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1500-1579
by
Amirul Hadi
A Thesis Submitted to
Master of Arts
McGill University
Montreal, Canada
April 1992
National Library Bibliothque nationale
of Canada du Canada
ISBN 0-315-80294-4
Canada
McGILL UNIVERSITY
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) AJ V O N E SI A
( F r a n c a i s au v e r s o )
C E H A N D THE P O R T U G U E S E
Kupersembahkan buat
Ayah dan Bundaku,
Kakak dan Adik-adikku,
serta semua keponakanku:
Zikra, Rina, Usi, Putra dan Uzmah.
i
ABSTRACT
Degree: M.A.
and Islam were the main influences. The Christian European intruders were
economie reaction. Jihad (holy war) also played an important spiritual role
Aceh in the northern tip of Sumatra and the support of other Muslim
RSUM
Auteur: A m i r u l Hadi
Diplome: M.A.
q u e c o n n u t A c e h au seizime sicle.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Development Project for its financial support during the past two years.
thanks to Dr. A. Uner Turgay, the director of the Institute of Islamic Studies
and my thesis advisor, for his criticism and patience in seeing this thesis
Federspiel who kindly read the draft of this thesis and contributed his
completing this research. I would like to thank Ms. Salwa Ferahian from
the Library of the Institute of Islamic studies for her assistance in obtaining
some important books for this thesis through interlibrary loans. Special
thanks go to Steve Millier, Shafiq Virani and John Calvert for editing my
abstract into French and to Eric Ross for the maps. Finally, my great
gratitude and love are dedicated to my parents who, with their endless
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland
(London)
iilSLITEHATIOH TABLB
r > b b b W 9 9 9 B
V P P P u* d z x
p
O t t t t
k f t f j
0
i
J | f f z
c th 3 a fl
t 4
. . .
L gn g fii
vl. ch 9 cii ui f f f f
C h h h h q q k q
* d k k k k
C kb. kh . h kh
j d d d d o s er e
j d w n
dh jz _z Z_ J 1 1 1 1
.' r r r r f n o DI n
O n n n n
) 2 z z z u 9
J zh zh zh h h h h
a s s a J w V V
u- ah ah s ah * 7 7 7 7
Vovols, dinhthom-s, atc. (Por Ottonan 'Rirkish vovels etc. see separate memorandun.)
hort; - a; - i; - u.
long with tashdd: ^ ya; Vt. t i ' marbtahi *> ah; ia Idafah.: at.
vi
A NOTE O N S P E L L I N G
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
TRANSLITERATION TABLE v
A NOTE ON SPELLING vi
INTRODUCTION 1
A. Military Encounter 51
B. Political Maneuver 64
C. Trading Competition 72
D. Islamic Response 81
CONCLUSION 114
MAPS 1 2 6
INTRODUCTION
Few would deny that the coming of the Portuguese to Malacca in the
early part of the sixteenth century brought about a new era for the peoples
of Southeast Asia. They were the first Europeans to come to the region, a
region where trade and agriculture were the main activities of the people.
spread Christianity clearly upset native traders and political rulers of the
region at a time when Islam was consolidating its hold on the population
and local rulers clearly empowered it as the "official" religion. Hence, the
adversaries.
strategically located on the northern tip of Sumatra; it was the first and
most frequent place touched by Islam in the archipelago since the seventh
proximity to Malacca across the straits made it a competitor for the Indian
Portuguese.
The main task of this thesis will be to answer two major questions: the
first, how did Aceh respond to the Portuguese? and the second, to what
1
2
This study focuses only on the history of Aceh during the period from
1500 to 1579. It might seem that the period covered is quite long.
Portuguese and the impact of this relation on the rise of Aceh rather than
on a complete study of the Muslim kingdom. It was during this period that
Aceh, for the first time, emerged as a strong Muslim kingdom in the region.
This rise constituted the basic foundation for the golden age of the
Chapter one deals with the roles of Aceh, Malacca and the Portuguese
during the fifteenth century. There were several main powers in the
northern part of the island of Sumatra in this century: Pasai, Pidie, Daya,
Lamuri and Aceh. They played an important role in trade and Islamic
was to dominate the spice trade of the region and to spread Christianity
The second chapter deals with the response of Aceh to the Portuguese
response. The final chapter discusses the rise of Aceh in military strength,
Historiography S o e d j a t m o k o writes:
1
S o e d j a t m o k o , e d . , An Introduction to Indonesian Historiography (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1965), xii.
2
A. H. J o h n s , " S u f i s m as a C a t e g o r y in Indonesian Literature a n d
History," JSEAH, v o l . 2, no. 2 (July 1961), 10.
4
the others.
that the s o u r c e s are useiess. In fact, they are rich with information about
a n d p u b l i s h e d by C. C . B r o w n in 1 9 7 0 . 4
" C o n s i d e r e d to be the fin est work
4
This c h r o n i c l e w a s p u b l i s h e d for the first time in JMBRAS, vol. 25, pt. 2
a n d 3 (1935).
5
Buttoms, " S o m e M a l a y Historical S o u r c e s , " 168.
6
Hoesein Djajadiningrat, " L o c a l Tradition a n d the Study of Indonesian
History," in S o e d j a t m o k o , An Introduction, 76. In this study only his
translated edition w a s c o n s u l t e d .
5
two w a s m o s t useful for this particular study. This section was published
not only the greatest work of the author but also the greatest work in M a l a y
7
T. I s k a n d a r , Bustanu's-Salatin, B a b . 2, F a s a l 13 (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan
B a h a s a d a n P u s t a k a , Kementrian Pelajaran M a l a y s i a , 1966), 4.
8
Denys L o m b a r d , Le Sultanat d'Atjeh au temp d'Iskandar Muda, 1607-1636
(Paris: E c o l e F r a n c a i s e d'Extrme-Orient, 1967), 19. For more d i s c u s s i o n
on the a u t h o r a n d the date of this c h o r n i c l e see R. O. Winstedt,
" B u s t a n u ' s - S a l a t i n , " JSBRAS, 82 (September 1920), 151-152.
9
R a d e n H o e s e i n Djajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh: Suatu Pembahasan
Tentang Sejarah Kesultanan Aceh Berdasarkan Bahan-Bahan yang Terdapat
Dalam Karya Melayu, t r a n s , by Teuku H a m i d ( B a n d a A c e h : Departement
P e n d i d i k a n d a n K e b u d a y a a n , Proyek P e r m e u s e u m a n Daerah Istimewa
A c e h , 1 9 8 2 / 1 9 8 3 ) , 3.
6
However, this work is only related to the early part of this study s i n c e it w a s
as Pires' work. In this study Pinto's work was consulted, especially the
expeditions, 11
s u c h as those of J o a o de Barros (1496-1570), D i o g o do
as cursory visitors to the region, their observations often lack context either
1 0
I. A . M a c g r e g o r , " S o m e A s p e c t s of Portuguese Historical Writing of the
Sixteenth a n d Seventeenth Centuries on South East A s i a , " in D. G . E.
Hall, e d . , Historians of South East Asia (London: Oxford University P r e s s ,
1961), 173.
1 1
S a r t o n o Kartodirdjo, "Religious a n d E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s of P o r t u g u e s e -
Indonesian R e l a t i o n , " STUDIA, no. 29 (Centro de Estudios H i s t o r i c o s
U l t r a m a r i n o s , P o r t u g a l , April 1970), 178-179.
7
rulers lessen the reliability of their information, but often bring a c r o s s the
1 2
M a c g r e g o r , " S o m e A s p e c t s of Portuguese," 199.
8
The net result of using such varied sources, whether from the original
scholarship in the periphery of the Islamic world. The use of this set of
and nationai histories. In time, they may even come to be accepted by the
section will focus on the interrelations during the fifteemh century among
three powers: Aceh, Malacca and Portugal. In Aceh, there were several
itself an important trading center in Southeast Asia and a center for Islamic
studies. The Portuguese, after conquering Ceuta in 1415 and Goa in 1510,
Aceh is the northern part of the island of Sumatra, which is now one of
Islamic sultanates such as Pasai, Pidie, Daya, Lamuri and Aceh^ emerged
1
In this section we will discuss only some sultanates which constituted
the main pioneers of the emergence of the Islamic Empire of Aceh Dar
al-Salam.
2
Aceh here is an Islamic sultanate in this area which will be discussed
later.
9
10
point on the east to Trumon on the west coast, though it is commonly, not
erroneously, known to Europeans as Acheen." The people, who "occupy
8
the land bordering the sea as far inland as the high ranges of hills," have a 4
long history, although here only the fifteenth century will be discussed.
Peudada, Pasai, Meulaboh and Daya.^ In this thesis, however, the only
kingdoms discussed are Pasai, Pidie, Daya, Lamuri and Aceh which were
archipelago. The accounts of Marco Polo and Ibn Battta regarding this
kingdom give us some of the information on which later historians rely for
3
G. P. Tolson, "Acheh, Commonly Called Acheen," JSBRAS, 5 (June
1880), 37.
4
lbid.,39.
5
Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, trans, and ed. by Armando
Cortesao, vol. 1 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944), 135-136.
9
M a r c o P o l o , I n e Travel of Marco Polo, trans, by W. M a r s d e n a n d intr. by
J o h n Masefield ( L o n d o n : J . M. Dent a n d S o n s Limited, 1926), 3 3 8 .
1 0
Ibid., 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 .
1 1
P.A. Hoesein Djajadiningrat, "Islam in Indonesia," in K e n n e t h W.
M o r g a n , e d . , Islam the Straight Path (New York: T h e R o n a l d Press
C o m p a n y , 1959), 3 7 5 .
1 2
Ibn Battta, Ibn Battta Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354, trans, and
select, by H. A . R. G i b b (London: R o u t l e d g e & K e g a n P a u l , 1963),
2 7 2 - 2 7 6 , 3 0 1 - 3 0 3 ; s e e also R o s s E. D u n n , The Adventures of Ibn Battta:
A Muslim Traveler of the 14th Century (Berkeley, Los A n g e l e s : University
of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1989), 2 5 1 , 2 5 7 , 2 6 6 .
12
1 8
Djajadiningrat, "Islam in Indonesia," 3 7 6 .
1 4
Pires, The Suma, v o l . 1, 142.
1 5
Edwin M . L o e b , Sumatra: lts History and People, with an a d d i t i o n a l
c h a p t e r by Robert Heine-Geldern ( S i n g a p o r e : O x f o r d University Press,
1989), 2 1 8 ; Teuku Ibrahim A l f i a n , Kronika Pasai: Sebuah Tinjauan Sejarah
( Y o g y a k a r t a : G a d j a h M a d a University P r e s s , 1973), 2 1 .
1 6
L o e b , Sumatra, 218.
1 7
H o r a c e S t o n e , From Malacca to Malaysia 1400-1965 (London: George G.
H a r r a p & C o . , 1966), 17; see a l s o , M . A . P. M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian
13
pepper." 1 9
In his d e s c r i p t i o n on this k i n g d o m T o m e Pires states:
2 0
Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 142.
