THE TLINGIT LAND OTTER COMPLEX:

COHERENCE IN THE SOCIAL AND SHAMANIC ORDER

by

RICHARD A. BARAZZUOL

B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1981

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE

OF MASTER OF ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES

Department o f A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y

We a c c e p t this t h e s i s as c o n f o r m i n g

to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

February, 1988

c) Richard A. B a r a z z u o l , 1988
 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced
degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it
freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive
copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my
department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or
publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written
permission.

Department of

The University of British C o l u m b i a

Vancouver, Canada

DE-6 (2/88)
 ABSTRACT

This thesis deals with Tlingit notions about death, spirits,

land otters and shamans. The l i n k a g e between these categories

and their relationship to the social order are explored by

examining T l i n g i t mythology. Particular myths are analyzed that

embody t h e concepts and beliefs which the Tlingit used to deal

with the unanswerable q u e s t i o n : What happens when someone d i e s ?

Socially, there was a set pattern of r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s and a

series of memorial f e a s t s to dispense with t h e body and spirit of

someone who died a normal death. Yet, t h e r e was an anomalous

situation a s s o c i a t e d with death by drowning or being lost in the

woods. The Tlingit indicated that people who died in this manner

were t a k e n by land otter spirits and could become shamans i f

certain conditions were met. This thesis contends t h a t this

explanatory scenario was an important aspect of Tlingit

cosmology, since i t provided a means o f illustrating the source

o f s h a m a n i c power, and a l s o o f how t h a t power was related to the

social aspects of T l i n g i t culture. The myths d e a l i n g w i t h land

otter possession offer information a b o u t how s h a m a n i c power was

attained and also provide a glimpse into the importance of the

role of the Tlingit shaman as a m e d i a t o r between t h e social and

the spiritual domains.

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT i i
TABLE OF CONTENTS i i i
L I S T OF TABLES AND ILLUSTRATIONS iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . v

INTRODUCTION . 1
The T l i n g i t L a n d O t t e r Theme 1
Methodology 8
Summary Of C h a p t e r s 9
T l i n g i t G e o g r a p h y and Economy 11

Chapter
I. TLINGIT SOCIETY AND B E L I E F S 12
Social Structure 12
C r e s t and Rank 15
Names and R e i n c a r n a t i o n 17
P o t l a t c h i n g : Remembering t h e A n c e s t o r s . . . 23

II. SPIRITS AND SOURCES OF POWER 31

T l i n g i t V i e w s o f t h e Body and Soul 31
T l i n g i t Eschatology 33
Shamans and S p i r i t H e l p e r s 39

III. THE TLINGIT SHAMAN 48

The N a t u r e o f t h e Shaman 48
The R o l e o f t h e Shaman 52
Shamanic I n h e r i t a n c e 53
Dealing with W i t c h c r a f t 55
Spirit Intrusion 58

IV. PERCEPTIONS OF LAND OTTER 61

The Power o f L a n d O t t e r 61
L a n d O t t e r s and Shamans 63
The Power" o f Shamans 69
Land O t t e r P e o p l e . 73
O t t e r s : The A n i m a l 74

V. MYTHOLOGY AND TEXTS 77

T l i n g i t Myths and T a l e s 77
The L a n d O t t e r Myths 81

CONCLUSION . 97
Shamans, L a n d O t t e r s and S o c i a l I n t e g r i t y . . . . 97
D e a t h : The I n d e t e r m i n a t e D e t e r m i n a t i o n 97
The P o t l a t c h : D e a l i n g w i t h D e a t h S o c i a l l y . . . . 99
M y t h s : D e a l i n g w i t h Anamalous D e a t h s 101
Land O t t e r : D e a l i n g w i t h Death S p i r i t u a l l y . . . . 102

APPENDIX I 104

APENDIX I I 114

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 118

iii
 L I S T OF TABLES

Table
1 Tlingit Eschatology 37

L I S T OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure

1. L a n d O t t e r Man Mask 43

2. Land O t t e r Mask 44

3. Chilkat Shaman's Mask 45

4. Shaman o f t h e Taku C l a n 51

5. Drowned Man T u r n i n g into Land O t t e r 68

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgement must be given to Dr. Alan Sawyer, now

retired from the U.B.C. Fine Arts Department, for making

available the resources of.his extensive slide archive. Professor

Bill Holm, now retired from the U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, Fine

Arts and A n t h r o p o l o g y D e p a r t m e n t s , a l s o k i n d l y made a v a i l a b l e h i s

very comprehensive slide archive. Thanks to Marjorie Halpin,

Robin R i d i n g t o n and James Lovejoy f o r p r o v i d i n g manuscripts and

other materials that were either unpublished or not readily

available. Thanks must a l s o be given t o Dr. Margaret Stott for

her incisive and useful criticism at an earlier and difficult

period. And of course special thanks t o t h e members o f my

committee: Dr. Robin Ridington who helped me to understand

mythtime and the reality of producing a thesis; Dr. Marjor-ie

Halpin, whose i n t e l l e c t u a l grasp o f myth and art was always an

inspiration; and Dr. Marie-Francoise Guedon f o r h e r invaluable

insights and helpful information and suggestions.

v
 INTRODUCTION

"The Tlingit have no consistent set of notions which can be invoked to explain the nature of
' the world and the ordinary regularities of natural events that take place in i t . There seens
to be no developed cosmological scheme. Rather, there are various uncoordinated Bets of
notions that are presented in the myths, some of which deal explicitly with the origins of
certain natural features or human customs, while others , in apparent unconcern with temporal
sequence, take these natural conditions and social institutions as already established, while
explaining the creation of others which appear logically antecedant" (De Laguna: 1974;792}.

THE TLINGIT LAND OTTER THEME

The Tlingit, like a l l native peoples of the Pacific

Northwest Coast engaged i n various ceremonial activities, relied

on o r a l tradition f o r t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f knowledge, and produced

visually sophisticated and h i g h l y symbolic a r t . The a r t a n d t h e

mythology r e f l e c t e d t h e complex social system and the s p i r i t u a l

beliefs o f these people. A recurring theme i n t h e i r c u l t u r e was

the "transmutable" r e l a t i o n s h i p between humans a n d a n i m a l s . A

rich m y t h o l o g y spoke o f t h i s relationship and o f the b e l i e f that

special power a n d s t r e n g t h c o u l d be o b t a i n e d f r o m animals. Both

t h e myths a n d t h e a r t s u p p o r t e d the idea that some animals had

the a b i l i t y t o transform i n t o humans a n d t h a t some humans c o u l d

transform into animals; this idea was explicit in rituals

surrounding death, and e s p e c i a l l y in a l l beliefs concerning land

otters.

According t o de L a g u n a (1972;823), the T l i n g i t believed that

animals had souls that were essentially like t h o s e o f human

b e i n g s a n d i n mythtime, were i n human form. She cites a myth

1
(ibid.) which explains that their present bodies are d e r i v e d

from the f u r robes t h e y were wearing when t h e y were frightened

into t h e woods o r t h e s e a by t h e D a y l i g h t t h a t was unleashed when

Raven, t h e T r a n s f o r m e r , was putting the world into i t s current

order. In the myths, a n i m a l s could doff o r change t h e i r bodies

while in their homes u n d e r t h e s e a o r i n t h e m o u n t a i n s and r e g a i n

their original human f o r m . They m i g h t even appear b e f o r e men in

this human f o r m . Now, however, she reports that only the Land

O t t e r has t h e a b i l i t y t o assume t h e shape o f a person.

In response to the opening quote from de Laguna, and

contrary t o what she seems t o i m p l y , I would h y p t h e s i z e that the

common themes prevalent in Tlingit mythology suggest an

underlying order to t h e i r cosmology, even though this order does

not m a n i f e s t i n an e x p l i c i t or c o n s i s t e n t fashion. The myths may

offer a contradictory reflection of social reality juxtaposed

with somewhat i n c o n s i s t e n t beliefs, but they a l s o e x p r e s s ways by

which these inconsistencies are brought together. According to

de Laguna, the nature of T l i n g i t cosmology i s b e s t understood

through narrative or customary acts, rather than through

philosophical exposition (ibid.). T h e r e f o r e , an a n a l y s i s of the

myths, and also of c e r t a i n r i t u a l behavior, w i l l provide insight

into T l i n g i t thought in spite of the apparent inconsistency of

their cosmology.

2
 Although some authors have emphasized d i s t i n c t i o n s between

" s a c r e d " and "secular" aspects of Northwest coast culture (cf.

Jonaitis; 1984, Goldman; 1975, Oberg; 1973), both social and

shamanic art and rituals expressed r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the

mythic world and the p r e s e n t reality, as well as between the

natural e n v i r o n m e n t and the c u l t u r a l world. The myths a c t e d as a

verbal confirmation of these relationships, expressing and

carrying on their spiritual and social v a l u e s and beliefs. I

would h y p o t h e s i z e that d i s t i n c t i o n s between sacred and secular

activities reflect western modes of analysis which tend to

dichotomize and reify ideas and materials into-discrete bundles

for ease of study. In the T l i n g i t case, I would concur with

Guedon (personal communication), that the shamanic order

actually spilled over into the social o r d e r and t h a t the social

order spilled into the sacred order; I would further argue t h a t

this common zone comes i n t o f o c u s when one e x a m i n e s how both the

sacred o r d e r and the social order dealt with t h e common p r o b l e m

of death.

In T l i n g i t thought, the dead p l a y e d a v e r y important role.

Deceased a n c e s t o r s were considered an essential part of the

social structure. The potlatch, a series of f e a s t s f o r the dead,

was meant t o b o t h honor the deceased relatives and to ensure that

their heirs r e c e i v e d the c r e s t s and objects associated with them.

T h i s would i n t u r n secure them a place in the current social

order. The p o t l a t c h was essential to t h i s transmission of social

power within the community and yet i t also had spiritual

connotations. This spiritual d i m e n s i o n h a d t o do w i t h the b e l i e f

that some e s s e n t i a l p a r t of the i n d i v i d u a l e x i s t e d apart from t h e

physical body. The p o t l a t c h o r m e m o r i a l f e a s t was t h e means b y

which t h i s soul or spirit was in effect released from i t s '

obligations among the l i v i n g . The social power t h a t had been

assumed b y t h e d e c e a s e d d u r i n g his/her life had u l t i m a t e l y come

from the spirits, who were a c t u a l l y a n c e s t o r s and/or animals.

Thus t h e s o c i a l transmission o f power t o an heir at a potlatch

included a formal recognition of this spiritual origin. I t also

entailed an e x p l i c i t attempt to i d e n t i f y the boundaries between

the living and t h e dead, as well as t h e b o u n d a r i e s between t h e

different human k i n g r o u p s .

The relation between social and sacred elements i n the

potlatch was best reflected i n t h e mythology and t h e artwork o f

the Tlingit. Both the art and the myths employed images o f

transformation which expressed the T l i n g i t belief i n t h e power o f

spirits. The d e p i c t i o n of beings i n which animal f e a t u r e s and

human features coexisted was common, and s t o r i e s of animals

talking o r o f humans l i v i n g among a n i m a l s were told frequently.

Many of the animals found in the Tlingit environment were

depicted i n t h e myths and s t o r i e s , b u t some a p p e a r e d more o f t e n

than others.

4
 One animal that appeared with great frequency on a r t

objects associated with T l i n g i t rituals and in stories was t h e

land otter. It appeared as a p r i m a r y f i g u r e on many o f t h e

charms and masks owned b y shamans, and a l s o a s a s e c o n d a r y figure

on rattles, b a t o n s , charms a n d masks. The T l i n g i t perceived the

land o t t e r as a v e r y powerful supernatural creature which could

transform at will from a n i m a l t o human f o r m . Land Otter/People

appeared frequently in Tlingit myths, o f t e n p r o v i d i n g humans w i t h

power, s t r e n g t h and g i f t s of food. Land o t t e r s were t h e most

potent spirit helper o r yek f o r t h e T l i n g i t shaman, a n d were said

t o be the f i r s t animal to approach the l a t t e r in his initiatory

quest f o r power.

The land o t t e r was also an animal greatly feared by the

Tlingit layperson since they believed that i t was c a p a b l e o f

kidnapping a drowning person o r someone lost in the wilderness

and taking him o r h e r away t o a l a n d otter village. This was a

place s i m i l a r i n many ways to a human village and was usually

r e a c h e d by travelling i n land o t t e r canoes a c r o s s , a n d sometimes

even under, the ocean. I f the abducted i n d i v i d u a l d i d not escape

soon, t h e y would e v e n t u a l l y turn into a furry land otter. In

time, t h e y would j o i n the ranks of the land otter p e o p l e and

participate i n bringing i n new victims to increase the land otter

population. P e r h a p s t h e most f r i g h t e n i n g a s p e c t of a l l this for

the Tlingit was their belief that the land otter spirits they

e n c o u n t e r e d were a t one t i m e human and thus had a s u p e r - a n i m a l

intelligence which greatly facilitated their kidnapping

endeavors. This "kidnapping" could also take the form of land

otter possession, resulting in insanity and was v i e w e d as a

s i t u a t i o n where a p e r s o n was considered socially neither dead nor

alive.

In this thesis I will examine the land o t t e r complex, in

order to determine what we can learn from it about the

relationship between that most important Tlingit social

ceremony, t h e potlatch (i.e. memorial f e a s t f o r the dead), and

Tlingit shamanism. The thesis will focus on the land otter

complex, as i t seems t o accommodate the anomalous category of

p e o p l e whose spiritual and social identities have been l o s t and

who have thus been removed f r o m their place i n the ceremonial

order. More s p e c i f i c a l l y , I will argue t h a t the land otter was

u s e d as a means o f symbolic m e d i a t i o n between t h e living and the

dead.

The common g r o u n d between t h e social and the shamanic order

was the arena in which the r e s t o r a t i o n of land otter's victims

took place. I contend that this p r o c e s s made a significant

contribution to the coherence of Tlingit cosmology. In

developing this argument, we will explore how the potlatch dealt

w i t h d e a t h and with the social order; we will also examine some

of the pertinent themes in the mythology and describe the

shaman's c o n n e c t i o n with the land otter.

6
 METHODOLOGY

There has been l i t t l e i n t e r p r e t a t i v e work done on the t o p i c s

of Tlingit shamanism and the Land O t t e r theme. In order to

analyze the complex relationship between the land o t t e r , the

shaman and T l i n g i t s o c i a l order, three major sources o f data are

available: 1) the l i t e r a t u r e , including early descriptive texts

and ethnographies as w e l l as c u r r e n t interpretive writing;

2) o r a l T l i n g i t l i t e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g myths, texts, songs and

stories collected from the n a t i v e s ; and 3) a r t i f a c t s , which

i n c l u d e museum notes, a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l and photographic images

of the objects. This thesis will deal with the f i r s t two

sources, the l i t e r a t u r e and myths as primary materials t o be

analysed and r e f e r e n c e d with the aim o f c a s t i n g more l i g h t on the

i n t e r a c t i o n o f s o c i a l and s p i r i t u a l b e l i e f systems. The artwork,

which i s a l s o a r i c h source of m a t e r i a l , w i l l be i n c l u d e d o n l y as

an adjunct to t h i s a n a l y s i s .

