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1. vigilante (noun) a member of the self-appointed group which officially punishing crimes.
2. telling (adjective) striking/strong, significant, important.
3. commentary (noun) explanation, interpretation, analysis.
4. crack down on (phrasal verb) get tough on, take severe measures against, clampdown on.
5. bovine (adjective) cow-like, cattle-like, buffalo-like.
6. lynch (verb) punish/kill by hanging someone for claimed offence without legal trail by the
group of people.
7. immunity (noun) exemption, exception, freedom.
8. curb (verb) restrain, control, repress.
9. ought to (modal verb) must, should.
10. recourse to (verb) resort to, utilize, employ/utilize.
11. shirk (verb) dodge/avoid, run away from; neglect.
12. deficit (noun) shortfall, deficiency, shortage, under-supply.
13. dispensation (noun) system/regime; administration/government.
14. livelihood (noun) income, source of income, means of support.
The mega bid for IPL media rights further shifts the centre of
gravity towards the BCCI
The Indian Premier League is the high point in the international cricket
calendar. Since 2008 the annual summer staple has dished out gargantuan pay
cheques, nail-biting contests and massive sixes. The player auctions often
witness franchises breaking their respective banks. Despite the initial squeak
of the former Australian wicket-keeper Adam Gilchrist that he felt like
cattle up for sale to the highest bidder, or the 2013 spot-fixing scandal, the
IPL is here to stay. For a brand which in its formative years Rahul Dravid
succinctly described as a domestic tournament with an international
flavour, the IPL has quadrupled its growth and in the future could perhaps
challenge the International Cricket Councils global events, be it the World
Cup or the World Twenty20. The league features the worlds leading
cricketers, with the unfortunate exception of Pakistani players, and it gained a
further financial fillip this week whenStar India offered 16,347.5 crore to
acquire the media rights for the next five years. It dwarfed the 8,200 crore
Sony paid for the TV rights in the previous 10-year contract. That a
broadcaster is willing to stake so much is confirmation of the traction the IPL
has gained among television audiences, and the lodestone it remains for
corporates and advertisers.
The successful bid also reiterates the plain truth that India is crickets
commercial hub. The trend of staggering money on offer for anything that is
cricket-related in India has been evident over the last few years. The
enormous bids Chinese phone manufacturers Vivo (2,199 crore) and Oppo
(1,079 crore) made for the IPL title sponsorship and the Indian teams
sponsorship, respectively, earlier this year drive home the point. The new
media rights deal will considerably bolster the annual income of the Board of
Control for Cricket in India, 15.4% of which came from the IPL according to
its annual report for 2015-16. The cash flow reinforces the BCCIs
uncontested status as the wealthiest and most powerful governing body in
world cricket. Star Indias winning bid also highlights the rapid growth of the
games shortest version. It translates, approximately, to 54.5 crore a match,
greater than the 43 crore currently paid for an India home international
(Test, ODI and T20I). The club versus country debate will rage again,
specifically when the player auction takes place in February 2018 and the
league runs its course in April and May. Cricketers arent complaining,
though. Tests remain the acme of cricket but with venues largely sporting
empty stands, the five-day game needs its conveyor belt to be oiled by the
commerce that the IPL and by extension the BCCI gifts to the game at large.
More importantly, the confirmation of the commercial and administrative
clout of the BCCI must underline yet again the need to continue the reform
and clean-up of the way cricket is managed in India.
1. break the bank (phrase) cost more than one can afford; cost too much/expensive.
2. staple (noun) main or important item/element.
3. dish out (phrasal verb) distribute, dispense, issue.
4. gargantuan (adjective) enormous, extremely large, huge/massive.
5. squeak (noun) a single remark.
6. succinctly (adverb) in a brief and clearly expressed manner.
7. quadruple (verb) be increased fourfold.
8. fillip (noun) stimulus, boost, impetus.
9. stake (verb) put on, risk, pledge.
10. dwarf (noun) overshadow, outshine, outclass.
11. traction (noun) an idea or a product gains popularity/acceptance.
12. lodestone (noun) a thing that is the focus of attraction.
13. reiterate (verb) repeat, say again, restate.
14. staggering (adjective) astonishing, shocking, surprising.
15. drive home (phrase) draw/focus attention to/on, underline, highlight/emphasis.
16. bolster (verb) strengthen, support, reinforce/fortify.
17. conveyor belt (noun) carrying medium.
18. clout (noun) influence, power, control.
Direct talks are the only way out to de-escalate the crisis in the
Korean peninsula
North Koreas adventurism continues unabated. On Sunday, it tested what it
claims was a hydrogen bomb, its sixth nuclear weapons test, cocking a
snook at non-proliferation and international test ban laws, as well as at U.S.
President Donald Trump. Even as the tests drew global condemnation, this
was clearly a response to Mr. Trumps sabre-rattling rhetoric claiming that
the U.S. would rain fire and fury over the country and implying that its
nuclear weapons were locked and loaded to respond to any threat from
North Korea. Mr. Trumps response to Sundays development was to ratchet
up threats, besides calling out U.S. ally South Korea for appeasement and
threatening to cut trade ties with countries that conduct any form of business
with the North Koreans. Clearly the tough talk is not working it is only
pushing North Koreas totalitarian regime to take even more provocative
steps in a quest to attain the status of a de facto nuclear power. In response to
the exacerbated tensions in the region, South Korea and Japan have
significantly enhanced their defence capabilities, including spending on
missile defence. South Koreas new President Moon Jae-in, who is in favour
of talks, has now accepted the U.S.s missile defence system, THAAD, which
is opposed locally by many South Koreans.
