Journal of Urban Design

ISSN: 1357-4809 (Print) 1469-9664 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjud20

Smooth flows, unhurried stays: everyday

organizing in a downtown commercial centre

Sari Yli-Kauhaluoma & Pivi Timonen

To cite this article: Sari Yli-Kauhaluoma & Pivi Timonen (2016) Smooth flows, unhurried stays:
everyday organizing in a downtown commercial centre, Journal of Urban Design, 21:6, 816-835,
DOI: 10.1080/13574809.2016.1234333

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13574809.2016.1234333

2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa

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 Journal of Urban Design, 2016
VOL. 21, NO. 6, 816835
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13574809.2016.1234333

Smooth flows, unhurried stays: everyday organizing in a

downtown commercial centre
Sari Yli-Kauhaluoma and Pivi Timonen
Consumer Society Research Centre, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political and Economic Studies,
University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

ABSTRACT
This study explores local actors participation in everyday organizing
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and thereby in the production and maintenance of social space in

the urban milieu of a downtown commercial centre. By local actors,
the study refers to retailers and maintenance workers such as
security guards, cleaners and facility managers. The study is based
on extensive empirical research being conducted in the Kamppi
Centre, located in the heart of the city of Helsinki, Finland. The Kamppi
Centre consists of a complex of commercial shops, offices, residential
housing and public transportation terminals. It is a hectic urban milieu
in a Finnish context and operates 24/7. The study identifies critical
locations in the Kamppi Centre, particularly entrances, as well as the
central indoor shopping plaza and the corridors where local actors are
constantly negotiating the social space with the public. These places
provide endless challenges to local actors everyday dealings with
people and to the material flows and stopovers at the site. The study
elaborates on local actors careful management of those places and
on the organization of both people and material flows and visits as a
way of producing and maintaining social space in a complex urban
environment.

Introduction
Recent studies have emphasized the importance of commercial centres in urban contexts
as important social spaces that are constantly produced and enacted through everyday
practices (Stillerman and Salcedo 2012; Hagberg and Styhre 2013). The empirical study on
shopping centre development practices by Hagberg and Styhre (2013) shows how different
professionals, such as architects, developers, politicians and retail experts, collaborate and
balance their various interests in an effort to produce a well-proportioned combination of
commercial and public space in a community. Many other studies on shopping centres have
likewise demonstrated that shopping malls are not only commercial spaces, but also are
often developed and used as welcoming public spaces (e.g., Goss 1993; Abaza 2001).
Moreover, the role of such centres can even be fundamental to the development of the city
and surrounding region (Lowe 2005). Public transportation routes to the shopping mall play
an important role here (Stillerman and Salcedo 2012). Overall, as Hagberg and Styhre (2013)

CONTACT Sari Yli-Kauhaluoma sari.yli-kauhaluoma@helsinki.fi

2016 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,
provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
 Journal of Urban Design 817

emphasize, the production of social space in urban settings such as shopping malls is a
continuous process whereby both material and social arrangements are closely entwined.
The study by Hagberg and Styhre (2013) is an important contribution to the production
of social space in an urban environment, particularly in shopping malls, with a focus on the
developmental phase of such space. However, more research is required on the production
and maintenance of social space in existing urban settings. So far, Smith and Hall (2013), for
example, have found that professionals, from street sweepers to police, community support
officers and outreach workers, whom the authors call urban patrols, play a fundamental role
in maintaining and producing social space at the street level in city centres. Regarding shop-
ping malls, research has shown that consumers play an active role in shaping the social
setting there (e.g., Haytko and Baker 2004; Stillerman and Salcedo 2012). Current research
also acknowledges that in shopping malls there is constant negotiation of the social space
between consumers and mall management (e.g., Lewis 1990; Staeheli and Mitchell 2006).
However, what seems to be lacking is research on the participation of a variety of local
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shopping mall actors beyond the managerial staff in producing and maintaining the social
space. It is precisely the interaction of such local actors with the public at the site that is the
focus of the present study.
The study thus contributes to the call by Hagberg and Styhre (2013) for more research
on the organization and management of urban spaces. The aim here is to explore the ways
in which various local actors in particular, various kinds of maintenance workers such as
security guards, cleaners and facility managers, as well as retailers on site in a downtown
commercial centre participate in everyday organization of the space and thereby in the
production and maintenance of social space in an urban milieu. The emphasis is on
theinteraction of the local actors with the public at the site while also taking into account
the material arrangements in the built environment.
The study is based on extensive empirical research being conducted in the heart of
Helsinki, Finland, at the so-called Kamppi Centre and particularly the commercial part of the
centre. The Kamppi Centre consists of a complex of commercial shops, offices, residential
housing and public transportation terminals (a metro station and a local and long-distance
bus terminal). There is also a freight depot and underground parking facilities. The Kamppi
Centre can thus be considered as a hybrid urban space (Perry 2012), one that serves multiple
roles including a business establishment, transportation hub, private residence and, thanks
to its location in downtown Helsinki, a leisure activity and hang-out site. With some 36 million
visitors a year (in 2013), the Centre is a hectic Finnish urban milieu that operates around the
clock seven days a week.
The results of the study identify critical locations in the Kamppi Centre where local actors
constantly encounter the need to negotiate the social space with the public. Conflicting
challenges arise as different local actors try to manage the movements of people and material
in the commercial centre. The main aim of the security guards and other maintenance work-
ers is to facilitate a continuous, smooth flow of people in and through the premises while
the commercial centre site management and retailers try to organize peaceful spaces for an
unhurried stay at the site to promote shopping. The study elaborates on the different local
actors careful management of the identified critical places and on the organization of both
people and material flows as ways of producing and maintaining social space in a complex
urban environment.
 818 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

