The History of Tourism: Structures on the Path to

Modernity
by Ueli Gyr

Published: 2010-12-03

Various academic disciplines have repeatedly sought to re-evaluate the significance of tourism.
Globalised tourism's socio-economic place within the framework of the leisure and holidaying
opportunities on offer today has attracted particular attention. Such accounts often leave out the fact
that this also has a history. The present article aims to overcome this shortcoming: it seeks to
present an overview of the important structures, processes, types and trends of tourism against the
background of historical developments. It deals with early forms of travel in the classical world and
the Middle Ages, as well as the precursors of modern tourism, Bildungsreisen ("educational
journeys") and the middle-class culture of travel. It then examines the boom in mass tourism in the
19th century and the unique expansion of tourism in the 1960s characterised by new forms of
holidaying and experience shaped by globalisation.
Tourism as a Globalised System
Tourism is often seen as a global phenomenon with an almost incomprehensibly massive infrastructure.
Its importance is evident from the fact that its influence thoroughly penetrates society, politics, culture
and, above all, the economy. Indeed, this is the branch of the global economy with the most vigorous
growth: the World Tourism Organisation (WTO) estimates that in 2007 it encompassed 904 million
tourists who spent 855 billion US dollars.1 They thereby supported a global system with roughly 100
million employees in the modern leisure and experience industry. There exists a complex, interwoven
world-wide structure dedicated to satisfying the specific touristic needs of mobile individuals, groups and
masses. Since its inception, tourism has polarised: it reveals numerous views ranging from the total
approval of its potential for enriching self-realisation combined with recreation to critical rejection due to
the belief that it causes harm through the systematic dumbing down of entertainment and avoidable
environmental destruction.
Beginning in the early 1920s, an early theory of Fremdenverkehr – a now obsolete term for tourism –
emerged in the German-speaking world that dealt mainly with business and economic problems; since
the 1960s, it has been replaced by the ever-expanding field of tourism studies. This gives many
disciplines the space to approach the subject of tourism, or at least aspects of it, from their own particular
academic perspective. Today, tourism studies means the multi-disciplinary bundle of academic
approaches in the sense of an undisguised "transdiscipline", 2 which can find different applications.
However, tourism studies does not exist as an integrated field of study. Instead, there are countless
empirical accounts, case studies, approaches, theories and perspectives in individual disciplines,
including economy, geography, psychology, architecture, ecology, sociology, political science and
medicine.
At first, the fields of business studies and economics dominated a study of tourism that was grounded in
an institutional approach;3 general accounts,4 analyses from the cultural sciences and historical
surveys5 came conspicuously late. Admittedly, cultural and social history, as well as historical
anthropology,6 have been opening up to the questions surrounding tourism for some time. 7 However,
these are perceived differently to those studies undertaken by economists and social scientists. At the
same time, it is impossible to ignore the historical prerequisites and development of travelling habits and
holidaying styles if one wants to understand the nature of tourism today. This is true not only of concepts
and ideas associated with the topic, but also the specific insights which the disciplines employed aim to
provide. Conducting historical research on tourism within the context of the discipline of history is not
synonymous with the task of writing a history of tourism (or parts of it). 8

This article takes the second approach. It is a conscious attempt to give an overview that picks up on the
classic processes, stages, types and trends of modern tourism in order to place them in the context of
their historical development. In general, there is a consensus that one should understand tourism as a
phenomenon of modernity and place its appearance in the context of middle-class society from about the
middle of the eighteenth century. However, this does not exclude historically older, "related" forms of
travel, which should at least be remembered here. Not every journey is a touristic journey; mobility has
many modalities. It is sensible to separate travelling as a means to an end (for example, expulsion,
migration, war, religion, trade) and travelling as an end in itself in the encoded sense of tourism
(education, relaxation, leisure, free time, sociability, entertainment).
Early Forms of Travel and Types of Journey
Recreational and educational travel already existed in the classical world and, even earlier,
in Egypt under the pharaohs. In the latter, there is evidence of journeys emanating from a luxury lifestyle
and the search for amusement, experience and relaxation. The privileged groups of the population
cultivated the first journeys for pleasure. Their writings tell us that they visited famous monuments and
relics of ancient Egyptian culture, including, for example, the step pyramid of Sakkara, the Sphinx and the
great pyramids of Gizeh – buildings that had been constructed a good thousand years earlier. 9 The
Greeks had similar traditions. They travelled to Delphi in order to question the Oracle, participated in the
Pythian Games (musical and sporting competitions) or the early Olympic Games. Herodot (485–424
B.C.), the well-travelled writer with an interest in both history and ethnology who visited Egypt,
North Africa, the Black Sea, Mesopotamia and Italy, pioneered a new type of research trip. 10
Classical Rome also gave impetus to travelling and particular forms of holiday. Holiday travel became
increasingly important due to the development of infrastructure. Around 300 A.D., there existed a road
network with 90,000 kilometres of major thoroughfares and 200,000 kilometres of smaller rural roads.
These facilitated not only the transport of soldiers and goods, but also private travel. Above all, wealthy
travellers seeking edification and pleasure benefited from this system. In the first century after Christ,
there was a veritable touristic economy which organised travel for individuals and groups, provided
information and dealt with both accommodation and meals. 11 The well-off Romans sought relaxation in the
seaside resorts in the South or passed time on the beaches of Egypt andGreece. The classical world did
not only have the "bathing holiday", but also developed an early form of "summer health retreat" in
swanky thermal baths and luxury locations visited by rich urban citizens during the hot months.
Something that had its origins primarily in healthcare soon mutated into holidays for pleasure and
entertainment, which could also include gambling and prostitution. The decline of the Roman
Empire caused the degeneration of many roads. Travel became more difficult, more dangerous and more
complicated.
The mobility of mediaeval corporate society was shaped by its own forms and understandings of travel
tailored to diverse groups, including merchants, students, soldiers, pilgrims, journeymen, beggars and
robbers. From the twelfth century, the movement of errant scholars became increasingly important.
Journeys to famous educational institutions in France (Paris, Montpellier), England (Oxford) and Italy
(Bologna) became both a custom and a component of education. The desire to experience the world
emerged as an individual, unique guiding principle. Travelling tuned from a means into an end: now, one
travelled in order to learn on the road and developed in doing so a love of travel and life that not
infrequently crossed over into licentiousness and the abandonment of mores. With regard to the
motivation for travel, one can see here an important process with long-term repercussions – travelling and
wandering has, since then, been seen as a means of confronting oneself and achieving self-
realisation."Das subjektive Reiseerlebnis wird zu einem Kennzeichen der beginnenden Neuzeit: auf
Reisen erlebt das eigene Ich seine Befreiung."12
The journeyman years of trainee craftsmen can be seen as a counterpart to those errant students
"studying" at the "University of Life". The travels of journeymen were part of the highly traditional world of
artisan and guild structures, for which documentation exists from the middle of the 14th century.
Beginning in the 16th century, the guilds prescribed the common European practice of journeying as an
obligatory element of training, often lasting three to four years. This survived as an institution with a rich
and highly regimented set of codes well into the 18th century. The fundamental idea was that one could
mature and learn while travelling, experience the world and improve one's craft in order to grow through a
test and return as an accomplished man. The fact that not all journeymen were successful and often
suffered terrible fates is evident from reports of an "epidemic of journeymen" that circulated in the 17th
and 18th centuries.13
Precursors of Modern Tourism
An early form and precursor of modern tourism was the grand tour undertaken by young nobles between