North Korea relies on increasing militarisation and show of missile and
nuclear prowess for various reasons. Part of its ploy is to convince its
impoverished and isolated citizenry of the need for the country to attain
military parity in light of the presence of the U.S. military shield in South
Korea and Japan. Another part of it is to justify the years of the Kim family
rule, as these tests add to the myth of strong leadership by its 33-year-old,
third-generation dictator, Kim Jong-un. The unpalatable prospect of the
escalation of a possible military conflict into a nuclear war is also a way to
stave off any external intervention against the dictatorship, the likes of which
were seen in Iraq and Libya. Mr. Trumps latest Twitter threat against nations
doing business with North Korea is clearly targeted at China, the only regime
with some degree of influence though it is not clear exactly how much
over the North Korean regime. The Chinese, however, seem to be willing to
live with a nuclear North Korea as opposed to applying drastic trade sanctions
that could lead to a crippled economy and a refugee crisis besides other
unpredictable responses by a beleaguered regime. In light of all this, it is
important to de-escalate the conflict by having direct talks involving the U.S.,
China, South Korea and North Korea. Multilateral talks are, in fact, by far the
best option, given the trigger- and Twitter-happy supreme leaders in
Pyongyang and in Washington DC.
1. inflation (noun) increase of price level of goods & services & vice versa decrease of
currency value.
2. decelerate (verb) slow down, reduce speed, slack up.
3. peg at (verb) fix, set/hold down, limit (price, rate and etc at a level).
4. protracted (adjective) very long, prolonged, extended/extensive.
5. slide (noun) fall, drop, decline.
6. dampen (verb) decrease, reduce, lower.
7. inventory (noun) an unsold supply of a product that are stored in a place.
8. wane (verb) decline, decrease, disappear.
9. slacken (verb) decrease, lessen, subside.
10. heartening (adjective) encouraging, boosting, reassuring.
11. deteriorate (verb) worsen, get worse, decline.
12. augury (noun) omen, sign, indication.
13. contemplate (verb) consider, think, look at.
14. crowd out (phrasal verb) oust, overthrow, remove.
15. sliver (noun) a small/thin piece of something.
16. silver lining (phrase) identifying a good thing in a bad situation.
17. buoyant (adjective) booming, strong, growing/developing.
18. swathe (noun) a broad area of something.
19. encompass (verb) include, subsume, incorporate.
20. have ones task cut out (phrase) be faced with a tough task/work.
21. tailwinds (noun) (in business) it describes a situation or condition that will move growth,
revenues, or profits higher. Headwinds is a situations or conditions that make growth
harder/difficult.
Any belief that China has been deterred by Indias firm riposte at
Doklam could be misplaced
Just when the stand-off between India and China over the Doklam
plateauthreatened to go the way of the 1986-1987 Sumdorong Chu incident
(Arunachal Pradesh), the two sides agreed to step back and disengage, thus
avoiding a confrontation. The Indian side has pulled back its personnel and
equipment to the Indian side of the boundary, while China has agreed to make
necessary adjustments and deployment on its part. It is unclear, however,
whether China will patrol the region, which it claims to have been doing
earlier. Road construction will not continue for the present.
Behind the scenes, quiet diplomacy by the two sides, no doubt, led to the
defusing of what could have been a serious crisis. Chinas interest in Doklam
is not of recent origin and has a long history. Those on either side of the
divide currently claiming victory must, hence, pause to think what the future
holds. Jumping to conclusions at this point could amount to missing the
wood for the trees.
Indias actions in Doklam are easy to discern, viz. going to the help of a treaty
partner in its time of need, a decision which incidentally has security
ramifications for India. Chinas reasons are more complex and labyrinthine
but, nevertheless, cannot be easily wished away.
To savour victory without understanding the factors at work would be a
serious mistake. Going into the entire gamut of Sino-Indian relations to try to
decipher what prompted China to moderate its stand after weeks of high
decibel propaganda may not provide all the answers we seek.
To begin with, China and India have a kind of competitive coexistence. While
professing friendship, both sides nurse a mutual suspicion of each other at
times prompting several degrees of alienation. Both countries remain wary of
each others intentions and actions. Yet, and despite the long-time rivalry
between the two countries, we may need to look elsewhere for an explanation.
Understanding the way the Chinese mind works is, hence, important. The
Chinese mind tends to be relational, i.e. dictated by context and relationship,
and its methodology tends to be obtuse. When the Chinese state that they
have halted road building in the disputed Doklam area, while adding that they
may reconsider the decision after taking into account different factors, what
China means is that it is willing to wait to implement its decision, but at a
time of its choosing when an opportunity exists for a settlement suited to its
plans. Little finality can, therefore, be attached to any of Chinas actions.
Conflict avoidance
Any belief, hence, that China has been deterred by Indias firm riposte at
Doklam could be misplaced. Since the China-Vietnam conflict in 1980, China
has avoided getting into any outright conflict. It has preferred attrition a
protracted campaign to secure a relative advantage to forceful intervention.