This t h e s i s i s based on data extracted from h i s t o r i c a l

w r i t i n g s and r e l a t i v e l y dated ethnographies. I t d e a l s p r i m a r i l y

with the T l i n g i t b e l i e f system a s s o c i a t e d with the l a t t e r p a r t of

the l a s t century, and thus i t i s e s p e c i a l l y d i f f i c u l t to v e r i f y

some of the o b s e r v a t i o n s and c o n j e c t u r e s that w i l l arise i n this

study of the land o t t e r complex. Some o f the more s u b t l e aspects

of the T l i n g i t b e l i e f system, such as the r e l a t i o n s h i p between

7
body and s p i r i t , become apparent i n the e a r l y w r i t i n g s of Russian

c l e r g y , but even that i s subject to problems inherent in their

Christian perspective.

In the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , the primary source f o r understanding

the nuances of both s p i r i t u a l and social beliefs of the Tlingit

are the myths. The examination of T l i n g i t myths confirms and

r e i t e r a t e s the o b s e r v a t i o n s of T l i n g i t culture gleaned from the

ethnographies. Yet i t a l s o goes a step f u r t h e r because the myths

juxtapose s o c i a l and spiritual beliefs in a way that i s not

r e a d i l y apparent i n the ethnographies. Chapters IV and V w i l l

explore some of the elements i n the myths which i l l u s t r a t e how

t h i s blending of the s p i r i t u a l and the s o c i a l u l t i m a t e l y work to

b r i n g about a cohesion of values and beliefs in Tlingit society

and thus a degree of coherence i n t h e i r cosmology.

SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS

In Chapter I, we will examine the s o c i a l foundation of

Tlingit s o c i e t y , i n c l u d i n g the h i e r a r c h i c a l system of ranking and

the i n h e r i t a n c e of c r e s t s and names. T h i s chapter w i l l introduce

the h y p o t h e t i c a l r o l e of the i d e a of r e i n c a r n a t i o n as a v i t a l

element i n the p o t l a t c h ceremony.

Chapter II w i l l give an overview of the T l i n g i t concept of

the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the body and the indwelling s o u l or

8
spirit. Tlingit v i e w s on what h a p p e n s t o t h i s s o u l upon d e a t h o f

the body will be examined and u s e d as supportive evidence f o r

their belief i n reincarnation. Finally t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between

humans a n d s p i r i t helpers o r yek w i l l be s u m m a r i z e d .

Chapter III will look a t the nature of t h e shaman and h i s

role in Tlingit society. The r u l e s and taboos a s s o c i a t e d with

shamanic i n h e r i t a n c e will be discussed. Tlingit concepts of

illness and healing (and the malevolent nature of w i t c h c r a f t )

will be e x a m i n e d as w i l l t h e phenomenon of s p i r i t i n t r u s i o n .

Chapter IV w i l l examine the belief that land o t t e r s can

steal away the s p i r i t s o f humans and t r a n s f o r m them i n t o land

otters. The m y t h o l o g i c a l o r i g i n s o f t h e shaman w i l l then l a y the

groundwork f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between l a n d otters

and shamans. The acquisition of power from land o t t e r s by

shamans will be explored in greater detail. Finally, the

biological n a t u r e o f t h e o t t e r as a n i m a l , a n d some o f i t s n a t u r a l

behaviors w i l l be e x a m i n e d .

Chapter V will present several land otter myths as

representative examples. The myths w i l l be a n a l y z e d to b r i n g out

m a j o r themes and s i g n i f i c a n t details, with p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n

to k i n s h i p , d e a t h and shamanism. Reference to other myths a n d

cross-comparisons o f themes w i l l be made when appropriate.

The Concluding chapter w i l l provide a summary v i e w o f t h e

various elements found i n t h e myths w h i c h indicate that there are

patterns i n the land o t t e r complex w h i c h have c o u n t e r p a r t s i n the

potlatch. These p a t t e r n s , t a k e n as a w h o l e , will illustrate how

9
the Tlingit reconciled and dealt with the issue of death.

Shamanic a c t i v i t y , the land o t t e r complex and t h e potlatch will

e a c h be reviewed i n order to e l i c i t a c o m p r e h e n s i v e model o f how

t h e y a l l s e r v e d as c o h e s i v e elements o f T l i n g i t cosmology.

TLINGIT GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMY

The Tlingit inhabit the c o a s t a l area of southeastern Alaska

and the numerous a d j a c e n t islands. Traditionally, their terri-

tory s t r e t c h e d f roro l a t i t u d e 54 40' t o a b o u t l a t i t u d e 60 north.

This ranges from the area around P o r t l a n d Canal i n the south t o

Glacier Bay i n the north. The r e g i o n i s bordered by t h e S t .

Elias Range o f m o u n t a i n s on t h e n o r t h a n d t h e C o a s t Range t o t h e

east. Due t o t h e p a s t submergence o f t h e g l a c i a t e d coast ranges,

the a r e a to the west i s an a r c h i p e l a g o of large islands which

protect the T l i n g i t from the full brunt of the Pacific storm

waves. The f e a t u r e s of this coastal area are typical o f sub-

merged glaciated shorelines, with steep-sloped islands and

headlands bounded by l o n g , narrow bays o r f i o r d s . Although many

small s t r e a m s empty i n t o these fiords, they a r e g e n e r a l l y from

valleys f a r above s e a l e v e l , a n d v e r y few l a r g e s t r e a m s a r e f o u n d

along the coast. With a virtual absence of streams that are

n a v i g a b l e t o any d i s t a n c e i n l a n d , the steep surrounding mountains

were a h i n d r a n c e t o easy communication with the interior. Since

the islands t o t h e west a n d t h e j u t t i n g p e n i n s u l a r headlands rise

10
a b r u p t l y and are so densely covered i n undergrowth and forests,

transportation in the past was primarily by canoe along the

coastal waters.

The T l i n g i t area, o f t e n r e f e r r e d to as the Alaskan "pan-

handle", i s the northernmost e x t e n s i o n of what i s c o n s i d e r e d the

Northwest Coast. The relative isolation afforded by the

mountains to the n o r t h and east imposed l i m i t s on c o n t a c t with

the Eskimo and Athapaskan peoples and assured the prominence of a

Northwest Coast cultural pattern. T h i s does not suggest t h a t

there was no borrowing of t r a d i t i o n s and t r a d i n g of goods with

neighbouring groups. In f a c t , although l i m i t e d , such exchange

was an important adjunct to T l i n g i t life.

The T l i n g i t economy was based on f i s h i n g and sea-hunting and

thus water travel was extremely important. T y p i c a l of the

Northwest Coast cultural pattern, the Tlingit had a highly

developed complex of woodworking, and a s o c i a l system with a

strong emphasis on rank and wealth. Although there were c e r t a i n

fundamental patterns prevalent throughout the area, t h e r e were

a l s o many v a r i a t i o n s i n the economy and m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e .

11
 CHAPTER I

TLINGIT SOCIETY AND BELIEFS

"It is through his name, and the leaning of his name that a Tlingit knows himself. His name or
names indentifies the spirit or spirits, formerly animating a long line of forebears, that have
come to live again in him, shaping his body or lending character to his personality" (de
Laguna, 1972 ;790).

SOCIAL STRUCTURE

L i k e t h e i r Haida and Tsimshian neighbors t o the south, and

t h e i r Eyak neighbors t o the n o r t h , the T l i n g i t k i n groups were

arranged i n t o m a t r i l i n e a l moeties. According t o Oberg (1973:23),

there were three m a t r i l i n e a l p h r a t r i e s i n T l i n g i t s o c i e t y : the

Tlaienedi, or Raven, the Sinkukedi, or Wolf, and the Nexadi, or

Eagle. However, s i n c e the Nexadi were so few i n number, they

were g e n e r a l l y grouped with the Sinkukedi. In any case, we may

speak o f the T l i n g i t as having two major d i v i s i o n s , Raven and

Wolf/Eagle. Since these divisions were exogamous, the s o c i a l

s t r u c t u r e t h a t evolved e n t a i l e d r e c i p r o c a l ceremonial obligations

with s e r v i c e s rendered a t a l l l i f e c r i s e s by the 'opposite' s i d e .

Such services were repaid at potlatches or f e a s t s when the

debtors served as h o s t s .

De Laguna (1972:450), i n her e x t e n s i v e three volume study o f

the n o r t h e r n T l i n g i t , emphasizes t h a t the moiety was not a s o c i a l

group as i t had no o r g a n i z a t i o n o f i t s own. Rather it served to

regulate the r e l a t i o n s h i p s between persons, especially those

b u i l t on marriage, since i t arranged the s i b s t o which each

individual belonged on one s i d e or the o t h e r . The primary

organization was t h e s i b , o r clan, which was preeminently a

political as well as a social unit. The T l i n g i t t e r m kwan

refered to a regional federation of sub-clans (ie. the

S t i k i n e - k w a n w h i c h was c o m p r i s e d o f nine sibs i n several villages

along a portion of the Stikine River). There was confusion

between these two social categories which resulted from t h e

introduction o f t h e term "tribe" by e a r l y e x p l o r e r s and m i s s i o n -

aries and later, government officials who u s e d t h e t e r m in a

primarily territorial sense. De L a g u n a tries to show how t h i s

usage d i d n o t r e f l e c t theactual s i t u a t i o n or native thought:

"While the inhabitants o f each g e o g r a p h i c a l district

were t o some e x t e n t u n i t e d b y f e e l i n g s o f l o c a l p r i d e ,
l o c a l s o c i a b i l i t y , and t i e s o f a f f i n i t y , they s t i l l d i d
not c o n s t i t u t e a t r i b e i n t h e sense of a p o l i t i c a l l y
organised a n d autonomous group. Rather a sense o f
community i d e n t i t y t o o k s e c o n d place t o the " p a t r i o t -
ism" felt b y t h e members o f e a c h s i b f o r t h e i r own
m a t r i l i n e a l k i n group... S i b members recognized t h e i r
common k i n s h i p even though t h e y m i g h t be s c a t t e r e d i n
different vilages i ndifferent t r i b a l (ie.kwan) a r e a s ,
for only a few s i b s were r e s t r i c t e d t o one r e g i o n (de
L a g u n a , 1972:212).

However, c o n f u s i o n still exists since, on t h e one hand, many

English-speaking Tlingit continue to refer to the s i b as a

"tribe" or "nation", and on t h e o t h e r hand official government

and legal documents insist on using t h e word "tribe" in a

strictly territorial sense. The s i b was a c t u a l l y independent o f

the local community o r kwan, t h o u g h n a t i v e t r a d i t i o n s suggest a

link between t h e u n i l i n e a l k i n group and t h e l o c a l i t y , the l a t t e r

being the s i t e of their ancestral house. To f u r t h e r c l a r i f y the

linkage between t e r r i t o r y and k i n s h i p , de Laguna looks a t the

composition o f the sibs:

13
 "A s i b of any s i z e i s composed of s e v e r a l l i n e a g e s
or house groups (hit-tan), and the l a t t e r i n t u r n may
c o n s i s t o f a s i n g l e house l i n e or a c l u s t e r made up of
"mother" and "daughter" houses. While some s i b s are
found only i n o n l y s i n g l e t r i b a l (kwan) d i s t r i c t s , most
s i b s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d i n s e v e r a l areas where they own
house s i t e s and t e r r i t o r i e s f o r hunting, f i s h i n g , and
gathering. The l o c a l segments o f such a widespread s i b
may or may not be able to form d i s t i n c t s u b s i b s ,
perhaps depending on the recency or circumstances of
their dispersal. On the other hand, a s i n g l e s i b i n
one l o c a l i t y may e x h i b i t two (or more?) f a i r l y i n -
dependent l i n e a g e s or c l u s t e r s o f houses, perhaps
r e f l e c t i n g the process o f s p l i t t i n g i n t o separate s i b s ,
or the incomplete f u s i o n o f two f o r m e r l y d i s t i n c t
groups. The r e l a t i v e independence o f these sub-
d i v i s i o n s may be seen in their historical traditions,
i n t h e i r s h a r i n g or e x c l u s i v e use o f totemic c r e s t s or
other p r e r o g a t i v e s , and i n whether or not they form
r i v a l groups a t l o c a l p o t l a t c h e s ( i b i d . : 2 1 2 ) .

The c h a r a c t e r o f the s i b s was an extremely important and

jealously guarded aspect of Tlingit society. Each s i b was

composed o f a group of i n d i v i d u a l s who were bound together by a

set o f p a r t i c u l a r p r e r o g a t i v e s : a common name, a body o f h i s t o r -

i c a l and m y t h o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n s , possession of territories for

hunting, f i s h i n g and b e r r y p i c k i n g , house s i t e s and houses i n the

v i l l a g e , and by a t r e a s u r e of nonmaterial rights, together with

their material or symbolic representations ( i b i d . : 4 5 1 ) . The

l i n e a g e was l i k e a s i b i n m i n i a t u r e and had i t s share o f common

s i b possessions and p r e r o g a t i v e s as w e l l as those t o which i t s

made e x c l u s i v e c l a i m . Both the l i n e a g e and the s i b had t h e i r own

particular material possessions, songs, dances, war c r i e s and

shaman's songs. These were f e l t to d i s t i n g u i s h the group from

other s i b s and l i n e a g e s . Individual members o f the s i b found

t h e i r mates p r e f e r e n t i a l l y i n the s i b of t h e i r fathers. Cross-

14
cousin marriage preference was emphasized by the joking

r e l a t i o n s h i p between s u c h cousins, while brothers and s i s t e r s

stood i n an a v o i d a n c e r e l a t i o n s h i p ; a n d i n c e s t between members o f

the same s i b o r e v e n m o i e t y was c o n s i d e r e d a s i n p r o v o k e d by o r

leading to insanity.

CRESTS AND RANK

According to de Laguna (1972:451), t h e d i s t i n c t i o n s and

prerogatives o f t h e s i b were s t r o n g l y a s s o c i a t e d with its totemic

crests. T h e y were an i m p o r t a n t feature of the m a t r i l i n e a l s i b or

lineage. Thus members o f t h e s i b o r the lineage were v i e w e d a s

vital links to the "totemic" entities from which t h e s e rights

were a c q u i r e d in the mythic past by their ancestors. The

symbolic dimension of T l i n g i t social life was r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e

crests and crest objects, which corresponded to the totemic

symbols c o r r e l a t e d w i t h the d i v i s i o n s i n the s o c i a l organization.

Certain crests i d e n t i f e d the moiety, others the s i b , and still

others the house-group. Some, s u c h a s Raven, were u s e d a t a l l

three levels, while others were exclusive to the s i b and/or

lineage.

The oldest male in a Tlingit lineage was g e n e r a l l y t h e

yitsati o r "keeper o f t h e house". The yitsati did not in a

strict sense own the house or the ceremonial c r e s t s of the

lineage, but rather held them i n trust. Although he was n o t

15
officially a war leader, his words carried weight i n these

matters. According to Oberg (1973:30), the yitsati was pre-

eminently a ceremonial l e a d e r , a repository of myth and social

knowledge, and an educator of the young of the house-group. He

c a r r i e d on the t r a d i n g a c t i v i t i e s of the house-group and took an

a c t i v e p a r t i n ceremonial l a b o r , such as house building, feasts

and b u r i a l s .