the 16th and 18th centuries. This possessed its own, new structures that were clearly defined by
corporate status: the original goal was to broaden one's education, mark the end of childhood and acquire
and hone social graces; however, over time, leisure and pleasure became increasingly important. On the
one hand, this created the differentiated paradigm of travel "as an art". 14On the other, the search for
amusement and enjoyment implied an element of travelling as an end in itself. 15 The classic grand tour
lasted between one and three years. Route, sequence and contacts, not to mention the educational
programme, were planned down to the last detail. The aristocrats travelled with an entourage of
equerries, tutors, mentors, protégés, domestic servants, coachmen and other staff. These provided for
safety, comfort, education, supervision and pleasure in accordance with their specialised area of
responsibility.
From England, the tours went on to, for example, France and Italy. Trips to the classical sites of Italy
represented the highpoint of the journey, but large cities in other countries were visited: London,
Paris, Amsterdam, Madrid, Munich, Vienna and Prague had considerable drawing power. During the tour,
the young aristocrats visited royal courts and aristocratic estates for, after all, one goal was to teach them
the appropriate etiquette and social graces through practice.16 The nobles attended princely audiences,
learned how to behave themselves at court and took part in parties and festivals:
Ausbildung in Tanz, Reiten und Fechten, Erwerb und Verbessern von Sprachkenntnissen, Besuch von
Universitätskursen, Anknüpfen gesellschaftlicher und wirtschaftlicher Verbindungen, Praxis im
standesgemäßen Auftreten und in gewandten Umgangsformen – all das stand auf dem Programm der
Adeligen während der Reise.17
Therefore, the aristocrats' political, social and professional concerns determined the destinations, but
these also catered to their interest in art, pleasure and leisure.The nobles barely came into contact with

other classes and social groups – the social supervision of the entourage ensured this. This was a
specific form of dirigisme that followed strong social norms, was exclusive and elitist, and aimed to
preserve the rule of the aristocracy.Two aspects are of importance for the history of touristic travel: the
destination and the encounter with foreign countries and sights, interestingly at the interface of a
supposed cultural gap between North and South:
Sie [die Adeligen] bereisen Italien im Bewusstsein der eigenen politischen Stärke und organisatorischen
Effektivität, des wirtschaftlichen Erfolges und des technischen Fortschritts. Zugleich aber in Bewunderung
der kulturellen und künstlerischen Leistungen Italiens und dessen sublimen und kultivierten
gesellschaftlichen Umgangsformen. Die Reise nach Italien wird zum Blick zurück in eine als niveauvoller
bewertete Kultur, an deren Grundwerten sie sich noch orientieren. Die neue Welt zollt der alten Welt ihren
Respekt – ein Grundmuster des Tourismus, das auch in den Reisen von Römern nach Griechenland oder
in der Europa-Reise von Amerikanern wiederzufinden ist.18
From the Enlightenment into the 19th century, Bildungsreisen ("educational journeys") undertaken by the
(upper) middle class were an important stage in the development of tourism. The travels of the educated
middle classes imitated those of prominent poets and philosophers, for example Jean-Jacques Rousseau
(1712–1778), Charles Baron de Montesquieu (1689–1755), Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832)[

], Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781), Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) and many
others. They all travelled to Italy or France in search of edification and discussed the knowledge acquired
abroad and their experiences in literary works, travelogues and travel novels. Educational travel
expanded with the inclusion of other strata of the population and shorter trips. People journeyed in
coaches, explored the countryside and cities, visited landmarks in order to experience nature, culture and
art directly on the spot and deepen one's understanding of them. Alongside middle-class travels in search
of education and art, there developed a form of travelling oriented towards culture, industry and
technology. These were information-gathering journeys driven by professional interests and economic
motivations. The representatives of a middle-class entrepreneurial strata travelled to France, Britain
andGermany with the express goal of learning about the technological progress and innovations
of industrialisation. They were interested in current developments in trade, agriculture, industry,
technology and manufacturing, which they explored through direct contact with individuals.
The "early", "pre-" or "developmental" phase of modern tourism is generally considered to have lasted
from the 18th century to the first third of the 19th century.19 During this stage, touristic travel remained
confined to a minority of wealthy nobles and educated professionals. For them, travelling was a
demonstrative expression of their social class which communicated power, status, money and leisure.
Two characteristics stand out: on the one hand, the search for pleasure increasingly supplanted the
educational aspects; on the other, wealthy members of the middle classes sought to imitate the travelling
behaviour of the nobles and the upper middle classes. Consequently, aristocrats who wanted to avoid
mixing with the parvenu bourgeoisie sought more exclusive destinations and pastimes. 20This is evident in
the fact that they found renewed enthusiasm for bathing holidays and took up residence in luxurious spa
towns with newly built casinos. These included Baden-Baden, Karlsbad, Vichy and Cheltenham, where
life centred around social occasions, receptions, balls, horse races, adventures and gambling. Here, too,
the nobles were "swamped" by entrepreneurs and factory owners. In response, they created a socially
appropriate form of holidaying in costal resorts. The British aristocracy enjoyed Brightonand the Côte
d'Azur, or wintered in Malta, Madeira or Egypt.

The Foundations of Modern Tourism

In the context of the history of tourism, the term "introductory phase" refers to all the developments,
structures and innovations of modern tourism between the first third of the 19th century and around
1950.21 This had its own "starting phase", which lasted until 1915.22 This period witnessed the beginning
of a comprehensive process characterised by a prototypical upsurge in a middle-class culture of travel
and its formation, popularisation and diversification. It prepared the way for a mass tourism recognisable
to modern concepts of spending leisure time. The development progressed episodically and built upon a
number of changing social conditions and factors. The most important undoubtedly include not only the
advance of industrialisation, demographic changes, urbanisation and the revolution in transportation, but
also the improvement of social and labour rights, the rise in real income and the resulting changes in
consumer demand.23
As early as the beginning of the 19th century, the opening up of the Central Europeansystem of
transport brought about enormous change that genuinely deserves the designation as a "revolutionary
development". It also improved the mobility of tourists and created new trends. Short-stay and day trips
became popular and made use of the modern advances in transport technology. Steam navigation began
in Scotland in 1812; the continuous use of steam ships on German watercourses followed in 1820 and, in
1823,Switzerland received its first steam ship on Lake Geneva. Railways also created greater mobility.
The first sections of track were opened in England in 1825, in France in 1828, in Germany in 1835, in
Switzerland in 1844/1847 and in Italy in 1839. However, the railway's use and popularisation of touristic
routes and destinations only began somewhat later with the introduction of mountain railways towards the

end of the 19th century. The Vitznau-Rigi railway in Switzerland was Europe's first mountain railway
in 1871. The new means of transport enabled not only an increase in transport carrying capacity, but also
reduced the cost of travelling. Moreover, ship and rail travel extend tourists' field of vision, bringing about
a distinct form of "panoramatised" perception (i.e. the background replacing the foreground as the centre
of attention) and encouraging an interest in travel writing.24
It is true that the railway was not created to promote tourism. However, from mid-19th century, the latter
employed the convenience of rail transport for its own purposes. The railway therefore is rightly
considered to be the midwife at the birth of modern mass tourism. 25 One must still keep in mind that
touristic travel remained the preserve of privileged parts of the population. 26 This travelling acted as a
form of middle-class self-therapy, the removal of the middle-class self from its existence in the shadow of
the old aristocratic world in order to learn about modernity via a paradigmatic experience. 27 It was another
century before the lower middle and working classes could go on holiday. At first, they had to make do

with day trips by train and ship in order to escape the city briefly. The foremost practitioners of
middle-class tourism were the manufacturing and trading families, educated professionals working in the
state bureaucracy, schools and universities, as well as the new 'freelance professions', including writers,
journalists, lawyers, artists, who were able to take the first steps out of the corporate society. 28 From the
1860s, there were portentous indications of a popularisation. Travelling became a form of popular
movement and an answer to the desire to relax among large sections of the population following the
advance of industrialisation and urbanisation.
A number of instructional materials, steering mechanisms, innovations and forms of holiday of the 19th
century were developed for middle-class travelling and holidaying needs. Guidebooks and travelogues in
the form of travel literature acquired increasing importance; this type of text 29 should not be
underestimated – they had their precursors in the 18th century and created touristic destinations and
perceptions. The Briefe über die Schweiz(1784–1785) by the Göttingen professor Christoph Meiners
(1747–1810)30 and Heinrich Heidegger's (1738–1823) Handbuch für Reisende durch die Schweiz (1787)
set a pattern.31In terms of production and sales, Karl Baedeker (1801–1859) achieved the greatest