2 1
Ibid.; s e e a l s o , M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian Trade, 2 1 . Bahar is a "variable
unit of weight, equivalent to 3 pikul or a p p r o x . 180 kg w h e n weighing
p e p p e r , but only 72.5 kg when weighing g o l d . " (Reid, Southeast Asia,
267).
2 2
W. P. G r o e n e v e l d t , Historical Notes of Indonesia and Malaya Compiled
from Chinese Sources (Djakarta: B h r a t a r a , 1960), 8 6 .
14
Pedir, a n d M e l a k a . " 2 5
In his study o n S o u t h e a s t A s i a from A r a b i c s o u r c e s ,
of all the ports of the i s l a n d . This is a l a r g e town. It is the port for pepper,
twenty t h o u s a n d . 2 7
A n u m b e r of l a r g e t o w n s in the interior of the k i n g d o m
2 3
Reid, Southeast Asia, 75.
2 4
lbid.,93.
2 5
Ibid., 2 1 .
2 6
G . R. Tibbetts, A Study of The Arabic Texts Containing Materials on
South-East Asia (Leiden & L o n d o n : E. J . Brill, 1979) , 2 2 3 .
2 7
Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 1 4 3 .
2 8
Groeneveldt, Historical Notes, 8 5 - 9 3 .
15
There are small coins like ceitis. They are tin c o i n s bearing the n a m e
of the reigning king. There are very small g o l d c o i n s which they call
dramas. Nine of these are worth one Cruzado, a n d I believe that each
o n e of them is worth five h u n d r e d c a s h . A b o v e this they have g o l d -
dust a n d silver. Their b a h a r of pepper is less t h a n that of M a l a c c a -
five cares, that is twelve arrateis less.
time when Ibn Battta s t o p p e d there, there were two Persian theologians
2 9
Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 144; Groeneveldt, Historical Notes, 8 7 - 8 8 ; see
a l s o , Proyek Penelitian d a n P e n c a t a t a n K e b u d a y a a n Daerah, Sejarah
Propinsi Daerah Istimewa Aceh ( B a n d a A c e h : Departemen P e n d i d i k a n
d a n K e b u d a y a a n , P u s a t Penelitian Sejarah d a n B u d a y a , 1977/1988), 50.
3 0
D. G . E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 3th ed. (New York: St
Martin's Press, 1962), 2 0 6 .
3 1
Rita R. Di Meglio, " A r a b T r a d e with Indonesia a n d the Malay Peninsula
from the 8th to the 16th Century," in D. S . R i c h a r d s , ed., Islam and the
Trade of Asia: A Colloquium (Oxford: Bruno C a s s i r e r , 1970), 117.
3 2
Ibid.
16
3 3
Proyek Penelitian, Sejarah Propinsi, 56.
3 4
For a d i s c u s s i o n on the relation of Islamic history of P a t a n i a n d
S a m u d r a P a s a i , see H a m d a n H a s a n , "Pertalian Pemikiran Islam
M a l a y s i a - A c e h , " in K h o o K i m , ed., Tamaddun Islam di Malaysia (Kuala
L u m p u r : P e r s a t u a n S e j a r a h M a l a y s i a , 1980), 4 8 - 5 9 .
3 5
B. O. J . S c h r i e k e , Her Boek van Bonang (Utrecht, 1916), 12, as q u o t e d in
M e i l i n k - R o e l o f z s , Asian Trade, 2 1 .
3 6
Haji B u y o n g bin A d i l , The History of Malacca During the Period of the
Malay Sultanate (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan B a h a s a d a n P u s t a k a
Kementrian Pelajaran M a l a y s i a , 1974), 36. Sultan Mansr S h a h of
M a l a c c a a s k e d M a k h d u m P a t a k a n , an Calim of 'Pasai, to' interpret a
b o o k c a l l e d "Dar a l - M a z l m " written by M a u l a n a A b u Ishaq. His p u p i l ,
M a u l a n a A b Bakr, b r d u g h t this book to M a l a c c a a n d 'delivered it to
S u l t a n Mansr S h a h . T h e S u l t a n also sent his assistant, T u n Bija
W a h g s a , to P a s a i to s u b m i t a religious question. The s a m e m i s s i o n led
by Tun M u h a m m a d w a s a l s o sent to Pasai to " p o s e the problern of
theology" during the reign of Sultan M a h m u d S h a h . S e e Sejarah
Melayu or Malay Annals, a n n o t . a n d trans, by C. C. Brown ( K u a l a
L u m p u r : Oxford University P r e s s , 1970), 9 0 - 9 6 , 145-149; H. O v e r b e c k ,
"The A n s w e r of P a s a i , " JMBRAS, vol. 11, pt. 2 (December, 1933),
2 5 4 - 2 6 0 ; R. Rooivink, "The A n s w e r of P a s a i , " JMBRAS, vol. 3 8 , pt. 2
(1965), 1 2 9 - 1 3 9 ; A b u H a s s a n S h a m , " P e r h u b u n g a n M e l a k a d e n g a n
17
1430. 3 3
P a s a i also sent envoys to this country with presents in 1426, 1433
a n d 1434 3 9
Zayn a l - 9 \ b i d n , who was in conflict with his brother. It seems that the
tradition. 4 9
arrived in the reign of Sultan Zayn al- AbidTn a l - M a l i k a l - Zahir (d. 1394).
c
Portuguese by force in 1 5 2 4 . 4 3
4 1
Djamil, Silsilah, 14.
4 2
Ibid.; S a i d , A c e n , 9 0 ; H. M . Z a i n u d d i n , Tarich Atjeh dan Nusantara
(Medan: P u s t a k a Iskandar M u d a , 1961), 2 2 1 - 2 3 3 .
4 3
Malay Annals, 9 6 - 1 0 0 ; S a i d , Aceh, 1 2 9 - 1 3 0 ; A d i l , The History of Malacca,
37-38.
19
4 4
B a r b o s a , The Book of Duarte, v o l . 2, 181; M e i l i n k - R e o l o f s z , Asian Trade,
19-20; 8 8 - 8 9 .
4 5
Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 139.
4 6
J o a o De B a r r o s as q u o t e d in Decadas da Asia (Lisbon a n d M a d r i d ,
1563-1615), vol. 3, 120, as q u o t e d in B a r b o s a , The Book of Duarte, v o l .
2, 182.
4 7
Ibid.
20
50
pepper.
declined in the last four years (early sixteenth century) until no more than
4 8
Ibid.
4 9
B a d g e r in his edition of 777e Travel of Indovico Di Varthema (Hak. S o a ,
1863) as mentioned by Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 235.
5 0
Tibbetts, The Arabic Texts, 2 2 3 .
21
Sumatra. 5 3
However, n o n e of the foreign historians identify precisely the
(Kuala Daya) 5 4
5 1
Pires, The Suma, vol. 1, 1 3 9 - 1 4 0 .
5 2
Djamil, Silsilah, 24-26.
5 3
Ibid., 30; Hasjmy, Sejarah Kebudayaan, 14; De B a r r o s , Decada, quoted
in B a r b o s a , The Book of Duarte, v o l . 2, 183.
5 4
J a k o e b , Atjeh, 2 5 ; S a i d , Aceh, 1 5 0 - 1 5 1 , 155.
22
Raya. 5 8
A r a b s , P e r s i a n s , E u r o p e a n s a n d C h i n e s e . T h e n a m e of this k i n g d o m was
5 5
D j a m i l , Silsilah, 3 0 - 3 2 ; Hasjmy, Sejarah Kebudayaan, 14-15.
5 8
De B a r r o s , Decada, q u o t e d in B a r b o s a , The Book of Duarte, vol. 2, 184.
5 7
G r o e n e v e l t , Historical Notes, 100.
5 8
T e u k u Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, t r a n s , by A b o e B a k a r ( B a n d a A c e h ,
Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Direktorat Jenderal
K e b u d a y a a n , M e u s e u m Negeri A c e h , 1986), 32.
23
is uded in ine Sejarah Melayu (Malay Annals), while Lamri is found in the
Hikayat Aceh. T h e n a m e Lamuri is f o u n d in Nagarakertagama. It was
spelled llamuridocam in Tanjore inscriptions. L o c a l historians, like M. J u n u s
Djamil a n d A . Hasjmy, use the n a m e Lamuri.^
different from that of Djamil w h o asserts that Islam c a m e to this area in the
twelfth c e n t u r y . 6 1
In the fifteenth century, the King of L a m u r i , M u n a w w a r
5 9
S e e Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 3 0 ; L o m b a r d , Le Sultanat d'Atjeh, 31;
Djamil, Silsilah, 3 4 - 3 7 ; Hasjmy, Sejarah Kebudayaan, 15-16.
6 9
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 4 1 .
6 1
Djamil, Silsilah, 35.
6 2
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 3 5 .
24
Shah. 6 3
Aceh, 6 5
a view a l s o s u p p o r t e d by M u h a m m a d S a i d .
Southeast Asia 6 7
Pires tells us only that it was located right beside
Aceh. 6 8
Other E u r o p e a n travelers point out that Lamuri was "the ancient
6 3
Ibid., 3 5 , 4 1 ; S a i d , Aceh, 1 5 1 - 1 5 3 .
6 4
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 2 9 , 3 1 .
6 5
Ibid., 3 5 .
6 6
S a i d , Aceh, 1 3 1 - 1 5 6 .
6 7
Tibbetts, The Arabic Texts, 2 3 0 .
6 8
Pires, The Suma, v o l . 1, 138.
25
present of t h e C h i n e s e emperor to L a m u r i . It w a s b r o u g h t by C h e n g Ho in
6 9
S e e notes in B a r b o s a , The Book of Duarte , vol. 2, 182.
7 0
Ibid.
7 1
G r o e n e v e l d t , Historical Notes, 9 8 - 9 9 .
7 2
Ibid.
7 3
G . S c h l e g e l Geographical Notes XVI : The Old States in the Island of
Sumatra, T ' o u n g P a o , serie 2, vol. 2 (1901), 2 3 5 - 2 5 9 , quoted in Iskandar,
Hikayat Aceh, 2 8 - 2 9 .
26
1 4 3 0 a n d w a s l a t e r r e m o v e d to A c e h D a r a l - S a l a m . 7 4
Little is k n o w n a b o u t A c e h in t h e fifteenth c e n t u r y . U n l i k e L a m u r i , A c e h
w a s n e i t h e r k n o w n n o r v i s i t e d m u c h b y f o r e i g n t r a v e l e r s a n d t r a d e r s s i n c e it
was located in t h e hinterland, more than one mile from the coast 7 5
area. 7 6
S i g n s of t h e e m e r g e n c e of A c e h h a v e b e e n i d e n t i f i e d at t h e e n d of
the fifteenth century a n d the early sixteenth century with the unification of
M a h k o t a A l a m a n d Dar a l - K a m a l into o n e k i n g d o m .
l i n g u i s t i c b a c k g r o u n d s . L o o k i n g at their r a c i a l f e a t u r e s , l a n g u a g e , literature
a n d h i s t o r i c a l r e m a i n s , D j a m i l c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h e p e o p l e of t h i s a r e a c a m e
a s s i m i l a t e d w i t h o t h e r s w h o c a m e for t h e p u r p o s e of t r a d i n g a n d religious
language and culture. T h e old trade relations with India, for instance,
t h a t T e u n g k u K u t a K a r a n g , w h o w a s a r e l i g i o u s l e a d e r (<a7/m) a s w e l l a s a
district chief (hulubalang), insisted that Aceh was born from the
7 4
I s k a n d a r , Hikayat Aceh, 28-29.
