WOMENS EMPOWERMENT THROUGH

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN INDIA

KULDEEP FADIA

The ethics and trend of participatory aspect has been

advocated in this article for vibration of universal trend of
understanding in realism. The data and indicators in this artcle
symbolise the phenomenon of growth and attributes in the
sphere of political participation of women for holistic mindset
and political stratification on the highest cohesive sense of
the term and conditionalities.

WOMENS EMPOWERMENT as a phenomenon is not something

absolutely new. It has been there throughout history in almost all societies
for a variety of reasons. What could be considered as new is its increasingly
coming out in public, its having been shifted and reshaped from womens
welfare and their development to now womens empowerment, and it is
being discussed, reported and critically evaluated. What is rather recent is
the identification of the girl children and women as a special group and the
acknowledgement internationally of the importance of specific focus on
the critical and key issues related with the empowerment of women. What
is still more recent is the increasing realisation and recognition that
empowering women is absolutely essential rather imperative, for familial,
societal, national and international development and progress. It has also
been realised and accepted that genuine commitment and efforts have to
be made by each country at the government, non-government and individual
levels to work, towards establishing womens empowerment as nationality
and internationally discussed also in UN World Conference on Women
and agreed upon the Plan for Action.1
The first ever world conference on women was held in Mexico in
1975 to address the issue of gender inequality. It was followed by a second
world conference on women at Copenhagen in 1980 and a third in Nairobi
in 1985. At the UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio

1
United Nations Agenda for Development (United Nations, New York, 1997), pp.47-
49.
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de Janiero (1992), world leaders accepted womens vital role in achieving

sustainable development. At the World Conference on Human Rights in
Vienna (1993), governments acknowledged that womens rights are human
and headed the evidence of widespread violence against women. At the
International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo (1994),
womens empowerment was recognised as a cornerstone for effective
population policies. At the World Conference for Social Development in
Copenhagen (1995), gender equality was recognised as a prerequisite for
the achievement of productive employment, social integration and poverty
eradication. The fourth world conference on women took place in Beijing
in September 1995 followed by Beijing + 5 held in Geneva in 2000.2
At Mexico, Copenhagen, Nairobi and Beijing the importance of issues
related to the improvement of the status of women was stressed. From
each of these global conference emerged a more powerful recognition of
the crucial role of women in sustainable development and protecting the
environment; of the human rights of women as an inalienable, integral and
indivisible part of universal human rights; of violence against women as
an intolerable violation of these rights; of health, maternal care and family
planning facilities, and of access to education and information, as essential
to the exercise by women of their fundamental rights.
Indeed, in the United Nations the womens movement has a staunch
ally. Starting from the assertion in the charter, calling for full equality of
men and women, the United Nations has worked with the womens
movement to realise this goal of the founding fathers. The Commission on
the Status of Women was one of the first bodies established by the Untied
Nations after its foundation. Over the past 40 years, world conferences on
women, held in Mexico City, Copenhagen, Nairobi and Beijing, have
contributed to the progressive strengthening the legal, economic, social
and political dimensions of the role of women. In 1979, the General
Assembly adopted the landmark convention for the elimination of all forms
of discrimination against women.
The movement for gender equality the world over has been one of the
defining developments of our time. While women have made significant
advances in many societies, womens concerns are still given second priority
almost everywhere. According to the Report of the World Conference of
the UN Decade for Women, Copenhagen, July 1980: While Women
represent 50 per cent of the world adult population and a-third of official
labour force, they perform nearly two-thirds of all working hours, receive