success as a writer of 19th-century German guidebooks. He founded his publishing house in 1827
and produced a series of guidebooks with reliable, well-researched content. Their standardised format
allowed the reader to find guidance and advice quickly and easily; the books developed their own way of
conveying information.32"The Baedeker", however, contained more than information and
recommendations; the publisher defined a style of travel and which tourist attractions were worth visiting:
Indeed, tourist attractions soon became touristic obligations; sightseeing became a must. 33 John Murray's
(1808–1892) publishing house in London had a similar goal; in 1836, it successfully brought out the "Red
Book" – the first guidebook to Holland, Belgium and theRhineland. Guidebooks, with their own,
prominently normative didacticism occupy a place in the interesting history of functional writing. 34

The Boom in Mass Tourism in the 19th Century

Organised group holidays offering an all-inclusive price that reduced the travellers' costs were an
innovation of the 1840s. Thomas Cook (1808-1892), a brilliant entrepreneur from England, is seen as
their inventor35 and thus the pioneer of commercialised mass tourism. His first all-inclusive holiday in
1841 took 571 people from Leicester to Loughborough and supplied both meals and brass music. From
1855, Cook offered guided holidays abroad, for example in 1863 to Switzerland. These catered to a
mixed clientele, from heads of state and princes to average representatives of the middle, lower middle
and working classes. Cook, inspired by clear socio-political motives, wanted to use Sunday excursions to
tempt workers out of the misery and alcoholism of the cities into the green of the countryside. He had
more success with inexpensive all-inclusive holidays, often to foreign destinations, for the middle class.
His introduction of vouchers for hotels and tourist brochures was highly innovative.36
Cook's pioneering role in the emergence of mass tourism is widely recognised. He influenced the travel
agencies later opened in Germany, above all those associated with the names of Rominger (Stuttgart,
1842), Schenker & Co. (München, 1889) and the Stangen Brothers (Breslau, 1863). Carl Stangen (1833–
1911) organised holidays through Europe, then from 1873 to Palestine and Egypt, before extending them
to the whole world in 1878. Over this period, the travel agency was able to establish itself as a specialised
institution. It channelled ever greater demands for relaxation and variety among broadening social strata:
from the 1860s, travelling became a type of "popular movement" that spread throughout society. The
German writer Theodor Fontane (1819–1898) remarked in 1877: "Zu den Eigentümlichkeiten unserer Zeit
gehört das Massenreisen. Sonst reisten bevorzugte Individuen, jetzt reist jeder und jede ... Alle Welt reist
... Der moderne Mensch, angestrengter, wie er wird, bedarf auch größerer Erholung". 37
The opening of the Alps to tourists was an equally important development of the 19th century. It was
preceded by an affinity for nature acquired under the influence of the Enlightenment and Romanticism
that sentimentalised the mountains. This created a flock of what would soon be called tourists made up of
researchers, nobles, artists, painters, writers and other members of the educated classes, as well as the
upwardly mobile middle classes, who followed Albrecht von Haller (1708–1777), Horace-Bénédict de

Saussure (1740–1799) and Rousseau in their search for natural beauty and the mountains. This
romanticisation of alpine harmony replaced the mediaeval fear of the mountains and underwent a
"touristisation" over the 19th century. Two groups propelled this process – the aristocracy and the new
middle class. The pioneers were enthusiastic British mountaineers who pursued the exclusive sport in
Switzerland, charging up the summit and encouraging the development of infrastructure (the construction
of hotels, Alpine huts, mountain railways, Anglican chapels and so on) through their continues presence,
as well as leaving behind the traces of a cultural transfer. One interpretation of this is that "die als
Eroberungen ausgegebenen Bergbesteigungen nichts anderes als die Fortführung imperialer Politik mit
anderen Mitteln darstellten, zunächst in den westlichen Teilen, dann ... in den östlichen Teilen der Alpen,
danach zunehmend in Hochgebirgsregionen außerhalb Europa, vor allem in Asien"38
Mountaineering associations founded across the continent led the way. Significantly, the first was the
Alpine Club (1857) in London, followed by the Austrian Alpenverein (1862), the Swiss Alpenclub (1863),
the Club Alpino Italiano (1863) and the German Alpenverein(1869). Most of these subsequent
associations set themselves broader goals than the British club, which chose to remain an aristocratic
sports body. The mountaineering associations soon acquired popularity, although they were somewhat
conservative, and their impact was enormous. They produced club reports, almanacs and guidebooks to
routes, while membership increased considerably and the infrastructure (hotels, bread and breakfasts,
huts, guide, paths and cable cars) was extended. The mountaineering associations and their branches
soon stimulated a mass middle-class mountaineering movement that initially centred on Switzerland.39 A
tendency developed whereby the movement increasingly encompassed lower social classes, at the turn
of the century finally including proletarian tourist associations such as the Naturfreunde ("The Friends of
Nature" – Vienna, 1895) and later the loosely associated organisations of Der Wandervogel ("The

Migratory Bird" – Berlin, 1905). Thus, the enthusiasm for mountaineering underwent first a
"bourgeoisification" and then a "proletariatisation". This early social tourism was characterised by a new
collective ethos mixed with non-commercial elements that have been understood as the precursors of
"soft tourism".40 These intermingled with distinct forms of sociability, the conscious appreciation of the
environment and consideration for the local population, countryside and cultural assets.