By stepping back from a confrontation with India over a minor issue at this
time, what it had in mind were two significant events, viz. the BRICS summit
in China in September and the forthcoming 19th Congress of the Chinese
Communist Party. Also, it possibly believes that this would help China dilute
global perceptions about its aggressive designs.
This may not be as far-fetched as it may seem. China is playing for higher
stakes in a globalised world. For instance, on the South China Sea, it has
preferred to employ confidence-building measures to deal with the U.S. while
awaiting a more opportune moment to assert its claims.
China is even seeking more opportunities for cooperation, rather than
confrontation, with the U.S. on trade matters. In the case of the U.S., China
believes that relations between the two are adequately multilayered, providing
scope for mitigating areas of mutual benefit.
The BRICS summit and the 19th Party Congress both have high priority for
China today. Nothing will be permitted to disrupt either event. Extraneous
factors would not be allowed to affect this situation. For President Xi Jinping,
presiding over the BRICS Summit at this juncture will help consolidate his
informal leadership of the group. As the undisputed leader of BRICS, China
believes it can take a signal step towards global leadership.
China is currently seeking to reshape the regional and international order, and
is keen to fine-tune its Great Power diplomacy. It, hence, needs to be seen
as preferring peace over conflict. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a
potent instrument in this direction, but needs a peaceful environment to
succeed. Limited wars or conflicts, even with the possibility of successful
outcomes, would damage Chinas peaceful image globally. Active power
projection could at best provide a pyrrhic victory when the goal China has set
is much higher.
The 19th Party Congress is even more important from President Xis point of
view. It is intended to sustain his legacy and leave his stamp on the Party in
the mould of Chairman Mao. To achieve comprehensive success, he needs
peace to achieve his target. Till then everything else will need to wait.
This is again a delicate moment for China on the economic planes. It needs to
redress the economic imbalance between its coastal regions and the hinterland
States. One stated objective of the BRI is linking these regions with Chinas
land neighbours. Chinas growth rate is actually declining, debt levels are
dangerously high, and labour is getting more expensive. At this moment,
hence, it is more than ever dependent on international trade and global
production chains to sustain higher levels of GDP growth. It can ill-afford to
be seen as a disruptor rather than a pillar of the existing economic global
order. For the present, development, therefore, is the cardinal objective.
The Achilles heel of the Chinese economy is the lack of resources, specially
oil. Oil from the Gulf region is critical for Chinas growth. Peace in Asia is
thus vital to ensure uninterrupted supplies of oil. Uncertainties and
disruptions across the Asian region would hamper Chinas economic
progress.
Apart from this, China also faces several cross-border security challenges, in
addition to unrest in Tibet and Xinjiang. Embarking on military engagement
outside the countrys borders could aggravate Chinas problems. At a time
when China is intent on sustained economic growth at one level, and aspiring
to be a Great Power at another level, this could prove to be a dampener.
For all the above reasons, China currently leans towards the pragmatic when
it comes to relations with countries other than those in its immediate
periphery in East Asia. It is not keen to follow a policy adopted by its new-
found strategic ally viz. Russia which has paid a high cost for its
interventionist policies. China tends to take a longer term view of its future
and, despite the rising crescendo of nationalism in China today, is anxious not
to upset the international political or economic order. For this reason alone, it
would shun a conflict with India in the Doklam area.
How India and China repair ties at the Xiamen summit will
determine the future of BRICS itself
At Copenhagen in 2009, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, then Chinese
Premier Wen Jiabao and other leaders of the newly formed BASIC group
(with Brazil and South Africa) were sitting in a conference room, negotiating
a statement on the failure of the climate change summit. The group of
emerging economies had been bolstered by the formation of the BRIC group
(Brazil, Russia, India and China, South Africa joined in 2010) with a declared
objective of battling Western hegemony. The BASIC group had decided
they would walk away from Copenhagen without a deal, unless the demands
of emerging economies, which couldnt afford the same emission cuts, were
reflected. The scene, as described by Shyam Saran (then Indias chief climate
negotiator) in a new book on Indian foreign policy, turned dramatic: with a
knock on the conference room door, the U.S. team, led by then President
Barack Obama and then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, barged into the
meeting. After much back and forth, Mr. Wen and Dr. Singh accepted an
American compromise on the wording of the drafts, and the Copenhagen
accord went ahead.
Multiple challenges
Another challenge for India is likely to arise from Chinas plan for a BRICS-
Plus or Friends of BRICS grouping, with Foreign Minister Wang Yis plan
to include Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Mexico to an expanded version of BRICS.
The suggestion of including Pakistan is something India has baulked at and
wont pass quite yet, but it wouldnt want to be seen to be opposing Chinas
rationale of promoting south-south cooperation further.
Meanwhile Russia, which was the prime mover for the grouping, has moved
closer to China and away from India; this could affect the language of the
joint statement, especially on issues like Afghanistan, on which BRICS
members had previously been on the same page. Russias estrangement from
the U.S. and Europe post-2014 and the Ukraine crisis in particular have
increased its dependence on its east and south, mainly in the direction of the
$300 billion Russia-China oil pipeline that China is funding. Russias shift on
dealing with the Taliban is a strong signal of which way it is headed.