The most important f i g u r e i n the s i b was the ankaua or "rich

man". He was the leading yitsati or "house-keeper" of the

highest ranked house i n the s i b . The ankaua was a l s o known as

the 'big man' or lingit-tlen, and was usually the c u s t o d i a n or

t r u s t e e of the s i b ' s common i n h e r i t a n c e . He was thus responsible

f o r housing, maintaining and d i s p l a y i n g the crest objects that

were the sib's representation of that i n h e r i t a n c e . He was also

responsible f o r the group's t e r r i t o r i e s , and f o r the a l l o c a t i o n

and preservation of i t s resources. He was a ceremonial leader

and had the primary responsibility for the potlatches and

ceremonies t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d and maintained the s t a t u s of h i s s i b

in T l i n g i t society.

The yitsati, as headman of a lineage, often stood as a

counselor to the ankaua of h i s s i b . Shamans sometimes h e l d this

p o s i t i o n of l i n e a g e head, perhaps due to the f a c t t h a t the r i g h t

was passed from the e l d e r to younger b r o t h e r s i n the house group.

Thus, i f a younger, brother had choosen to f o l l o w the way of a

 shaman, he might find himself suddenly immersed i n the more

s o c i a l / p o l i t i c a l r o l e o f yitsati. The shaman, or ixt, a l s o acted

i n other c a p a c i t i e s as a d v i s o r t o the ankaua or yitsati. When

disputes t h a t concerned the whole s i b were d i s c u s s e d , the ankaua

c a l l e d the yitsati o f the v a r i o u s house groups together, and they

h e l d a meeting i n a sweat house. The l e a d i n g ixt o f the s i b was

always present and o f t e n consulted i n an o r a c u l a r manner.. 1

Whether as a yitsati or as ixt, h i s o p i n i o n was h i g h l y regarded,

e s p e c i a l l y i n matters o f warfare and the s e t t l i n g o f d i s p u t e s .

NAMES AND REINCARNATION

Hierarchical ranking was important t o the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f

the T l i n g i t . Clans, sub-clans, house groups w i t h i n sub-clans,

and individuals within house groups all had t h e i r relative

status. The s t a t u s o f i n d i v i d u a l s was g e n e r a l l y i n h e r i t e d , but

had t o be c o n t i n u a l l y reaffirmed. The p o t l a t c h or f e a s t was a

mechanism f o r v a l i d a t i n g t h i s ranking i n the s e c u l a r realm, and

crest a r t was a means of displaying i t . The totemic spirits

a s s o c i a t e d with the power o f the c r e s t s were b e l i e v e d t o have

come i n m y t h o l o g i c a l times t o bestow t h i s power on the s i b . I t

was up t o the i n d i v i d u a l s o f the s i b t o renew the v a l i d i t y o f

t h a t c r e s t ' s power when they i n h e r i t e d the r i g h t t o d i s p l a y i t .

1
According to Olson (1961;207), a shanan accompanied a l l war parties; his power enabled him to
t e l l where the enemy was hidden, and also who and how many would be killed. In these revelations he
usually spoke in metaphoric or Delphic terms.

17
 Part of t h e mechanism by w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l i n h e r i t e d h i s

r i g h t s was t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f an h o n o r i f i c name at a potlatch.

These names were closely associated with totemic a n i m a l s and

their symbols. Like the totemic crests, such names were

relatively few and g e n e r a l l y fixed i n number, a l t h o u g h new ones

could be i n t r o d u c e d on s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n s . Also, like the c r e s t s ,

t h e y were sacred and used only on c e r e m o n i a l occasions. But,

besides these " h o n o r i f i c " names t h e r e were other kinds o f names

that were essential to the identity of a T l i n g i t individual.

According t o De L a g u n a (1954; 184), the Tlingit distinguished

between t h e "real" or "ordinary" name g i v e n at birth, the "pet"

name when one was g r o w i n g up, and/or the "nickname" w h i c h could

be acquired a t any t i m e , a n d t h e " p o t l a t c h " o r " h o n o r i f i c " name

which i s ceremonially conferred by a r e l a t i v e who v a l i d a t e s i t b y

making a contribution at a potlatch. A " c h i e f ' s " name was

apparently such a potlatch name assumed by or proclaimed on

behalf of the heir at the m e m o r i a l p o t l a t c h he gave f o r h i s

predecessor. A person may inherit several "real" names f r o m

different deceased relatives, thus embodying as many

reincarnations (de Laguna, ibid.).

For the T l i n g i t , the birth of a child always meant t h e

return of someone who had d i e d , and t h e a f t e r - l i f e was b u t t h e

prelude t o a new e x i s t e n c e (de Laguna, 1954;181). A l l deceased

individuals (with the p o s s i b l e exception o f w i t c h e s a n d t h o s e who

mistreat a n i m a l s ) c o u l d be r e i n c a r n a t e d . They c o u l d choose the

18
 parents to whom t h e y w o u l d be r e b o r n a s l o n g a s t h e mother was a

close relative i n their own s i b or in a related branch.

According to de L a g u n a (1954:182) a p e r s o n may t e l l a woman t h a t

he w i l l come b a c k t o h e r a s a c h i l d , and that s h e s h o u l d name t h e

baby a f t e r him. He may s e l e c t one woman among h i s k i n b e c a u s e o f

her good c h a r a c t e r o r b e c a u s e h e r h u s b a n d i s a good p r o v i d e r , a n d

forbid other potential m o t h e r s f r o m naming a s o n f o r him because

t h e y a r e "no good." A p e r s o n c o u l d have two o r more names, a n d

thus presumably multiple souls or spirits. In t h i s case the

p e r s o n c o u l d come b a c k t o more t h a n one woman, a n d e a c h o f t h e

m o t h e r s may b e a r a c h i l d w i t h one o f t h e d e c e a s e d ' s names.

The possession of a name or names, when s e v e r a l o f the

d e c e a s e d ' s were given to a living namesake, made reincarnation

"effective." The r e i n c a r n a t e d individual was s a i d t o remember h i s

previous life. 2
His "real" name carried with i t t h e the k i n

usages p r a c t i c e d by o r toward the p r e v i o u s h o l d e r . This practice

is illustrated b y de L a g u n a who s a y s that:

A mother may c a l l a son "uncle" b e c a u s e he i s

named f o r h e r m o t h e r ' s b r o t h e r , o r a man may c a l l h i s
son " f a t h e r " b e c a u s e t h e baby bears t h e name of the
father's father. The f o r m e r w i f e c a l l s h e r h u s b a n d ' s
namesake "husband," g i v e s g i f t s t o her "mother-in-law"
(the baby's m o t h e r ) , a n d . h e l p s c a r e f o r t h e b a b y . The

1
Stevenson's (1974;4) fieldwork suggests that the belief in reincarnation is s t i l l current among
the Tlingit in Alaska. In fact, he indicates that the world's highest number of reported cases is among
the Tlingit. Bis investigations suggest that theUncidence of reported cases is influenced by cultural
beliefs, but also that reincarnation occurs in families ignorant of the phenomenon or even opposed to
i t . Of the many cases which indicated a memory of past lives, more than half involved some kind of
birthmark or physical deformity of the present personality that related to wounds or illness of the past
person.

19
 f a t h e r a n d mother o f one man gave presents to the
orphaned c h i l d r e n of their s o n ' s d e a d namesake, a s i f
t h e y were t h e t r u e g r a n d p a r e n t s . In turn, the son o f
the reincarnated "father" calls the daughter of h i s
f a t h e r ' s namesake " s i s t e r " a n d g i v e s h e r money a s a
true brother should (ibid.:184).

All Tlingit names ( e x c e p t n i c k n a m e s ) were s a i d to belong t o

a particular s i b , a n d some were e v e n d e s i g n a t e d as b e l o n g i n g to a

specific "house group" o r l i n e a g e . Names c o u l d be p a s s e d out of

one sib into a closely related one, either through planned

reincarnation on the part of the original h o l d e r , o r because a

grandfather i n one s i b b e s t o w e d an honorific name on h i s s o n ' s

child who b e l o n g e d t o another sib. In the l a t t e r case, the right

t o t h e name was c o n f i n e d t o t h e c h i l d so honored, u n l e s s t h e name

was a new one coined at a potlatch. I t i s not c e r t a i n whether

t h e name involved in reincarnation was in theory completely

transferred to the other sib. De L a g u n a (ibid.:185) reports that

the census records indicate that many names were s h a r e d by

several s i b s a n d were d u p l i c a t e d i n many communities.

The spirit power o f an a n c e s t o r , w h i c h was b e s t o w e d on t h e

Tlingit individual i n a n a m e - g i v i n g ceremony at a p o t l a t c h , was

believed to stay with him a s l o n g a s he c o u l d u p h o l d the honor

t h a t went w i t h this privilege. Although i t was an e x c l u s i v e

ceremonial name, i t was only one o f s e v e r a l p o s s i b l e names a

person might have. N o b l e names were l i k e titles, passing from

older to younger b r o t h e r , from mother's b r o t h e r t o s i s t e r ' s son,

or from g r a n d f a t h e r t o h i s son's son, a t t h e death of the senior.

T h i s d i d not imply r e i n c a r n a t i o n , although t h e p r e s t i g e and any

20
prerogatives of the predecessor were t r a n s f e r r e d with t h e name.

These honorific names were words or phrases r e f e r r i n g to s i b

totems, to t h e i r representations as c r e s t s , to episodes in sib

history, or t o g r a v e s and houses p a i d f o r at a potlatch i n which

s u c h names a r e g i v e n . According t o de L a g u n a :

Because the i n d i v i d u a l i s so c l o s e l y i d e n t i f i e d
w i t h h i s s i b and i t s o r i g i n s , t o t e m s a n d c r e s t s , some
names have been coined to refer to these, a n d so
express in analogous fashion this mythical-social
a s p e c t of t h e s e l f . A p e r s o n ' s names thus not only
embody o r s y m b o l i z e h i s " s o u l " o r " s o u l s " ; t h e y e x p r e s s
h i s p o s i t i o n i n s o c i e t y as d e f i n e d by the i n t e r s e c t i n g
c o o r d i n a t e s o f m a t e r n a l and p a t e r n a l l i n e s and o f rank;
they i n d i c a t e h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p t o those s e c t o r s and t h e
"natural" world associated with s i b mythology; and
l a s t l y , they portray h i s own individual personality
traits (ibid.:187).

Shamans a c q u i r e d honorific names either when t h e y finished

their novitiate o r when t h e y o b t a i n e d their first spirit helper.

Thus, Tek-ic, as shaman, became Lxagusa, " T e l l s about War,"

referring to h i s a b i l i t y (or that o f one of h i s spirits) t o see

a p p r o a c h i n g war parties. A shaman's name was u s u a l l y associated

with a p a r t i c u l a r spirit, and thus w o u l d be inherited with that

spirit by h i s s u c c e s s o r , as was t h e name Setan. T h i s was actually

the name o f t h e s p i r i t , w h i c h was a n n o u n c e d by t h e shaman w h i l e

in trance (de Laguna, 1972;787). The shaman summoned a n d

received into himself a l l of those spirits that served h i s

predecessors, for a time losing his ordinary i d e n t i t y , and

speaking i n t h e i r names (ibid.;790).

21
 Recent symbolic analyses o f T s i m s h i a n and Kwakiutl cultures

suggest that the p e o p l e were g i v e n to e t e r n a l names, r a t h e r than

the other way around, because "the name i s an institution or the

soul of a c o r p o r a t i o n that exists forever" (Miller 1984;29; c f .

Goldman 1975;37; Walens 1981:65; Halpin 1984; Seguin 1984;114).

This i n t e r p r e a t i o n of the meaning o f names and naming may apply

to the Tlingit as well. The valuable names i n h e r i t e d f r o m the

ancestors were p e r c e i v e d by the Tlingit as tangibles that could

be "put on" in the same manner as the ceremonial regalia which

they acquired. According to Olson, "those to be reincarnated go

to a place no one knows where and when t h e y come b a c k t h e y carry

(as a bundle) under t h e i r arm that same name w h i c h is therefore

given to them." The Tlingit were c o n c e r n e d a b o u t preventing

their names f r o m "dying out," and so they would perpetually

recycle them among t h e living. Potlatch names, as opposed to

birth and pet names, c a r r i e d a c e r t a i n p r e s t i g e and social value,

indicating the rank of i t s holder (Olson, 1967:48).

22
 POTLATCHING: REMEMBERING THE ANCESTORS

Tlingit ceremonial a c t i v i t i e s , like those o f other Northwest

cultures, e n t a i l e d a complex series of r i t u a l s w h i c h have come t o

be subsumed u n d e r t h e name 'potlatch'. 3

The m e m o r i a l potlatch,

which followed funerals, was t h e c h i e f ceremony for the T l i n g i t

according to McClellan, although she a c t u a l l y d i s t i n g u i s h e s three

categories of ceremonialism: feasts, "potlatches" and peacemaking

(McClellan, 1954:77).

On any s p e c i a l o c c a s i o n , f e a s t s were h e l d which involved the

serving o f food i n a ceremonial manner t o in-laws and r e l a t i v e s

from the opposite moiety. These f e a s t s could be s m a l l scale

e v e n t s among members o f a h o u s e h o l d after a successful hunt, o r

grand a f f a i r s i n which the e n t i r e community m i g h t p a r t i c i p a t e .

O f t e n members o f one m o i e t y w o u l d feast the opposite moiety and

not e a t themselves i n order t o pay f o r s e r v i c e s r e n d e r e d by t h e i r

guests. The t o b a c c o - s m o k i n g p a r t y w h i c h was h e l d just before the

disposal of a corpse i s an example of t h i s kind of feast. These

smaller f e a s t s m i g h t be c o n s i d e r e d as p a r t of a series of r i t u a l

activities that together constituted the potlatch. Reciprocity

of this sort strengthened the opposition between the two s i d e s

and r e a f f i r m e d t h e i d e n t i t y o f each lineage.

3
The category of 'potlatch' was created by Europeans. As Goldman pointed out for the
Kwakiutl (1975:131), "There never were, at least in precontact days, such events as 'potlatches'.
Rather there were specific ritual occasions commemorating marriage, death, the construction of a
house, investiture of an heir", and so on. However, following the usage by other anthropologists
and, in many cases, the natives themselves, I will use the term 'potlatch' to refer to a set of
ceremonies which shared certain basic features.

23
 The fundamental c o r e of the T l i n g i t p o t l a t c h was the formal

and public payment by members of one moiety to those of the

opposite moiety. The primary purpose was to honor the dead and

also the l i v i n g by recompensing individuals of the o t h e r s i d e f o r

duties rendered, and to guarantee their " r e s p e c t behavior" i n the

future (idib.). Individuals of high rank used the p o t l a t c h not

only for the o b l i g a t o r y payment o f funeral duties, but also to

mark t h e c o m p l e t i o n o f a new l i n e a g e house, to absolve "shame"

from a physical b l e m i s h o r awkward a c c i d e n t , t o remove an insult,

and to maintain or attain their full noble status. Potlatches

for high ranking individuals were u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d - w i t h the

rebuilding or completion of a new lineage house, and often

involved inter-village participation.

The peacemaking or "deer" ceremony was similar in pattern

and ritual form to f e a s t i n g and potlatching. Swanton r e c o r d e d a

Tlingit song (1909:412) i n w h i c h Raven i s m a r r i e d t o a woman o f

the l a n d otter people. He taught them the "deer" ceremony.