Holidaying Practices in the Interwar Period

The development of tourism in the 20th century can be divided using a number of different periodisations.
It is common, and plausible, to identify a "developmental phase" between 1915 and 1945. 41 This covers
the stagnation in tourism as a result of the First World War, but also transitional developments that
steadily acquired importance. It was preceded by a period of growth in which, for example, the number of
stays in a hotel or other form of holiday accommodation in Germany rose about 471 percent between
1871 and 1913, a good seven times faster than the level of growth in the population. 42 The bulk of these
belonged to the upper middle class, and soon the entire middle class, who made their way to the newly
opened coastal resorts on the North and Baltic Seas, as well as to the spa, health and gambling resorts.

Germans took to bathing holidays relatively late in comparison to the pioneering British and, at first,
for health reasons, with socialising and recreation coming later. However, they became increasingly

popular, as evident in the development of famous locations, coastal resorts and beaches. The loss of
their former exclusivity and the shift towards entertainment and distraction signified an increase in social
accessibility,43 whereas, for example, the new ski and winter tourism retained its chic clientele at the turn

of the century.
The dominant motif of travelling and holidaying after 1900 was recuperation. However, only those
involved in intellectual work had an established right to relaxation; this right was extended from nobles,
the middle-class professions and high-ranking bureaucrats to entrepreneurs, merchants, mid-ranking
bureaucrats, white-collar workers and teachers.44Without doubt, this was connected to the regulation of
holidays as part of legal agreements on pay. Most European countries lacked strict holiday rights before
1900: with the exception of a few pioneering cases, paid time off work for more than a day only became
established in law after the First World War. In Germany, the Reichsbeamtengesetz of 1873, which
outlined the employment conditions of state employees (Beamte), was the beginning. At first, it was only
relevant to state employees, and holidays for other employees remained the exception before the First
World War, only becoming possible after it, for example in Austria through the Arbeiterurlaubsgesetz (Law
on Workers' Holidays ) of 1919. Similar developments took place in Switzerland: holidays for the civil
servants of the federal administration were first subject to regulation in 1879, but only established as a
legal right in 1923. In industry, holiday rights were only granted much later. Among 100 Swiss factories,
for example, in 1910 only 11.9 percent gave their employees paid holidays; by 1944, this figure had risen
to 87.9 percent.45 The right to holiday enshrined in normal work contracts today is an achievement of the
20th century. In Switzerland, this right was not regulated uniformly. In different cantons, the situation
developed independently, although from the 1930s collective work contracts became important; one paid
week off was usual. Only after 1945 did most cantons extend their laws on holidays to the entire labour
force. Germany did not pass a general law on holiday rights until 1963.
One innovative new form of holidaying that also came to include families with children was the "summer

retreat". From the 1870s, the term, first used in 1836, referred to a middle-class holidaying practice
whose practitioners sought relaxation in the countryside as an alternative to the seaside during the
summer. The summer retreat can be understood "als eine über einige Wochen ausgedehnte Serie von
Tagesausflügen …, bei denen für diese Zeit die Wohnung in der Stadt mit einem einfachen Gasthof oder
Privatzimmer in ländlicher Gegend vertauscht wird, oft nur wenige Bahnstunden vom Wohnsitz entfernt.
Sie dient vor allem der Erholung der Familie, insbesondere der Kinder, nicht der Teilnahme an einem
kostspieligen Vergnügungsbetrieb oder an gesellschaftlichen Veranstaltungen".46 At first, the lower
middle and working classes could not afford a summer retreat with the family, while Sunday excursions
became a custom for middle-class families before 1914 – these slowly extended to the whole weekend
and then several days.47
After the crisis of the First World War, the summer retreat offered a simple, healthy and economical
holiday, which from the 1920s was accessible to employees and workers on low incomes. Love of the
countryside and a desire for the simplicity of rural life inspired by a critical view of the city, preferably in
the beauty of low mountain ranges, seem to indicate a particularly German variety of the summer retreat,
which differed from trips toScandinavian or Russian holiday cottages or dachas. The behaviour of
Germans on summer retreat created a repertoire that came to define the practice:
Anhänglichkeit an den einmal gewählten Erholungsort, Familienanschluss mit echter Sozialbeziehung
zwischen dem Städter und den Landleuten, familienähnliche Beziehungen zwischen den Wirtsleuten und
den Sommerfrischlern im Gasthaus; kaum vorhandenes Verdienststreben oder konkurrenzenges Denken
der Gastgeber; zuvorkommend-dienendes Verhalten des Gastgebers gegenüber dem als überlegen
angesehenen vornehmen Städter; im Tagesablauf viele Ausflüge; je nach finanzieller Möglichkeit war
man bestrebt, ein Sommerhaus zu kaufen.48

The presence of people on summer retreat left behind the first traces of a touristic infrastructure, for
example the designation of walking trails and the construction of guest houses, bothies, forest
restaurants, observation towers and recreational opportunities.