The U.S.s new Afghanistan-Pakistan-India policy, that builds Indias
economic assistance into its own strategy for Afghanistan, will crystallise
battle lines in the latest round of this age-old battle, with Russia, China, Iran
and Pakistan ranged on one side, and India, the U.S. and NATO allies now on
the other. In keeping with this, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has
called the U.S.s Afghanistan policy a futile course, while President
Vladimir Putins Afghanistan envoy Zamir Kabulov has warned against
putting too much pressure on Pakistan. At both the BRICS conference in
Goa last October, as well as the Heart of Asia summit in December, Russian
officials cavilled at backing Indias strong language on terrorism emanating
from Pakistan.
India must engage China a lot more. The BRICS meet is a good
occasion to initiate a dedicated backchannel
The resolution of the Sino-Indian military stand-off at Doklam, that lasted
close to two and a half months, is a much-awaited and welcome development
where patient statecraft and deft diplomacy seem to have paid off. Even as
several significant questions remain unanswered about the terms and
conditions of the resolution, it provides New Delhi and Beijing an opportunity
to reflect over what went wrong and rejig this important bilateral relationship.
The upcoming visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to China to attend the
BRICS summit will provide the two sides such an opportunity.
War is the continuation of politics by other means, observed the Prussian
military theorist Carl von Clausewitz in his classic work, On War. In other
words, military strategy should flow from carefully considered political
thinking. Now that we have arrived at a peaceful resolution at Doklam, we
need to examine the political strategy guiding Indias military deployment at
Doklam. Moreover, are there any lessons we can learn from this military
stand-off with China?
Self-help world
The most self-evident lesson from the Doklam stand-off is that we inhabit a
self-help world wherein China is a world power India is on its own and
would have to fend for itself in case of a clash with China, a country with
which every major state in the international system has a robust economic
relationship. It is important to note that none of the major powers
unambiguously and unreservedly supported Indias position on Doklam. In
fact, even Bhutan kept a studied silence through the latter part of the stand-
off. New Delhi, therefore, must carefully review the scenarios and consider its
options before upping the ante. Moreover, regarding Doklam, instead of
inviting military attention to itself and trapping itself in a conflict with
Beijing, New Delhi could have convinced Thimphu to be more vocal about
Bhutans territorial rights.
The second lesson from the Doklam stand-off is that China is unlikely to
respect Indias special relationships with its neighbours. India has long
enjoyed a special status in the South Asian region and often treated it as its
exclusive backyard. With China expanding its influence in the region and
competing for status and influence, the middle kingdom considers South
Asia, with India in it, as its periphery. China uses economic incentives and
military pressure to do so. Nepal is an example of the former, and Bhutan of
the latter. Recall Bhutan, besides India, is the only country from the region
that did not attend Chinas recent Belt and Road Forum in Beijing. Indias
traditional policy towards South Asia, of limited economic assistance topped
with a big brother attitude, will need to undergo fundamental transformation
to retain its influence.
Midway through the stand-off there had been concerns in New Delhi about
how the Doklam stand-off would eventually pan out. It is pertinent to ask
whether Doklam is so fundamental to Indian interests that we were willing to
risk a possible military skirmish with China based on the sketchy clauses of
the India-Bhutan friendship treaty. The lesson for us is clear: we should
consider all odds and evaluate the merit of the cause before making military
commitments.
Four, hyper-nationalism does not pay when it comes to dealing with China.
China, simply put, is not Pakistan, and Indian political parties cannot make
any domestic gains by whipping up nationalist passions against China. India
needs to engage China diplomatically to resolve outstanding conflicts rather
than engage in a war of words, or worse, threaten to use force. For sure, it is
not 1962, and thats true for both parties.
Five, the Doklam stand-off is a direct fallout of the Indian and Bhutanese
refusal to be part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). While this round may
have concluded without any of the three sides getting hurt, this is unlikely to
be the last of Chinese designs against India or Bhutan. Surely India cannot,
and should not, acquiesce to the BRI just because of Chinese pressure. And
yet, at the end of the day, Indian abstention would only frustrate BRI, it will
not derail it. Moreover, down the road, Indian unwillingness to be part of this
mega-project will hurt its own long-term economic interests. Therefore, it
needs to realise the importance of cooperating with China on the BRI while
getting China to do so on various India-led regional projects. It cannot be a
zero-sum game.
Next steps
What is also becoming abundantly clear is that the snail-paced Special
Representatives talks on the India-China boundary question have not yielded
much so far, and it is perhaps the appropriate occasion to revamp the dialogue
process. The 19 rounds of talks held till last year have hardly anything
substantive to show for them in terms of the resolution of the boundary
dispute. Indeed, the focus is increasingly shifting from conflict resolution to
conflict management. It is high time, therefore, that the two countries
appointed dedicated high-ranking officials to discuss the boundary issues in a
more sustained and result-oriented manner.
Lets briefly revisit the Doklam facts for the sake of clarity and future policy
direction. The Indian Army was deployed on the soil of another country
against a third country without proper treaty mandate or unambiguous official
invitation to intervene on behalf of the Bhutanese government. The 2007
India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty states that the two countries shall cooperate
closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests. And that:
Neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful
to the national security and interest of the other. Notwithstanding the special
security relationship that India and Bhutan have shared over the past several
decades, nothing in the 2007 treaty binds India to send troops to help Bhutan.