Urban spaces as sites for social interaction

In order to obtain a greater understanding of everyday life and the production of social
spaces in urban contexts, two types of built urban environments have been regarded as
particularly relevant. First, commercial or shopping centres have been identified as essential
sites for offering spaces for social interaction (Abaza 2001) and cross-class encounters
(Stillerman and Salcedo 2012). Commercial centres in cities can even act as places in which
identity construction of the city takes place (Lowe 2005). At the same time, the existing
research has debated whether commercial centres merely provide an illusion of a social
space that is trying to hide its material relation to mass consumption. In this respect Goss
(1993, 22) has noted that, in constructing an attractive place image for the shopping center,
developers have, with remarkable persistence, exploited a modernist nostalgia for authentic
community. In this regard, as Goss (1993, 23) continues, the interior containing pedestrian
walkways, courts, fountains and statuary that referred reassuringly to the traditional urban-
ism of Southern Europe has been important in modern shopping malls. Therefore, the design
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and construction of commercial centres as attractive public spaces is an important, but

challenging endeavour in which various interests are at stake (Hagberg and Styhre 2013).
One influential interest related to the construction projects of shopping centres and the
public places nearby is related to the promotion of local economies. Here, attracting people
flow is an essential driver of economic activity. New types of public spaces with commercial
amenities are designed and shaped by private investors once the developers recognize the
economic value of public spaces (see Carmona 2014). People seek walkable downtown areas
with shopping opportunities and entertainment, and the success of business has a great
deal to do with access to these privately owned spaces (Mehta 2014).
Second, various transport infrastructures have been identified as important setups in
contributing to the production of social space in urban milieus. Public transportation such
as bus and rail connections have been found to be fundamental in urban contexts for offering
the means for a wide spectrum of residents to access and use multiple sites in the city, thus
contributing to public encounters and facilitating social interactions (Stillerman and Salcedo
2012). Modern transportation terminals such as airports have even been regarded as the
suburbs of an invisible border straddling a virtual global city where complex social and
material arrangements are closely entwined and in constant flux (Knox et al. 2008).
Indeed, the design of built urban environments matters, since, as noted by Kornberger
and Clegg (2004), buildings and other urban architectural structures such as streets (see
Munro and Jordan 2013) are not passive containers but instead offer various capacities for
the production of social space. Kornberger and Clegg (2004, 1106) clarify the importance of
architecture by emphasizing that it provides the choreography of movements. This applies
not only to building interiors, but also to all designed environments, thereby suggesting the
importance of placing emphasis on places, their peculiarities and their heterogeneities in
order to gain an understanding of the distinctiveness and specificities of particular places
(see Casey 2003, 2245). Caseys (2003, 2246) notion, namely that places are not isolated
points or spots but interconnected in manifold ways, underlines the importance of gaining
understanding of movements in and between places and of the ways in which these move-
ments participate in either the production or the disruption of social space.
Squares and building lobbies (Raulet-Croset 2013), streets (Jacobs 1958; Munro and
Jordan 2013) and building entrances (Goss 1993) are examples of particular places or sites
 Journal of Urban Design 819

that have been analyzed to gain more understanding of the production of social space
through various movements in complex urban settings. Raulet-Croset (2013) has studied
urban incivility and particularly loitering and transit at two interesting sites: a square in the
midst of a large building complex in a rough neighbourhood and a lobby in a building
consisting of both residential housing and work places. Raulet-Croset (2013) showed in her
study that squares and lobbies in urban places act as sites of multiple uses and movements
such as meeting places, housing, working, loitering and transit. She demonstrates that co-
ordination of action to tackle incivilities in such places requires adaptation to the specificities
of the places, but at the same time local actors can mobilize space as a resource for such
co-ordination. Moreover, she illustrates that specific material arrangements in a place can
affect and even direct the movements and flows at the site. Jacobs (1958, 127) has empha-
sized streets as being the nervous system of a city, communicating the flavour, the feel and
the sights of the downtown area. Munro and Jordans (2013) study focused on analyzing
the work of street artists during a large arts festival in a city centre. They showed that the
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use of public spaces such as streets involves constant negotiation among the various users
and that those who use the street sites as a workspace actively create temporary spatial
boundaries through various material means. Finally, building entrances have been found to
have an important meaning in suggesting an experience of a site. Goss (1993) refers to the
formal entrances to shopping malls, which can even have theatrical aspects, thereby sug-
gesting the existence, for example, of an oasis inside. Overall, however, the management of
site entrances that are overrun with a continuous flow of people can be a challenging endeav-
our, requiring constant attention to complex socio-material arrangements (Heath, Hindmarsh,
and Luff 1999).

Moving and staying as spatial practices in complex urban settings

Spatial practices such as moving play an important role in the production of spatiality
(Lefebvre 1991). Castells (2010, 442) speaks of flows by which he means purposeful, repet-
itive, programmable sequences of exchange and interaction between physically disjointed
positions held by social actors. Castells (2010) argues that modern societies are constructed
around flows: flows of social and organizational interaction, flows of technology, flows of
information, flows of capital, flows of images, sounds and symbols. Shopping malls and
airports, for example, represent examples of complex settings wherein a space of flows
occurs (Knox et al. 2008; Stillerman and Salcedo 2012).
Walking is an important spatial practice. So far, walking has largely been considered as a
predefined, self-evident function of moving without acknowledging the diversity of pedes-
trians associated experiences (Middleton 2010). As Roberts (2012) has observed, shopping
centres, airports and even hospitals are increasingly designed to contain economically desir-
able activities. A demanding challenge for urban planners and local actors in urban settings
is to maintain the flow of walking in these environments. An important question here is how
to configure spaces that stimulate people and organize their walking practices and rhythms.
There is a great deal of evidence of the importance of walking to the vitality of everyday
urban life. An influential concept for urban walking has been the flneur, a popular figure
of a man in a crowd who strolls idly through city streets and passages (Benjamin 1999). Falk
and Campbell (1997) have made clear that a contemporary shopping flneur is a consumer
searching for stimuli and for the appealing sensations of urban spaces while enjoying the
 820 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