2
Platform for Action and the Beijing Declaration, United Nations, Department of Public
Information, New York, 1996, pp. 1-4.
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KULDEEP FADIA

only a-tenth of world income and own less than one per cent of the world
property.
This is more than true of India. Despite development planning, and
the special status accorded to women in the Indian Constitution, there has
not been a substantial qualitative improvement in the position of a large
majority of women living in rural areas.
Empowerment: Concept
Empowerment has become a fashionable and buzz word. It essentially
means decentralisation of authority and power. It aims at getting
participation of deprived sections of people in decision-making process.
In other words giving voice to voiceless. Activists want government to
empower poor people including women by legislative measures and welfare
programmes. Empowerment is the process by which the disempowered or
powerless people can change their circumstances and begin to have control
over their lives. It results in a change in the balance of power, in the living
conditions and in the relationships. Unless capacity is built in these sections
in reality the power is used by others rather than the section for which they
are meant.3
Women empowerment may mean equal status to women, opportunity
and freedom to develop herself. The focus of empowerment is equipping
women to be economically independent, self-reliant, have a positive self-
esteem to enable them to face any difficult situation and they should be
able to participate in the process of decision-making.
Empowerment of Women
The world over women are struggling to break the shackles that bind
them and challenging the unequal distribution of power in society.
Transforming the existing egalitarian pattern of gender relationships
necessitates leadership in the state, markets and civil societythe key
centres of power in the present globalising economy. It is, therefore,
imperative for women to be in the corridors of power and have the power
to negotiate a better deal for themselves, if they are to influence policy
decisions which have an impact upon them. Empowerment of women in
all spheres, in particular the political sphere is critical for their advancement
and the foundation of a gender-equal society. Womens political
empowerment is premised on three fundamental and non-negotiable
principles: (a) the equality between women and men; (b) Womens right to
the full development of their potentials; and (c) womens right to self-
representation and self-determination. In empowerment, the key indeed
3
Promilla Kapur, Empowering the Indian Women, Publications Division, New Delhi,
Preface, 2001.
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is power: it is power to access, control and make informed choices.

To use an Indian expression, it is shakti, which is manifested through the
use of a mix of power, effectiveness, capability, force and influence to
challenge and transform the structures and institutions of patriarchal
ideology and existing power relations. According to the Jakarta Declaration,
Empowerment of women is not only an equity consideration, it is also a
necessary precondition for sustainable economic and social development.
Involvement of women in the political arena and in decision-making roles
is an important tool for empowerment as well as monitoring standards of
political performance. The application of the philosophical underpinnings
of Jakarta Declaration are necessary, because in the countries where women
have gained near equal representation such as in the Scandinavian countries,
they have begun to alter the very nature of politics.
Gender Justice
Judicial activism in recent years had led to ensuring greater equality
for women before the law. Review of legislation from a gender perspective
has begun to bring greater equality for women. Greater awareness among
women; a stronger recognition of womens rights, sustained public advocacy
and effective judicial activism are beginning to show some results. The
Supreme Courts landmark judgement in 1997 on a writ petition by some
womens groups seeking the enforcement of the fundamental rights of
working women has paved the way for their greater protection from sexual
harassment. The Supreme Court in 1997, also announced a set of guidelines
for sexual harassment for the first time. Court judgements have also started
invoking international conventions like CEDAW to make a stronger case
for womens justice. Institutions like the National Commission for Women
and the National Human Rights Commission are carrying out detailed
investigations of injustice against women.
Women are, however virtually invisible in the political sphere. Under
representation or invisibility of women in decision-making reinforces their
deprivation, leading to an unequal distribution of resources, neglect of
their interests, needs, perspectives and priorities and now say in policy-
making. Their voices fall in deaf ears, and as Alida Brill vehemently insists,
Without our own voices being heard inside the government arenas and
halls of public policy and debate, we are without the right of
accountability a basic entitlement of those who are governed.
The Road Travelled: From Welfare to Empowerment
In India numerous steps have been undertaken to provide constitutional
safeguards and institutional framework for activities for women welfare.
The development of women has been the central focus in development
planning since Independence. There have been various shifts in policy
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KULDEEP FADIA