Nor did Bhutan explicitly request military assistance from India during the
stand-off even though the MEA statement of June 30, 2017 refers to
coordination between the two countries during the stand-off.
The argument here is not that India does not have legitimate security and
strategic interests in Bhutan which would be undermined by the Chinese
territorial aggression, but that there is a need to engage in careful scenario-
building before India decides to take China on militarily.
However, the most keenly fought by-election was in Nandyal, where the main
Opposition party, the YSR Congress Party, raised the stakes considerably by
calling it a referendum on the policies of Chief Minister N. Chandrababu
Naidu. Indeed, the election was seen as a contest by proxy between Mr. Naidu
and YSRCP leader Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy. A loss thus would have
considerably eroded the moral authority of Mr. Naidu, who still has close to
two years before he faces the Assembly election. Nandyal, in the
Rayalaseema region, was considered a stronghold of the YSRCP. To add to
the importance of the seat, there is a bitter history of defection and betrayal.
Nandyal was won by Bhuma Nagi Reddy on the YSRCP ticket in 2014, but
he crossed over to the TDP shortly before his death. Shilpa Mohan Reddy, the
YSRCP candidate in the by-election, had switched loyalties from the TDP.
Quite expectedly, the constituency saw a high-voltage campaign with Mr.
Reddy going to the extent of saying there was nothing wrong in shooting or
hanging Mr. Naidu for his failure to keep his election promises. The personal
attacks, coming close to incitement of violence, forced the Election
Commission to intervene and rap Mr. Reddy for violation of the Model Code
of Conduct. The TDP thereafter made it a must-win fight, deploying a whole
team of ministers to camp in the constituency, as a loss would have been
interpreted as a slide in its popular appeal. With the by-election out of the
way, Mr. Naidu should be able to look ahead and focus on his development
agenda without being distracted by the vitriol of his younger, relatively
inexperienced political rival.
1. driving (adjective) strong, powerful, effective.
2. thus (adverb) therefore, hence, consequently/as a result.
3. breathing space (noun) elbow room, clearance; intermission/interval.
4. of sorts (phrase) similar to/in a way, somewhat unusual.
5. reconcile (verb) adjust, balance, attune.
6. nurse (verb) foster, have (a belief/feeling); encourage/nurture.
7. sap (verb) erode, weaken, destroy (gradually).
8. stakes (noun) competition, contest, battle.
9. referendum (noun) public vote/popular vote; a direct vote in which people cast ballots to
decide on a specific issue or policy (Courtesy: VOA Learning English).
10. proxy (noun) deputy, representative, delegate.
11. stronghold (noun) bastion, centre; fortress/fort.
12. defection (noun) desertion, changing sides, decamping.
13. betrayal (noun) disloyalty, faithlessness, falseness.
14. switch (verb) change, swap/exchange, replace.
15. incitement (noun) provocation, prompting, inducement.
16. rap (verb) criticize, reprimand, reproach severely.
17. interpret (verb) understand, construe, take.
18. slide (noun) fall, drop, decline.
19. out of the way (phrase) dealt with, finished, completed.
20. vitriol (noun) (bitter) condemnation, criticism, flak/fault-finding.
Agreeing to disagree: ending the Doklam
stand-off
AUGUST 29, 2017 00:15 IST
Diplomacy has paid off in ending the Doklam stand-off, but India
and China must repair ties
The separate announcements by India and China that the Doklam military
stand-off has ended are a welcome sign that diplomacy has prevailed over the
harsh rhetoric of the past 10 weeks. The measured tone of the statement from
New Delhi, referring to the expeditious disengagement of border personnel
as part of the understanding between the two countries, shows that the
governments policy of pursuing diplomatic measures in the face of Chinas
angry rhetoric was wise. In turn, Chinas statement, which said that Indian
troops had withdrawn from the disputed Doklam plateau while Chinese troops
continue to patrol the area, gives Beijing the latitude it requires to end the
stand-off peacefully. The differing versions and the lack of further
information leave several questions unanswered about the terms of the
disengagement. But the very fact that both countries have been able to issue
statements even if they were designed to satisfy their domestic audiences
suggests that in diplomatic negotiations, each took into account the others
constraints. In issuing statements that were inconsistent with each other, both
sides seem to have agreed to disagree. To that end, the importance lies less in
the detail but in the dtente itself, in the decision by the leaderships of both
countries to pull back from what some feared could escalate into a full-blown
conflict. In this, it must be noted that New Delhi and Beijing have respected
the wishes of the Bhutanese government, which wanted an early end to the
crisis before the bitter winter set in.