pleasures of the goods on offer. The flneur is thus a symbol of modernity and consumption,
a figure who ambles along with the crowd and looks like part of the crowd, yet individually
and eagerly absorbs novelties and creates art from the experience (Featherstone 1998).
Therefore, the flneur is a phenomenon of increasing urbanization who, by means of walking,
moves through the city and the crowds and thereby experiences the surroundings. Almost
at the opposite end of the discussion on walking is the perspective that focuses on habits
and habitual behaviours. This view is stressed as a key aspect of attempts to understand
mobility. Studies of everyday life have focused on the flow of repetitions, relating walking
to the co-ordination of such flows. For example, Middleton (2011) has argued that little
attention has been paid to the practicalities of walking, which needs to be understood as
an unfolding journey on foot.
Significantly, various modes of walking can be meaningful for the production and main-
tenance of social space in commercial centres. Wunderlich (2008) has suggested that there
are three different types of walking practices enacted by people in urban contexts, namely
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purposive, discursive and conceptual. In purposive walking the task is to walk to and towards;
purposive walking is performed at a rapid pace. Discursive walking is a mode of walking in
which pace and rhythm are responsive to the walkers own bodily rhythms and in which the
walker is aware of the external environment. This type can be performed without a destina-
tion. The third mode, conceptual walking, is a creative response to a walkers interpretation
of place. In referring to these walking practices, Wunderlich (2008, 133) notes that purposive
walking is habitual, a recurrent activity that fosters a sense of order and continuity. In contrast,
discursive and conceptual walking promote encounter and discovery in urban places.
The role of managers and security guards has been found to be important in attempts
to manage and organize movements and flows in shopping malls. Here, efforts to control
people entering, moving and occupying the malls play an important role. It has been due
to particular social groups and individuals, such as the homeless, beggars, groups of young
people and ethnic minorities that are characterized as threatening and disorderly, that
increasing control, for example, through surveillance technologies and codes of conduct
and enforcement, has been enacted (Raco 2003, 1871). The owners and management of
shopping malls have been found to discourage groups they regard in some respects as
threatening from entering the mall, and sometimes they even expel such groups (e.g., Lewis
1990; Staeheli and Mitchell 2006). Security guards are also used in such situations (Goss
1993). Overall, the role of security guards has been found to be essential in shopping malls
for border control, which relies mostly on preventative measures intended to keep the threats
outside the mall (Franzn 2001). Here, surveillance technologies have an important function
(Staeheli and Mitchell 2006).

A 24-hour city: The Kamppi Centre

The development of the Kamppi Centre in Helsinki was begun as early as 1994. The area
used to be a large outdoor bus station connecting Helsinki with its neighbouring cities,
mainly Espoo, by means of public transportation. The project manager for the city of Helsinki
described the aims of the Kamppi area development in a seminar given in November 2000:
The area is unattractive and in bad weather it is just rotten. In its current state, no one is attracted
to public transportation The aim is to develop a Kamppi Centre that will form a lively and
functional business centre embedded in an urban context and considered as part of a distinctive
 Journal of Urban Design 821

and comfortable city by local actors and visitors, as well as by users of public transportation
terminals. (Project manager, City of Helsinki)
After a long planning phase, the approximately four-year construction project to build the
centre represented one of the largest single construction sites not only in downtown Helsinki,
but also in Finnish history. The public transportation terminal, a new entrance to the Kamppi
metro station and the first retail stores on the street level were opened to the public in June
2005, and, in March 2006, the commercial complex, the offices and residential housing build-
ings were finally opened. The gross area of the Kamppi Centre is approximately 135,000
square metres. Its commercial complex consists of six floors, including the street level, with
a gross leasable area of approximately 44,000 square metres. Currently, the commercial hub
is owned by an international real estate investment company. Inside the building are public
pedestrian walkways that essentially cut through the commercial centre on three floors.
Particularly on the street level, there is a constant flow of people from the local bus terminal
and metro station along the pedestrian passageways that lead in various directions into and
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outside the building. This design feature is challenging from the perspective of the manage-
ment and the organization of the centre (see Figure 1).
There are so many people here walking with their cell phone cameras that if there are any bigger
problems that are a bit unusual they will end up in the newspapers. (Managing director, Kamppi
Centre facilities management)
An additional challenge is that the opening times of the Kamppi Centre are long (weekdays
from 5 am to 2:30 am and weekends from 5 am to 4:20 am), mainly due to the bus terminal
being located at the site. Even though the retail stores are not open at night, as they are
required to conform to the general opening hours of retail stores in Finland, the Kamppi
Centre can still be called a 24-hour city (see Bianchini 1995). Several restaurants, bars and
nightclubs are open until late at night. Security guards and cleaners are present around the
clock, seven days a week.

Figure 1.A spatial layout of the ground level.