approaches during the last 40 years from the concept of welfare in the
70s to development in the 80s, and now to empowerment in the 90s
and afterwards. Now the emphasis is on the inclusion of women in decision-
making and their participation at the policy formulation levels.4
The Government of India has declared the year 2001 as year for the
Empowerment of Women, but the struggle to reach this stage has been
long and arduous. The concern for womens political equality in India first
emerged as a political issue during the national movement in which women
were active participants. As early as 1917, Indian women raised the issue
of representation in politics, which at a time meant a demand for universal
adult franchise. By 1929 women had the right to vote on the basis of
wifehood, property and education. Under the Government of India Act,
1935, all women over 21 could vote provided they fulfilled the conditions
of property and education. Post-Independence, women continued to play a
significant role in less conventional political activities such as
environmental movement, anti-alcohol agitation, peace movement and even
revolutionary activities, which equally affect power relationships as they
have the capacity to influence the state. Yet, politics proved to be a very
inhospitable terrain for women and continues to be the male bastion into
which the entry of women is severely restricted.
Women continue to remain invisible and marginalised in decision-
making bodies, leading to lack of a feminist perspective in political decision-
making. It was only with the setting up of the Committee on the Status of
Women in India (CSWI) September, 1971 that the demand for greater
representation of women in political institutions in India was taken up in a
systematic way. Earlier the focus of the growing womens movement had
been on improving womens socio-economic position. The CSWI Report
Towards Equality (1974) reveals that political parties have tended to
see the women voters and citizens as appendages of the males.......... It
also refers to the tokenism involved in having a few womens rights on
account of their dependent and minority status. Recognising the tokenism
inherent in associating women representative through election, co-option
or nomination in local bodies, the report suggests a more meaningful role
of women in the structure of local administration.
The question of reservation of seats was left to the National Perspective
Plan for women to take up. It recognised that political participation of women
is severely restricted and suggested that a 30 per cent quota for women be
introduced at all levels of elective bodies. The process of reservation was

4
V. S. Gupta, Nation Building and Empowerment of Women, Employment News, 11-
17 August, p.8, 2001.
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initiated during Rajiv Gandhis Prime Ministership. The entire issue took on
a political hue as it became a moot point whether the introduction of
reservation at the level of panchayats and urban local bodies was really meant
to give increased representation to women or was a populist measure aiming
to create a womens constituency at a time when the Congress Party needed
to resurrect its image. These doubts notwithstanding, the 73rd and 74th
Amendments to the Indian Constitution in 1992 and 1993, which provided
for 33 per cent reservation for women in panchayats and urban local bodies.
These amendments, as a strategy of affirmative action, served as a major
breakthrough towards ensuring womens equal access and increased
participation in political power structures.5
Thus, women are making significant gains in the political sphere where
increased participation is rapidly empowering women, boosting their
confidence, changing perceptions regarding their contribution, and
improving their status and position in society. For instance, political
participation and grassroots democracy have been strengthened
considerably by the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments that have
created new democratic institutions for local governance. The last 20 years
of panchayati raj in India have seen women go from strength to strength in
terms of their political participation. While many faced resistance initially
to their presence in offices of responsibility, overtime, acceptance of women
within the panchayati raj framework has been increasing. Of the 28 lakh
elected Panchayat representatives, around 10 lakh are estimated to be
women. The average of women representation in panchayats across the
country is 36.94 per cent. However, a few states have gone beyond the
mandated 33 per cent and provided more reservation for women. For
instance Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Rajasthan have reserved
50 per cent seats for women in panchayats and Sikkim has reserved 40 per
cent seats for women. Roughly 55 per cent of elected representatives in
Bihar are women.6 The Constitutions 110th Amendment Bill 2009 provides
reservation for women from 33 per cent to 50 per cent in PRIs. The Bill
seeks to amend the Article 243D to enhance the quantum of reservation
for women from one-third to one-half of the total seats in the panchayats.
Similar reservation shall be provided among the total number of offices of
chairpersons.7
5
National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, A Consultation Paper
on Pace of Socio-Economic Change under the Constitution., pp. 33-35, May 2001.
6
Annual Report, 2011-12, Ministry of Panchayati Raj, Government of India, p. 27.
7
The Constitution (One Hundred and Tenth Amendment) Bill, 2009 was introduced in
the Lok Sabha on November 26, 2009 by the Minister of Panchayati Raj, Shri C. P. Joshi.
- Article 243D of the Constitution provides that a minimum of one-third of the total number
contd...
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KULDEEP FADIA