7 5
Ibid.
7 6
D j a j a d i n i n g r a t , Kesultanan Aceh, 20.
7 7
D j a m i l , S i l s i l a h , 2 ; s e e a l s o , L o m b a r d , L e Sultanat d'Af/eh, 3 4 - 3 5 .
27
78
intermarriage of an indigenous people with A r a b s , P e r s i a n s a n d T u r k s .
U n d o u b t e d l y the rise of several of these cities as entrepots a n d religious
centers accelerated this intermixture of people.
l a n g u a g e , the marriage a n d burial ceremonies, the dress etc. are all the
s a m e as M a l a c c a . " 7 9
This statement p r o b a b l y implies that the p e o p l e of
c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , official d o c u m e n t s , e t c . 8 0
However, A c e h n e s e w a s also
region is still very limited. Loeb says that "the history of Atjeh b e f c r e 1500
observation. 8 3
That there were several sultanates or k i n g d o m s before the
7 8
C . S n o u c k Hurgronje, The Achehnese, trans, by A. W. S . O ' S u l l i v a n , v o l .
1 (Leiden: Brill, 1906), 18.
7 9
Groeneveldt, Historical Notes, 87.
8 0
Ibid.; Z a i n u d d i n , Tarich Atjeh, 3 7 - 3 8 .
8 1
For a d i s c u s s i o n on these works see A. Hasjmy, Sumbangan
Kesusasteraan Aceh Dalara Pemoinaan Kesusasteraan Indonesia ( J a k a r t a :
B u l a n Bintang, 1977), 7 5 - 1 1 1 .
8 2
L o e b , Sumatra, 218.
8 3
Djajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh, 9.
28
B. T h e E m e r g e n c e of M a l a c c a
d e s c r i b e d by A l b u q u e r q u e . 8 6
Shortly after 1403, M a l a c c a b e g a n to develop
8 4
F e r n a n d B r a u d e l , The Perspective of The World: Civilization and
Capitalism 15th-18th Century, vol. 3, trans, by S i a n Reynolds (New York:
H a r p e r & R o w P u b l i s h e r , 19S4), 524.
8 5
Pires The Suma, vol. 2, 2 2 9 - 2 3 5 ; R i c h a r d O. Winstedt, A History of
Maia'ya ( S i n g a p o r e : M a r i c a n & S o n s , 1962), 44-46; C . H. W a k e , " M e l a k a
in the Fifteenth Century: M a l a y Historical Traditions and the Politics of
the I s l a m i z a t i o n , " in Kernial Singh S a n d h u and Paul Wheatly, eds.,
Melaka: The Transformation of A Malay Capital, C. 1400-1980 (Kuala
L u m p u r , New Y o r k : Oxford University Press, 1983), 140.
8 6
Braz de Albuquerque, The Commentaries of the Great Afonso
29
account for M a l a c c a ' s rise. The internai factor lies in its excellent
economie r e a s o n s . 8 8
Meglio asserts that "it was due to the exertion a n d
e l o q u e n c e of an A r a b holy m a n . " 8 9
He quotes Diogo do C u o t o ' s statement
as follows:
Muhammad 9 9
9 1
S t o n e , From Malacca, 20.
9 2
Ibid.
9 3
Pires, The Suma, vol. 2, 268-269.
9 4
G e o r g e C h o a n d Marion W. W a r d , "The Port of M e l a k a , " in S a n d h u a n d
Wheatly, Melaka, vol. 1, 624.
31
m o n e y - c h a n g e r s were to be f o u n d . " 9 7
derived from both descent a n d religion. From the religious point of view he
9 5
Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade, 6 0 - 8 8 .
9 6
M . A . P. Meilink-Roelofsz, "Trade and Islam in the M a l a y - l n d o n e s i a n
A r c h i p e l a g o Prior to the Arrival of the E u r o p e a n s , " in R i c h a r d s , Islam
and Trade, 150.
9 7
Ibid., 151.
32
and p r o h i b i t i o n s . 1 9 9
However, the S u ' l a n distributed his power structurally
9 8
Datuk Zainal A b i d i n bin A b d u l W a h i d , " P o w e r a n d Authority in the
Melaka Sultanate: The Traditional View," in S a n d h u a n d Wheatly,
Melaka, 102.
9 9
Z a i n a l Abidin bin A b d u l W a h i d , " S e j a r a h M e l a y u , " Asian Studies, v o l . 4,
no.3 (1966), 446 as q u o t e d in A b d u l W a h i d , " P o w e r a n d Authority," 102.
1 0 0
For these customs, traditions a n d p r o h i b i t i o n s see A d i l , The History of
Malacca, 17-22.
33
charge of financial affairs. Law and order were under the responsibility of
the T e m a n g g u n g . T h e L a k s a m a n a was the military c o m m m a n d e r in both
sea a n d l a n d wars, while the S h a h b a n d a r w a s in c h a r g e of t r a d i n g activities
in the harbour, a position which is s o m e w h a t similar to a present day
harbour master. 1 0 1
traders." 1 0 2
Muhammad Yusoff Hashim, was divided into three levels: the first
consisted of the Sultan a n d the royal family; the second was the
traditions a n d p r o h i b i t i o n s . 1 0 3
There w a s a high degree of o r g a n i z a t i o n a n d
1 0 1
A b d u l W a h i d , " P o w e r and Authority," 1 0 5 - 1 0 6 .
1 0 2
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 137.
1 0 3
M u h a m m a d Yusoff Hashim, Kesultanan Melayu Melaka ( K u a l a L u m p u r :
Dewan B a h a s a d a n Pustaka Kementrian P e n d i d i k a n M a l a y s i a , 1989),
272-332.
34
figure M o o r h e a d writes:
He, with other senior officials, totally ruled the country d u r i n g the early
1 0 4
S e e Liaw Y o c k F a n g , Undang Undang Melaka (the L a w s of Melaka)
(The H a g u e : M a r t i n u s Nijhoff, 1976).
1 0 7
Malay Annals, 128.
1 0 8
A d i l , The History of Malacca, 53.
35
Mutahir a n d T e m a n g g u n g Tun H a s a n . 1 1 9
T h e s u c c e s s f u l c o u p d'etat led by
the region and even from China was very significant for the later
1 0 9
R. J . W i l k i n s o n , "The M a l a c c a S u l t a n a t e , " JMBRAS, vol. 13, pt. 2
(October 1935), 6 3 - 6 4 .
1 1 9
M u h a m m a d Yusoff H a s h i m , " M a s y a r a k a t M e l a k a Z a m a n K e s u l t a n a n
d a n Sifat K o s m o p o l i t a n n y a , " in S a n d h u a n d W h e a l t h y , Melaka, 118.
1 1 1
Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 2 1 0 .
36
Kampar and S i a k . 1 1 4
The sultanate was r e s p o n s i b l e for the security of
1 1 2
Malay Annals, 55-62.
1 1 3
G r o e n e v e l d t , Historical Notes, 1 2 3 - 1 3 8 .
1 1 4
A d i l , The History of Malacca, 38-39.
1 1 5
A b d u l W a h i d , " P o w e r a n d Authority," 107.
37
"this king was more devoted to the affairs of the m o s q u e than anything
archipelago." 1 1 8
Islam, which was brought by traders to the region,
R o h a n , K a m p a r , Inderagiri, S i a k , B r u n e i 1 1 9
a n d even to P a h a n g .
1 1 6
Malay Annals, 9 0 - 9 6 ; A d i l , The History of Malacca, 36-37.
1 1 7
Pires, The Suma, v o l . 1, 2 5 1 .
1 1 8
M e i l i n k - R o e l o f z s , " T r a d e a n d Islam," 148.
1 1 9
Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 2 1 3 .
38
was " a m a n of energy a n d great physical strength, he did not allow his
a b o u t his p e o p l e that he secretly went out to inspect the city. Pires states
124
1 2 0
W i l k i n s o n , "The Malacca Sultanate," 41.
1 2 1
A d i l , The History of Malacca, 30, 3 8 - 3 9 .
1 2 2
W i l k i n s o n , "The M a l a c c a Sultanate," 50.
1 2 3
Ibid., 52.
1 2 4
Pires, The Suma, v o l . 2, 2 4 9 .
39
poisoned- 1 2 5
a n d may suggest the important role played by his senior
officials. 1 2 6
1 ?Q
questions.
During the reign of this Sultan the first Portuguese fleet led by D i o g o
1 2 5
A l b u q u e r q u e , The Commentaries, v o l . 3, 81.
1 2 6
For the d i s c u s s i o n on this event see M u h a m m a d Yusoff H a s h i m ,
Kesultanan Melayu Melaka, 1 1 3 - 1 2 7 .
1 2 7
A d i l , The History of Malacca, 50.
1 2 8
Pires, The Suma, vol. 2, 2 5 3 .
1 2 9
Malay Annals, 145-149.
40
C. The P o r t u g u e s e in M a l a c c a
ten years e a r l i e r , 1 3 3
in reaching C a l i c u t (India) a n d o p e n i n g it to trade in
1 3 0
A d i l , The History of Malacca, 5 7 - 7 5 ; S t o n e , From Malacca, 3 8 - 4 0 ; R. J .
W i l k i n s o n , "The Fall of M a l a c c a , " JMBRAS, v o l . 13, pt. 2 (October,
1935), 6 8 - 6 9 .
1 3 1
Parker T h o m a s M o o n , Imperialism and World Politics (New York: T h e
M a c m i l l a n C o m p a n y , 1964), 9.
1 3 2
C . R. Boxer, Four Centuries of Portuguese Expansion, 1415-1825: A
Succinct Survey (Berkeley a n d Los A n g e l e s : University of C a l i f o r n i a
Press, 1969), 5.
41
little time. The first factor is, certainly, the technical a d v a n c e s that they
and a r m s - m a n u f a c t u r e . 1 3 6
However, in addition to these, there are the
The mixed purposes of war (crusade) and trade were the main feature not
1 3 3
Edgar Prestage, The Portuguese Pioneers (London: A d a m & Charles
Black, 1966), 2 2 2 - 2 2 6 .
1 3 4
Ibid.,248-269; G . R. C r o n e , The Discovery of The East, ( L o n d o n :
Hamish Hamilton, 1972), 2 7 - 3 9 ; Boxer, Four Centuries, 1 2 - 1 4 .
1 3 5
Crone, The Discovery, 46-54.
1 3 6
J . H. Parry, The Establishment of The European Hegemony: 1415-1715
(New York and E v a n s t o n : Harper T o r c h b o o k s , 1966), 1 3 - 2 5 .
1 3 7
Ibid., 10-11.