Source: The Kamppi Commercial Centre (Courtesy of the site manager for the commercial complex).
 822 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

Methods
The present research is a case study (Yin 2003; Gillham 2010) on the everyday management
and organization of a commercial centre in a downtown area. As Hagberg and Styhre (2013,
361) have noted, case studies seek to examine social processes or events that are not reduc-
ible to individual elements but must be understood within a specific field of practice. The
present study seeks to understand everyday organizing and thereby the production and
maintenance of social space in a complex urban milieu in which multiple local actors par-
ticipate in this social practice. A variety of methods have been applied to generate data
about everyday management and the organizing of local actors at the research site, the
Kamppi Centre, and particularly the commercial part of the centre in Helsinki, including
interviews (Gillham 2010), fieldwork (Ybema et al. 2009), and documents and archival records
(Yin 2003).
The data collection began in September 2014 with in-depth interviews. By April 2015 a
total of 27 such interviews had been conducted. Specifically, 10 interviews with local actors
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were carried out at the site, including with the commercial centre site manager, retailers
operating on different floors of the centre and maintenance workers, such as security guards,
cleaners and facilities management personnel. In addition, 11 interviews were conducted
with architects and contractors to obtain knowledge about the development phase of the
Kamppi Centre and thereby of both the material dimensions and the planned functions of
the building. These 11 interviews included architects, City of Helsinki officials, representatives
from the construction company and a consultant who had been involved in the design and
construction of the Kamppi Centre. The interviews were complemented with an interview
with a director of retail concepts in a construction firm in order to gain an understanding of
current trends in the design of future commercial centres. Finally, five interviews were con-
ducted with important actors in cultural and youth affairs whose institutional premises are
located close to the Kamppi Centre. These interviewees included three museum represent-
atives, a movie theatre director and a director of youth affairs in the City of Helsinki. The aim
here was to increase our understanding of urban life and particularly of peoples activities
and movements in the whole Kamppi area.
Each interview lasted one to two hours. To carry out the interviews, a protocol was devel-
oped to guide the questions. The interviewees were first asked to give a description of their
daily jobs, and they were also asked their views on the dimensions and production of an
attractive urban space. Here, the focus was kept on the Kamppi Centre. The architects, con-
tractors and City of Helsinki officials were asked about the details of the development and
construction of the Centre. The interviews focused on and deepened the questions about
issues that were particularly important to each interviewee. The use of natural conversation
(Gillham 2010) played an important role in the interviews, which were recorded. In total, the
interviews produced approximately 32 hours of recorded material, which has been tran-
scribed verbatim. Table 1 summarizes the interviews conducted.
The interviews were complemented with fieldwork carried out in the Kamppi Centre. The
fieldwork consisted of two different parts. First, ethnographic interviews were conducted
(OReilly 2012; Spradley 1979) with four security guards in the control room of the Kamppi
Centre. According to Spradley (1979, 9), the ethnographic interview is one strategy for get-
ting people to talk about what they know, and the ethnographer must then make inferences
about what people know by listening carefully to what they say, by observing their behavior,
 Journal of Urban Design 823

Table 1.In-depth interviews conducted from September 2014 to April 2015.

Interviewees Number of interviewees
Site and Facilities Management 3
Site manager for the commercial complex
Associate Director, Commercial centre facilities management
Managing director, Kamppi Centre facilities management

Security guards 2
Security expert
Site manager

Cleaner 1
Service manager

Retailers 4
Two retailers on the ground floor
One retailer on the first floor
One retailer on the fourth floor
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Architects 5
Responsible architects for the design of the Kamppi Centre in five architectural offices

Construction company representatives 3

Planning director
Project manager
Director of retail concepts

City of Helsinki officials 4

Head of Real Estate Department
Two project managers from the City Planning Department
Head of Youth Department

Consultant 1
Managing director of a real estate development company and a consultant office

Museum management 3
Two museum directors
Communications officer of an art museum

Movie theatre management 1

Cinema manager

Total 27

and by studying artifacts and their use. For this study, the security guards were observed in
the control room while they were using various kinds of equipment to carry out their tasks;
as they worked, they were asked what they were doing and why. The authors were allowed
to spend a total of four hours in the control room on two Saturdays in November 2014. The
first visit was scheduled for a Saturday afternoon (1pm to 3pm), and the second visit was
a Saturday evening (6pm to 8pm). During the first visit, three security guards were inter-
viewed and observed, and on the second visit, one security guard.
Besides ethnographic interviews and observations in the control room, field notes were
also made on local actors and visitors activities in and around the Kamppi Centre. In addition,
the authors participated in various events which were organized for the public in the centres
central indoor plaza and took photographs of the site. The photographs helped not only to
document the study (e.g., Harper 2003), but also to zoom in (Nicolini 2009) to the material
arrangements of the places emphasized by the interviewees. Finally, records on the number
 824 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

of people flowing into and out of the Kamppi Centre and documents related to its develop-
ment phase supplemented the empirical material.
To analyze the data, the authors first carefully read through the interview transcriptions
and field notes several times in order to gain an understanding of what local actors, particu-
larly security guards, cleaners, facility management and retailers, do in a downtown com-
mercial centre in general and how they interact with the public in particular. The first rounds
of reading suggested that particular places in the Kamppi Centre play an important role in
the everyday life of organizing local actors. The data were then coded, first by indicating the
critical places in the Centre. The next round of data analysis investigated the interaction of
the local actors with the public at the identified sites. The analysis was complemented by
recognition of material arrangements, specifically the design and construction by architects
and contractors, in the key identified locations. The data analysis was highly iterative; the
empirical data guided the analysis, and the emerging results were constantly interpreted
and compared with the existing theoretical concepts (Spradley 1979; Eriksson and Kovalainen
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2008; OReilly 2012).

Everyday organizing in a downtown commercial centre

The entrances, particularly the main entrance, and the central plaza at the Kamppi Centre
are critical locations where local actors constantly have to negotiate the social space in a
commercial setting. Significantly, however, the social space is also constantly being managed
in corridors and on the various floors and even on the boundaries of the Kamppi premises.
Physical distances as well as people and material flows and stopovers at the Centre appear
to be essential to local actors practices and thereby to the ways in which the social space is
maintained (see Figure 2).