One hopes the decision on Doklam, which comes a week before Prime
Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to go to China, will guide the bilateral
spirit beyond the September 3-5 BRICS summit to be held in Xiamen. Once
Mr. Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have met, diplomats must begin
the heavy lifting required to repair the rupture in ties over the past few
months, beginning with the cancellation of the Nathu La route for Kailash-
Mansarovar pilgrims. Statements from China during the stand-off indicate
that it no longer recognises the gains made in the Special Representative talks
in 2012. Nor does it regard the India-Bhutan-China tri-junction near Batang-
La to have been settled. India has made it clear that it does not consider the
Sikkim boundary settled either, and both sides will have to walk swiftly to
come back to some semblance of an accord on such basic issues before they
can move further. India and China must revert to the spirit of the Border
Defence Cooperation Agreement of 2013, which laid down specific
guidelines on tackling future developments along the 3,488-km boundary the
two countries share. The past two and a half months are also a lesson that
India cannot be unprepared for another Doklam, as Chief of the Army Staff
Bipin Rawat said on Sunday. India must necessarily hope for the best, and
prepare for the worst, when it comes to tensions with its northern neighbour.
1. stand-off (noun) deadlock, stalemate, impasse (in a dispute/conflict).
2. pay off (phrasal verb) succeed, be effective, get results.
3. prevail (verb) win through, triumph, be victorious.
4. rhetoric (noun) heroics, hyperbole/extravagant language.
5. expeditious (adjective) speedy, swift, quick/fast-track.
6. disengagement (noun) withdrawal, departure, retreat (troops from an area).
7. personnel (noun) staff, employees, workforce.
8. pursue (verb) undertake, prosecute, follow.
9. in the face of (phrase) despite, in spite of, notwithstanding, regardless of.
10. in turn (phrase) in succession, successively, sequentially.
11. latitude (noun) freedom, scope, leeway/flexibility.
12. design (verb) aim/intend; purpose/devise, plan.
13. constraint (noun) restriction, limitation, restraint.
14. detente (noun) restoration of harmony, agreement, compromise/understanding.
15. pull back (phrasal verb) withdraw, retreat, draw back/disengage (troops from an area).
16. full-blown (adjective) fully developed, complete, thorough/entire.
17. set in (phrasal verb) (of something unpleasant) begin, start, arrive.
18. rupture (noun) rift, estrangement, split/division.
19. semblance (noun) appearance; resemblance; similarity (archaic).
20. accord (noun) agreement, consensus, harmony.
21. revert (to) (verb) return, go back, come back.
That old spark: Nepal Prime Ministers visit
brings bilateral hope
AUGUST 28, 2017 00:02 IST
The Nepal Prime Ministers visit sparks hope that bilateral ties
will find a new equilibrium
At a time when the Doklam stand-off had focussed attention on Himalayan
geopolitics, it was impossible to miss the significance of the visit of Nepals
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to India. This was his first foreign visit
as Prime Minister, and it confirmed Kathmandus abiding interest in strong
ties with India. The recovery of bilateral warmth has taken some doing on
both sides. Mr. Deuba is Nepals 10th Prime Minister in a decade, and its
fourth since its Constitution was promulgated in 2015. India had mounted
strong opposition to the Constitution with demands that it be made more
inclusive, especially vis--vis the Madhesis in the Terai area, sending ties
with Kathmandus ruling establishment on a downward spiral. Even as Nepal
struggled to cope with rehabilitation work after the massive earthquake of
2015, many in Kathmandu held India responsible for the three-month-long
great blockade of goods and fuel supplies that followed sustained protests
by Madhesi groups. To that end, Mr. Deubas visit was another opportunity,
as were the visits of his predecessors K.P. Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal
Dahal Prachanda, to repair the India-Nepal relationship. The joint statement
at the end of the Delhi leg of his visit refers to the deep, comprehensive and
multi-faceted ties between the neighbours as it listed projects being
developed in Nepal under lines of credit provided by India. These include
$200 million for irrigation projects, $330 million for road development and
$250 million for power infrastructure in Nepal. India made the obligatory
appeal to Kathmandu to take all sections of society on board while
implementing its Constitution, but the tenor was notably softer this time. No
mention was made of a key amendment to the Constitution to accommodate
Madhesi demands that had been defeated just last Monday.
Yet, it would be a mistake to presume that ties can so easily return to their
pre-2015 strength, as the ground has shifted in too many ways since then. To
begin with, memories of the blockade still rankle in Nepal. And while South
Block and Singha Durbar have been keen to move ahead with trade linkages
and complete the integrated check-posts at Raxaul-Birgunj and Jogbani-
Biratnagar, the land-locked country has actively sought to break its
dependence on India for fuel and connectivity. Since 2015, Nepal and China
have cooperated on infrastructure plans, including a big hydroelectric project
and a rail link to Tibet. Nepal is also part of Chinas Belt and Road Initiative.
India is struggling to leverage the historical closeness with Nepal, the open
border the two share and the special status Nepalis working in India have
enjoyed. The India-China stand-off in Doklam will add to the awkwardness in
the trilateral relationship. Mr. Deubas visit will need a sustained follow-up.
Religious sects such as the Dera Sacha Sauda that command a huge following
are often handled with kid gloves by governments as they can deliver votes in
blocks. Senior BJP leaders, including ministers, have often been seen seeking
the blessings of the Dera leader. This is what must have prompted the Punjab
and Haryana High Court to come down hard on the Manohar Lal Khattar
government for its political surrender to the Dera vote bank. Although the
remarks are political in nature, and quite unusual coming from a court, they
reflect the growing perception that politicians are often in nexus with
religious leaders and cult figures. Three years ago, in Hisar, another godman,
self-styled jagat guru Sant Rampal, defied the police for several days,
evading arrest in a contempt case. In that instance, his followers countered the
police with Molotov cocktails and acid pouches. Clearly, godmen and cult
leaders believe they are above the law. It is for the government and law
enforcement agencies to disabuse them of that notion, especially when, as in
the case of Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh, they face charges of rape and murder.