42
e n o u g h to q u o t e L a u r e n c e A . N o o n a n w h o s a y s :
c o n t a i n i n g 8 0 0 Portuguese, a n d f r o m 300 to 6 0 0 M a l a b a r i s . 1 4 3
He w a s not
1 3 8
Ibid.; Boxer, Four Centuries, 5-6; D o n a l d F. L a c h , Asia in the making of
Europe, vol.1, bk.1 ( C h i c a g o a n d L o n d o n : T h e University of C h i c a g o
P r e s s , 1965), 5 0 - 5 2 .
1 4 0
L a c h , Asia, 2 2 9 .
1 4 1
Ibid., 2 3 3 .
1 4 2
L a u r e n c e A. N o o n a n , The First Jesuit Mission in Malacca: A Study of
the Use of the Portuguese Trading Centre as a Base for Chritian
Missionary Expansion During the Years 1545 to 1552 (Lisboa: Centro De
E s t u d o s Historicos U l t r a m a r i n o s Da J u n t a De Investigacoes
C i e n t i f i c a s Do Ultramar, 1974),1-2.
43
bridge which joined the southern part, where the palace and the
center., was the first target of the Portuguese. On July 25th, 1511
s u c c e e d e d in l a n d i n g in M a l a c c a , t a k i n g the b r i d g e a n d b u r n i n g many
1 4 3
Winstedt A History of Malaya, 6 6 . Different a c c o u n t is given by
Whiteway He s u g o e s t s that this fleet "started o n April 20th, 1511
with eighteen s h i p s a n d 600 men at a r m s b e s i d e s s l a v e s . " S e e R. S ^
Whiteway, The Rise of the Portuguese Power in India 1497-1550
( L o n d o n : S u s i i G u p t a , 1967), 1 4 1 .
1 4 4
Adil The History of Malacca, 5 6 - 6 8 ; Winstedt, A History of Malaya
65-70- Whiteway, The Rise of the Portuguese, 141-144; Moorhead, A
History of Malaya, vol. 1, 1 5 7 - 1 6 9 ; F. C . D a n v e r s , The Portuguese in
44
After c o n q u e r i n g M a l a c c a , A l b u q u e r q u e d e c i d e d to return to G o a in
spoils that had ever been collected s i n c e the Portuguese first arrived in
India." 1 4 5
On its way to India, the vessel w a s w r e c k e d by a storm a n d s a n k
located. 1 5 0
This building w a s c o m p l e t e d in J a n u a r y 1 5 1 2 . S o beautiful was
as St. P a u l ' s HUI, the hill of Bukit Pipi (St. J o h n ' s Hill), and Bukit C i n a
(Chinese H i l l ) . 1 5 2
1 4 8
I. A . M a c g r e g o r , "Notes on the P o r t u g u e s e in M a l a y a , " JMBRAS, vol.
2 8 , pt. 2 (May, 1955), 6 - 1 7 .
1 4 9
D R. S a r D e s a i , "The P o r t u g u e s e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n in Malacca
1 5 1 1 - 1 6 4 1 J S E A H , v o l . 10, n o . 3 (December, 1969), 503.
1 5 0
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 169.
1 5 1
E. K o e k , " P o r t u g u e s e History of M a l a c c a , " JSBRAS, vol. 17 (June,
1886), 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 .
1 5 2
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 1 7 7 - 1 7 9 ; Rev. Fr. R.
C a r d o n , " P o r t u g u e s e M a l a c c a , " JMBRAS, v o l . 12, pt. 2 (August, 1934),
1-2, 2 0 .
46
1 5 3
S a r Desai, "The P o r t u g u e s e A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , " 504.
1 5 4
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 184.
1 5 5
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 88.
1 5 6
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 184.
1 5 7
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 2 2 8 - 2 3 1 ; Sar Desai, "The Portuguese
Adminstration," 508-509.
1 5 8
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 184.
47
matter M o o r h e a d writes:
S a b b a (Bunga R a y a ) . 1 6 1
1 5 9
Ibid.
1 6 0
Ibid.
1 6 1
E. M a n u e l G a d i n h o De E r e d i a , "Description of M a l a c c a a n d
M e r i d i o n a l India a n d C a t h a y in Three Treaties," trans, and annot. by J .
V. Mills, JMBRAS, v o l . 8, pt. 1 (1930), 1 9 - 2 0 ; M o o r h e a d , A History of
Malaya, vol. 1, 182.
1 6 2
M o o r h e a d . A History of Malaya, v o l . 1, 186.
48
Hospita,"
Jesuit college w a s f o u n d e d in 1549. It was not until 1558 that this town
became a b i s h o p r i c . 1 6 4
J a p a n , C h i n a , the Philippines a n d C a m b o d i a . 1 6 8
1 6 3
L a c h , Asia, 2 3 5 .
1 6 4
Ibid., 2 8 7 ; M a c g r e g o r , "Notes o n the Portuguese," 39.
1 6 5
Francis Xavier's letter to L o y o l a , L i s b o n , July 23, 1540, in
S c h u r h a m m e r a n d Wicki, eds., Epistolae S. Francisi Xavem Aliaque eius
Scripta, I, (Rome, 1945), 1 2 1 , q u o t e d in L a c h , Asia, 247.
1 6 6
M a c g r e g o r , "Notes on the P o r t u g u e s e , " 39.
1 6 7
L a c h , Asia, 2 8 7 .
1 6 8
Ibid., 286.
49
1 6 9
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 234.
1 7 0
M a c g r e g o r , "Note on the Portuguese," 17-20.
1 7 1
Ibid., 29; Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 90.
1 7 2
An eiqht percent tax was imposed upon g o o d s c o m i n g from Pegu
S u m a t r a , S i n g a p o r e a n d S a b a h instead of six percent of universal
tax. A discriminatory twelve percent tax was also m a d e on g o o d s
c o m i n g from India, except from B e n g a l . See M c G r e g o r "Notes on t h e
Portuguese," 25-27; S a r Desai, "The Portuguese Adm.n.stration,
506-507.
1 7 3
M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, vol. 1, 190-213.
1 7 4
M a c g r e g o r , "Notes on the Portuguese," 12-13.
50
Malacca was not always an easy place for Portuguese: there were
times when the men were in arms day and night, sleeping at the foot
of the stockades, exposed to the winds and rain, ill-fed and ill-
clothed. For every one who survived these things and reached worldly
success there were many who died or failed. r
He adds that "misfortune, or an early death, or both were, only too often,
the fate of the Portuguese who came to the East in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries."
1 7 5
Ibid., 41.
1 7 6
Ibid.
Chapter 2
A. Military Encounter
treatment in P a s a i a f t e r w a r d s . 1
Later, in 1 5 1 1 , A l b u q u e r q u e s t o p p e d at
1
William M a r s d e n , The History of Sumatra, a reprint of the third e d . , i n t r o d .
by J o h n Bastin (Kuala L u m p u r : Oxford University Press, 1966), 4 0 6 .
2
Ibid., 4 0 7 ; Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 2 2 1 .
51
52
c o m m a n d e r of M a l a c c a , w a s d i s p a t c h e d to P a s a i in 1521. A c c o r d i n g to
3
M a r s d e n , Sumatra, 4 0 8 ; D a n v e r s , The Portuguese, vol. 1, 2 2 2 ; S a i d , Aceh,
128-129.
4
Danvers, The Portuguese, v o l . 1, 330.
5
M a r s d e n , Sumatra, 221.
6
Ibid., 4 1 2 .
53
7
presence.'
of P a s a i , p a y e d a r a n s o m to the Sultan of A c e h , a n d d e C o s t a w a s
port a n d all her men were killed. In retribution Jorge De Brito in 1521 led a
fleet from west India with his 200 men and attacked A c e h , w h i c h resisted
a n d took the t o w n . 1 0
In 1521, with 1000 men a n d 50 e l e p h a n t s , he
7
Ibid., 4 1 4 - 4 1 5 , 4 1 7 .
8
J o a o d e B a r r o s , Scheeps-Togten en Dappere Krygsbedryven door Diogo
Copez de Sequeira, gedaan na en in d'Ocost-Indien, in 't Jaar 1518 en
vervolgens (uitg Pieter van der A a , Leiden 1707), 2 9 - 3 0 ; P. A . Tiele, "De
E u r o p e e r s in den M a l e i s c h e A r c h i p e l , " Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-en
Volkenkunde, 4 e. vlgr, I (1877), 3 6 3 , in Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 3 7 .
9
Scheeps-Togten, 2 1 6 - 2 2 2 ; J o a o de Barros, Geschichte der Entdeckungen
und Eroberungen der Portugiesen im Orint, ed., Dietrich Wihelm S o l t a o ,
vol. III ( B r a u n s c h w e i g , 1821), 1 6 7 - 1 6 9 , in Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 3 7 - 3 8 .
1 0
Iskandar, Hikayat Acehi 41.
54
with his 35 m e n , 1 1
even though they were helped by their friends in P a s a i
under A n t o n i o d e M i r a n d a de A z e v e d o . 1 2
In 1524 A c e h l a u n c h e d an attack
These activities reveal different responses of the ports. Pidie, from the
distinctly hostile to the Portuguese during their early contact, but in time
driving out all the Portuguese settlements in Daya (1520), Pidie (1521) a n d
1 1
M a r s d e n , Sumatra, 419.
1 2
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 3 5 6 .
1 3
Danvers. The Portuguese, vol. 1, 3 5 6 .
1 4
S a r t o n o K a r t o d i r d j o . Pengantar Sejarah Indonesia Baru: 1500-1900, jilid
1 ( J a k a r t a : G r a m e d i a , 1988), 3 8 - 3 9 .
55
al-Salami 5
pieces." 1 6
Not only was brutality s h o w n by the A c e h n e s e , but a l s o by the
the Portuguese saved the north part of Sumatra from the Western
1 5
Djajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh, 2 0 ; Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 4 1 . Bustan
al-Salatin confirms that he w a s the first Sultan of A c e h Dar a l - S a l a m .
S e e T. fskandar, Bustanu's-Salatin, 22, 3 1 .
1 6
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 388; see a l s o M a r s d e n , Sumatra,
424-425.
1 7
Sumatra, 423-424.
56
Aceh at this time "was much better s u p p l i e d with artillery than was the
fortress of M a l a c c a . " 7
captured seven fishermen. Having cut off their n o s e s , ears a n d feet, the
1 8
Anthony Reid, "Sixteenth Century T u r k i s h Influence in Western
Indonesia," JSEAH, vol. 10, no. 3 (December 1969), 4 0 0 ; M a r s d e n ,
Sumatra, 4 1 8 - 4 1 9 .
1 9
Fernao Lopez de C a s t a n h e d a , Historia do Descobrimento e Conquista da
India Pelos Portugueses, Livro VII ( C o i m b r a , 1554), C a p s . 84, 8 5 , 100 in
C R Boxer " A Note on Portuguese R e a c t i o n s to the Revival of the
h o d S e a S p i c e T r a d e a n d the Rise of A c h e h , 1 5 4 0 - 1 6 0 0 , " JSEAH, v o l .
10, no. 3 (December, 1969), 4 1 5 - 5 1 6 .
2 0
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 7 9 ; M o o r h e a d , A History of Malaya, v o l . 1,
196.
2 1
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1, 480.
2 2
Ibid., 480.