Entrances as sites of contesting people and material flows

There are 11 street-level entrances to the Kamppi Centre. The busiest is the main entrance
on the market square, where over 8.3 million people enter each year. In the Centres com-
pleted building complex, there are several hundred surveillance cameras through which the
security guards attempt to monitor the people and materials entering the property. In the
control room the security guards are able to follow the human and material movements on
dozens of screens simultaneously. Here, the entrances to the Kamppi Centre and particularly
the main entrance are under constant surveillance.
The entrance to the market square is the place where people go to smoke a cigarette and drink
alcohol. Then they bump against the doors, fall over and just about anything Sometimes
the main entrance just gets packed, which makes people angry. Not everybody wants to walk
through cigarette smoke. (Security guard #1)
The entrances are critical sites from the perspective of the smooth movement of people in
and out of the building. Therefore, the security guards endeavour to keep the entrances
clear and prevent them from getting too crowded. They monitor the entrances not only to
prevent possible congestion, but also to prevent emerging problems and potentially dan-
gerous situations from arising.
 Journal of Urban Design 825
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Figure 2.The Kamppi Centre in downtown Helsinki. (a) The Entrance to the Kamppi Centre and Sewer Lids;
(b) The Indoor Shopping Plaza; (c) Long Corridor on the Ground Floor of the Kamppi Centre; (d) Different
Floors in the Kamppi Commercial Centre.
Source: Photographs by the authors, 2014.

A couple of years ago somebody threw a small smoke bomb on New Years Eve. He threw it just
next to the entrance. [The ventilation system] sucked all the smoke into [the building], causing a
fire alarm to go off. We caught him, and he was judged liable for the damage. (Security guard #2)
 826 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

Potential problems close to the entrance may arise not only outside, but also inside the
building. Therefore, entrances are observed from both outside and inside, where entrance
halls are under the security guards constant surveillance. The main entrance hall may become
crowded, as it is used as a popular meeting point. Besides the main entrance hall, the entrance
at the other end of the Kamppi Centre is also regularly monitored. The reason is that this
entrance hall serves as a comfortable site, particularly on cold, rainy or windy days. Many
people use this hall for various purposes; some of them wait for a short time for a tram or a
bus, while others might be homeless people looking for shelter.
In the type of climate we have its very important to be able to be indoors in the winter. (Architect #1)
In observing the hall, the security guards are constantly considering whether loitering could
be interpreted as causing a disturbance in the Centre. Loud and disorderly behaviour is
considered as disturbing to the public order, particularly when it threatens to block move-
ment in and out of the Centre. Time is also an essential factor here.
[The entrance hall] is a comfortable place for waiting when it is not reserved for long-term
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encampment. (Security guard #3)

Besides the security guards, the retailers also consider entrance halls to be problematic to
manage. Some of the stores in the Centre are located close to the entrance halls, a location
that is not always favourable to retailers because from this position it can be difficult to
attract people into a store. One retailer calls the sites close to the entrances draught lobbies
places that are neither really inside nor outside the commercial centre and essentially serve
as transit areas.
Our business is not in the best possible location because the entrance is too close to our prem-
ises. People are either about to leave the Kamppi Centre, ready to put on their hats and gloves
just three steps from our store, meaning that they do not want anything anymore and they
are not open to looking for anything. And, when they enter the Kamppi Centre, it is only after
passing our store that they start taking off their hats and gloves and looking around. We are
sort of in a draught lobby. Its not a good site for a business. (Retailer #1)
The interviewed retailer represents a global, well-known brand, but she considers her ability
to attract people into the store to be limited. Therefore, she has decided to move to a new,
more centrally located place in the Centre with the idea of making her business more visible
and apparent to passers-by and visitors, i.e., possible customers. Another difficulty with a
location in the entrance hall is that, when the site does attract people to come in, it is not
to shop, but to ask directions.
My first eight customers today have just asked for directions. Where is the health centre? Where
is the travel agency? Where is Clas Ohlson? Where is it? We are so close to the entrance that
even if there is an information board, people prefer to come in and ask someone. (Retailer #1)
The retailers close to the entrance halls thus constantly face the challenge of how to get
customers into their store for the right reason, namely to shop.

A central plaza as a site for negotiating people and material flows

Besides the main entrance, the nearby central plaza is also under constant surveillance by
the security guards. The indoor shopping plaza is centrally located on the ground floor of
the commercial building. People entering the commercial centre through the main entrance
have to cross the plaza, for example, to reach the local and long-distance bus terminals, the
 Journal of Urban Design 827

metro or the stores on the upper floors. Architecturally, the plaza was originally designed to
be a kind of a courtyard inside the building.
Such a massive building needs a place for taking a breath and orientation. (Architect #2)
Today, people use the plaza similar to the way they use the entrance hall close to the mar-
ketplace: as a public meeting place where people wait for their dates. The central plaza is
also where most of the action takes place in the Kamppi Centre. It is a place where event
organizers can reach most passers-by, travellers or visitors, and therefore the plaza can be
leased for organized events. The use of the plaza for various events, either commercial or
non-commercial, is not, however, unproblematic from the perspective of the flow of people
into the Kamppi Centre, as the events may take place in the middle of key walking routes
inside the building and thus block movement.
Every time there is a bigger event at the plaza, those who dont stay around to stand and watch
just pass by looking [irritated] that they need to get away from here quickly. [The events] will
make the place really narrow. (Retailer #2)
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The events organized in the plaza also cause additional work both for the cleaners and the
security guards. The cleaners try to manage the material flow in the area.
Refreshments keep us busy because people spill things. There are drinks containers everywhere.
(Cleaner)
Events that last more than a day require putting up a temporary fence around the event
area after the daily show time. Since the Kamppi Centre is open to the public almost around
the clock, a security guard stays inside the fenced-in area from the close of the event in the
evening until the beginning of the next show in the morning in order to keep an eye on the
materials, often various kinds of electronic equipment, brought to the site by the event
organizer.
We seal off the whole plaza to make it easier for the security guard. So that people do not move
unnecessarily in the area. [It is important] particularly now when they start to be in a party mode
The first shift [for guard duty] today is from six to eleven pm. (Security guard #3)
The absence of an information desk on the central plaza causes additional challenges to the
flow of people inside the Centre. Because of this lack, there is a constant need for all local
actors, from security guards to retailers and maintenance workers such as cleaners, to help
people orientate themselves in the building and get directions. People get lost and some-
times cannot find, for example, the way back to their cars in underground parking garages.
They also might want information, for example, about the opening times of key tourist
attractions in and around the Helsinki area. Retailers, security guards and various mainte-
nance workers are regarded as reliable and knowledgeable local experts who can help nav-
igate a complex urban environment such as the Kamppi Centre and points beyond.
At one point, we kept statistics on the number of times directions were given. It was more than
one hundred times every day. (Security guard #1)