Between 1933 and 1939, the National Socialist regime in Germany brought new impulses, an increasing
amount of travel and holidaying practices aimed at the masses. These developments overcame the once
essentially middle-class nature of travel by creating a social or popular tourism characterised by the state
organisation of holidaying and recreation. It goes without saying that tourism served the political system
and the National Socialist ideology. The various stages and graduated pattern of use of the new tourism
are conspicuous, providing an object lesson in the inherent potential for a totalitarian regime to exploit
tourism politically. Mass tourism emerged in the Third Reich. 49 For the historian of tourism, this form of
holidaying, guided from above, was characterised by its claim to democratisation on behalf of the general
workforce, the Volk. Hitler wanted to grant the worker a satisfactory holiday and do everything to ensure
that this holiday and the rest of his free time would provide true recuperation. "Ich wünsche das, weil ich
ein nervenstarkes Volk will, denn nur allein mit einem Volk, das seine Nerven behält, kann man wahrhaft
große Politik machen."50
The National Socialists implemented this goal through the creation of a body to organise recreation –
the Nationalsozialistische Gemeinschaft Kraft durch Freude ("The National Socialist Association Strength
through Joy" – KdF) and a ministry Reisen, Wandern, Urlaub("Travelling, Hiking, Holiday" – RWU), both
of which were subordinate to the party. In order to avoid resistance to the social transformation, workers
received at first between three and six days holiday per year. From 1937, the majority of wage-earners
had from six to twelve days off per year 51 and could benefit from the new, very cheap, opportunities for
holidays and travel: walking tours, train journey, cruises with accommodation and meals achieved great
popularity. This is evident from record statistics that testify to an unprecedented boom in travel: the
2.3 million journeys undertaken in 1934 rose to five million in 1935, 9.6 million in 1937 and 10.3 million in
1938.52 In the six years before the outbreak of war, 43 million journey, cruises and walking tours were
sold at cheap prices that could not be competed with, for example seven days in Norway for
60 Reichsmark or 18 days in Madeira for 120 Reichsmark.53
The KdF tourists, who travelled en masse as a logical expression of the state's ideology of national
community, kept to themselves and were often met with disapproval at exclusive resorts and on cruises.

On the whole, it is generally true that the KdF movement contributed to the development of mass
and repeat tourism and thus, to a certain extent, its democratisation, albeit at the cost of the broad
masses and to the benefit of the Nazi regime. The success of the KdF holidays was based on the
interaction of three factors: the need to work and lack of money no longer ruled out going on holiday;
holidays were offered at the lowest prices possible, and the organisation commanded a closely meshed
network that adapted itself to the workers' needs rather than the other way round.54 One also should not
forget the fact that, at the same time, the German private tourist industry underwent a tremendous boom,
for example in the construction of youth hostels and camping sites and in catering to the middle-class
holidaymakers who gradually returned to the more upmarket forms of tourism. 55 One historian summarises
the KdF tourism with the words that the Germans had, admittedly, not yet become a "Volk auf Reisen" ("a
people on the move"), but the Nazi dictatorship had shown the direction which – delayed by collapse and
reconstruction –they would go in the end.56

The Expansion of Tourism and Globalisation

The last phase embraces the developments in tourism during the post-war period up to the present.
Depending on one's perspective, this is the apex 57 of tourism or the phase of practice and
consolidation58 These are justified labels for the period's combination of infrastructural construction and
renovation, streams of tourists and holidaying as a common form of recreation: indeed, over the last few
decades, tourism has become an important branch of the global economy and is a defining characteristic
of modern industrial nations. Tourism crosses borders: spatial, temporal, social and cultural. This is its
common denominator.59 There is a consensus that the enormous boom during the post-war period was
bound up with economic growth, technological progress, a high level of competition and the creation of
new destinations and travelling styles.60 The increase in recreational mobility among broad strata of
society should be seen against this background. Various factors brought about this boom, including rising
affluence, urbanisation, the unprecedented construction of transportation and communication networks,
and the increase in leisure time as a result of shortening working hours, all of which shaped
socialisation.61
However, this growth in tourism after the war only came slowly and in Germany, Austria and Switzerland
remained confined to domestic destinations. In Western Germany, not until 1953 did the capacity for
holiday accommodation reach pre-war levels; the considerable increases in the percentage of teenagers
and adults going on holiday each year only took place during and after the 1960s: rising from 28 percent
(1962) to 58 percent (1980), over 65 percent (1987) and 70.8 percent – meaning the Western German
figures were average in comparison to other European countries.62 Involved in this were, alongside trade
union bodies, the holiday organisations and travel agencies, as well as the large travel companies, which
acquired increasing importance. Subsidised "social tourism" for families and young people, which helped
those parts of the population on low incomes to go on holiday, was a noticeable trend in several
countries. Social policies, holiday funds, subsidies, charities and entire holiday camps and villages for
workers and low-income employees can be found in France, 63 Austria, Germany64 and, above all, in
Switzlerand.65
The apex of European tourism began in the 1960s: in response to the economic situation and strategic
innovations in the market economy, commercial tour operators and travel companies transformed the
nature of competition through increasingly cheaper offers, propelling it in the direction of mass tourism,
introducing new destinations and modes of holidaying. Here, tourism produced its own structures and
secondary systems.66 Many travel agencies and tourist organisations were set up, while department
stores also offered package holidays, for example Neckermann in Germany from 1963 und Jelmoli in
Switzerland from 1972. The replacement of bus and rail travel with journeys by car and caravan, and later
by air, provided a powerful stimulus. Charter tourism occupied a flourishing market sector and established
itself with cheap offers for foreign holidays. Foreign tourism first affected neighbouring countries and then
more distant destinations – Austria and Switzerland were popular among German holidaymakers, but
Italy and Spainlater gained increasing prominence: From about 1970, journeys abroad clearly
represented the majority; this trend towards foreign holidays has recently grown even stronger. 67 In
general, the number of teenagers and adults taking foreign holidays rose more than threefold over the 40
years before 1991 – from nine to 32 million.
However, the researcher must differentiate between the varying levels of intensity that this boom
possessed in different European countries. To do this, one must look at the frequency, forms of travel,
trends and destinations, as well as countless statistics and market studies, the results of which indicate
social and cultural holidaying traditions. In the mid-1970s, 70 to 80 percent of the Scandinavia's adult
population went on holiday, while inBritain, the Netherlands and Switzerland this figure was 60 percent
and in Italy about 25 percent.68 Foreign tourism dominated this phase and many resorts and beaches on
theMediterranean and regions in the newly opened up Alpine countries became magnates for
holidaymakers that, later, developed into strongholds of tourism. On the supply side, the infrastructure
underwent intensive construction: some Alpine villages (St. Moritz, Zermatt,Lech) were entirely
transformed into tourist and skiing resorts; rural provinces (Provence, Côte d'Azur, Tirol), cities (Venice,