Afterwards he came among humans and taught i t t o them. The

crucial difference t h e d e e r ceremony and a regular feast was that

it resulted in a satisfactory settlement f o r bodily injury or

death inflicted on a member o f one sib by a member o f another.

Afterwards he came among humans and taught i t t o them. According

t o Swanton (1908a:461), i f a man d i e d unavenged, or h i s d e a t h was

not p r o p e r l y compensated f o r , t h e n he c o u l d n o t g e t up the ladder

that t o o k him t o Ki'waa (the T l i n g i t sky realm for h e r o e s ) , but

 i n s t e a d would drift around with the clouds and not be a v a i l a b l e

for reincarnation i f denied access to that realm. The f i n a l

stage i n this ceremony was t h e exchange o f hostages called

"deer".i

The memorial, or funeral potlatch was by f a r the most

important Tlingit ceremony, and helped t o maintain the social

cohesion o f that society right up to the present d a y (Kan,

1986:194). A l l of the major ethnographers o f the Tlingit have

emphasized the r o l e o f the dead and t h e n a t i v e view of this

ritual as a memorial, b u t few have e x p l o r e d the idea that i t s

ultimate p u r p o s e was t o e n s u r e the continuity of the lineage.

One exception to this i s a recent a n a l y s i s by Sergei K a n (1986)

i n w h i c h he e x a m i n e s t h e symbolism of the ceremonial objects,

ritual acts and d i s c o u r s e , as w e l l a s the i n t e r a c t i o n and the

relationships between the actors. H i s category of actors

includes not only the living hosts and guests, but also their

deceased m a t r i l i n e a l r e l a t i v e s . By t r e a t i n g the dead as a c t i v e

participants i n the ceremony, he i s a b l e to illustrate the native

perspective of continuity ( v i a the idea of inheritance) as an

important focus o f the Tlingit potlatch.

1
"Deer" also appear in the myths: Swanton (1908:59?), tells of a village visited by land
otter people who d m s up and dance for their hosts in an effort to make peace with them, since
their relatives (land otters) had been killed by the villagers. The guests (land otters) were all
killed, the "deer" being saved for last, In Tale 31 (ibid.:139), two high-caste land otters are
taken as peace hostages ("deer") to help settle a war between humans and land otters. The land otter
people then come to the village and perform the peace dance. In the morning when the people wake up,
they have disappeared, but the people remember the dance.

25
 The death of a member o f t h e m a t r i l i n e a l group (especially

someone o f h i g h s t a t u s ) c a u s e d a social crisis. The subsequent

wake i n v o l v e d a collective reassessment of the s o c i a l career of

the deceased and reiterated his ties with a l l of the members o f

his lineage or c l a n . This f i r s t stage i n the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of

the deceased i n t o an a n c e s t o r was a period of s o d a l i t y among the

l i n e a g e which was united in their common g r i e f f o r the deceased.

According t o Kan, their mourning a t t i r e underscored that unity,

while deemphasizing the important distinctions and inequalities

among t h e a r i s t o c r a t s and commoners, o l d and young, men and women

(Kan, 1986:196).

Oberg's (1973:123) description of the Tlingit potlatch

indicates the involvement of the shaman on these ceremonial

occasions. He says t h a t t h e p o t l a t c h was a four-day a f f a i r . On

the f i r s t day, speech making by b o t h sides, feasting, and dancing

by the hosts took place. On the second day the visitors

performed their clan dances and displayed and e x p l a i n e d the

origin of their totemic crests. The third day was devoted to

theatricals and contests of various kinds. After eating and fish

oil drinking c o n t e s t s , Oberg r e p o r t s t h a t :

Imitations of other p e o p l e s ' d a n c e s and c u s t o m s

follow. Another important feature i s the c o n t e s t s
between r i v a l shamans, e a c h e n d e a v o r i n g t o p e r f o r m t h e
most m i r a c u l o u s c o n j u r i n g a c t , s u c h as walking through
f i r e or s h o o t i n g arrows a t a robe w i t h o u t p i e r c i n g i t
(ibid.).

At the c o n c l u s i o n of a potlatch, the guests thanked and

comforted their hosts with formal speeches, and cheered them up

by singing and dancing in their own paraphernalia. When this

thanks-giving was over the hosts said that t h e y had "put their

troubles away" and that the d e a d c h i e f who had been alone on an

island, had been helped by the guests to r e t u r n "back t o the

mainland". McClellan (1954:82) n o t e s t h a t this symbolically put

him in the position of being ready to be born again, for his

d e a t h had been p r o p e r l y " f i n i s h e d " and h i s nephew - installed as

the new lineage chief and bearing the o l d c h i e f ' s name - could

take h i s uncle's widow as wife.

T h e r e were two important processes going on within the

ceremonial activity of the potlatch. One was the desire to

increase status and prestige and the other was the

mortuary/memorial purpose of the potlatch. Kan (1986:201)

explains t h a t many o f t h e actions t h a t were a i m e d a t raising the

host g r o u p ' s r a n k and s t a t u s were meant as ways o f h o n o r i n g their

matrilineal ancestors. Whenever conflicts occured among the

participants, the names of the dead were i n v o k e d t o restore

peace. Kan views the " l o v e and respect" of the living toward the

d e a d as an ideology which allowed the living to present actions

aimed a t raising their status as n o b l e and morally correct. At

the same time, the p o t l a t c h was the o n l y major o p p o r t u n i t y for

the d i s p l a y of the sacred crests, the performance of songs,

d a n c e s and myths w h i c h embodied t h e history, identity and destiny

of the m a t r i l i n e a l group.

27
 Kan (ibid.) warns us that it is incorrect to consider

competition over rank, s t a t u s , and p r e s t i g e as the only signific-

ant purpose of the p o t l a t c h as some s c h o l a r s have done (Jonaitis,

1986:12; O b e r g , 1973:124; T o l e f s o n , 1976:203-234). On the other

hand, he recognizes that i t i s a mistake to r e s t r i c t an a n a l y s i s

to the n a t i v e i d e o l o g y , w h i c h e m p h a s i z e d commemorative a s p e c t s of

the p o t l a t c h such as "dignity, sympathy, high respect for a l l ,

with the exalted chief and the p o o r and l o w l y u n i t e d i n sorrow

and honor f o r the a n c e s t o r s " (de Laguna, 1972:612). It i s Kan's

opinion t h a t the complexity o f t h e p o t l a t c h and i t s centrality in

Tlingit c u l t u r e and society resulted from a d i a l e c t i c a l relation-

ship between competition and cooperation, between t h e struggle

for power and prestige on the one hand, and the "love and

respect" for the ancestors on the other (Kan, 1986:201). The

important role of these ancestors in maintaining a balanced

social o r d e r must n o t be underestimated.

According to Kan, the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the living and

the dead, m a i n t a i n e d by the Tlingit, and dramatized and re-

iterated in the p o t l a t c h , was that of r e c i p r o c i t y . The living

provided the dead w i t h food, warmth, g i f t s , and most importantly,

l o v e and rememberance. The dead, i n r e t u r n , passed on t o them

t h e v a l u a b l e names and other sacred possessions and prerogatives,

w h i c h were u s e d by the living to maintain and raise their rank,

status and prestige. The Tlingit believed that the dead could

not only help them, but m i g h t a l s o harm them w i t h illness or

28
death, i f the l i v i n g d i d not show p r o p e r r e s p e c t and h e l p them

by d i s t r i b u t i n g f o o d and o t h e r g i f t s a t the potlatch (ibid).

The symbolic importance of including the deceased i n the

ritual e x c h a n g e o f t h e p o t l a t c h was e x p l a i n e d b y an i n f o r m a n t o f

Swanton's who s a i d that:

Whenever p e o p l e had a b i g f e a s t i n t h i s w o r l d and

put t r a y s o f food i n t o the f i r e , mentioning t h e names
of the deceased, this food went d i r e c t l y up t o t h e
s p i r i t houses. And when t h e p e o p l e gave b l a n k e t s away
to those a b o u t them i t was j u s t a s t h o u g h t h e y gave
blankets t o the s p i r i t s , f o r the s p i r i t s a l s o r e c e i v e d
them (Swanton, 1908a:462).

McClellan (1954:80) emphasizes that a l l food eaten at a

potlatch f e a s t was consumed f o r t h e dead - not only t h e dead

chief, but fora l l the a n c e s t o r s of the host moiety. The names

of t h e d e a d who were t o receive the f o o d was announced so t h a t

the s p i r i t s would hear. Also t h e name o f each contributor of

gifts among t h e h o s t s was c a l l e d out along with that o f t h e dead

person being honored. They k e p t track o f t h e amounts collected

and t h e n a n n o u n c e d them so t h a t "the dead w i l l hear i t " (ibid.).

When t h e accumulated wealth was d i s t r i b u t e d , e v e r y b i t h a d t o be

g i v e n away, s i n c e this was t h e o n l y way i n which t h e dead c o u l d

receive i t s benefit i n the s p i r i t world.

As long as the dead were remembered b y t h e i r living kin

group they c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e i n the p o t l a t c h . The f i r e was their

means of communicating with the living, and t h r o u g h i t they

r e c e i v e d what t h e y n e e d e d i n t h e s p i r i t world. Those who were

remembered r e c e i v e d warmth and nourishment from their descendants

and sat close to the f i r e in their n o n c o r p o r e a l houses (Swanton,

1908a:462). Their remains were p e r i o d i c a l l y p l a c e d i n new grave

h o u s e s o r o t h e r c o n t a i n e r s and their names were passed on to

their heirs. However, those who were f o r g o t t e n had t o move

further and further away from the fire, and thus suffered from

h u n g e r and cold, while their "houses" i n the cemetery crumbled.

Ultimately the c o n t i n u i t y of the m a t r i l i n e a l clan, which was the

core of the T l i n g i t sociocultural o r d e r , d e p e n d e d upon t h e human

ability t o remember t h e a n c e s t o r s (Kan, 1986:200).

De Laguna (personal comunication, M.F. Guedon) e x p l a i n e d

that you don't need a potlatch to be g i v e n i n honor o f the

deceased i n order for their spirit to be reincarnated. The

potlatch cleared the s o c i a l position of the deceased so t h a t the

position c o u l d t h e n be filled again. It also cleared the debts

of the deceased so t h a t h e / s h e w o u l d f e e l free t o move away. But

she claims that this did not interfere with nor did it

facilitate reincarnation. However, she n o t e s that you d i d need a

body (corpse) i n order that a memorial p o t l a t c h ( i . e . feast for

the dead) be held. Without a body, you may still have a feast,

but i t is primarily an o c c a s i o n to introduce an heir who has

t a k e n on the "noble" name, o r a new chief as t h e c a s e may be.

The next chapter w i l l deal with the T l i n g i t beliefs about the

souls of t h e s e a n c e s t o r s and how they are r e l a t e d , both socially

and spiritually, to the T l i n g i t concept of the individual.

30
 CHAPTER I I

SPIRITS AND SOURCES OF POWER

"Night is the tine for ghosts, spirits and animals; i f man is to triumph over them he must
perform the first crucial acts of ritual before raven's cries herald the approach of dawn. If
he is to escape from the land of the dead back to that of the living, he must hurry and reach
home before the raven calls" (de Laguna, 1972;835}.

TLINGIT VIEWS OF THE BODY AND SOUL

In o r d e r to establish a connection between the T l i n g i t

potlatch and the land otter complex, i t i simportant t o know

about t h e i r belief i n s o u l s and spirits. Reincarnation beliefs

were based on the idea that there are essential parts of the

individual which s u r v i v e a f t e r death. The p o t l a t c h was a way o f

ensuring that these aspects of the individual were r e l e a s e d o f

all obligations to the l i v i n g . The belief i n land otter

'capture' of lost o r drowned p e r s o n s was a means o f d e a l i n g with

those who were n o t a v a i l a b l e f o r the ceremonial disposal of the

body. Still, a p o t l a t c h was g i v e n , and a t memorial f e a s t s food

was p u t i n t o the water f o r them, n o t i n t o the fire, as f o r the

o r d i n a r y dead. The shaman, who was c a p a b l e of retrieving lost

souls, was t h e o n l y means o f rescue available t o those captured

by land otters. He r e l i e d on s p i r i t helpers o r yek t o h e l p e d h i m

in this retrieval of waylaid s o u l s . There i s a connection between

these yek and the souls of dead i n d i v i d u a l s which t h i s chapter

will explore.

The Tlingit conceived of the individual person as having

three aspects: 1) t h e body; 2) a virtually sexless immortal

spirit or s o u l which i s reincarnated in a series of bodies, yet

leaves behind some g h o s t l y essence with the corpse; and 3) the

name o r names w h i c h i n d i c a t e and/or e s t a b l i s h personal and social

identity (De Laguna, 1974:7 5 8 ) .

The body was v i e w e d as essentially a covering f o r the spirit

or "soul". I t was left permanently behind i n death or c o u l d be

left temporarily while in a trance o r coma. The p h y s i c a l body

was r e f e r r e d t o as 'me around b l a n k e t ' or 'my surrounding flesh'

and the Tlingit term for 'flesh' and 'blanket' are identical

(ibid.). In m y t h i c t i m e s , the ancestors were s a i d to be able to

don the s k i n of an animal and thus transform into that animal.

De Laguna (ibid.:823) indicates that all animals could once

transform into anthropomorphic form, but now only land otter can

do so. In t h e myths the fur of the animals was s e e n as the

blankets they wore i n t h e i r earlier human f o r m .

A succinct explanation of the r e l a t i o n between t h e corporeal

and the noncorporeal attributes of the body as p e r c e i v e d by the

Tlingit, is o f f e r e d by Kan (1986:196). In h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f

their theory o f p e r s o n h o o d , he i n d i c a t e s t h a t the Tlingit made a

clear distinction between the temporary physical attributes,

w h i c h he labels the " o u t s i d e " and t h e more permanent corporeal

and noncorporeal ones, which he refers t o as the "inside". The

former i n c l u d e d the skin and flesh, which were seen as the

surface reflection of the social identity and the emotional state

32
of the person. C e r e m o n i a l g a r m e n t s were a l s o considered another

layer of the "outside" representation of social identity.

Althought they were concerned with the appearance of the

"outside", the "inside", which c o n s i s t e d o f bones and several

spiritual entities, was perceived as a more s i g n i f i c a n t element

that c o n t r o l l e d the "outside" (ibid.).

T L I N G I T ESCHATOLOGY

According to Swanton (1908a:460), the soul of a living

person was called qatuwu' or wa'sa-tu'wati ("what feels"),

"because when a person's feeling i s gone he i s dead." In the

story o f Kaka r e c o u n t e d f o r de Laguna (1974:749) by an informant,

the shaman "loses his feeling" when he threatens the land otter

p e o p l e and t h u s c a n n o t harm them. This may only mean a kind of

paralysis set in, or more likely i n the context of Swanton's

definition, it may suggest a kind of symbolic death and a

consequent l o s s o f power f o r t h e hero.