A majority of the children who died had been struck by Japanese encephalitis, a
mosquito-borne, potentially fatal viral brain infection that periodically ravages
the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. But the immediate reason for at least half the
deaths appeared to be the cessation of piped oxygen into the intensive care
ward. Japanese encephalitis has no known cure, and as it progresses, patients
require oxygen to survive.
Despite 11 reminders over six months, the Uttar Pradesh government did not
pay the company that supplied oxygen to the Baba Raghav Das Medical College
hospital. The company acknowledged it had threatened to stop supplies
but denied it had actually done so. The state administration, with its own role in
question, vaguely promised stringent action against the guilty.
Many said the police had removed them from the hospital after their children
died. Some who sought autopsies were told to bring masks and gloves for
coroners, suggesting the breadth and depth of the states health care crisis.
Although disregard for human life is common in India, the images of dead
children from the Gorakhpur hospital were followed by intense criticism. This
is not just a tragedy, it is a massacre, Kailash Satyarthi, an Indian Nobel
laureate, tweeted.
Indian politicians are expected to look after their home constituencies, but Mr.
Adityanath defended his record and dismissed allegations that his government
was criminally negligent at worst and incompetent at best. One reason for the
deaths, he said, is that we do not lead a clean and hygienic life.
Several leaders from Indias ruling Bharatiya Janata Party played down the
tragedy. Amit Shah, the powerful B.J.P. president and Mr. Modis confidante,
said, In such a big country, many incidents happen; this isnt the first time an
incident like this has happened. Irrespective of the local governments political
ideologies, Gorakhpur and Uttar Pradesh have repeatedly witnessed mass death
from disease, grim reminders of the state of its public-health system. The Baba
Raghav Das hospitals recordsreveal that 3,000 children have died within its
walls since 2012.
Indias crumbling health care system heaps repeated indignities on its people. A
husband walked for miles with his wifes body slung over his shoulder because
ambulances refused help. Rats gnawed at a newborn in a hospital. Patients
traveled across the country to seek health care in big cities, living on sidewalks
for weeks, waiting and sometimes dying before they got an appointment.
Unlike in the United States, where health policies can hold the political stage,
health care in India has never been an electoral issue. In the spring, in the run-
up to the election that brought Mr. Adityanath to power, only 1 percent of voters
in Uttar Pradesh identified health care as a priority.
Indians rarely debate health policy, and the attitude may have something to do
with an Indian fatalism in matters of life and death. It allows the government to
get away with repeated public-health scandals. A major reason for Indias
health care crisis is that it spends about 1.3 percent of its gross domestic
product on health (the global average is 5.99 percent), and while an extensive
annual survey meticulously analyzes economic progress, its health data are
released only once a decade.
Indias infant mortality rate has fallen 76 percent over the past half-century, but
it is still higher than 150 middle- and low-income countries, many poorer than
India, including neighbors Nepal and Bangladesh.
India is part of the BRICS grouping of nations because of its economic and
military power. On health care, however, it has largely fallen behind fellow
BRICS members Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa. China reducedstunting
from 32.3 percent in 1990 to 9.4 percent in 2010. India lags behind, having
reduced stunting from 62.7 percent in 1990 to 38.4 percent in 2015.
And Uttar Pradesh, home to about 200 million, sits at the bottom of the health
rankings of Indias 36 provinces. The states infant mortality rate the number
of children who die for every 1,000 born is 47, the third highest in India. The
state government spends $7 a person every year in health care, 70 percent less
than the Indian average.
Over 15 years, as the states population surged 15 percent, the number of village
health centers, the front line of the public health care system, decreased 8
percent because many fell into disuse or were not staffed. Successive state
governments are responsible for the withering of the public-health system.
The merger of the two AIADMK factions has led to the emergence
of another
New fault lines have formed in the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam in Tamil Nadu. When the factions led by Chief Minister Edappadi
K. Palaniswami and former Chief Minister O. Panneerselvam agreed on the
merger, they must have hoped it would lead to a period of political stability
and an unrivalled claim to power. Instead, they are now faced with a new
pressure group led by T.T.V. Dhinakaran, nephew of the polarising figure that
is V.K. Sasikala, who is serving a four-year sentence in the disproportionate
assets case. By making the isolation of the Sasikala family a pre-condition for
the merger, the Panneerselvam faction appears to have left Mr. Palaniswami
on shaky ground. While Mr. Dhinakaran was not against the merger per se,
he and his kin have not taken kindly to the depiction of the political
reunion as a logical outcome of popular aversion to the Sasikala family. The
merger and the retrieval of the election symbol of Two Leaves were seen as
political necessities, but not the insistence of the Panneerselvam faction on
carrying on a political campaign almost entirely on an anti-Sasikala
platform. Though Mr. Palaniswami managed to defer a decision on
expelling Sasikala until after the convening of a general council meeting, in
the popular imagination the merger was made possible only by the sidelining
of the Sasikala family. To retain their relevance, Mr. Dhinakaran and other
members of the family were forced to coalesce into an opposing group.
