 Ibid., pp. 25
33 See David Thatcher, Nietzsche in England, 189o-19i4 (Toronto, 19
tactless NietzscheanJew" : Oscar Levy's critique of western civilisation', Jou
History, 36 (2001), pp. 271-92; Bruce Detwiler, Nietzsche and the politics of
1990). Most contemporaries drew their interpretation of Nietzsche's 'sup
referred to) 'beyond-man' from Thus spake Zarathustra; see A. C. Pigou,
A. W. Benn, 'The morals of an immoralist: Freidrich Nietzsche. II', Internat
19 (1908 and 1909). Zarathustra was one of the earliest works of Nietzsc
first volume to be issued in what was intended to be a complete works
Zarathustra: a bookfor all or none, trans. A. Tille (London, 1896).
34 Orage, Nietzsche in outline and aphorism, pp. 43-4. Also quoted in T
P. 249.
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IIO LUCY DELAP
III
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN III
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II2 LUCY DELAP
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN II3
52 Farr, The New Age (6June 1907), p. 92. By seeing the superman
individual, Farr was able to claim it for women.
53 Swiney in Huntly Carter, Women's suffrage and militancy: a sympo
Bland, Banishing the beast: English feminism and sexual morality, 18
Robb, 'Eugenics, spirituality and sex differentiation in Edward
Swiney', Journal of Women's History, io (1998), pp. 97-117.
54 Dan Stone, Breeding superman: Nietzsche, race and eugenics in Edwardia
2002), p. 93. Interest in race should not, however, be overstated
The New Age proposed a superman 'not as the offspring of male and
within the mind of man'. Indeed, for this contributor, 'as an indiv
instinctively away from procreation and from sex'. Anon., 'Unedit
1910), p. 107.
5 For both sides of the debates, see Mathew Thomson, '"Savage
mind in Britain, 1898-1939', in Ernst and Harris, eds., Race, science
1999), PP. 235-58, and Daniel Pick, Faces of degeneration: a European dis
1989).
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II4 LUCY DELAP
IV
The superman was described by the women's suffrage journal, The Englishw
as 'humanity's last and noblest aspiration', and was regularly discuss
feminist thinkers interested in questions of political leadership and democ
Given this interest in the superman from feminists, it was unsurprising
the neologism, 'superwoman' soon came into use.57 It was needed beca
the strong masculine overtones of 'superman' - contemporary dictio
explicitly pointed out that the superman was male. An early example of 'su
woman' dates from i906;58 the term became increasingly common after t
though it remained an idea only taken seriously by an avant-garde minor
and was often used as a joke, or to satirize the extravagant goals of femi
In 1911, it was still being given a tentative status by quote marks and va
uses of capitalization, and both superman and superwoman seem to
slipped out of usage after the First World War, when what had been call
'pseudo-superwoman' suffragette had been transformed into a voter and
worker, and 'the "super" cult, both male and female' became associated w
'the Teutonic lust of world power' and 'the Hun'.59 As one commentator
in 1917,
Our Superman fades before our eyes ... The war has raised the standard all round; it
has shown that if our civilisation is not prolific of geniuses, it has produced a race of
ordinary men and women who are braver and more generous than the dominating
aristocracies and high chivalric groups of the Past. It is the answer to the scientific senti-
mentalists, like Nietzsche and his followers, who talk about slave-morality and crowd-
instincts.60
Despite its short life, the term indicates the presence of a debate within fem-
inism that has rarely been discussed. In part because it does not fit with our
contemporary expectations of feminist principles, the twenty-first-century reader
56 Maximilian Muigge, 'Eugenics and the superman: a racial science and a racial religion', Eugenics
Review, I (i909), p. 184, quoted in Stone, Breeding superman, p. 73.
57 George Robb's paper on Frances Swiney's interest in the superman misleadingly suggests that
'no English-language feminists ever used the term "superwoman" in their writings'; Robb only finds
French uses of surfemme, though he accepts that many British feminists were fascinated by the idea of
the superwoman. Robb, 'Eugenics, spirituality and sex differentiation', p. 18, n. 113.
58 Westminster Gazette (22 Jan. 19o06), quoted in Supplement to the Oxford English dictionary (Oxford, 1986).
9 'The fallibility of the term "super"', Anti-Suffrage Review (Mar. I915), p. 22.