Kan interprets cremation as the means o f s e p a r a t i n g the

polluted flesh of the deceased, which i s no longer c o n t r o l l e d by

the " i n s i d e " , from the pure bones. T h i s released the noncorporeal

entities of the "inside". After the cremation, the bones were

"dressed" i n blankets and placed inside a "house" i n t h e "village

of the dead". The spiritual entities t h a t were r e l e a s e d included

a ghost that dwelled with the bones, a s p i r i t which dwelled in a

33
 noncorporeal replica o f the house o f the deceased i n the d i s t a n t

s'igeeekaawu aani, located i n the i n t e r i o r , and another spirit

that returned t o t h i s world t o be r e i n c a r n a t e d i na matrilineal

descendant o f the deceased. 1

The c r e m a t i o n fire thus h e l p e d t h e

spirit on i t s j o u r n e y into the a f t e r l i f e , while thefireplace i n

the house served as t h e medium o f communication between t h e

living and t h e i r departed matrikin, who consumed t h e food and

gifts put into i t by the l i v i n g (ibid.).

Swanton (cited i n de L a g u n a , 1974;749) a l s o indicates that

the T l i n g i t made a d i s t i n c t i o n between t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s of souls

(

that are associated with a person. Besides theindwelling soul

of the l i v i n g person, after death there was one called

yu'kgwahe'yak, or else qayahayi, w h i c h means "shadow" a n d i s a l s o

t h e word f o r p i c t u r e . The t h i r d category i s the s p i r i t of the

d e a d body that was called s.'a'gi which i s also applied to the

p l a c e where s o u l s go after death, sa'gi qa'wu ani ( " g h o s t s '

home"). T h i s was a happy region, elevated above t h e p l a n e o f

t h i s world. T h e r e was a h o u s e t h e r e c a l l e d Sleep h o u s e ( t a hit)

where p e o p l e rested. 2

1
Actually the Tlingit believed that a person possessed more than the three spiritual
entities mentioned by Kan, but he feels that they are the most important ones. Like the rest of
their cosmology, Tlingit beliefs about the spirit are sketchy and often contradictory. The
information in this chapter is an attempt to form a composite illustration of their beliefs drawing
from the principal ethnographic sources (Swanton, Emmons, De Laguna and Kan).

1
This implies that this was not an eternal place for the soul to dwell, but rather a
temporary respite in the journey of the soul after death. The ultimate goal was to be reincarnated
as a result of the proper treatment of the soul by the descendants residing in the village - i.e.
potlatching and passing on the name to appropriate heirs. There were techniques for insuring that a

34
 The next higher r e g i o n , known as ki'waa ("way up") according

to Swanton, was where t h o s e who d i e d by v i o l e n c e were s a i d to go.

Access to this u p p e r r e g i o n was by a single hole c a l l e d andaqe'n

wul, w h i c h was reached by a ladder. As we saw in the last

chapter, persons who died by violence but were n o t properly

avenged or compensated for in a peace or "deer" ceremony, were

refused entry according to c e r t a i n myths and had to d r i f t with

the clouds. Of particular interest to t h i s present study is a

third region said t o be f o r those who had d i e d by drowning, which

was l o c a t e d below the plane of the earth (perhaps in the ocean

since food for spirits there had t o be put into the water).

W i t c h e s and other e v i l d o e r s went t o Yel qiwaqawo (Raven's home)

where i t seems that there was little chance of being

reincarnated. The Tlingit claimed to have l e a r n e d about a l l of

these regions f r o m men who had d i e d and returned to l i f e again

(Swanton, 1908a:461).

De Laguna's e x p l a n a t i o n of the T l i n g i t concept of the soul's

journey after death is somewhat d i f f e r e n t and i s summarized in

Table I. She clarifies Swanton's ambiguous d e s c r i p t i o n of the

realm for evildoers:

'Dog Heaven' (Aretl kiwa'a) i s r a t h e r s i m i l a r t o H e l l as

we i m a g i n e i t , a c o n c e p t with which the T l i n g i t are
f a m i l a r and which they c a l l the 'place below' (hayi).
Yet Dog Heaven appears to represent an a b o r i g i n a l
concept of some antiquity and i s l o c a t e d a b o v e , n o t
u n d e r , t h e e a r t h (de L a g u n a , 1974:771).

particular individual would come back to a specific woman (see.De Laguna, 1974:777).

35
 There i s c o n f u s i o n here e n g e n d e r e d by the m i s s i o n a r y concept

of a Biblical Hell, but the T l i n g i t informants insisted that they

had their own concept of a separate, intermediary sky realm where

those who stole, murdered, committed suicide, mistreated animals

or p r a c t i s e d w i t c h c r a f t would have t o stay "floatfingj up into

the sky and mov[ing] around with the clouds (ibid.)- Reincarnat-

ion was not p o s s i b l e s i n c e , as de Laguna s a y s , "the h o r r o r of Dog

Heaven i s due i n p a r t to the mystery t h a t surrounds i t , since no

one i s b e l i e v e d t o have r e t u r n e d t o t e l l about i t " (ibid.).

Another p o i n t of confusion is Swanton's contention that

those who d i e d unavenged c o u l d not climb the l a d d e r which gave

access t o Kiwa'a through a hole in the sky, gus wul ("cloud

hole"). De Laguna's informant indicated t h a t when a p e r s o n was

to d i e , the souls in Kiwa'a would know in advance, and his

relatives up t h e r e would t r y to cover up the h o l e . I f they were

successful, the death could be prevented. When they were not

successful, the person would d i e and e n t e r Kiwa'a. The reason

given f o r the lack of success was that "the opposite tribe

(moiety) always try to open the way...They want more o f the

others i n there" (ibid.). Presumably, the m o t i v a t i o n for this

was an assurance, of receiving g r e a t e r wealth as repayment for

funeral services at the ensuing potlatches. This place was

known a b o u t from those who had b e e n s l a i n and later reincarnated,

most o f t h o s e who went t h e r e w i s h e d t o s t a y t h e r e b e c a u s e " i t was

a happy w o r l d f r o m w h i c h t h e w i c k e d were e x c l u d e d " (ibid.).

 Table 1 Tlingit Eschatology

DEATH SPIRIT - SOUL - ANCESTOR FOOD FOR LEVEL OF

CATEGORY (location of) DEPARTED AFTER-WORLD

Violent: Kiwa'a - L a n d Above f ire above

war, a n i m a l sky
accident (northern l i g h t s are vault
(cremated) s p i r i t s p l a y i n g games)

Gus Wul
"cloud hole"
- g u a r d e d b y watchmen-

Witches, Ketl K i w a ' a -"Dog Heaven air

Malefactors
(often ( s p i r i t s i n the a i r
killed) w i t h nowhere t o go)
No r e i n c a r n a t i o n ?

Sege qawu g ' a n i fire land,

"ordinary " g h o s t town" surface
death" a c r o s s the water
-s i c k n e s s , o r deep i n f o r e s t
o l d age. behind v i l l a g e

LIVING PERSON<--< — <—REINCARNATION—< — <(. DEAD PERSON

Kucda 'anika
"on t o p o f l a n d o t t e r s '
v i l l a g e " =smoke h o l e ?
drowned o r --not d e a d — water water,
lost i n below
woods Kucda Qwani
{body l o s t ) "Land O t t e r S p i r i t s "

A d a p t e d f r o m L o v e j o y , 1984.

37
 In a l l o f t h e s t o r i e s about people r e i n c a r n a t e d f r o m Kiwa'a.,

the returned p e r s o n was either forbidden access or was sent back

to earth because of some t r a n s g r e s s i o n of the rules there (de

Laguna, 1974:772-774). This r e i n f o r c e s the idea that i t was an

exclusive and desirable place to stay. Since entry was limited

t o t h o s e who had died i n b a t t l e upholding the valor and status of

their clan, i t would appear t h a t t h i s was a d e s i r a b l e goal in the

cyclical process of reincarnation. In other words, Tlingit

individuals seemed t o be subject to a continuous c y c l e of r e b i r t h

until they reached the ideal status of being a hero killed in

battle, at which point they could remain i n Kiwa'a i f they

adhered to the rules there. Yet, there was a great deal of

flexibility in this and a l l other aspects of the afterlife and

the spirit world since Tlingit beliefs are such a juxtaposition

of often contradictory statements.

It is uncertain whether those taken by the Land O t t e r Men

could be reincarnated. De Laguna's informant illustrated the

contradictory nature of this i s s u e when he told her that "after

t h e y d i e as kucda qa, then they are reborn" and later ventured

that "after two years the kucda (land otters) l e t them go. De

Laguna 1972; 777) notes that the names of those who drowned and

whose b o d i e s were n e v e r r e c o v e r e d were s t i l l given to c h i l d r e n at

Yakutat. Although t h i s indicates a belief that the drowned were

reborn, she admits that there i s also a notion that these people

are i n some way still among t h e Land O t t e r People (ibid.).

38
 SHAMANS AND S P I R I T HELPERS

De; L a g u n a t e l l s us that, apart from the indwelling "soul"

that was a s s o c i a t e d with a person's names, t h e T l i n g i t a l s o had a

concept of a personal guardian spirit which they called 'ax kina

yek or 'My Spirit Above'. According t o Veniaminov, each person

had h i s own kina yek, which always stayed with him. I f the

person was wicked or impure, the spirit would l e a v e or k i l l them.

As the T l i n g i t said, "If I do evil, my ax kina yek will slay

me." In times of misfortune or s i c k n e s s , however, t h e y prayed

for help "to the c h i e f yek who belongs t o some renowned o r famed

shaman" (de L a g u n a , 1972:813).

While these personal guardian spirits seemed t o be always

available to h e l p the individual, the shaman's s p i r i t s , or yek,

had to be invoked directly each time s o m e t h i n g was desired.

T h e r e were s a i d t o be a g r e a t number o f t h e s e yek who controlled

the weather, health, success in war, and many o t h e r human

undertakings. As Swanton d e s c r i b e s :

The number o f s p i r i t s w i t h w h i c h t h e w o r l d was peopled

was s i m p l y l i m i t l e s s . A c c o r d i n g t o K a t i s h a n , t h e r e was
one principal and several subordinate spirits in
e v e r y t h i n g , and this idea seems t o be r e p r e s e n t e d i n
shaman's masks, each of which represents one main
s p i r i t and u s u a l l y c o n t a i n s e f f i g i e s o f s e v e r a l s p i r i t s
as w e l l . T h e r e i s s a i d t o have b e e n a s p i r i t i n every
t r a i l on w h i c h one t r a v e l e d , and one a r o u n d e v e r y f i r e ;
one was c o n n e c t e d w i t h e v e r y t h i n g one d i d . So i n o l d e n
times people were a f r a i d o f e m p l o y i n g t r i f l i n g words
because they thought t h a t e v e r y t h i n g was f u l l o f eyes
looking at them and ears listening to what they
s a i d . " (1908:452)

39
 Swanton m e n t i o n s t h e T l i n g i t belief that the Sun and the

Moon were t h e abode o f d e c e a s e d spirits, the s t a r s their houses,

and that t h e N o r t h e r n L i g h t s were t h e s o u l s o f t h e d e a d . He also

indicated that the wind, sea, bays, rivers, lakes, swamps,

glaciers, hot s p r i n g s , m o u n t a i n s and many o t h e r p l a c e s were felt

to contain spirits. These s p i r i t s or animating s o u l s became the

familiars of the ixt who sought t h e v a r i o u s powers t h a t these yek

controlled. De Laguna (1972:812) e s t i m a t e s t h a t t h e yek must

have been i n n u m e r a b l e and m i g h t be o b t a i n e d by t h e shamans from

almost anything. However, the most powerful helpers were

obtained from animals, b i r d s or f i s h which the shaman encounters

and whose tongue he collected to secure the power. 3

The yek

would then e n t e r the body o f the ixt during a seance, when he

.fell into a trance and uttered i t s ' animal cry. He could also

animate a piece of h i s p a r a p h e r n a l i a with t h i s power, o r send i t

on a j o u r n e y t o s e e what was happening f a r away. I f h i s yek was

overcome by that of another shaman, the "master" of the

vanquished yek may die. After the death o f an ixt, his yek

remained near the grave, ready to come t o t h e nephew or other

matrilineal relative who was d e s t i n e d t o become t h e s u c c e s s o r .

The Tlingit shaman's a b i l i t y to p r a c t i s e his profession was

based on h i s c o n t r o l o f t h e s e yek. The first, and most important

3
Land otter tongues are felt to be the strongest source of shamanic power. As we will see
in Chapter III, the shaman will ideally cut eight tongues and thus obtain eight spirit helpers. De
Laguna ( 1954;180) claims that other men (presumably non-shamans) might obtain lesser power from one
tongue.

40
yek sought by a shaman was the land o t t e r . The r a n k a n d power o f

the ixt was d e p e n d e n t on t h e number of these spirits he h a d u n d e r

his control a n d on h i s a b i l i t y t o demonstrate h i s power a t p u b l i c

meetings and h e a l i n g seances. Since mythic times, t h e yek h a d

been the s e r v a n t s o f the s u p e r n a t u r a l b e i n g s who c o n t r o l l e d the

forces of nature. The ixt a c t e d as a mediator to balance the

power and. m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l of these forces for the b e n e f i t of

humankind.

Since the yek h a d t o be i n v o k e d e a c h time t h e y were n e e d e d ,

the ixt u s e d various paraphernalia that were e s s e n t i a l to this

purpose. When p e r f o r m i n g , he wore a s e r i e s of special garments

and a c c e s s o r i e s w h i c h a l l o w e d him t o impersonate, i n succession,

each of h i s several yek t h a t came t o him. De L a g u n a (1972:687),

indicates that this impersonation was most effective when masks

were worn, but that many o t h e r i t e m s decorated with carvings or

paintings representing additional attendant spirits, were also

worn a n d felt to be f i l l e d w i t h power. The land otter was a

prominent m o t i f on many o f t h e s e o b j e c t s . Some T l i n g i t ixt owned

sets of masks, each of which expressed the i d e n t i t y of the

individual yek. The masks were the p h y s i c a l representations of

the yek. By w e a r i n g a mask, o r by w e a r i n g and m a n i p u l a t i n g other

special paraphe r n a l i a , the ixt was able to access t h e power

associated with a p a r t i c u l a r yek.

41
 Most o f the T l i n g i t shaman's masks are r e a l i s t i c and many

are reported to represent dead persons. De Laguna (1972;692)

believes t h e y - a l l do, and suggests that i n many c a s e s t h e mask

may be the p o r t r a i t of a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i d u a l . Tlingit shamans

were p r e o c c u p i e d with death and spirits. A frequently occuring

motif on t h e s e masks i s t h e d e p i c t i o n o f a drowning man turning

into a land otter. This process of transformation d i d not take

place immediately f o r t h o s e who had b e e n c a p t u r e d by land otters.

De Laguna (1972; 749, cf. Myth 2, A p p e n d i x I) t e l l s the s t o r y of

Qaka's a u n t , who had b e e n among land otters f o r some time, and

was covered in fur except for her face. Qaka, who had been

c a p t u r e d more r e c e n t l y , d i d n o t have much f u r on h i s body. His

still human hands and f e e t were b r u i s e d , and h i s mouth t o r n from

the land otter's diet of raw codfish. This partial

transformation from human t o animal is portrayed in Fig. 1 and

depicts the s p i r i t o f a drowned man as a l a n d o t t e r with a human

countenance b u t h e a v y m o u s t a c h e and b e a r d of bear fur. According

t o t h e myths c i t e d by de Laguna (1972;749) the pursed lips are

associated with a mouth full of c o d f i s h bones. Another feature

on many of the masks that suggests the land otter i s the

occurence o f a mammalian, o t t e r - l i k e , slightly upturned nose that

is distinctive on known l a n d o t t e r masks, and not found anywhere

else (see F i g . 2). On some o f t h e masks, l a n d otters in their

full animal form are depicted (see F i g . 3 ) .