With the support of 19 legislators, Mr. Dhinakaran is in a position to bring
down the government. However, rather than project his opposition as another
split in the party, he is keen to fight the battle from within. The proposal to
pitch the Speaker, P. Dhanapal, as the groups choice of Chief Minister to
replace Mr. Palaniswami is part of an attempt to reassert control over the
party and the government. Even now, many ministers in the Palaniswami
cabinet are Sasikala loyalists; they are held together only by their desire to
avoid a snap election just one year into the term of the Assembly. Given the
mood of the government at the Centre and the interests of the Bharatiya
Janata Party, Governor C. Vidyasagar Rao might not act in a hurry on the plea
by the MLAs supporting Mr. Dhinakaran and order Mr. Palaniswami to go
through a floor test. Indeed, the best course in the current muddled
circumstances would be to let matters take their own course and allow any
oppositional group to move a motion of no confidence against the
government. The Dhinakaran group would like a change at the helm, but
would not like to be seen as joining hands with the Opposition Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam and forcing a snap election. In such a situation, the
proper forum for a change of leadership is a meeting of the AIADMKs
legislature party, not the Raj Bhavan, and not the floor of the Assembly. At
least, not yet.
The Sahara case calls for a thorough probe to reveal all its money
laundering dimensions
It has been about five years since the Supreme Court ordered the Sahara
Group, led by Subrata Roy, to refund money that it borrowed from investors
without sufficient regulatory clearance. But the Securities and Exchange
Board of India, which was tasked by the Supreme Court to oversee the actual
transfer of money from the Sahara Group to investors, is clueless about where
to find those investors. The total amount, including interest on the initial
principal, that needs to be refunded to investors has bulged to about 40,000
crore now. Of this, SEBI has received an aggregate amount, including interest
earned on deposits, of about 14,487 crore from the Sahara Group. But
according to SEBIs latest annual report, as on March 31, 2017 only about
85.02 crore, including interest of about 38.05 crore, of this amount has
actually been returned to investors. As a background to the case, it is notable
that Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Ltd. and Sahara Housing
Investment Corporation Ltd., entities that come under the Sahara Group, were
directed by SEBI in 2011 to return about 24,000 crore that they had raised
through the issue of optional fully convertible debentures. The entities had
collected the money without seeking SEBIs approval, which led the regulator
to order the money to be returned to investors with appropriate interest. The
Sahara Group argued that it had sufficient approvals from the Ministry of
Corporate Affairs for the issue. But the Supreme Court, on August 31, 2012,
upheld the 2011 SEBI order.
The fact that very few investors have come forward to reclaim their money is
bizarre. SEBI has been requesting genuine investors in Sahara to step forward
and claim their money since at least May 2013. This obviously raises
questions about the authenticity of Saharas investor base, which needs to be
investigated thoroughly. The Sahara Group earlier claimed that it had already
returned 95% of the capital that it borrowed from investors even before the
Supreme Courts 2012 decision it says this is the reason much of the
refund money remains unclaimed. But the Group failed to satisfy the Supreme
Courts request to provide evidence of the source of funds used to make the
claimed return payments. It was always clear that the Sahara case was hardly
about investor protection, one that could be handled by SEBI. Yet, even as
crores of rupees remain unclaimed from SEBI, investigations into the case
from the angle of possible money laundering have been slow. The
Enforcement Directorate began proceedings in 2014 against the Sahara Group
under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, but has had very little to
show for its efforts. The government must step in to expedite a probe into
what could be a massive money laundering exercise. This will yield better
results than waiting for millions of missing investors to turn up. Finally, the
Ministrys rationale for approving Saharas initial fund-raising efforts should
not be left uninvestigated either.
Barcelona horror
AUGUST 19, 2017 00:02 IST
1. plough (into) (verb) ram, crash into, smash into, collide with.
2. lone wolf (noun) a person who likes to do to things on his/her own.
3. meticulous (adjective) careful, precise, scrupulous.
4. rip (through) (verb) move quickly/rapidly.
5. at large (phrase) escaped, free, on the run.
6. grapple with (verb) struggle, deal with, tackle.
7. counterpart (noun) a person who serves the same job/function but in a different location;
equivalent.
8. thwart (verb) block, prevent, stop.
9. jihadist (adjective) (in Islam) relating to a person who supports jihad (holy war).
10. beef up (phrasal verb) strengthen, reinforce, consolidate.
11. multitude (noun) a lot, a large/great number, a host of.
12. fumble (verb) move awkwardly; make efforts to do something.
13. paradigm (noun) model, pattern, example.
14. on this score (phrase) on that subject/matter, so far as that is concerned, in this respect.
15. strain (verb) struggle, labour, try very hard/strive.
16. suboptimal (adjective) below the highest standard/level/quality.
17. intra- (prefix added to adjectives) within.
18. culminate (verb) come to a climax; come to an end with, terminate with.
19. foil (verb) thwart, prevent, obstruct.
20. notwithstanding (preposition) in spite of, despite, regardless of.
21. unenviable (adjective) difficult, undesirable, unpleasant.
22. disperse (verb) scatter, disseminate, spread.
23. determined (adjective) resolute, single-minded, unwavering.