One of the top questions that people often ask us is, excuse me, how do I find my car? (Security
guard #4)

Once there was an old woman who was completely lost over there I told her to follow me. I
carried her bags and took her to the long-distance bus terminal [where she was heading]. She
said that I had saved her day She simply had no idea where she was. (Cleaner)
 828 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

The lack of an information desk on the central shopping plaza is particularly problematic for
retailers whose stores are located there. The retailers are interrupted several times a day with
a variety of questions that may have nothing to do with anything at the Kamppi Centre.
One of the funniest questions so far is that at what time The Apprentice begins today on tele-
vision. I have a feeling that people can ask us just about anything. (Retailer #2)
A retailer on the upper floor calls the retailer cited above a news agency, as she has to deal
with most of the visitors inquiries. Retailers on the central plaza are regarded as information
points or desks, and these retailers face a persistent demand to negotiate with people who
attempt to find help navigating the Centre and beyond.
When I am talking with a customer, someone may come in and yell at me excuse me, excuse
me; and it may happen 20 times a day. I have decided not to pay attention to these people. I first
finish the conversation [with the customer], and then I ask what it is that the person wants. And
this is not about something like there is fire or anything, but where is a particular store located
We do have an information desk here [but] its so hidden that nobody finds it unless they
ask where the information desk is. (Retailer #2)
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As the quotation above shows, retailers have even developed their own ways of dealing
with constant interruptions by non-customers.

Corridors and floors on the upper floors as sites for controlling people and material
flows
The commercial centre of the Kamppi complex consists of a total of six floors. Most people
enter on the ground floor, which is by far the busiest due to its direct access to the local bus
terminal and the escalators leading to the long-distance bus terminal and the metro station
located underground. Thus, the long corridor on the ground floor is a busy indoor passage-
way where the challenge to retailers is to attract customers into the stores. While many
retailers struggle with the question of how to serve busy customers, there are some retailers,
for example, the supermarket shopkeeper, who try to take advantage of the constant, hectic
flow of people.
Our idea is to get the customer in and out quickly because she is in a hurry to catch the next
metro or the bus, and she is on the way to somewhere else This is a bit contradictory to the
desires of stores selling such things as fashion. (Retailer #3)
Besides the busy ground floor, there are also entrances into the Centre on the first and second
floors.
The whole starting point was that the streets would pass through the building and there would
be shortcuts in this city block. (Architect #3)
Yet one of the site managers key challenges is how to increase the people flow vertically,
thereby facilitating the visitors shopping intentions.
Our problem is not customer flow. We have 36 million visitors per year and it is enough But we
need people to make a stop here in Kamppi. The longer the customers spend time here, the more
money they spend here and the more they remember [what they need to buy] Therefore, our
most important job is to get people to stay here. (Site manager for the commercial complex)
One of the strategies for increasing people flow vertically as well as for increasing the number
of stopovers in local stores is to organize various events on different floors and in the corridors
of the commercial complex. Corridors and floors provide possible sites for smaller-scale
organized action, both commercial and non-commercial. The manager of the commercial
 Journal of Urban Design 829

centre says that, besides leasing the premises for commercial activities, she frequently
receives direct requests from the public to carry out non-commercial activities or to stage
performances ranging from art school lessons to fashion shows in corners of corridors or in
open areas on different floors of the complex. The manager has decided on a strategy which
permits all activities except those which might contain elements of violence and therefore
would be potentially frightening to the public.
Isnt it so that in the current situation the commercial complex ought to act as a sort of facilitator,
offering a place where people can come and do different things if they want to. We didnt invent
this, but people did. Every week I receive requests via email or people call me Two weeks
ago an art teacher called from the university. She wants to bring thirty students here to draw
pictures of urban life Of course, they can come. We have large corridors here, and together
we searched for good spots. I said that here and there [would be good possibilities], and we
walked around the Kamppi commercial complex, and [I showed her] all the places where they
could come. (Site manager for the Kamppi commercial complex)
The management of the commercial complex has opened these privately-owned premises
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to the public for non-commercial purposes; this is considered an important way of marketing
the Centre. In particular, the management sees that providing premises free for non-
commercial activities is a trade-off; the Centre considers offering an audience for the
organizers of such activities as a way to receive interesting content in return and attract
customers to visit the site and ultimately use the commercial services. Significantly, however,
the placement of such public action or small-scale shows is carefully selected and controlled
by the management, with permissible sites specifically designated for those who want to
organize events or actions.
With regard to the corridors and floors, the security guards have blocked public access
to some parts of the Centre. One of the key aims of the security guards is to keep the premises
constantly manageable and under control. The continuous observation of the premises via
several hundred surveillance cameras and the constant patrolling of the site, however, may
not be sufficient. Therefore, the guards sometimes need to close certain sites either tempo-
rarily, for example, with fences, or permanently, by locking potentially problematic areas.
We had to add a few doors here in the building because there were a couple of popular corridors
where some antisocial people tried to enter [loitering]. So we sort of tried to eliminate these
kinds of small hotbeds. (Security guard #1)
Places where a large group of antisocial people can loiter may potentially be problematic
sites, and therefore, the security guards try to eliminate these places in advance, which is
not necessarily easy. Young people seem constantly to find new places in the Kamppi Centre
for getting together. With regard to young people, attempts to prevent loitering by removing
seats or sealing off areas has not proved to be a successful strategy. Therefore, the repre-
sentatives of the commercial centre together with the youth workers and youths themselves
have formulated rules regarding appropriate behaviour.
[The rules] are things that you need to consider, to keep the passages open and not to block
[them]; these types of things. The key issue is to understand the needs of the other party and
try to find a common solution. (Head of the Youth Department, City of Helsinki)
The head of the Youth Department believes that the rules are helpful not only for young
people, but also for the security guards in their daily attempts to manage the premises and
make decisions about whether or not to interfere with loitering.
 830 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