57
h a s stored, away in golden jewel boxes the favor of the great Sultan
A l a r a d i m , ^ in the form of a c a n d l e h o l d e r sweetened with incense
J
a n x i o u s defenders. He s a i d to them:
2 3 c
A l a ' al-Dn R i ^ y a h S h a h
24
Fernao Mendez Pinto, The Travel of Mendez Pinto, ed. a n d trans, by
R e b e c c a D. C a t z ( C h i c a g o a n d L o n d o n : The University of C h i c a q o
Press, 1989), 4 5 5 .
2 5
Pinto, The Travels, 4 5 6 .
58
death." 2 7
2 8
M o o r h e a d , A History of malaya, v o l . 1, 197.
2 7
Ibid.
2 8
Ibid., 4 5 3 - 4 6 6 ; see a l s o , D a n v e r s , The Portuguese, vol. 1, 4 8 1 .
2 9
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 1; Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 80-81;
59
C o n c e r n i n g this p e r i o d R e i d states:
3 4
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 81.
3 5
D a n v e r s , The Portuguese, v o l . 1, 5 5 7 .
3 6
Iskandar, Bustanu's-Salatin, 22-23.
3 7
O u d h e i d k u n d i g V e r s l a g , Oundheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandsch-lndie
(uitgegeven d o o r het B a t a v i a a s c h G e n o o t s c h a p van Kunsten en
W e t e n s c h a p p e n , 1914), 7 8 , in Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 4 3 .
3 8
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 4 6 ; Djajadiningrat, Kesultanan Aceh, 8 1 .
3 9
R e i d , "Turkish Influence," 4 0 8 .
61
i s s u e Danvers writes:
P o r t u g u e s e a d v o c a t e s . In 1569, D. J o r g e T e m u d o , the A r c h b i s h o p of G o a ,
ten galleys with 1000 m e n , this plan w a s directed "to prevent any s h i p s
g a v e a d v i c e o n political matters.
4 0
M a c g r e g o r , " A S e a Fight," 6 - 7 ; Z a k a r i a A h m a d , Sekitar Keradjaan Atjeh
dalam Tahun 1520-1675 ( M e d a n : Penerbit M o n o r a , 1972), 4 6 - 4 7 .
4 1
Danvers, The Portuguese, v o l . 1, 5 1 0 .
4 2
Boxer, " P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 4 2 1 .
62
attacking A c e h w a s a g a i n p r o p o s e d by P a d r e Alexandre V a l i g n a n o , S . J . ,
the great reorganizer of the Jesuit missions in A s i a during the last quarter
of the 16th century, by Diogo do C o u t o , by Jorge de Lemos, a Viceregal
secretary at G o a , a n d by D o m J o a o Ribiro G a i o , b i s h o p of M a l a c c a from
1581 to 1601 A g a i n , the plan w a s not carried out b e c a u s e "the
4 4
attack. 4 6
There were further attacks by J a p a r a in 1574 a n d A c e h on
them. Five P o r t u g u e s e e s c a p e d by s w i m m i n g 4 7
Danvers s a y s that "only
4 3
. l e p r o d u c e d f r o m the original in the collection of the Duke of A l b a in A.
Cortesao & A . Teixera d a Mota, Tabularum Geographicorum
Lusitaniorum Specimen (Lisboa, 1960), 16; and Portugaliae Monumenta
Cartographica, v o l . 3, 2 4 5 , in Boxer, "Portuguese R e a c t i o n s , " 4 2 2 .
4 4
For further p r o p o s a l s suggested by these men see Boxer, "Portuguese
Reactions," 422-425.
4 5
Ibid.
4 6
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 82; Reid, "Turkish Influence," 407;
M a c g r e g o r , " A S e a Fight," 6-7.
4 7
Danvers, The Portuguese, vol. 2 , 10.
63
Two years later there was another battle. On J a n u a r y 1 st, 1577 the
victory." 50
T h e Acehnese fleet of 10,000 w a s led by L a k s a m a n a Sri
troops killed. 5 1
This w a s the last military incident with the Portuguese during the reign
M a l a c c a . Like his father before him he h a d victory before him at times, but
4 8
Ibid.
4 9
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 82.
5 0
M a c g r e g o r , " A S e a Fight," 12.
5 1
Ibid., 1 1 - 1 2 .
5 2
S a i d , A c e h , 2 0 5 ; A h m a d , Sekitar Keradjaan Atjeh, 46.
64
B. Political Maneuvers
by Aceh's desire to expand its territories. This policy was carried out mostly
Portuguese in Malacca must clearly be set apart from its relationships with
other Malay states in the area which were primarily political in nature.
when Aceh sent ambassadors to Batak sometime before 1539. Pinio tells
us that the King or Aceh, Ala'al-DTn Mughayah Shah, forced the King of
Batak, a Hindu, to convert to Islam. When the request was made the Batak
King refused and the King of Aceh threatened to send an army against him.
The Batak King asked for help from the Portuguese, with whom he had a
when the new captain of Malacca arrived in June 1539. The opportunity
to complain about the threat from Aceh. The Portuguese agreed to help
and gave the Bataks "a hundred powder pans, grapeshot, and
firebombs." 53
When Aceh attacked in the same year, however, the King of
Batak was defeated, even though he.was supported by 15,000 men, 8000
Aceh's next target was Aru, a vassal of the Portuguese. The first
conflict between Aceh and Aru began when the latter sent its army to help
5 3
Pinto, The Trave/s, 22.
5 4
Ibid., 23-26.
65
men in 160 ships. In this engagement, the King of Aru w a s killed and
later married. This was not the first time that the P o r t u g u e s e h a d not
5 5
Catz in her notes in Pinto, The Travels, c h a p . 14, no. 6, 5 4 5 . T h i s note
refers to Barros.
5 6
Ibid., c h a p . 2 1 , no. 2, 554.
5 7
Ibid., 46.
5 8
Ibid.
66
forces provided by the Portuguese, who supplied only about 40 or 50
Portuguese soldiers to train the King's soldiers in addition to "tour kegs of
powders, with a supply of two hundred cannonballs for the culverins" to 59
Aru with her allies Johor, Perak, Pahang and Siak successfully drove out
until 1564 that Aceh again took Aru. According to Pinto, the King of Johor
and his family was taken to Aceh, where he was later executed.
economie rule of Aru rather than delegate this to the vassalage of the local
Allah, as the ruler of Aru. The latter was later killed in an Aceh military
was followed by control over the western ports of the island. Sultan Ala'al- c
DTn R i ^ y a h Shah initiated the political connection with this area when he
designated the ruler of Barus as the Sultan of Barus, who helped him in the
5 9
Ibid., 36-50.
6 0
Ibid., 56.
8 1
Ibid., 57.
6 2
Ibid.
6 3
J . Kathirithamby-Wells, "Achehnese Control over West Sumatra up to
67
6 7
Ibid., 3 3 - 3 4 .
68
A c e h n e s e a g a i n s t M a l a c c a in 1 5 7 5 . 6 9
C o r r e s p o n d e n c e between A c e h a n d
6 8
Winstedt, A History of Malacca, 78.
6 9
I. A. M a c g r e g o r , " J o h o r L a m a in the Sixteenth Century," JMBRAS, vol.
28, pt. 2 (May 1955), 8 6 ; A d i l , Sejarah Johor (Kuala L u m p u r : Dewan
Ba'hasa d a n P u s t a k a Kementrian P e l a j a r a n M a l a y s i a , 1971), 30.
7 0
C o u t o , 1 7 7 8 - 8 8 , 19, 2 3 5 - 3 6 in " J o h o r L a m a in the Sixteenth Century,"
86.
7 1
M c g r e g o r , " J o h o r L a m a , " 86.
7 2
A d i l , Sejarah Johor, 3 0 - 3 1 .
69
1579 to 1 5 8 5 . 7 3
It w a s the daughter of this Sultan who m a r r i e d the prince
of J o h o r , A l J a l l a <Abd al-JalTI.
c
obey the rule of his father-in-law, the Sultan of A c e h , over his country,
troops out of J o h o r . 7 4
T h e unstable political relations between A c e h a n d
between P o r t u g a l , J o h o r , a n d A c h e h , " 7 5
w h i c h allowed the P o r t u g u e s e to
7 3
Winstedt a n d W i l k i n s o n , " A History of Perak," JMBRAS, v o l . 12, pt. 1
(June 1934), 19.
7 4
M a c g r e g o r , " J o h o r L a m a , " 88; A d i l , Sejarah Johor, 3 1 .
7 5
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 84.
7 6
Reid, " T u r k i s h Influence," 405.
70
reign of A l a a l - D n R i ^ y a h S h a h a l - Q a h h a r :
c 5
s u p p o r t to attack the P o r t u g u e s e , 8 0
p r o b a b l y also sent an envoy to A c e h .
M a l a c c a in S e p t e m b e r 1 5 3 7 . " 8 1
From then o n w a r d , the Ottomans with their
7 7
Pinto, The Travels, 46-47.
7 8
Iskandar, Bustanu's-Salatin, 31-32.
7 9
R e i d , "Turkish Influence," 4 0 2 - 4 1 1 .
8 9
R. B. Serjeant, The Portuguese off the South Arabian Coast, Hadraml
Chronicles (Oxford: T h e C l a r e n d o n Press, 1963), 76-77, 79-80.
8 1
R e i d , "Turkish Influence," 4 0 2 .
71
In 9 7 5 / 1 5 6 7 , Sultan c
A l a ' a l - D n Rifayah S h a h sent Husayn to Istanbul to
d i d not c a u s e the aid p l a n for A c e h to fail, for his s o n , Sultan Selm II,
Mustafa C a m u s . 8 8
However, H u s a y n , the Acehnese a m b a s s a d o r , had to
8 2
Ibid., 4 0 3 .
8 3
Ismail Hakki U z u n c a r s i l i , Osmanli Tarihi, vol. 3 (Ankara: Turk Tarih
K u r u m u B a s i m e v i , 1983), 3 1 .
3 4
U z u n c a r s i l i , Osmanli Tarihi, v o l . 2 ( A n k a r a : Turk Tarih Kurumu B a s i m e v i ,
1949), 388; R e i d , "Turkish Influence," 4 1 3 .
8 5
Saffet Bey, "Bir O s m a n l i F i l o s o n u m S u m a t r a Seferi," TOEM, vol. 10
(1921), 6 0 6 - 6 0 9 in Reid, "Turkish Influence," 404; see also, U z u n c a r s i l i ,
Osmanli Tarihi, vol. 3, 32.