60 Sidney Low, 'The passing of the superman', Fortnightly Review (May 1917), PP. 758, 761.
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN II5
61 Rathbone Royden et al., in Victor Gollancz, ed., The making of women: Oxford essays in feminism
(London, 1917), p. 13. 62 See Battersby, Gender and genius.
63 See for example, Frederic Harrison's essay on 'The future of woman', in Harrison, Realities and
ideals (London, 1908), pp. 73, 74-
64 Olive Schreiner, for example, listed Sappho and Aspasia as women of genius, but subscribed to
conventional theories of genius in admitting that feminine genius was highly exceptional, Schreiner,
Woman and labour (London, 1978), pp. 101-2, 87.
65 Helena Swanwick, The future of the women's movement (London, 1913), P. 142.
66 Florence Farr, Modem woman: her intentions (London, 1910I), p. 7.
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116 LUCY DELAP
this. This emphasis was mocked by cont
published an epigram on 'The new genius':
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN 117
70 Ellis, introduction to Ellen Key's The woman movement, trans. M. B. Borthwick (London, I912),
p. xv. Key's maternalist policies placed her on the conservative side of the women's movement.
71 Emma Goldman, 'The tragedy of women's emancipation', in Anarchism and other essays (New York,
1969), P. 230, and Alix K. Shulman, ed., Red Emma speaks (London, 1979), p. 89.
72 Otto Weininger, Sex and character (London, 1906), p. 45.
73 Ethel L. Rogers, 'The professor, women and the superman', The Englishwoman (Nov. 1909), p. 24.
74 Schreiner, Woman and labour, p. 144; Farr, Modern woman, p. 8.
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ii8 LUCY DELAP
Perhaps it was conceptually so remar
human ideal that race was simply eclip
aware that their claims about wome
degeneration, and they therefore avoi
to construe 'the woman question' as, a
seems that these concerns of characte
degenerationist debates. The emphasis
the age of the superman or superwom
This question of character reveals a di
associated with the predominant suffr
frequently not sought as ends in them
Charlotte Carmichael Stopes, the mot
the strongest argument for the vote w
followed by external action by, and n
help women 'to develop our individua
responsibility'." Another commentator
gering blow' to women convinced that
convinced that the vote would do wom
retard their personal self-developmen
political system. Above all, women's p
emancipation.
Of all Edwardian feminist sources, Th
epitomizes this primary emphasis on
commitment to leadership by elites.
was the first British periodical to call
'humanist' and 'individualist' as altern
prominent of its small circle of contrib
Though it reached a tiny readership
national profile, and was notorious fo
emancipation beyond the vote. The jou
enabling British feminism to become
tive'.77 Freewoman contributors tende
their own emancipation and preached
change. Only geniuses or superwomen
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN II9
78 Current Opinion (Jan. 1913), p. 47, Dora Marsden Collection, Manuscripts Division, Department
of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library box Iv folder 2.
79 Marsden, FW(3o Nov. I9I1), p. 21. so Gawthorpe, The .New Age (12 Sept. 1912), P. 479.
81 Whitby, FW(18 Apr. 1912), PP. 425-6. 82 Ibid.
83 FranHoise Delisle, Friendship's odyssey (London, 1946), pp. i80-1.
84 Marsden, FW(18July I912), p. 164. 85 Marsden, FW(23 Nov. 1911), p. 2.
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120 LUCY DELAP
86 E. M. White, Internationa
87 See comments from Do
Weaver papers, vol. 57352, B
88 Mathew Thomson, 'Psy
century Britain', in Daunton
89 Ellis subscribed to the
Circle that met fortnightly i
change between feminism a
9o In 1913 Eder became the first secretary to the London Psycho-Analytic Society. See
J. B. Hobman, David Eder: memoirs ofa modern pioneer (London, 1945).
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN I2I
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122 LUCY DELAP
roles.
Some feminists
motherhood was 'the
contributors could im
childcare, and mother
aspirations.96
95 Edith A. Browne, FW
96 Watson, FW(I4 Apr.
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN I23
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I24 LUCY DELAP
VI
The Freewoman came with the incredible heresy that the woman movement was no
not an effort on the part of the women to lift themselves forever out of the 'serv
and to place themselves definitely and finally among the 'masters' using their facultie
all masters, for the upbuilding and development of their own personalities and
vancement of their own personal aims.104
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THE EDWARDIAN SUPERWOMAN 125
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126 LUCY DELAP
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