42
43
Fig. 2 L a n d O t t e r Mask
Emmons, AMNH 19/87 3
A. Sawyer, A r c h i v e

44
Fig. 3. C h i l k a t Shaman's Mask
Emmons, FM 78147
A. Sawyer, A r c h i v e

45
 The masks a n d o t h e r paraphernalia (and therefore t h e yek

that were associated with them), were i n h e r i t e d from a maternal

u n c l e o r an o l d e r brother. Some shamans o b t a i n e d new ones o f

their own, and i n r a r e c a s e s , even i n h e r i t e d from their father.

But t h e u s u a l c u s t o m was that the yek, each of which had a

personal name, a special song, and a s s o c i a t e d regalia i n the

costume; o f t h e ixt, was p a s s e d on f r o m one shaman t o another i n

the m a t r i l i n e a l line (Oberg, 1973; 1 7 ) . Some o f t h e yek were

associated with certain sibs and were said to belong to a

particular region. However, t h e y were o f t e n u s e d b y ixt o f o t h e r

sibs i n other regions. There were a l s o spirits that belong t o no

s i b w h i c h w o u l d a i d anyone who c o u l d g e t i n t o u c h w i t h them.

According to Veniaminov (cited i n De L a g u n a , 1972;835) t h e

yek or s p i r i t s associated with Tlingit shamans can be d i v i d e d

into three classes: 1) The K i y e g i o r "upper spirits" who l i v e i n

the sky and manifest themselves as northern lights; 2) The

T a k y e g i who live "somewhere on t h e m a i n l a n d " ; a n d 3) The T e k y e g i

who a r e " w a t e r s p i r i t s " . The K i y e g i , or spirits above, are the

souls of human b e i n g s who have been s l a i n i n battle, and they

appear t o t h e shaman a s f u l l y armed w a r r i o r s . The T a k y e g i are the

g h o s t s who have d i e d o r d i n a r y deaths, and t h e y appear before the

shaman " i n t h e g u i s e o f l a n d a n i m a l s , " s u c h a s t h e w o l f , i n which

case i t w o u l d be c a l l e d a Wolf yek. The T e k y e g i take t h e form o f

sea animals, such as whales, killerwhales, e t c . "Water spirits"

might a l s o be t h e g h o s t s o f t h o s e who have drowned.

 Although the ixt was able to call on t h e power o f h i s yek

when n e e d e d , he a l s o h a d t o be s u r e that he was in control of

that spirit. A prerequisite to b e c o m i n g an ixt was t h a t an

individual possess the c l a r i t y o f mind a n d body and t h e s t a m i n a

to c a r r y out the necessary r i t u a l s . He h a d t o a l w a y s be on g u a r d

against t h e p o t e n t i a l d a n g e r s o f an e v i l yek or a rival shaman.

The fear of possession by e v i l spirits kept t h e ixt c o n s t a n t l y on

his guard and a l s o k e p t o t h e r p e o p l e i n fear o f him. As we will

see in the next chapter, the spirits of land o t t e r s were

particularly feared, and o n l y the shaman was able to r e t r i e v e

someone who h a d b e e n t a k e n away by them.

47
 CHAPTER I I I

THE TLINGIT SHAMAN

"There was a man who had no arms, so Raven thought he would be a shaman and cure him. This is
how the Tlingit came to have shamans, After there was death he showed them how to dance over
the body placed in the middle of the floor" (Swanton, Tale 31 p.84).

THE NATURE OF THE SHAMAN

The shaman has b e e n characterized as an i n d i v i d u a l who has

control of various techniques of ecstasy. 1

According to Eliade

(1964:4), the shaman is a specialist i n inducing a trance state

during which the s o u l is believed to leave his/her body and

ascend to the sky or descend to the underworld. In t h i s state

they a t t a i n the help of " s p i r i t " entities who will augment their

powers. As we have s e e n , these s p i r i t s , o r yek i n t h e c a s e o f

the Tlingit, t a k e many forms, v i s i b l e and i n v i s i b l e , human a n d

non-human. This chapter w i l l examine t h e s o c i a l character of the

Tlingit shaman and h i s p l a c e within t h e community. It will also

look at the manner in w h i c h t h e shaman i n t e r a c t s w i t h spirit

helpers i n terms o f inheritance of power, t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s of

witchcraft, and t h e dangers o f s p i r i t intrusion.

A shaman d i f f e r s from a p o s s e s s e d p e r s o n i n that he, o r s h e ,

controls the " s p i r i t s " and i s t h u s a b l e to communicate w i t h them

without becoming their instrument. This channelling o f power

from external forces is generally focused on healing both

1
The literal meaning of ecstasy is to be outside of one's body as a result of a profound
experience or emotion.

48
 physical and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a i l m e n t s b e l i e v e d t o have been imposed

on u n f o r t u n a t e individuals i n t h e community. They a r e subject to

these a i l m e n t s because they have n o t achieved control over the

potentially malevolent spirit forces.

Although the b a s i c elements o f shamanism can be traced in

many p a r t s o f t h e w o r l d , shamanism i s at the same time a highly

individualistic phenomenon, and thus manifests with numerous

variations depending on the p l a c e , the individual, and the social

situation. Northwest Coast shamanism i s no e x c e p t i o n and offers

a multitude of variations on the themes of cosmic journeys,

sacred healing and contact with spirit helpers. A broad survey

of this complex phenomenon i s beyond the scope of t h i s current

work which, as indicated, will f o c u s r a t h e r on the particular

variations w i t h i n the T l i n g i t culture, especially as i t relates

to the Land o t t e r complex. 2

The specific context of Tlingit shamanism and some o f i t s

social ramifications are neatly summarized by de Laguna as

follows:

The shaman i s the i n t e r m e d i a r y between man and t h e

f o r c e s of nature. He cures the sick, c o n t r o l s the
weather, brings success i n war and on the hunt,
f o r e t e l l s t h e f u t u r e , communicates w i t h c o l l e a g u e s a t a
distance, r e c e i v e s news of those who a r e f a r away,
f i n d s and r e s t o r e s t o t h e i r f a m i l i e s t h o s e who a r e l o s t
and captured by the Land Otter Men, reveals and

1
See Grace Jorgenson's 1970 H.A. thesis "A Comparative Examination of Northwest Coast Shamanism"
for a brief review of shamanism as i t manifests among the coastal cultural groups.

49
 overthrows the f i e n d i s h m a c h i n a t i o n s o f w i t c h e s , and
makes p u b l i c d e m o n s t r a t i o n s o f h i s powers i n many awe-
i n s p i r i n g ways. He i s t h e most p o w e r f u l f i g u r e i n h i s
own l i n e a g e , and sometimes e v e n i n h i s s i b . Though h i s
fame may have spread f a r to f o r e i g n t r i b e s , he i s
s e l d o m c o n s u l t e d when t h o s e of h i s own l i n e are s i c k
and d y i n g , f o r these he c a n n o t s a v e . Nor c a n he s a v e
h i s own c h i l d r e n i f t h e y a r e bewitched. His patients
a r e i n e v i t a b l y members o f a n o t h e r s i b , o f t e n r e s i d e n t s
i n another v i l l a g e . His professional rivals may be
c o l l e a g u e s i n any s i b e x c e p t h i s own; h i s most d e a d l y
enemies, l i k e those of any Tlingit, are the,traitor
w i t c h e s which l u r k among h i s c l o s e s t r e l a t i v e s
(de L a g u n a , 1972:670).

Jim Lovejoy (1984:80) r e m i n d s us that this abstract notion

of "forces o f n a t u r e " i s a W e s t e r n i n t e r p o l a t i o n and that f o r the

Tlingit belief system these f o r c e s were viewed as spirits with

which o n l y t h e shaman c o u l d deal. This distinction i s important

since t h e c o s t u m e o f t h e shaman, and especially t h e masks, were

felt to d i s p l a y the particular spirits that were owned by that

shaman, and i n t o w h i c h he was able to transform himself. Tlingit

shamans "owned" many s p i r i t s but one that was common t o a l l , and

i n d e e d , was a prerequisite t o becoming a shaman, was the land

otter spirit.

50
Fig. 4 "Shaman o f t h e Taku Kwan d r e s s e d f o r p r a c t i c e ,
G a s t i n e a u Channel, near Juneau, A l a s k a . "
G.T. Emmons p h o t o , 1888.
A. Sawyer A r c h i v e .

51
 THE ROLE OF THE SHAMAN

According to Swanton ( 1 9 0 8 : 4 6 7 ) , N o r t h w e s t C o a s t shamanism

reached its c l i m a x among the Tlingit. 3

The shaman p l a y e d an

important role in Tlingit society, healing both the i n d i v i d u a l

and t h e community. The T l i n g i t shamans o r ixt were r e s p e c t e d a n d

influential, b u t a l s o d r e a d e d , b e c a u s e t h e y were b e l i e v e d t o have

great supernatural power. Often the shamans of other groups,

s u c h as t h e H a i d a , a t t e m p t e d to gain some o f t h e i r spirit helpers

from t h e T l i n g i t to increase their own p o t e n c y . Swanton (ibid.)

observed that the Tlingit shamans were generally of higher

social rank than those among the Haida. De L a g u n a (1972:670),

indicates that some T l i n g i t ixt a r e h o u s e o r l i n e a g e heads a n d

are o f t e n c l o s e relatives of a chief. Affiliation with other ixt

of high rank, or even an important s t a n d i n g w i t h i n h i s own

l i n e a g e , might h e l p to u p l i f t a shaman's s t a t u s , b u t was not a

necessary or even sufficient condition for attaining h i s own

s p e c i a l , powers. Some ixt were h e l d in high regard a n d demanded

ample r e w a r d s for their services. T h i s made them t h e a l l i e s o f

the w e a l t h y and s o c i a l l y powerful. Yet, i n spite of this, there

was no indication that shamanism i t s e l f was a l u c r a t i v e profess-

ion t h r o u g h w h i c h a p e r s o n m i g h t become r i c h . It did, however,

entail great power and p r e s t i g e w h i c h o f t e n stimulated rivalries

and much j e a l o u s y among shamans.

3
Olson ( 1967 ;207) indicates that Swanton's assertion must be qualified to some extent,-
Swanton's informant had claimed that about 1850 there were 30 shamans among the Tantakwan. Olson
suggests that this was an unintentional exaggeration or that i t represents an exceptional con-
dition. He estimates that there were from five to ten shamans per tribe [qwan] of one thousand.
 The Tlingit shaman, i n common w i t h h i s counterparts i n other

areas, had a vital r e l a t i o n s h i p with animals. L i k e many o t h e r

societies based on h u n t i n g , the T l i n g i t v i e w e d some a n i m a l s as

morally, intellectually, and spiritually superior t o humans.

They f e l t that animals allowed themselves t o be caught by hunters

because they took pity on t h e weak humans. The s o u l o f an animal

was called qwani, which means i n h a b i t a n t s . This followed the

same e t y m o l o g i c a l p a t t e r n t h a t was used f o r people; ie. Sitkaqwan

meant "Sitka-person". The physical body o f an animal was seen as

a cover f o r i t s ' soul or s p i r i t . According to t h e myths, animal

spirits, when a t home, look like people and live i n houses and

villages like human b e i n g s . When visiting humans they could

appear e i t h e r as animals o r as people.

SHAMANIC INHERITANCE

When a shaman d i e d he was not cremated as were a l l o t h e r

members o f T l i n g i t society. Instead, h i s body was taken to a

site far removed from the village and placed i n a specially

constructed grave house along with his paraphernalia. His

attendent spirits, w h i c h were a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h i s masks and other

regalia, remained with the corpse in order to a i d the shaman's

own spirit i n choosing a new successor.

Inheritance was generally matrilineal, with the shaman's

sister's son as the prime c a n d i d a t e , although i f t h e r e were no

suitable clansperson, the spirits c o u l d be passed to a shaman's

own son (Swanton, 1908:466). The recipient was usually a

relative who had come i n contact with the paraphernalia o r come

close to the shaman's body when, as was customary, they were

supervising the construction or repair of his grave house.

Sometimes a successor was named by the spirits before the

shaman's d e a t h , and i n at least one case, they were s a i d to have

c h o s e n a nephew who was r e l u c t a n t about h i s succession, over one

who desired it (Krause, 1956:195). According to the Tlingit,

once an individual was s e l e c t e d by the spirits, a refusal could

mean serious illness and even death. Yet, there were always

those who sought out the spirits or valued their unsolicited

c o m i n g as a great blessing.

Although shamanism was g e n e r a l l y an involuntary calling, the

success with which i t was carried out, the number o f yek involved

and the power of the shaman, a l l d e p e n d e d upon h i m s e l f , his

courage, skill, fortitude, undeviating adherance to taboos, and

finally, to luck (Laguna, 1972:670). I t was important that the

shaman k e p t h i m s e l f a f i t receptacle for his spirits, and in

order to do this he had to maintain a strict regimen of p e r i o d i c

fasting, purging and sexual abstinence. Not e v e r y o n e was capable

of the prolonged feats of endurance expected of a shaman, but

some i n d i v i d u a l s c o u l d still attain a degree of s h a m a n i c power

and skills. For example, a r e l a t i v e o r d e s c e n d a n t may have b e e n

temporarily t o u c h e d by the spirits, o r a nephew may acquire some

power o f h i s own by coming i n contact with h i s uncle's shamanic

objects, but would not pursue the necessary follow-up ritual

practices and thus not r e c e i v e official acknowledgement from the

community. Such individuals with varying degrees of power and

curing abilities tended to b l u r t h e b o u n d a r y between shamans and

laypersons, and a l s o opend up t h e possibility of witchcraft and

other forms o f m a l i c i o u s social interaction.

DEALING WITH WITCHCRAFT

An important element i n the T l i n g i t belief system regarding

their view o f i l l n e s s and shamanic healing was the idea that

witches could cause s i c k n e s s in a vindictive and c a l l o u s manner.

Shamans were o f t e n a s k e d t o e x p o s e w i t c h e s who were b e l i e v e d to

be the source of such an i l l n e s s . T h e s e w i t c h e s were called

nakutsati and were s u p p o s e d to have learned their skills for

harming others f r o m Raven w h i l e he l i v e d on e a r t h . The context

of witches i n Tlingit society is expressed in the following

d e s c r i p t i o n by Laguna:

The w i t c h was f e a r e d and l o a t h e d b e c a u s e t h e r e was no

a n t i s o c i a l , e v i l or unatural act of w h i c h he was n o t
believed capable: dishonesty, shamelessness, incest,
m y s t e r i o u s powers o f locomotion or of bodily trans-
f o r m a t i o n and, above a l l , c o r r o d i n g s p i t e and j e a l o u s y
t h a t made him c a u s e the i l l n e s s or death o f t h o s e he
e n v i e d (1972:728).