72
b e s e n t to Y a m a n to s u r p r e s s a r e b e l l i o n u n d e r M u t a h h a r . T h e r e g r e t of
S u l t a n S l i m II f o r t h i s d e l a y w a s e x p r e s s e d in h i s letter to H u s a y n in 5
R a j a b 9 7 5 A . H . (5 J a n u a r y 1 5 6 8 ) . 8 6
Hizir never c a m e to A c e h . H o w e v e r , t h e
a i d i n d e e d c a m e t o t h i s s u l t a n a t e . R e i d writes:
K u r t o g l u H i z i r a n d h i s fleet never r e a c h e d A t j e h . B u t t h e i m p o r t a n c e
t h e A t j e h n e s e g i v e t o t h e c a n n o n s , the f l a g , a n d t h e g u n s m i t h s m a k e s
it r e a s o n a b l y c e r t a i n t h a t t h e s e at least w e r e s e n t , a l o n g w i t h s o m e
s o r t of i m p e r i a l m a s a g e [sic]. T h e y p r o b a b l y r e a c h e d A t j e h d u r i n g
1 5 6 8 o r 1 5 6 9 , a n d s t r e n g t h e n e d her c o n s i d e r a b l y in r e l a t i o n to h e r
Indonesian rivals. They must also have e n c o u r a g e d further t h o u g h t s
of a p a n - l s l a m i c front a g a i n s t the P o r t u g u e s e , w h i c h had its
c u l m i n a t i o n in t h e m a n o e v r e s of 1 5 7 0 - 1 . 8
of t h e I n d i a n s u b - c o n t i n e n t . B. S c h r i e k e g i v e s s o m e r e m a r k s o n t h i s matter
a n d s a y s t h a t " t h e r u l e r of A c h i n a l s o m a i n t a i n e d o f f i c i a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e
s e a p o t e n t a t e o f C a l i c u t o n t h e west c o a s t of India a n d t h e K i n g s of B e n g a l
a n d C e y l o n . T h e s e a l of t h e A c h i n e s e s u l t a n , p a t t e r n e d o n t h a t of t h e first
g r a n d M o g u l s in I n d i a , is a n o t h e r i n d i c a t i o n of the r e l a t i o n of A c h i n to t h a t
empire." 8 8
C. Trading Competition
8 6
Reid, "Turkish influence," 404; Uzuncarsili, Osmanli Tarihi, vol. 2,
388-389.
8 7
Reid, "Turkish Influence," 407.
8 8
B. S c h r i e k e , Indonesian Sociological Studies, Pt. 1 ( T h e H a g u e : W . v a n
Hoeve, 1966), 44.
73
P o r t u g u e s e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n in M a l a c c a , a s m e n t i o n e d b e f o r e , b y preferring
traders. 9 0
It w a s r e a s o n a b l e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t M u s l i m t r a d e r s s h o u l d have
m o v e d to A c e h a s well a s to o t h e r p a r t s of t h e I n d o n e s i a n a r c h i p e l a g o . It
also has been mentioned that Aceh, by capturing Pidie and Pasai,
f l o u r i s h e d b y m a k i n g u s e of t h o s e t w o i m p o r t a n t p o r t s in n o r t h S u m a t r a .
S o u t h e a s t A s i a during the M a l a c c a n s u l t a n a t e . W i t h t h e c a p t u r e of P i d i e
a n d P a s a i , A c e h h a d t h e s e l f - c o n f i d e n c e to b e i n d e p e n d e n t in t r a d e , w h i c h
e n a b l e d it to d e c l a r e a t r a d e w a r a g a i n s t t h e P o r t u g u e s e .
The flourishing of M a l a c c a d u r i n g t h e t i m e of t h e M a l a y s u l t a n a t e w a s
t h a t its p o s s e s s i o n of t h e l a n d o n e i t h e r s i d e of t h e w a t e r g a v e it c o n t r o l
of t h i s e n t r e p o t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e f e a r a n d h a t r e d of M u s l i m k i n g d o m s in
n u m b e r of m e r c h a n t s c o m i n g t o M a l a c c a . T h i s s i t u a t i o n r e s u l t e d in t h e r i s e
of o t h e r p o r t s in t h e a r e a , s u c h a s A c e h a n d B a n t a m . ^ T o c o u n t e r a c t t h i s
9
8 9
W i n s t e d t , A History of Malaya, 67.
9 0
S c h r i e k e , Indonesian, 42.
9 1
Ibid., 1 3 9 .
74
9 2
S c h r i e k e , Indonesian, 42.
9 3
Ibid.
9 4
Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade, 72.
9 5
Kartodirdjo, "Religious a n d E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 1 9 1 ; M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z ,
Asian Trade, 150-153.
9 6
Meilink-Roelofsz, Asian Trade, 145.
75
archipelago. 1 0 0
It exported a !arge amount of p e p p e r from both the ports
port. 1 9 1
The a d v a n t a g e of A c e h ' s position, in the northern tip of S u m a t r a
participation.
9 7
F. H. V a n Naerssen a n d R. C . De long, The Economie and Administrative
History of Early Indonesia (Leiden/Koln: E. J . Brill, 1977), 8 8 - 8 9 .
9 8
A brief d i s c u s s i o n on t r a d e a n d Islam in the a r c h i p e l a g o is given in
chapter three.
9 9
Kartodirdjo, "Religious a n d E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 192; M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z ,
Asian Trade, 1 4 3 - 1 4 4 .
1 9 0
Schrieke, Indonesian, 42-43.
1 9 1
Meilink-Roelofzs, Asian Trade, 142.
76
fact, in the first half of the sixteenth century the P o r t u g u e s e were strong in
the Indian O c e a n , while the O t t o m a n s were the masters of the Red S e a . 1 0 4
took part in the trade traffic in the Indian O c e a n a n d the Red S e a . The
1 0 4
Ibid., 2 0 .
1 0 5
Boxer, "Portuguese Reactions," 416.
1 0 6
Ibid.
77
Ottoman Empire as the strongest Muslim Empire at that time. This alliance,
besides having religious and. strategie reasons, s e e m s to have been
motivated by trading interests as well. The Ottomans n e e d e d A c e h for
loading s p i c e s as well as exporting their w o o d p r o d u c t s . Indeed, A c e h
offered s p i c e s to the Ottomans in return for their military help to A c e h
against the Portuguese. Another member of the a l l i a n c e w a s the S a m u d r i
of C a l i c u t w h i c h h a d been e n g a g e d in the s p i c e t r a d e in the W e s t . 1 0 7
the Red S e a in 1 5 3 4 . 1 0 8
In 1546, the A c e h n e s e attacked a n d c a p t u r e d a
1 0 7
M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian Trade, 144; Kartodirdjo, "Religious and
E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 192.
1 0 8
Diogo d o C o u t o , Decada IV (Lisbon, 1602), Livro 8, c a p . 10, in Boxer,
" P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 416.
1 0 9
The Letter of D. J o a o de C a s t r o to the C r o w n , G o a D e c e m b e r 16,
1546, in Elaine S a n c e a n , ed., Cartos de D. Joao de Castro (Lisbon,
1945), 2 3 3 , in Boxer, "Portuguese R e a c t i o n s , " 4 1 7 .
78
for the s a m e p u r p o s e . 1 1 2
Yet, "the costly a n n u a l expeditions mounted by
1 1 0
C o u t o , Decada VIII, c a p . 2 1 ; Letter of G a s p a r a n d J o a o Ribiro, Venice
27 A u g u s t 1564, Studia, vol. XIII ( L i s b o a , 1961), 2 0 7 - 0 9 , in boxer,
" P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 417.
1 1 1
S c h r i e k e , Indonesian, 41.
1 1 2
C o u t o , Decada VI, Livro 10, c a p . 18; Decada VII, Livro I, c a p s . 7 - 8 ;
Decada VII, Livro 6, c a p . 7, in Boxer, " P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 4 1 7 .
1 1 3
Boxer, " P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 4 1 9 .
79
1 1 4
S c h r i e k e , Indonesian, 4 2 .
1 1 5
Ibid., 4 3 .
1 1 6
M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian Trade, 169-170.
1 1 7
Ibid., 1 3 9 - 1 4 0 .
1 1 8
Ibid., 1 6 8 - 1 6 9 .
1 1 9
v a n Leur, Indonesian Trade, 173.
80
R o e l o f s z states:
1 2 0
Ibid., 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 , 1 6 0 - 1 6 1 ; see a l s o , Kartodirdjo, "Religious and
E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 193; V a n N a e r s s e n a n d De longh, The Economie,
92-94.
1 2 1
Ibid., 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 .
1 2 2
M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian Trade, 137.
1 2 3
S c h r i e k e , Indonesian, 42,44; M e i l i n k - R o e l o f s z , Asian Trade, 142.
81
D. Islamic R e s p o n s e
al-Harb in his f a t w a s . 1 2 6
In Aceh there were s o m e ulama'
c
who wrote a large
Muslims of this area with Muslims of other areas, together with the regular
from other a r e a s .
1 2 8
For more d i s c u s s i o n on these ulama' see A. Hasjmy, Kebudayaan
c
Aceh
Dalam Sejarah (Jakarta: Penerbit B e u n a , 1983), 194-205: A . H. J o h n s ,
"Muslim Mystics a n d Historical Writing," in D. G . E. H a l l , e d . ,
Historians of South East Asia ( L o n d o n : Oxford University P r e s s , 1961),
37-49.
1 2 9
Kartodirdjo, "Religious a n d E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 195.
1 3 0
A. Da Silva Rego, Portuguese Colonization in the Sixteenth Century: A
History of the Royal Ordinances (Regi'mentors) (Johan n e s b u r g :
Witwatersrand University Press, 1965), 35, 62.
83
be the best choice for them in order to recruit a large number of reliable
soldiers from Muslims, who were city dwellers, a n d to obtain the military
1 32
1 3 1
W. F. Werthtim, Indonesian Society in Transi'ion: A Study of Sociai
Change (The Hague: W. van H o e v e , 1969), 198. T h e i d e a is also
suggested by two other Dutch s c h o l a r s J . C . van Leur a n d B e r n a r d H.
M. Vlekke.
1 3 2
Ibid., 199.
1 3 3
Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Nusantara: A History of Indonesia (The H a g u e
and B a n d u n g : W. van Hoeve, 1960), 9 8 .
84
writes:
A Muslim alliance formed during the 1560's and 1570's has been seen by
1 3 4
Boxer, Four Centuries, 36.
1 3 5
Ibid., 40. For the study of the Portuguese influence in Indonesia see A .
Pinto d a F r a n c a , Portuguese Influence in Indonesia (Djakarta: G u n u n g
A g u n g , 1970).
1 3 6
Reid, "Turkish Influence," 408.
85
Acehnese...." 1 3 9
1 3 7
Ibid.
1 3 8
T. B r a d d e l , " O n t h e History of A c h e e n , " Journal of the Indian
Archipelago and Eastern Asia, v o l . 5 (1851), 5.
d e s c r i b e d by S n o u c k Hurgronje as foilows:
The hatred of the Dutch infidels, whom they called Kaphe (Acehnese
The ulama'
c
played an important role in the political structure a n d in the
Hurgronje writes:
The difference lies in the fact that the reaction of the A c e h n e s e toward the
expect, however, that in the early period Islam also played a significant role
e x p e r i e n c e t o r e g a r d it as a relic of a b y g o n e a g e . " 1 4 4
1 4 3
Ibid., 1 6 6 .
1 4 4
S n o u c k H u r g r o n j e , The Achehnese, vol. 2, 3 3 7 .
Chapter 3
THE E M E R G E N C E OF A C E H IN THE S I X T E E N T H C E N T U R Y
A. The Rise of A c e h
Marsden writes:
Military Achievements
military p o w e r .