Women have, however, not found adequate representation in the Lok

Sabha. The percentage of elected women Lok Sabha members has never
exceeded 12 per cent. Table 1 shows representation of women in Lok Sabha
since 1952. Average number of women representation in Lok Sabha works
out to only 36.87 and average percentage of women representation in Lok
Sabha is not more than 6.91 per cent.
TABLE 1: WOMEN PRESENCE IN THE LOK SABHA

Year Seats Women MPs % of Women MPs

1952 499 22 4.41
1957 500 27 5.40
1962 503 34 6.76
1967 523 31 5.93
1971 521 22 4.22
1977 544 19 3.29
1980 544 28 5.15
1984 544 44 8.9
1989 517 27 5.22
1991 544 39 7.17
1996 543 39 7.18
1998 543 43 7.92
1999 543 49 9.02
2004 543 45 8.03
2009 543 59 10.86
2014 543 61 11.23
Average 531.06 36.87 6.91

The presence of women in the Upper House has been only slightly
higher overall, probably due to indirect elections and nomination of some
women members. It was highest in 1990 at 15.5 per cent and shows a
declining trend thereafter. Nonetheless, this representation does not even
contd..
of seats filled by direct elections in the Panchayats shall be reserved for women. The seats
may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Panchayat. Offices of
Chairpersons in Panchayats shall be reserved for SCs/STs and women in a manner to be
prescribed the state legislatures. The reservation shall be in proportion to the population
of SCs/STs in the state. Also, a minimum of one-third seats shall be reserved for women
among the total number of offices of Chairpersons in the Panchayats. The Bill seeks to
amend the Article 243D to enhance the quantum of reservation for women from one-third
to one-half of the total seats in the Panchayats. Similar reservation shall be provided
among the total number of offices of Chairpersons.
Current Status: The Bill is pending. The Bill was referred to the Department related
Standing Committee on Rural Development (Chairperson: Smt Sumitra Mahajan), which
has to submit its report.
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come close to the 33 per cent marks (Table 2). It is significant to note that
the Deputy Chairperson of the Rajya Sabha at least for more than 25 years
has been a woman, yet women face increasing competition from male
politicians for nomination.
TABLE 2: WOMEN PRESENCE IN THE RAJYA SABHA

Year Total Seats No. of Women % of Women

1952 219 16 7.3
1957 237 18 7.6
1962 238 18 7.6
1967 240 20 8.3
1971 243 17 7.0
1977 244 25 10.2
1980 244 24 9.8
1985 244 28 11.4
1990 245 38 15.5
1996 223 20 9.0
1998 223 19 8.6
2004 245 27 11.1
2009 245 22 8.97
2014 245 29 11.83
Average 238.21 22.92 9.62

The number of women contesting election has always been low, as may
be seen from Table 3. The highest number of women contestants has been
merely 636 in 2014, while the number of male contestants has always been
in thousand, the highest being 13,353 in 1996. Yet it is encouraging to note
that the percentage of winners among women has consistently been more
than that of the men, notwithstanding the fact that more often than not, the
losing seats are offered to women candidates by the respective political parties.
For example, in 1996, only 3.8 per cent of male candidates won, in comparison
to 6.7 per cent of female candidates. Likewise, the percentage of winners
was 11.2 per cent for men and 15.7 per cent for women in 1998, 12.3 per
cent and 17.3 per cent in 1999, 6.44 per cent and 10.61 per cent in 2009 and
6.39 per cent and 9.74 per cent, respectively in 2014 (16th Lok Sabha).
This scenario is also typical at the state level. There are only a few
instances of women holding portfolios of finance, industry, etc., and are
mainly relegated to what are considered women specific departments. The
source reveals that the highest percentage of women in the State Legislative
Assemblies has been 10.8 per cent in 1957 in Madhya Pradesh. Haryana has
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KULDEEP FADIA