These loathsome and dangerous beings were often local

villagers or even relatives who were believed to have been

recruited by other witches. They c a u s e d d i s e a s e by obtaining

55
something from the person they wished t o harm s u c h as some h a i r ,

nail parings, bits of clothing or f o o d l e a v i n g s over which they

performed ritual maledictions. They were a l s o felt t o be capable

of injecting foreign objects into their v i c t i m ' s body and causing

illness i n t h a t manner. U n l i k e t h e shaman, witches d i d not use

spirit power or yek to help effect their manipulations, but

rather relied on the p r o p e r t i e s of the ingredients or m a t e r i a l s

t h e y were u s i n g .

In o r d e r t o e f f e c t a c u r e o f someone who was thought t o have

been bewitched, t h e shaman, with the help of relatives and his

assistants, performed a variety of acts: singing, dancing,

shaking of r a t t l e s , beating of drums, bodily gestures and the

manipulation of h i s p o t e n t power o b j e c t s s u c h as charms, batons,

k n i v e s and amulets. He also massaged the ailing part of the

v i c t i m ' s body, attempted t o suck o u t any disease-inducing object

and finally, most i m p o r t a n t of a l l , he d e t e r m i n e d w h i c h member o f

the person's s i b performed the witchcraft.

Krause (1956:200) tells us that the accused person, i f not

p r o t e c t e d by powerful relatives, was seized, had his hands tied

t o g e t h e r b e h i n d h i s b a c k , and was dragged t o a s e c l u d e d hut where

he was kept without food or d r i n k u n t i l he admitted his guilt, or

was tortured until he died. Formerly the r e l a t i v e s o f someone

accused of w i t c h c r a f t were s u p p o s e d to k i l l him i n order to avoid

having such a dangerous individual in their k i n group. If

56
someone o f h i g h c l a s s was suspected of w i t c h c r a f t , his relatives

would t r y to persuade him to cure the sick person because they

were r e l u c t a n t t o s e i z e and kill him. Once a witch admited

guilt, i t was b e l i e v e d t h a t the p a t i e n t would r e c o v e r (ibid.).

Witchcraft and s o r c e r y a c c u s a t i o n s were made a g a i n s t people

who were v i e w e d as sources of social disorder. According to

Gould (1973:41), the high incidence of these a c c u s a t i o n s can be

linked up with the ambiguity of the flexible and h i g h l y compet-

itive Tlingit ranking system. She maintains that this also

accounts f o r the c l o s e a l l i a n c e between shamans and chiefs i n the

political sphere as evidenced by these two examples:

Often there may be one sib in t h e community

outstanding in size, wealth, and the rank of i t s
leading chief. The most i m p o r t a n t shaman i s u s u a l l y
h i s c l o s e r e l a t i v e , and t h i s < s i b would be t h e most
influential political factor in the community (de
L a g u n a , 1952:6 ) .

...in alliance with a chief he [the shaman] may

r e g u l a t e much s o c i a l p o l i c y w i t h i n the s i b
( M c C l e l l a n , 1954:95).

Thus a c c u s a t i o n s of w i t c h c r a f t may be seen as a means o f

resolving the ambiguity of competition for p o s i t i o n s of social

power and p r e s t i g e , and the a l l i a n c e o f yitsai and ixt functioned

to maintain social order.

57
 SPIRIT INTRUSION

The actual healing power of Tlingit shamans was o f an

ambivalent nature. I t c o u l d be f o c u s e d on h e a l i n g and h e l p i n g

individuals a n d t h e community, o r a s a r e s u l t of thecontact with

malignant spirits, i t might also focus on c a u s i n g s i c k n e s s and

general disruption of the social harmony. Shamans were thus

sometimes so dreaded that whenever a person came across a

shaman's h o u s e built i n t h e woods he: " f e a r e d he w o u l d become

sick and have h i s belly grow large. Then o n l y another shaman

could c u r e h i m (Swanton, 1908:467)". i

This infection by the spirit of a shaman m a n i f e s t e d as an

illness, even i n one who was actively seeking spirit power.

Unwilling recipients always had a hard time unless t h e power was

accepted and c o n t r o l l e d , u s u a l l y with t h e h e l p o f a shaman. This

c o n d i t i o n was c a l l e d 'anelsin ('hiding, or, i t hides inside') and

was c o n c e i v e d as something a c t u a l l y inside t h e body (de L a g u n a ,

1972:674). According t o de L a g u n a ' s i n f o r m a n t , t h e c o n d i t i o n was

caused by t h e p r i m a r y spirit of t h e shaman, kucda yek, or land

otter spirit. This spirit was a c t i v e l y sought by t h e n o v i c e

shaman who, i n a c c e p t i n g t h i s spirit intrusion, had t o e f f e c t the

proper " c u r e " w h i c h was " t o go o u t i n t h e woods and c u t a tongue"

1
According to Laguna (1972;674 ), gallstones and tuiors Here attributed to inadvertant or
unauthorized contact with shamanic equipment. Such growths took the form of the shaman's para-
phernalia which had been handled, but ma; not manifest themselves until years later, when they might
or might not be removed by another shaman.

58
(ibid.) of an a n i m a l from which t h e new shaman d e r i v e d power.

Other individuals who inadvertently encountered a shaman's grave

or his paraphernalia were subject to 'anelsin, but since they

were n o t a c t i v e l y s e e k i n g t h e power, t h e c o n d i t i o n m a n i f e s t e d as

gallstones o r tumors, which may n o t show up u n t i l years later.

No one would e a t a n y t h i n g near t h e g r a v e house o f a shaman

for f e a r o f becoming s e r i o u s l y ill, or even dying. Whenever

anyone p a s s e d near a shaman's g r a v e i n a canoe, he w o u l d lower

f o o d and four p i e c e s of tobacco into the s e a and offer a short

prayer (Swanton, 1908:467; cf. Olson, 1962:211). A similar

action of p l a c i n g food into the sea for individuals who had

drowned, and thus been ' t a k e n ' by land otters, reinforces the

c o n n e c t i o n between shamans and the latter.

There was g r e a t danger involved in a p p r o a c h i n g a shaman's

g r a v e house or i n t o u c h i n g h i s p a r a p h e r n a l i a f o r t h o s e who were

n o t a u t h o r i z e d t o do so, or for anyone who was not ritually

prepared. Only select members of the opposite moiety were

allowed, t o b u i l d or repair a shaman's grave house, while a

potential successor could only supervise. One o f de Laguna's

informants stressed that i t was dangerous t o go n e a r such a p l a c e

"because something g e t s i n you and makes you d i e s o o n . You have

to prepare, get ready, t o go n e a r , by k e e p i n g away f r o m women,

and not eating for four or eight days." This same i n f o r m a n t

guessed that this affected I n d i a n s because they b e l i e v e d i ni t ,

but not Whites because they "don't get s c a r e d " (de Laguna,

1972:674).

One o f t h e e f f e c t s of the f e a r caused by n a t i v e beliefs in

t h e power of the shaman was t h a t t h e equipment which was placed

i n h i s g r a v e was n e v e r t o u c h e d e x c e p t i n r e s p e c t by a sanctioned

caretaker o r by a h o p e f u l s u c c e s s o r . Chapter IV w i l l e x p l o r e the

social and p s y c h o l o g i c a l implications of t h i s fear, the- T l i n g i t

beliefs about land otters a n d some o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the

animal itself.

60
 CHAPTER IV

PERCEPTIONS OF LAND OTTER

"It was believed by a l l the Tlingit that those who were drowned turned into Otter men, hair
came out over the body, the arms shortened into the otter's fore paws, a small tail appeared, and
they ran wild in the world about the sea shore. When people were upset in their canoes on the water
these spirits assumed the appearance of their friends and came to them offering assistance, but in
truth they only wished to cause them to drown and have them become as themselves" (Emmons, Field
Museum, Note 77884).

THE POWER OF LAND OTTER

This chapter w i l l l o o k a t t h e c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n shamans and

otters and also examine how some o f t h e traits of the o t t e r may

have l e d t o t h i s association. L i k e many o f t h e i r other Northwest

Coast neighbors, the T l i n g i t believed that land otters or k'ucda,

had t h e power t o t r a n s f o r m t h e m s e l v e s so that they l o o k e d human

and to possess or " t a k e away" t h e minds o f p e o p l e who succumbed

to t h e i r dangerous enticements. Symptoms o f t h i s p o s s e s s i o n were

dizziness, fainting spells, bleeding a t the nose, spontaneous

singing and abberations in social and psychological behavior.

Land o t t e r possession could cause a person's death i f not cured

by a shaman.

Any Tlingit who d i e d by d r o w n i n g o r any o t h e r means by which

a body was not recovered, was b e l i e v e d t o have b e e n t a k e n by land

otter people o r k'ucda qwani. T h e s e k'ucda qwani a p p e a r e d i n the

guise of f r i e n d s or r e l a t i v e s who l e d the drowning or l o s t person

back t o t h e i r village and then offered him or her food or sexual

favors. Unless these unfortunates were r e s c u e d by a shaman

61
 before eating or partaking o f sexual liasons, they would i n t u r n

be transformed into land otters. Only a shaman c o u l d "see" a

person i nthis "crazy" s t a t e and thus be a b l e t o rescue them. He

w o u l d do t h i s b y h o l d i n g a s e a n c e t o communicate w i t h the s p i r i t s

just a s he m i g h t when h e a l i n g a s i c k person. W h i l e s i n g i n g , he

would p u t food into t h e water or into the f i r e a s was done f o r

someone who h a s d i e d . According t o Swanton (1908:364), t h e f i r e

served a s " a medium o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n between t h e two w o r l d s " that

of o r d i n a r y people and t h a t o f supernatural beings, while water

was used to communicate with people who had drowned.

Symbolicically, t h e f o o d was t r a n s f e r r e d t o t h e " c a p t u r e d " person

so that he w o u l d n o t have t o e a t the food o f t h e k'ucda qwani.

Just as a dead person m i g h t be b r o u g h t b a c k t o t h e realm of the

living b y r e i n c a r n a t i o n , one who was p o s s e s s e d i n t h i s manner may

a l s o be r e t u r n e d from the realm o f t h e k'ucda qwani. But the

shaman h a d t o work f a s t , before the lost human became i r r e v o c a b l y

committed t o t h e o t h e r world. O n l y shamans were a b l e to survive

land otter possession. Some actually sought the state of

possession i n order to c a l l upon t h e power o f t h e a n i m a l , either

by s o n g , b y w e a r i n g a mask, o r b y o t h e r psycho-sensory means. 1

1
The effects of drumming, chanting and other methods of repetitious sensory stimulation are
known to induce trance states which ma; facilitate the 'inner' journey a shaman takes in order to
effect a cure or contact a spirit helper. The sound of the drum acts as a focusing device for the
shaman. This creates an atmosphere of concentration and resolve which enables h i i to sink deeper
into trance ae he shifts his attention to the inner journey of the spirit (Drury:1982;8).

62
 LAND OTTERS AND SHAMANS

The connection between l a n d o t t e r s a n d shamans i s r e f l e c t e d

in t h e Raven c y c l e of Tlingit mythology. Raven was a trickster

and a culture hero who s e t the world into i t s current state.

Raven d e t e r m i n e d the h a b i t s o f the land otters a s he h a d done

with the birds and fish and other animals. A t one p o i n t i n

Tlingit m y t h o l o g i c a l time, there was a great flood which Raven

avoided by hanging onto a cloud. 2

When t h e w a t e r s subsided,

Raven, b e i n g e x h a u s t e d , fell back to earth. F o r t u n a t e l y , he

"landed" a t seai n a bed o f kelp. Here he was a i d e d b y l a n d

o t t e r s who t o o k him safely to shore. Swanton h a s this to say

about t h e c h a r a c t e r o f Raven's r e s c u e r s :

Although apparently harmless, t h e l a n d o t t e r was

d r e a d e d more t h a n a n y o t h e r creature. This was on
account o f h i s supposed s u p e r n a t u r a l powers, f o n d n e s s
for stealing people away, depriving them of their
s e n s e s , a n d t u r n i n g them into land-otter-men (ku'cta-
qa). As t h e y l i v e d a t v a r i o u s p o i n t s a l o n g t h e s h o r e ,
these land-otter-men were called qa'tu-qa ("men-
inside-of-points"). When a p e r s o n was i n d a n g e r o f
drowning, canoes would come t o him (or her) and the
p e o p l e i n them w o u l d s a y , " I am y o u r friend," i.e.
"clansman" and take t h e p e r s o n home. A f t e r t h a t he
became l i k e them, b u t was c a l l e d a land-otter-man.
(Swanton, 1908:456).

1
In Tlingit mythology Raven's uncle was said to be the Controller of the Flood who unleased
the waters upon the world. Be is sometimes confused with Ms-caki-yel or Raven-at-the-Head-of-Nass,
the owner of Daylight, and may indeed be the same mythological figure. Jfas-calri-jel was, in a way,
the creator of Raven since he wished for the latter to be born that he might take Daylight to the
people. Raven went around the world apparently finishing the job of creation, which N&s-caki-yel
had begun. Be told people and animals what they should do and, in part was the instrument of the
Creator, a transformer and a bringer of culture. At any rate, i t is probable that Raven was visiting
him (them) in the sky realm when the flood was set upon the world.

63
 Raven o f c o u r s e had no fear o f becoming a Land Otter Man

because he h i m s e l f had g i v e n the land otters their shamanistic

gift of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . During h i s travels after the flood he

had returned to v i s i t the l a n d o t t e r and said to him:

"You w i l l l i v e i n the water j u s t as w e l l a s on

the l a n d . He and t h e l a n d o t t e r were good f r i e n d s , so
t h e y went h a l i b u t f i s h i n g t o g e t h e r . The l a n d o t t e r was
a f i n e fisherman. F i n a l l y he s a i d to the land o t t e r :
"You w i l l a l w a y s have y o u r house on a p o i n t where t h e r e
i s p l e n t y o f b r e e z e from e i t h e r s i d e . Whenever a c a n o e
capsizes with p e o p l e i n i t you w i l l s a v e them and make
them your friends." The land-otter-man (ku'cta-qa)
o r i g i n a t e d from Raven t e l l i n g t h i s to the l a n d o t t e r .
I f t h e f r i e n d s o f t h o s e who have b e e n t a k e n away by t h e
land otter g e t them b a c k , t h e y become shamans, t h e r e -
f o r e i t was t h r o u g h t h e l a n d otters that shamans were
f i r s t known." (Swanton, 1909:86).

The mythical land otter used t h e s k a t e , an o c e a n - g o i n g ray

found i n Alaskan coastal waters, as a canoe. The mink, was

referred to i n the myths as an a s s i s t a n t to the l a n d otter-man

and was used as a paddle. De Laguna (1972:754) records an

account where minks a r e r e p r e s e n t e d as t h e c h i l d r e n o f a drowned

woman by h e r new husband, the chief of the land otters. In

another narrative mink a r e p o r t r a y e d as the s l a v e s of the land

otters. Although a t one level this seems contradictory, mink

beings slaves in one account and nobility in another, it

illustrates that animals a l s o had a system of ranked order.

When t h e l a n d o t t e r men came t o " r e s c u e " a drowning person,

t h e y were s e e n as o r d i n a r y people in a canoe. The person was

told t h a t he was being taken 'home' although, in the mythic

reality, this meant t h e den or 'house' o f t h e l a n d o t t e r people.