1
M a r s d e n , Sumatra, 396.
88
89
relation with the p e o p l e of the region (Aceh), p r o v i d e d the Kings there with
artillery.
2
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 3 5 .
3
Willism H. M c N e i l , The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Forces, and
Society Since A.D. 1000 ( C h i c a g o : The University of C h i c a g o Press, 1982),
2 4 - 6 2 ; C a r l o M. C i p o l l a , Guns and Sails in the Early Phase of European
Expansion 1400-1700 ( L o n d o n : C o l l i n s , 1965), 1 0 4 - 1 0 8 .
90
the military and royalty. This tradition was continued by the Muslim
4
B a t t t a , Ibn Battta Travels, 2 7 2 - 2 7 6 . For m o r e d i s c u s s i o n on the history
of e l e p h a n t s in A c e h see M. J u n u s Djamil, Gadjah Putih Iskandar Muda
( K u t a r a d j a : L e m b a g a K e b u d a y a a n Atjeh, 1957), 5 8 - 5 9 .
5
De l o n g h , "The E c o n o m i e a n d A d m i n i s t r a t i v e History," 88.
91
military strategy.
and G o a . 8
Later in M a l a c c a , A l b u q u e r q u e seized about three t h o u s a n d
E u r o p e . C i p o l l a says:
6
S i e g e l , The Rope of God, 4.
7
C i p o l l a , Guns and Sails, 106.
8
C . R. Boxer, " A s i a n Potentates a n d Europen Artillery in the 16th-18th
C e n t u r i e s , " JMBRAS, vol. 3 8 , pt. 2 (1965), 1 5 8 - 1 5 9 .
9
A l b u q u e r q u e , The Commentaries, 127.
92
artillery...." 12
exploration. 1 3
In C i p o l l a ' s w o r d s :
1 0
C i p o l l a , Guns and Sails, 102. For a more d i s c u s s i o n on the war b u s i n e s s
in E u r o p e see M c N e i l , The Pursuit Power, 6 3 - 1 1 6 .
1 1
J o h n Davis, The Voyages and Works of John Davis, ed., introd., a n d
notes by Albert H a s t i n g s M a r k h a m (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970),
150.
1 2
Boxer, " A s i a n Potentates," 163.
1 3
Cipolla. Guns and Sails, 31.
1 4
ibid.
93
p e o p l e called it J o n g . 1 9
Eredia d e s c r i b e s that the juncos as "tall boats like
the w i n d - s t o r m s c a m e o n . " 2 9
It was a jong that Albuquerque found in the
S e e i n g that the junco wanted to start fighting, the Governor got close
to her with his whole fleet. The galleys started shooting at her, but this
d i d not affect her in the least, a n d s h e went on sailing.... The
1 5
K. M. P a n n i k a r , Asia and Wertern Dominance (London: G e o r g e Allen &
U n w i n Ltd., 1970), 29.
1 6
E. M a n u e l G o d i n h o de Eredia, " D e s c r i p t i o n of M a l a c c a a n d Meridional
India a n d C a t h a y , " trans, a n d notes by J . V. Mills, JMBRAS, vol. 8, pt. 1
(April, 1930), 3 6 .
1 7
Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 44.
1 8
E r e d i a , "Description of M a l a c c a , " 37.
1 9
Pierre-Yves M a n g u i n , "The S o u t h e a s t A s i a n S h i p : A n Historical
A p p r o a c h , " JSEAS, vol. xi, no. 2 (September, 1980), 266.
2 9
E r e d i a , "Description of M a l a c c a , " 37.
94
going vessels did not carry artillery. This implies the superiority of the
artillery. Therefore, "they were ... relatively much more frail than the
op
P o r t u g u e s e c a r r a c k s a n d g a l l e o n s which they h a d to encounter." On this
2 1
G a s p a r C o r r e i a , Landas da India, vol. 1, 1 (Lisbon, 1856), 2 1 6 - 2 1 8 , in
M a n g u i n , "The S o u t h e a s t A s i a n S h i p , " 267.
2 2
Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne, 44; also see M a n g u i n , "The S o u t h e a s t
A s i a n S h i p , " 2 6 8 - 2 7 0 ; C i p o l l a , Guns and Sails, 102.
2 3
Cipolla, Guns and Sails, 101.
2 4
E r e d i a , "Description of M a l a c c a , " 3 1 .
95
T h i s s t a t e m e n t is c o r r o b o r a t e d by t h e f a c t that in every s i e g e of M a l a c c a ,
A c e h h a d a l a r g e r n u m b e r of s o l d i e r s a n d even w a i s h i p s t h a n d i d t h e
P o r t u g u e s e . H o w e v e r , t h e latter c o u l d a l w a y s r e p u l s e t h e a t t a c k s a n d w e r e
e v e n a b l e to c a u s e h e a v y l o s s e s o n t h e A c e h n e s e s i d e . S n o u c k H u r g r o n j e ,
a s mentioned a b o v e , informs us h o w the A c e h n e s e , without d e m o n s t r a t i n g
m i l i t a r y t a c t i c s , t h r e w t h e m s e l v e s u p o n t h e b a y o n e t s of t h e D u t c h .
H o w e v e r , t h e A c e h n e s e m i l i t a r y p o w e r w a s r e s p e c t e d not o n l y b y the
M a i a y k i n g d o m s but a l s o by t h e P o r t u g u e s e w h o " h a d l o n g s i n c e a c q u i r e d
a w h o l e s o m e r e s p e c t for t h e A t j e h n e s e a s f o r m i d a b l e f i g h t e r s w h o formed
t h e g r e a t e s t t h r e a t to M a l a c c a for o v e r a c e n t u r y . " 2 5
Some Portuguese
s a i l o r s w h o w e r e lost in t h e w e s t c o a s t of S u m a t r a in 1 5 6 1 a n d e x p e r i e n c e d
a n d p i r a t i c a l p e o p l e . formed f r o m m a n y n a t i o n s , a n d m o s t bitter e n e m i e s
26
of t h e P o r t u g u e s e , a n d very c o u r a g e o u s w a r r i o r s . u
d e v e l o p m e n t of A c e h ' s m i l i t a r y p o w e r , w h i c h w a s u n k n o w n d u r i n g t h e first
a c c e l e r a t e d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e S u l t a n of A c e h a l w a y s t r i e d to attack
h o w h e c o u l d e n c o m p a s s t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of M a l a c c a . " 2 7
T h e entire military
2 5
Boxer, "Portuguese Reaction," 417.
2 6
Castaways' accounts in A . B. d e S a , Documentacao, Insulindia, II,
1550-1562, 3 9 4 , 4 0 5 , 4 2 5 , in Ibid., 4 1 8 .
2 7
D i o g o d o C o u t o , D e c a d a VIII, C a p s . 21, 15-17, in Ibid., 4 2 0 .
96
Economie Achievements
trading center (port) in the west archipelago. Banda Aceh, which was
of political activity, was definitely a center for trading activity a s well. Reid
2 9
Anthony Reid, "Trade a n d the Problem of Royal P o w e r in A c e h :
1 5 5 0 - 1 7 5 0 , " in Anthony Reid a n d L a n c e Castles , eds., Pre-Colonial
State Systems in Southeast Asia: The Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Bali-
Lombok, South Celebes (Kuala Lumpur: M B R A S , 1979), 4 6 .
2 9
Ibid.
97
3 0
Beschrijvinge vande Straten ofte engten van Malacca ende Sunda met
haer Omligghende Eylandenl"Bancken/Ondiepten ende Sanden,
reproduced in fascimile o n p. 32 of Collectie Dr. W. A. Engelbrecht Lof
der Zeevaart, catalogue of an exhibition held at the Maritiem M u s e u m ,
Rotterdam, 1966-67, in Boxer, " P o r t u g u e s e R e a c t i o n s , " 4 2 6 - 4 2 7 .
3 1
Jorge de Lemos, Hystoria dos Cercos, ( L i s b o a , 1585), part lil, lis. 1-64,
in Ibid., 4 2 3 .
3 2
Boxer, Portuguese Seaborne, 59.
3 3
Jorge de L a m o s , Hystoria dos Cercos, fl. 6 1 , in Boxer, " P o r t u g u e s e
Reactions," 424.
98
c a m e from Pegu a n d I n d i a . 3 7
S c h r i e k e writes that " A c h i n , t h e n , h a d by the
3 4
Reid, Southeast Asia, 98.
3 5
Reid, "Turkish Influence," 4 0 3 - 4 0 4 .
3 6
Reid, Southeast Asia, 93.
3 7
Schrieke, Indonesian, 43.
99
envy." 3 8
power," 3 9
A c e h also d e p e n d e d for its glory "on the tribute of neighbouring
M a l a y l a n g u a g e , w h i c h b e c a m e the b u s i n e s s l a n g u a g e in Southeast A s i a ,
w a s used rather t h a n A c e h n e s e 4 2
J o h n Davis describes this city as "very
whole l a n d . " 4 3
In this city were also to be found "Gold-Smithes, Gun
3 8
Ibid., 44.
3 9
Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 2 1 8 - 2 1 9 .
4 0
H. A. R. G i b b et a l . e d s . , The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New E d . (Leiden:
E. J . Brill, 1980), s. v. "Atjeh," by A . J . Piekaar.
4 1
Reid, "Trade a n d the P r o b l e m of R o y a l Power in A c e h , " 47.
4 2
Reid, Southeast Asia, 7.
4 3
Davis, Voyages and works of John Davis, 147.
4 4
Ibid., 151.
100
This city was not fortified " b e c a u s e G o d h a d given them stout hearts a n d
Literally Orang Kaya means "a rich m a n " . This term " c o u l d be p r e s u m e d to
4 5
Pere de Premare, S . J . , to Pere de L a C h a i s e , C a n t o n , 17 Feb. 1 6 9 9 ,
in new edition of Lettres edifiantes et curieuses, ecrites des missions
etrangeres (de la Compagnie de Jesus), v o l . 16, e d . Y . M. H. de
Ouerbeuf (Paris, 1780-83), 3 4 4 - 4 5 , in R e i d , " T h e Structure of Cities,"
241.
4 6
Iskandar, Hikayat Aceh, 175-176.
4 7
J . Kathirithamby-Wells, "Royal Authority a n d the Orang Kaya in the
Western A r c h i p e l a g o , C i r c a 1 5 0 0 - 1 8 0 0 , " JSEAS, vol XVII, no. 2
(September, 1986), 260.
101
thousand s l a v e s . 4 9
Insecurity w a s another reason for having slaves. The
4 8
A u q u s t i n de B e a u l i e u , " M e m o i r e s du V o y a g e aux Indes Orientales," p.
110-111 in M e l c h i s e d e c h Thevenot, Relations de divers voyages cuneux,
(Paris, C r a m o i s y , 1 6 6 4 - 6 ) , in Reid, " T r a d e a n d the Problem.' 4 7 - 4 8 .
4 9
A l b u q u e r q u e , The Commentaries, vol. 3, 109.
5 0
G r o e n e v e l d t , Historical Notes, 128.