TABLE 3: WOMEN CONTESTANTS

Year Males Females Total Percentage Percentage

of males of females
winning winning
1952 1831 43 1874 26.05 51.16
1957 1473 45 1518 31.7 60.00
1962 1915 70 1985 24.0 50.00
1967 2302 67 2369 21.3 44.80
1971 2698 86 2784 18.5 24.40
1977 2369 70 2439 22.1 27.10
1980 4478 142 4620 11.5 19.7
1984 5406 164 5574 9.2 25.60
1989 5962 198 6160 8.5 13.60
1991 8374 325 8699 5.9 12.00
1996 13353 599 13952 3.8 6.70
1998 4476 274 4750 11.2 15.70
1999 3976 278 4254 12.3 17.30
2004 5080 355 5435 9.8 12.30
2009 2514 556 8070 6.44 10.61
2014 7527 636 8163 6.39 9.74

had the highest average of women in the Assembly at 6.1 per cent and
Manipur, the lowest at 0.3 per cent. The period average varies between a
mere two per cent and six per cent. Significantly, there seems to be slight or
no correlation between literacy and female representation. Kerala, with its
high literacy rate, has a low state average of 3.6 per cent. Even Rajasthan
and Bihar have higher averages at 4.7 per cent and 4.5 per cent respectively.
The representation of women in the Union Council of Ministers
between 1985 and 2014 is shown in the Table 4. The data show that women
have remained poorly represented in Council of Ministers.
Since Independence we had so far 15 women chief ministers and 23
women governors. Only one woman so far served as President of India but
so far we had no woman as Vice-President and Chief Justice of India. Only
one woman has got the opportunity to serve as Chief Election Commissioner
and one as Chairperson UPSC but none as CAG.
Women employment under Central Government has been found to the
extent of 3.11 lakh, which is only 10.04 per cent of the total regular Central
Government employment (as on 31st March, 2009).8 The number of women
candidates recommended for appointment on the basis of the results of the

8
B. L. Fadia, Indian Government and Politics, Sahitya Bhawan Publications, Agra, pp.
827-828, 2011.
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TABLE 4: REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE UNION

COUNCIL OF MINISTER (1985-2014)
Year Number of Minister Number of Women Minister
Cabinet Minister Deputy Cabinet Minister Deputy
Minister of State Minister Minister of State Minister
1985 15 25 0 1 3 0
1990 17 17 5 0 1 1
1995 12 37 3 1 4 1
1996 18 21 0 0 1 0
1997 20 24 0 0 5 0
1998 21 21 0 0 3 0
2001 30 7 35 3 2 4
2002 31 45 0 2 5 0
2004 28 38 0 1 6 0
2009 34 45 0 3 5 0
2014* 23 23 0 6 1 0
*First phase of Narendra Modis Council of Ministers which took oath on May 26, 2014.

Civil Services Examination, 2007 was 143 as against 101 in the year 2006.
However, since 2010 the representation of women through Civil Services
Examination for the higher civil services is gradually increasing. Out of
269,036 candidates appeared in the Civil Services (Pre) Examination held
on May 23, 2010, 204,716 were male and 64,320 were female. On the
basis of the result of this examination 11036 male and 1453 female were
declared qualified for taking the main examination. Finally, after the main
examination 718 male and 203 female candidates (22.04%) were
recommended for 2010 higher civil services posts including IAS and IPS.9
The trend is positive and in 2011 Civil Services Examination after the
main examination 787 male and 212 female candidates (21.22%) were
recommended for 2011 higher civil services posts including IAS and IPS.10
The number of women candidates appeared, interviewed and recommended
during 2010 and 2011 are at Table 5.
The representation of women at various levels in services,
representative bodies and judiciary remain grossly inadequate even after
65 years of the working of the Constitution. Lack of adequate participation
of women is not only depriving them of their due share in income but also
of the social benefits that come from womens enhanced status and
independence (including the reduction of mortality and fertility rates).