Managing the boundaries

In the Kamppi Centre there are several boundaries, both visible and invisible, which the
security guards try to manage. One of the key questions is whether any activities are taking
place in the area for which the guards are responsible and how to react if the actions poten-
tially endanger the security of that area. One important way to manage the boundaries is
to anticipate danger and prevent its entering an area in advance. Here, the entrances act as
critical sites for eliminating problems. The security guards monitor peoples movements well
beyond the borders of the Kamppi property. People walking in groups who approach the
Centre talking loudly and apparently drunk catch the guards attention. The guards try to
prevent such groups from even entering the premises.
If there is a group of people close to the Kamppi Chapel and clearly heading towards us [in the
Kamppi Centre] we can send a reception committee to the main entrance to meet them. If
the group behaves in a way that is not appropriate, we dont have to wait for them to enter the
premises. Instead, we may ask them to catch a bus on the street or take the metro somewhere
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else. So if its just terrible shouting and a racket [we try to stop them from entering the premises.
And, this is particularly the case] if they carry spirits with them, and usually they do. (Security
guard #1)
The security guards also stay in close communication with guards in a neighbouring com-
mercial centre in order to monitor potential problem situations an additional means of
keeping an eye on troublemakers and preventing them from entering the premises. However,
danger may come from within the building rather than from outside, and anticipating and
preventing problems in advance is nearly impossible. Troublemakers may enter the Centre
through the public transportation systems.
On Friday evenings, lots of people go to restaurants. The buses from Espoo bring loads of people
here to spend an evening in Helsinki. They may have a can of cider in their hands. It doesnt
necessarily disturb anyone if they carry cans while walking through [the Centre], and normally
we let it be. They just go outside in due course. But if larger groups of people gather to drink
here indoors, they usually make noise and cause [disturbances]. Then we give them notice and
ask them either to throw the cans and alcohol in the garbage bin or to go outside the building
to drink. Most often they choose to go outside to finish their drinks there. (Security guard #2)
As the security guard explains above, constant assessment and consideration are required
to determine whether security is being threatened, as are questions of when to interfere
with groups of people moving through the space. Loud and inappropriate behaviour such
as aggression often combined with substance use is considered frightening to the public,
and therefore potential troublemakers are either prevented from entering the premises or
asked to move away to keep the Centre an attractive and safe space for the public.
Finally, the security guards constantly monitor whether the actions taking place in the
area under their control are legal and whether people have valid1 licenses for what they are
doing. These questions concern various commercial and political activities. The boundaries
between the public and the commercial areas are not always visible. Controlling the bound-
aries that are invisible to the public can lead to conflicts with potential trespassers.
A good rule of thumb is that three metres away from the wall is part of the property. There are
sewer lids that we take advantage of [to define our working areas]. We can take action if we
know that a person is on our site. As an example, lets say a person has acquired an authoriza-
tion from the city to distribute yoghurt, advertisements for elections or anything else; and if
it starts raining, surprise, surprise, they come close to the entrance [of the Centre], under the
 Journal of Urban Design 831

glass overhang. In these cases we show them the line; the permit is valid on the other side of
the line. (Security guard #1)
Managing boundaries requires constant negotiation between the guards and the public for
appropriate places to pursue activities in a public space. Here, the guards take advantage
of various material arrangements in the environment such as sewer lids, which they use to
demarcate their working area or areas in which where they have the license to act.

Discussion
The Kamppi Centre is a vital site in downtown Helsinki that offers space for social interaction
facilitated both by commercial activities and public transportation (e.g., Abaza 2001;
Stillerman and Salcedo 2012; Hagberg and Styhre 2013). The Kamppi Centre serves multiple
important roles as a social space where a combination of people and material flows and
stopovers and thereby tensions emerge for local actors to manage. The first role of the
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Kamppi Centre is that of an indoor passageway where transportation terminals produce a