5 1
R e i d , "The S t u c t u r e of C i t i e s , " 2 4 9 .
102
not long after this time that the i s l a n d c e a s e d to export its people, s i n c e
from C a m b o d i a , C h a m p a a n d B o r n e o . 5 3
Political Achievements
cp
political victory. Aceh won Japara in only one joint attack. The friendly
political relations with Johor and Bintan began in 1574, after several
alliance was broken in 1582. D. K. Basset writes, "had not the Sultan of
is little doubt that the Portuguese garrison at Malacca could not have
survived." 55
aid. This initiative led Reid to the conclusion that it was Aceh which took
ideals and trading interests led the Ottomans to help Aceh. Whatever the
reasons may have been, "it was precisely this Atjehnese initiative which
drew Turkish attention once more to the Indian Ocean, after Sulaiman had
abandoned it in 1 5 4 0 . " 57
5 5
D. K. Basset, "European Influence in the Malay Peninsula 1511-1786,"
JMBRAS, vol. 33, pt. 3 (1960), 15.
5 6
Reid, "Turkish Influence," 409.
5 7
Ibid.
104
reads:
5 8
Ibid., 3 9 5 .
0 3
This is Reid's p h r a s e in "Turkish Influence," 397 w h i c h refers to T.
M o h a m m a d S a b i l , Hikajat Soeltan Atjeh Marhoem {Soeltan Iskandar
Moeda) (Batavia, 1932), 3 - 1 1 .
6 0
Z a i n u d d i n , Tarikh Atjeh, 279.
105
Aceh. 6 2
6 1
Reid, "Turkish Influence," 4 1 1 .
6 2
Anthony Reid., The Contest for North Sumatra: Atjeh, the Netherlands
and Britain 1858-1898 (Kuala Lumpur: O x f o r d University Press, 1969). 3.
6 3
Vlekke, Nusantara, 100.
106
mosque was most probably the main center for Islamic studies, b e s i d e s the
6 4
Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 216
6 5
Reid, Southeast Asia, 67.
107
power. 6 9
T h e death of the S u l t a n resulted in the e m e r g e n c e of a n o n -
Sultan as follows:
6 6
Iskandar, Bustanu's-Salatin, 33-34.
6 7
Hurgronje, The Achehnese, v o l . 2, 19.
6 8
Wertheim, Indonesian Society, 204.
6 9
Iskandar, Butanu's-Salatin, 32-33.
108
B. A c e h ' s Motivations
History of Malaya:
7 0
Ibid., 33.
7 1
Wertheim, Indonesian Society, 195.
109
he died or w a s m u r d e r e d . ' 2
a r c h i p e l a g o by M u s l i m t r a d e r s from the A r a b l a n d s a n d I n d i a . 7 3
In his
Islam.
7 2
Winstedt, A History of Malaya, 81.
73
' S . Q. Fatimi, Islam Comes to Malaysia, (Singapore: Malaysian
S o c i o l o g i c a l R e s e a r c h Institute Ltd., 1963), 8 - 3 6 .
7 4
C e s a r A d i b M a j u l , " T h e o r i e s on the Introduction a n d E x p a n s i o n of Islam
in M a l a y s i a , " in International A s s o c i a t i o n of Historians of A s i a , Second
Biennial Conference Proceeding (Taipei, T a i w a n , O c t o b e r 6-9, 1962), 350.
7 5
Ibid., 3 5 1 - 3 5 9 .
110
A.D. He reiates this fact to the important role played by sufis in preserving
the unity of the ummah after the fal! of B a g h d a d at the e n d of the thirteenth
century. This leads him to suggest that "the sufi m o v e m e n t w a s , in fact,
almost identical with the Islamic world d u r i n g a period of 5 0 0 years, from
the 13th to the 18th centuries, so that it is hardly an e x a g g e r a t i o n to speak
of a sufi p e r i o d in Islamic h i s t o r y . " 76
w h o were c o n c e n t r a t e d in urban a r e a s / 6
Besides t e a c h i n g Islam, they
7 6
A . H. J o h n s , " S u f i s m in Indonesia," JSEAH, vol. 2, no. 2 (July 1961), 13.
7 7
ibid., 15.
7 8
Ibid., 2 1 .
7 9
M a j u l , "Theories on the Introduction," 3 7 2 .
111
and revolution. 81
Jihad (holy war) c o u l d be declared against colonialists,
important role in their struggle. S o important was the trading motive that
8 0
Weitheim, Indonesian Society, 196-198.
8 1
Ibid., 2 0 4 - 2 0 7 .
8 2
M a j u l , " T h e o r i e s on the Introduction," 3 7 2 - 3 7 3 .
8 3
Ibid., 3 9 0 - 3 9 1 .
A n o t h e r c o n s i s t e n t p o l i c y of A c e h w a s s h o w n in t h e i r i n t e n s i v e s i e g e s
of f o r t i f i e d M a l a c c a . J o h o r , t h e m a i n M a l a y a n d M u s l i m r i v a l of A c e h ,
t e n d e d to b e p r a g m a t i c . F r o m t h e first h a l f of t h e s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y ,
J o h o r d e m o n s t r a t e d its e n m i t y t o w a r d A c e h . A s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , J o h o r ,
w i t h P e r a k a n d P a h a n g , d r o v e A c e h o u t of A r u in 1 5 4 0 . In 1 5 4 7 t h e y
a p p e a r e d in t h e p o r t o f M a l a c c a to h e l p t h e t r i g h t e n e d P o r t u g u e s e a g a i n s t
t h e A c e h n e s e , w h o h a d a l m o s t s u c c e e d e d in c a p t u r i n g M a l a c c a . A
q u e s t i o n w h i c h s h o u l d b e r a i s e d h e r e i s : w h y d i d n ' t J o h o r a n d its a l l i e s
capture Malacca w h i l e t h e r e w a s a g o o d o p p o r t u n i t y to a t t a c k t h e
P o r t u g u e s e ? T h e p r o b a b l e a n s w e r is t h a t their f e a r a n d h a t r e d t o w a r d A c e h
o v e r s h a d o w e d t h e i r will to r e c a p t u r e t h e i r h o m e l a n d f r o m t h e c o l o n i a l i s t s
a n d o v e r c a m e t h e i r I s l a m i c s o l i d a r i t y . In 1 5 6 8 , a g a i n , they s h o w e d u p in
M a l a c c a to h e l p t h e P o r t u g u e s e . H o w e v e r , in 1 5 7 4 J o h o r b e c a m e f r i e n d l y
w i t h A c e h . It i s e n o u g h t o e m p i i a s i z e h e r e t h a t I s l a m i c s o l i d a r i t y w a s
s h o w n b y A c e h w h e n a m a n of P e r a k o r i g i n , A l a ' a l - D T n M a n s r S h a h , w a s
c
a p p o i n t e d a s t h e S u l t a n of A c e h ( 1 5 7 9 - 1 5 8 5 ) . T h i s is a n i n t e r e s t i n g
c h a r a c t e r o f t h e A c e h n e s e p e o p l e , a b o u t w h o m R e i d s t a t e s t h a t " A c e h is a
u s e f u l m o d e l n o t o n l y b e c a u s e o f its h i s t o r i e r o l e , b u t a l s o b e c a u s e of its
s y n t h e t i c c h a r a c t e r : a n e w n a t i o n o w i n g m o r e to e c o n o m i e a n d p o l i t i c a l
f o r c e s t h a n to c o s m i c tradition or e t h n i c s o l i d a r i t y . " 8 5
It is r e a s o n a b l e t h e n t h a t A c e h h a d a d u a l p u r p o s e in its struggle
a g a i n s t t h e P o r t u g u e s e : "to w a g e w a r a g a i n s t t h e h e a t h e n s {kafir) a n d to
c o m b a t t h e P o r t u g u e s e a s a c o m p e t i t o r in t h e s p i c e t r a d e in o r d e r to
d e f e n d their m o n o p o l i s t i c p o s i t i o n . " 8 5
It is i n t e r e s t i n g t h a t in a n o t h e r of h i s
8 5
Reid, "Trade a n d the Problem," 55.
8 8
Kartodirdjo, " R e l i g i o u s a n d E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s , " 183.
113
writings Winstedt says that "the Achinese were m u c h like the Portuguese,
m i s s i o n a r i e s , mystics a n d t h e o l o g i a n s . " 87
8 7
R. O. Winstedt, " A History of J o h o r e , " JMBRAS, vol. 10, pt. 2
(December 1932), 19.
CONCLUSION
the producers of some natural resources, such as pepper, silk, gold and
benzoin. Merchants came to this port from other areas, primarily for
time, these kingdoms became known as both trading and Islamic centers,
Although it was less well known than Pasai, Lamuri was a kingdom that
also had a long contact with other people, such as Arabs, Persians,
Europeans and Chinese. It was in this kingdom that the great Muslim
kingdom of Aceh rose. The new state was to incorporate all these lesser
ports into its economie system and to transcend the political scales of
city, benefitting greatly from the income generated from its trade. It
replaced Pasai as the chief trading center and even as the main center for
Islamic studies in the region. Although Pasai was still respected as the
center of Islamic studies at the time, Malacca played a much greater role,
114
115
extend the trade system to M a l a c c a in order to control the trade route for
p o p u l a t i o n s to Christianity.
the sixteenth century a n d is identified with its military conflict with the
P o r t u g u e s e to the region motivated AIT to take over the power from his
C
established garrisons. 1
If this idea c a n be s u s t a i n e d , it must have been the
1
Hasjmy, Sejarah Kebudayaan Islam, 1 7 - 1 8 ; A h m a d , Sekitar Keradjaan
Atjeh, 3 6 - 3 7 ; S a i d , Aceh, 1 6 4 - 1 6 5 ; Reid, The Contest, 2.
116
q
by the c o m i n g of the P o r t u g u e s e to M a l a c c a .
With the fall of Malacca, Aceh becsme the most important trading
center in the western part of the archipelago for several reasons: firstly, it
the trading routes between west Asia and India with the archipelago;
such as pepper, gold, silk and benzoin, especially from Pasai, Pidie and
environment for trade in the region. The economie power of Aceh and its
It is reasonable then to say that Aceh, which tried to drive out the
region. The first effort was taken by attempting political expansion. Aceh
attacked Batak and conquered Aru and west Sumatra. This gave it
interests. In the archipelago, Aceh convinced Japara and, for a few years,
Johor to make a broad Islamic alliance. However, the fear of some Muslim
kingdoms, such as Johor and Demak, toward the new oower (Aceh)
bothered the alliance. The Islamic alliance was also disrupted by economie
4
Basset, "European Influence," 14-15.
118
represented by ulama' c
a n d sufi, w a s active in religious as well as e c o n o m i e
p a r t i c i p a n t in a history e x p a n s i v e a n d s u c c e s s f u l . " 5
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Peiajaran M a l a y s i a , 1 9 7 4 .
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select, by H. A. R. G i b b . L o n d o n : Routledge & K e g a n P a u l , 1963.
119
120
Dunn, Ross E. The Adventures of Ibn Battta: A Muslim Traveler of the 14th
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Reid, Anthony. The Contest for North Sumatra: Atjeh, the Netherlands and
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