9
The Union Service Public Commission, 62nd Annual Report 2011-12, Appendix-14,
pp. 3-4.
10
The Union Service Public Commission, 62nd Annual Report 2011-12, Appendix-14,
pp. 108-109.
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KULDEEP FADIA

TABLE 5

Examination Appeared Interviewed Recommended

Civil Services (Main) 1418 449 203
Examination, 2010
Civil Services (Main) 1453 433 212
Examination, 2011

Reservation of Women in Parliament and State Legislatures

Taking this whole question to its logical conclusion, the demand
gathered momentum and the question of quotas came up again in 1995.
This time the focus was on women in Parliament. Initially, most political
parties agreed to introduce 33 per cent reservation for women in Parliament
and State Legislatures and in order to attract women voters, the 1996
election manifestoes of almost all the political parties echoed this demand.
But soon doubts surfaced. When the Bill addressing this issue was
introduced in the Eleventh Lok Sabha in 1997, several parties and groups
raised objections. The objections focused around two main issues: first,
the issue of overlapping quotas for women in general and those for women
of the lower castes; second, the issue of elitism. The Bill was first introduced
by Dev Gowda led United Front Government. But persistent demands for
a sub-quota for another backward classes and minorities resulted in its
being referred to a Parliamentary Committee headed by Gita Mukherjee,
which recommended its passage, rejecting the demand for sub-quotas,
despite differences among members on the various issues involved. The
demand for sub-quotas for OBCs and minorities is seen, again to be merely
a way of stalling reservation for women; there are no instances of political
parties having such quotas in their own cadres. The Bill has already been
introduced five times, but is stalled each time. The ugly scenes witnessed
in Parliament at the time seem to indicate a devaluation of the agenda of
womens empowerment. Sex as the basis of reservations and the electoral
strategies perceived to be behind the Bill, continues to be a contentious
issue even among those strongly committed to the cause of womens
empowerment.
However, the Rajya Sabha on March 9, 2010, took a historic and
giant step by voting (191 for and 1 against) to amend the Constitution,
providing one-third reservation in Parliament and State Assemblies for
women. Till today bill is not passed by the Lok Sabha and ratified by one-
half of the states before it comes into effect.
Assuming that the Womens Reservation Bill gets signed into law, how
will it work on the ground? If women gain control of one-third of the seats
in the Lok Sabha and the State Legislative Assemblies, what will be its
effect on their male counterparts? How will rotation of seats work in
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practice? Who decides which seat go to women?11

First, the key features of the Bill: one-third of all seats on the Lok Sabha
and the State Assemblies will be reserved for women. In the case of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the reservation will work as a quota
within quota a-third of the seats currently reserved for the two category
will be sub reserved for SC / ST women. Reservation of seats for women
will be in rotation and will cease 15 years after the commencement of the
Act. Seat allocation will be done in a manner determined by Parliament
through enactment of a law.
Now the implications of the legislation: Since one-third of the seats
will be reserved during each general election, each seat in the Lok Sabha
and each seat in each of the Assembly will have one reserved and two free
terms in the course of three elections. In a 15-year time limit, this will
translate as each seat getting reserved for women just once provided, of
course, that governments complete their terms and elections are held once
every five years. If there are six instead of three elections in this period,
each seat will get reserved twice, after 15 years, each seat will have been
reserved at least once, the idea being that women representatives should
have reach and spread across the country.
CONCLUSION
It can be conclusively stated that there has been a radical change in the
movement for empowerment of women. Recognition is dawning that
women are indeed becoming a political force, both nationally and
internationally. In this context it would be noteworthy to recall the
observations of Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen in his book, India : Economic
Development and Social Opportunity, Womens empowerment can
positively influence the lives not only of women themselves but also of
men, and of course, those of children.
Political parties cannot remain indifferent towards women who constitute
586.5 million population and nearly 48.46 per cent of the electorate (2011
Census). Although almost all parties have attempted to build women
organisations to secure their support and make their organisations more broad-
based, but in practice they have fielded much less proportion of women
candidates in the elections giving them proportionately much less
representation in the legislative bodies than their actual population strength.
Former CEC M.S. Gills proposal to make it mandatory for all political
parties to nominate at least a-third of women candidates for the seats deserves
to be commended. If they are not prepared to accept the principle of
representation within their own parties, what moral right do they have to
advocate reserving parliamentary constituencies for women?

11
Census of Central Government EmployeesAs on March 31, 2009