Salzburg), costal areas (on the Adriatic Sea, Kenya) and islands (Mallorca, Rhodes,
the Maldives, Sylt) increasingly mutated into holiday areas, resorts and complexes.
However, the increase in touristic traffic hints at another social and structural expansion, the impact of
which has been gaining strength since the 1990s. Holidays and travel are becoming accessible to ever
broader strata of the population; not only "traditional" holidaymakers – i.e. state employees, white-collar
workers, graduates and urban workers – have benefited. The rural population and social groups defined
by age and gender (women, singles, pensioners) have taken advantage of tourism,69 something which is
evident from the specific products tailored to their various demands. This picks up on a central
characteristic of modern tourism – diversification and specialisation as a result ofglobalisation. This
corresponds to tourism's apparently unbridled potential, regardless of the facts that little structural
development has taken past over the last decade and that touristic tastes and behaviour have been
reasonably stable since the Second World War, albeit with some changes in emphasis.70
On the one hand, this view is contradicted by the institution of "club holidays" such as the "Club
Méditerannée" (1955), the "Club Soleil" (1966), the "Robinson Club" (1970), the "Club-Aldiana" (1973)
and others, which have very successfully put into practice their own holidaying formulas and philosophies.
On the other, artificial holiday worlds in the form of amusement parks and theme parks are becoming

increasingly important:71 Disneyland, Europa-Park, Port Aventura, Sun City and many others have
annual visitor numbers in the tens of millions and are still experiencing constant growth. These are made
up of post-modern pseudo-events, simulated worlds and hyper-realities which the tourists internalise as
adventure, fun, game and competition, despite the fact that the visitors see through their artificiality. Such
experiential constructs come and go. 72 For the historian of tourism, this represents a shift that is
noteworthy on account of its systematic nature: the traditional touristic consumption of symbols (sights,
other worlds) have been extended or replaced by an experience-laden entertainment culture that is part
of a new way of perceiving the world. This has global characteristics; it is breaking down boundaries by
mutating and is thus moving towards a globalised system with specific, increasingly interchangeable
forms and modes of experience.73 Only time will tell what structures will emerge from this innovative
potential.
Ueli Gyr, Zürich