continuous flow of people, either to or from the local bus terminal and metro station, thus
generating a place where people enact rapid, purposive walking (Wunderlich 2008), thereby
challenging local actors to manage visitors walking pace and destinations. There is also a
continuous material flow in this pedestrian passageway. People carry or drag their bags and
other belongings, leaving traces of dirt for the cleaners to deal with. Retailers deliver materials
or waste and children may play ball or push shopping trolleys, potentially causing distur-
bances in the passageway. Such people and material flows are constantly monitored by local
actors, either through surveillance cameras or through observation at on-site operations
such as security patrolling, cleaning, facilities management and retailing. The aim is to man-
age and assure the smooth flow of people and materials in the Kamppi Centre. This is done
in part by supplying information and helping people find directions and ways to navigate
not only inside the Centre, but also around the whole Helsinki area. The management of
smooth flows focuses particularly on places where tensions may emerge when movement
may potentially become blocked, i.e., entrances and the indoor shopping plaza, which is in
the middle of key walking routes inside the building. Meanwhile, local actors try to prevent
congestion and problems from arising, either by blocking potential troublemakers access
to the building or by guiding them smoothly away from the Centre altogether. Significantly,
the local actors recognize that people and material flows are constantly monitored by visitors
themselves who may record and report potential public disturbances with their cell phone
cameras.
Second, the Kamppi Centre is a public meeting point centrally located in downtown
Helsinki. It is a comfortable indoor space that invites people to stay either for a short period
of time to wait for public transportation or for a longer period of time to meet friends or find
shelter. The local actors, particularly security guards, try to manage peoples visits by constant
reflection on whether staying can be considered loitering and is disturbing. Entrance halls
and building corners are under particularly close observation in this respect. In general,
loitering seems tolerated, but long stays combined with loud and disorderly behaviour are
considered disturbing to the public order, especially when these things threaten to block
people flow in and out of the Centre. The security guards try to keep the Centre as a com-
fortable indoor space, for example, by preventing access to corners and corridors that are
difficult to monitor for antisocial behaviour or by asking people to move on (see Lewis 1990;
 832 S. Yli-Kauhaluoma and P. Timonen

Staeheli and Mitchell 2006). Rules formulated together with young people have been helpful
in negotiating and reaching mutual understanding on the appropriate behaviour in the
Centre.
Third, the Kamppi Centre provides an example of a bricolage of commercial and public
space. The commercial centre is privately owned, but the centre as a whole functions socially
as a public space (e.g., Hagberg and Styhre 2013; Mehta 2014). The Centre is essentially a
space that is appropriated by the public, for the public. The public can actively approach the
management of the commercial centre to request permission to organize different kinds of
non-commercial activities. Along with the Centres commercial activities, the management
of the commercial centre has decided to tolerate and even welcome non-commercial activ-
ities. From the managements perspective these are regarded as promoting the Centres
commercial use by offering possibilities for the public to stay longer in the building and
thereby increase business. At the same time, however, the management tries to regulate
non-commercial uses by careful selection of organizers and even by controlling the places
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where such activities are permitted.

Conclusions
The study contributes to the discussion of the production of social spaces in commercial
centres (Goss 1993; Abaza 2001; Stillerman and Salcedo 2012). It extends previous work by
Hagberg and Styhre (2013), which focused on developmental practices, and examines every-
day practices in an existing building. The results show that the Kamppi Centre serves multiple
roles as a social space, i.e., an indoor passageway, a comfortable indoor space, and a bricolage
of commercial and public space. The results emphasize the importance of local actors, i.e.,
retailers and various maintenance workers such as security guards, cleaners and facility
managers, in the production and maintenance of social spaces in hectic urban milieus such
as a downtown commercial centre. The study supports the findings of Smith and Hall (2013),
who maintain that the daily work of such local actors is essential in maintaining order in the
24-hour city.
The study identifies entrances and plazas as critical sites in a complex downtown shopping
centre where the local actors constantly have to negotiate the social space with members
of the public who visit the site. These places provide constant challenges to local actors
everyday dealings with people and material flows. The challenges they face may conflict
with each other. The results of this study show that security guards try to guarantee and
support a smooth flow of people in and through the premises. However, the retailers key
challenge is to prevent people from passing through their places of business in a hurry; they
prefer to tempt the public to wander around their stores in a leisurely way and examine the
merchandise. Giving directions to visitors and passers-by is an important role that all local
actors play, as they help people navigate a complex urban environment. Giving directions
supports the maintenance of a smooth flow of people and thus supports the aims of the
security guards. However, retailers need to deal with interruptions whenever they are faced
with frequent demands for directions.
The results further show that the social space is strictly managed in the shopping malls
corridors and commercial floors, and even on the boundaries of the Kamppi Centres prem-
ises. Places at the edges of corridors or open areas on different floors are managed by being
purposefully opened or closed to the public. Overall, controlling, maintaining and halting
 Journal of Urban Design 833

the flows of material and people act as important ways of organizing and managing the
social space in a complex urban environment. Physical distances as well as people and mate-
rial flows in the shopping mall seem central to local actors practices and thereby to the ways
in which social space is maintained.
Finally, the study contributes to discussions related to routes into and within commercial
centres (e.g., Stillerman and Salcedo 2012). Hybrid spaces in the city centre, such as the
Kamppi Centre, can easily be reached by consumers through various forms of public trans-
portation. This offers potential for marketing and requires the development of experiential
pathways within the built environments that slow the physical movements of visitors and
passers-by and allow discursive and conceptual walking (Wunderlich 2008). For managers
of such urban complexes, the challenge is to consider how to incorporate the mundane
walking practices of visitors and passers-by into the work of local actors in commercial
centres.
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Note
1.
To organize an event in a public space such as a street, square or park of the City of Helsinki, the
organizer needs to apply for a permit from the city authorities, which is particularly important
when the planned event will limit the publics use of the area. The site manager for the Kamppi
commercial complex handles requests to organize either commercial or non-commercial
activities in the commercial centre.

Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank all the interviewees who participated in the research project. They also
gratefully acknowledge comments and suggestions by Philippe Lorino and other participants at the
APROS/EGOS Conference in Sydney, Australia, 911 December 2015, as well as by the participants at the
10th Annual Ethnography Conference at the University of Liverpool, UK, 2628 August 2015. Comments
and suggestions by the editor and two anonymous reviewers are also gratefully acknowledged.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding
This work was supported by TEKES, the Finnish Funding Agency for Innovation, under the research
programme Energizing Urban Ecosystems (EUE), co-ordinated and managed by RYM Oy, the Strategic
Centre for Science, Technology and Innovation for the built environment.

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