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Notes
1. ^UNWTO World Tourism Barometer June 2008, Vol. 6., NO. 2, June 2008; online
figures: http://www.bpb.de/nachschlagen/zahlen-und-fakten/globalisierung/52511/tourismus.
2. ^ Krippendorf et al., Freizeit 1987, p. 39.
3. ^ Bieger, Tourismuslehre 2006.
4. ^ Hennig, Reiselust 1997; Löfgren, On Holiday 1999 and Lauterbach, Tourismus 2006.
5. ^ Keitz, Reisen 1997.
6. ^ Spode, "Reif für die Insel" 1995.
7. ^ Knoll, Kulturgeschichte des Reisens 2006.
8. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 3f. and 27f.
9. ^ Hachtmann, Tourismus-Geschichte 2007, p. 27.
10. ^ Ludwig, Der neue Tourismus 1990, p. 30.
11. ^ Ibid., p. 30f.
12. ^ "The subjective experience of travel is a distinguishing feature of the beginnings of the modern age:
by travelling, one's self experienced its liberation" [translated by C.G.]. Opaschowski, Tourismus
1996, p. 65.
13. ^ Ibid., p. 69.
14. ^ Brilli, Reisen eine Kunst 1997.
15. ^ Opaschowski, Tourismus 1996, p. 67f.
16. ^ Leibetseder, Die Kavalierstour 2004.
17. ^ "Lessons in dance, riding and fencing, the acquisition and improvement of languages, the
attendance of university courses, the establishment of social and economic contacts, practice in
socially appropriate conduct and cultivated behaviour – all these were part of the nobles' programme
during the tour" [translated by C.G]. Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 137f.
18. ^ "They [the nobles] travelled through Italy conscious of their own political strength and organisational
efficiency, of their economic success and technological superiority. At the same time, they admired
Italy's cultural and artistic achievements and its sublime and cultivated etiquette. The journey to Italy
was a glance back at a culture which was seen as sophisticated and whose fundamental values still
guided them. The new world owed the old one world its respect – a basic pattern of tourism that can
also be found in Roman trips to Greece or American journeys to Europe" [translated by C.G.]. Ibid.,
p. 139.
19. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 19 and Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 4.
20. ^ Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 26f.
21. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 4–6.
22. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 19.
23. ^ Spatt, Fremdenverkehrslehre 1975, p. 44.
24. ^ Schivelbusch, Eisenbahnreise 1989.
25. ^ Hachtmann, Tourismus-Geschichte 2007, p. 71f.
26. ^ Prein, Bürgerliches Reisen 2003.
27. ^ "als eine Form auch der bürgerlichen Selbsttherapie, der Herauslösung des bürgerlichen Selbst aus
seinem Schattendasein in der alten aristokratischen Welt". Kaschuba, Erkundung der Moderne 1991,
pp. 35, 43.
28. ^ Ibid., p. 31f.
29. ^ Brenner, Reisebericht 1990.
30. ^ Meiners, Christoph: Briefe über die Schweiz, Berlin 1784–1790, vol. 1–4.
31. ^ Heidegger, Heinrich: Handbuch für Reisende durch die Schweitz, Zürich 1787.
32. ^ Lauterbach, Baedeker 1989 and idem, Einwohner 1992.
33. ^ Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 158f.
34. ^ Gorsemann, Bildungsgut 1995.
35. ^ Knebel, Strukturwandlungen 1960, p. 22ff.
36. ^ Hachtmann, Tourismus-Geschichte 2007, p. 69.
37. ^ "One of the features of our time is mass travel. Once, only the privileged travelled; now everyone
does…. The whole world travels…. Modern man, placed under greater strain as he is, also requires
more relaxation" [translated by C.G.]. Quoted in Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 151.
38. ^ "mountaineering, which was depicted as a conquest, represented nothing less than the continuation
of imperial politics by other means, first in the western… then the eastern Alps, and later increasingly
in the mountainous regions beyond Europe, above all in Asia" [translated by C.G]. Lauterbach, "Als
der Berg die Viktorianer rief" 2005, p. 57.
39. ^ Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 49f.
40. ^ Kramer, Der sanfte Tourismus 1983.
41. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 24f.
42. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 4f.
43. ^ Hachtmann, Tourimus-Geschichte 2007, p. 84.
44. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 5.
45. ^ Handbuch der schweizerischen Volkswirtschaft 1955, vol. I, p. 442.
46. ^ "as a series of day trips extended over several weeks, in the course of which the flat in the town
was exchanged for a simple guesthouse or private room in the countryside, often only a few hours
away by train from the [family's] place of residence. It catered for the recuperation of the family,
above all the children, and not participation in expensive leisure pursuits or social occasions"
[translated by C.G]. Knebel, Strukturwandlungen 1960, p. 39.
47. ^ Hachtmann, Historische Tourismusforschung 2007, p. 95f.
48. ^ "Attachment to the chosen holiday resort; family ties and real social relationships between those
from the city and the village; family-like relationships between the landlords and summer visitors in
 the hostel; the lack of money-making instincts or a competitive attitude among the hoteliers; the
almost obsequious behaviour of the hotelier towards the city dwellers, who were seen as superior; a
daily programme structured around several excursions; depending on financial means, the desire to
buy a summer house" [translated by C.G.]. G. Stadler, zitiert nach Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Urlaub
1979, p. 159.
49. ^ Spode, "Der deutsche Arbeiter reist" 1982.
50. ^ "I want this because I want a Volk with strong nerves, for only with a Volk that can keep its nerve
can one conduct politics on a grand scale" [translated by C.G.]. Quoted in Prahl / Steinecke,
Millionen-Urlaub 1979, p. 160.
51. ^ Spode, "Der deutsche Arbeiter reist" 1982, p. 290f.
52. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 25.
53. ^ Opaschowski, Tourismus 1996, p. 87.
54. ^ Keitz, Reisen 1997, p. 239f.
55. ^ Hachtmann, Tourismus-Geschichte 2007, p. 127.
56. ^ Spode, NS-Gemeinschaft 1991, p. 90.
57. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 25.
58. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 7.
59. ^ Bausinger, Grenzenlos 1991, p. 344f.
60. ^ Freyer, Tourismus 1990, p. 26f.
61. ^ Krippendorf et al., Freizeit 1987, p. 5f.
62. ^ Hachtmann, Tourismus-Geschichte 2007, p. 155.
63. ^ Lanquar / Raynouard, Le tourisme 1978.
64. ^ Keitz, Reisen 1997, p. 272f.
65. ^ [Schweizer Reisekasse], Sozialtourismus 1965 and Schumacher, Ferien 2002.
66. ^ Knebel, Strukturwandlungen 1960, p. 45f.
67. ^ Wohlmann, Entwicklung des Tourismus 1993, p. 12f.
68. ^ Prahl / Steinecke, Millionen-Geschichte 1979, p. 187.
69. ^ Prahl, Entwicklungsstadien 1991, p. 106.
70. ^ Spode, Historische Tourismusforschung 1993, p. 7.
71. ^ Hlavin-Schulze, "Man reist ja nicht, um anzukommen" 1998, p. 71f.
72. ^ Wöhler, Erlebniswelten 2005.
73. ^ Gyr, Entgrenzung 1999, p. 61f