64
T h o s e who were a b l e t o e s c a p e , either with h e l p from a relative

among t h e Land Otter People or from shamans back i n t h e i r own

village, were a b l e to become shamans themselves. A typical

account of this form of shamanic i n i t i a t i o n i s found i n the myth

of the f i r s t Tlingit shaman, Kaka. As Swanton r e l a t e s in his

abstract o f t h e myth, Kaka:

"was t a k e n s o u t h f r o m S i t k a by t h e l a n d o t t e r s and s e n t
b a c k a g a i n by t h e husband of a woman who had b e e n
carried o f f like himself. What t h e y u s e d as a c a n o e
was a s k a t e , and they kept him c o v e r e d a l l t h e way.
After a t i m e one of h i s f r i e n d s h e a r d him s i n g i n g i n
the midst of a fog, but they c o u l d not get n e a r him
u n t i l they had f a s t e d two d a y s . Then t h e y f o u n d him
l y i n g on a l o g w i t h b l o o d r u n n i n g o u t of h i s n o s e and
mouth. They b r o u g h t him home, and he became a g r e a t
shaman" (Swanton, 1909:420; c f . Myth 1, A p p e n d i x I ) .

After relating the s t o r y o f Kaka t o Swanton, h i s i n f o r m a n t ,

Katishan said this about the b e l i e f i n Land Otter Men:

T h i s s t o r y o f Kaka i s a t r u e s t o r y and i t i s f r o m
him t h a t t h e T l i n g i t b e l i e v e i n shamans' s p i r i t s (yek).
I f t h e f r i e n d s o f t h o s e who have b e e n t a k e n away by t h e
land otters get them back, they become shamans,
t h e r e f o r e i t was t h r o u g h l a n d o t t e r s t h a t shamans were
f i r s t known. Shamans c a n s e e one a n o t h e r by means o f
the l a n d o t t e r s p i r i t s , but o t h e r s can not ( i b i d . ) .

The land otter yek was the most common and powerful spirit

a c q u i r e d by shamans. They were b e l i e v e d t o have some c o n n e c t i o n

with the weather, perhaps because drownings, when t h e y made their

captures, most often happened during storms. De Laguna

(1972:746) c i t e s a 1939-40 r e p o r t by Harrington that about one

fisherman per season drowns at Yakutat. I f one person per

settlement i s an a v e r a g e , then the t o t a l number of drownings a l l

along t h e c o a s t w o u l d be a significant figure.

65
 De L a g u n a (1972:744) was told that the reason land otters

wanted t o t a k e human b e i n g s was because people had k i l l e d them,

and they wished in this way to obtain new members o f t h e i r

families. Thus t h e y t r i e d to catch anyone whom t h e y found alone.

Also the land o t t e r s wanted t o g e t e v e n w i t h p e o p l e . f o r "killing

so many o f them t o make blankets" (ibid.). Y e t , de L a g u n a was

told that i n the o l d days, the T l i n g i t d i d not hunt land otters,

eat their flesh, o r even use t h e i r pelts. Their aversion to land

otter f u r was a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e b e l i e f that i f one had anything

o f an o t t e r about one's p e r s o n , this would f a c i l i t a t e c a p t u r e by

Land O t t e r Men (Swanton, 1908a:536, c f . A p p e n d i x I , Myth 2 6 ) .

Opposition o f human b e i n g s a n d l a n d otters i s suggested by a

story recounted b y Swanton (1909:141; c f . A p p e n d i x I , Myth 2 ) .

It tells how f o u r b o y s f r o m Klawak were captured by land otters

when t h e i r canoe o v e r t u r n e d . In revenge, t h e p e o p l e made fires

at t h e dens o f t h e l a n d o t t e r s and k i l l e d all but a few. After

the surviving land otters h a d made war on the people, sending

illness and i n j u r y by means o f their poisonous a r r o w s made o f

spider crab shells, p e a c e was f i n a l l y made.

C r a b s h e l l s were d e s i r e d b y l a n d otters f o r another purpose.

One o f de L a g u n a ' s informants suggested that the reason land

otters followed a canoe that seemed t o be i n d i s t r e s s was that

t h e y were l o o k i n g f o r t h e back o f c r a b s h e l l s to serve a s drums.

According to Krause's v e r s i o n of the "Land-Otter S i s t e r " , this

66
 t r a n s f o r m e d woman t o l d h e r brother that "nothing had as high a

v a l u e among t h e Land Otter people as the s h e l l s and mandibles o f

c r a b s because t h e y make d a n c e r a t t l e s o f them. That i s why t h e

Land Otter p e o p l e always tried t o r e s c u e drowned I n d i a n s i n t h e

hope t h a t t h e y may g e t crab shells and mandibles from them"

(Krause, 1956:186, c f . Appendix I , Myth 1 0 ) .

Crab shells are actually found a t land otter h o l e s as

i n d i c a t e d by Gavin Maxwell, who s a y s that: "There i s a lavatory

at every otter hole, and t h e excretement (which i s known a s

spraint, a n d h a s no offensive odor, being composed almost

entirely o f crunched fish bones, o r i n the case o f s h o r e - l i v i n g

otters, o f fragments o f crab carapace) often forms a high

pyramidal shape..." ( q u o t e d i n De Laguna, 1972;745). 3

Although

crabs form an i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f the c o a s t a l - d w e l l i n g land otter's

diet, i t i s t h e symbolic importance o f t h e c a r a p a c e a s a drum

that i ssignificant, s i n c e drums a r e r e c o g n i z e d a s t h e shaman's

medium o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n with the s p i r i t world (Swanton, 1909;412,

Drury, 1982;8). I n the land o t t e r spirit domain, drums m i g h t be

viewed as their means o f communicating w i t h t h e human w o r l d ,

which t o the land otter people might be seen as a realm o f

spirits.

3
A contemporary Tlingit carver indicated that he retrieves from these piles of excretement,
operculeum which is the shelly plate in gastropods such as mollusks that closes when the animal is
retracted (personal communication from James Lovejoy). These were traditionally used as teeth in land
otter masks according to Emmons (unpunished notes, AHNH E 410). For an example of these shells being
used as teeth in a land otter mask, see Fig. 3.

67
Fig. 5 Drowned Man T u r n i n g I n t o L a n d O t t e r
(Note t h e o p e r c u l e u m s h e l l t e e t h )
Emmons, AMNH E 410
A. Sawyer A r c h i v e

68
 THE POWER OF SHAMANS

People in training to become shamans were e x p e c t e d to take

bird and a n i m a l tongues. Ideally, a shaman w o u l d go o f f i n t o

the f o r e s t eight different times d u r i n g h i s l i f e so a s t o c o l l e c t

t h a t many s o u r c e s o f a n i m a l spirit power. The number of spirits

encountered indicated the l e v e l o f power a c h i e v e d b y t h e shaman.

The land o t t e r was u s u a l l y the f i r s t animal t o appear to a novice

shaman. Other animals, or a d d i t i o n a l land otters, could also be

encountered on s u b s e q u e n t retreats. Land otter power was thus

available to any shaman, regardless of his sib or lineage, or

inherited spirit powers. A l l shamans cut land otter tongues,

w h i c h were seen as their g r e a t e s t s o u r c e o f power. Some o f t h e

other animals whose t o n g u e s might be collected included brown

bear, wolf, e a g l e , r a v e n and owl.

During h i s eight day vigil in t h e woods, t h e young shaman

and h i s a s s i s t a n t ( s ) would d r i n k s a l t water, fast and e a t d e v i l ' s

club, a powerful purgative and emetic. This internal cleansing

of t h e body was a c c o m p a n i e d by r e g u l a r b a t h i n g i n cold water i n

order to a c h i e v e g r e a t e r s t r e n g t h and s t a m i n a i n preparation for

t h e power he was t o r e c e i v e . When a sufficient state of p u r i t y

was t h u s achieved, a bird or animal ( p r e f e r a b l y an o t t e r ) would

come t o t h e shaman a n d d i e o f i t s ' own a c c o r d at his feet. As

Krause t e l l s us:

The l a n d o t t e r goes d i r e c t l y t o t h e w o u l d - b e shaman

who, a s soon as he s e e s the s p i r i t , s t a n d s s t i l l , and
exclaiming four times a l o u d "oh" i n v a r i o u s p i t c h e s ,
k i l l s him. As soon a s t h e l a n d o t t e r h e a r s t h i s sound

69
 he falls on his back and dies, with his tongue
extruding (1956:195).

The shaman w o u l d t h e n cut off the left s i d e of the otter

t o n g u e and wrap i t in a bundle of twigs. This powerful amulet

was called a skutch and was felt to contain the power o f that

shaman. I t was kept hidden i n a safe, dry place for i f anything

happened t o i t , the shaman c o u l d loose his senses or even d i e .

According to Krause (ibid.), i f the shaman i s l u c k y "he will get

a land otter i n whose t o n g u e i s contained the whole secret of

shamanism." 4
This statement indicates the great importance

attached to the land o t t e r tongue and suggests that it is the

repository of not only the power but a l s o the knowledge o f the

shaman. De Laguna (1972;836) e x p l a i n s t h a t the spirit or yek

obtained from an animal is its soul. In c e r t a i n cases, it

appears t h a t the s o u l of a dead person has entered the body of

the animal and become i t s 'inhabitant' as a temporary stage in

becoming the yek o f a shaman, w h i c h i s a c h i e v e d when he cuts i t s

tongue. In other cases, the spirit comes directly to his

"master," for there are shamans who received power without

cutting tongues (ibid.).

4
According to Swanton (1970:446), breath was
c o n s i d e r e d t h e p r i m a r y l i f e r e q u i s i t e by the T l i n g i t . The l a n d
otter tongue was thought to be most efficacious in healing
b r e a t h i n g p r o b l e m s , and was c o n s i d e r e d t h e most p o w e r f u l m e d i c i n e
a shaman c o u l d h a v e . L a n d o t t e r s have a v e r y d i s t i n c t i v e " b r e a t h
call" which they will make when surprised by the sudden
appearance of a stranger in their midst. T h e y a l s o have a
p a r t i c u l a r w h i s t l i n g sound t h a t i s used as a warning s i g n a l .
Their frequent c h a t t e r i n g was i n t e r p r e t e d by t h e T l i n g i t as t h e
o t t e r s ' means o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h e a c h o t h e r .

70
 There were many v a r i a t i o n s i n the basic procedure involved

in securing shamanic power. Although the d e t a i l s varied i n

accordance with the individuality of the shaman and the

particular circumstances under which he either i n h e r i t e d or

decided t o seek his power, the standard procedure i s neatly

summed up i n the following anecdote Oison c o l l e c t e d f r o m one o f

his informants:

One o f t h e shamans among the Ta.nkta.kwan was

Gaanisten o f t h e Hashittan clan. He w i s h e d t o a c q u i r e
a l l t h e s p i r i t s w h i c h t h e famed shaman Nuwat had had.
When a l l these had come t o him a male l a n d o t t e r
a p p e a r e d t o him i n a dream and t o l d him t o c u t o f f i t s
tongue. The s p i r i t t o l d him in this dream t h a t t h e
l a n d o t t e r w o u l d meet him. One day they ( h i s h e l p e r
and he) saw t h r e e land otters f o l l o w i n g t h e i r canoe,
d i v i n g l i k e p o r p o i s e s . One o f t h e s e came t o r e s t and
f l o a t e d up, d e a d . They t o o k t h i s one t o a c a v e a n d c u t
off i t s tongue. That night i t s spirit came t o
Gaanisten, gave him a song, a n d t o l d him t h e o t t e r ' s
name, Gakkahwan ( " f a c e of frost"). He was u s u a l l y
c a l l e d by t h i s name a f t e r w a r d . The two men r e t u r n e d t o
t h e i r camp a n d fasted f o r four days, drinking salt
water d u r i n g t h i s time. ( T h i s was t o make t h e shaman
p u r e , s o t h a t t h e s p i r i t w o u l d r e m a i n w i t h him.)
Among o t h e r s p i r i t s w h i c h Gakkahwan (Gaanisten) has
was one f r o m h i s u n c l e ' s u n c l e . But o n l y t h r e e s p i r i t s
were s t r o n g i n him: gautuye'keh ( " s p i r i t i n t h e drum")
kusawuka'h ( " s k i n n y man," m i n k ) , and gakahwan ("face o f
frost," otter). B u t t h e s e were so s t r o n g t h a t when one
of them entered him he nearly fell down (Olson,
1961:212).

When a p o t e n t i a l shaman was g o i n g t h r o u g h h i s n o v i t i a t e , h i s

h e l p e r s , who were c a l l e d ikthankau played a very essential role

in the quest for power. They were traditionally h i s youngest

nephews on the m a t r i l i n e a l s i d e which ensured that t h e power o f

t h e shaman w o u l d s t a y w i t h i n the m a t r i c l a n . I f no nephews were

available, the ikthankau could be members o f t h e shaman's s i b ,

although t h e y were n o t n e c e s s a r i l y o f t h e same house o r l i n e a g e .

71
 T h e y had t o w a i t on him i n much t h e same f a s h i o n a s a t t e n d e n t s o f

a "decjr" would care for the hostage-ambassador in a peace

ceremony because of the taboos r e s t r i c t i n g his activity. 5

The ikthankau made s u r e that the novice adhered to a l l of

the proper p u r i f i c a t i o n rituals during h i s i n i t i a l retreat i n the

woods. Many shamans had one special assistant who was closely

a s s o c i a t e d w i t h him and who generally a c c o m p a n i e d him on later

retreats in the w i l d e r n e s s i n w h i c h t h e shaman w o u l d a t t a i n new

spirits or c o n s o l i d a t e h i s powers. The a s s i s t a n t c o u l d become a

shaman h i m s e l f . He could care f o r t h e shaman's p a r a p h e r n a l i a , or

be s e n t to fetch it, since such d a n g e r o u s l y power-charged objects

were u s u a l l y cached outside t h e house and t h e v i l l a g e . Another

assistant u s u a l l y b e a t t h e drum d u r i n g seances, although "all of

his people", that is a l l of t h e men of h i s own house or s i b ,

assisted t h e shaman by s i n g i n g h i s song and b e a t i n g time, thereby

strengthening his powers (de Laguna, 1972:670). The ikthankau

had t o f a s t and a b s t a i n from s e x u a l liaisons and a d h e r e to other

restrictions imposed on the shaman since i t was felt that a

violation of these s t r i c t u r e s when c u t t i n g a tongue w h i l e seeking

power w o u l d result in the v i o l a t o r becoming mentally unbalanced

or t e r m i n a l l y ill.

5
Swanton (1908a;451) reports that the reason a person who is sent as a peace hostage is
called a "deer" is because a bear once met a deer in the woods and expected i t to fight him, but i t
did not. The man who brought in the "deer" in a peace ceremony sang a grizzly-bear song,- so that the
"deer" would not be troubled. The "deer" was likened to a bear's head, which was always treated with
great respect after the animal was killed. Since the bear was an animal frequently associated with
Tlingit shamans, the relationship between the deer and bear can be likened to that between the
shaman and the animal whose spirit he was seeking on a power quest.

72
 LAND OTTER PEOPLE

Although Land Otter Men were generally considered t o be

inimical t o human b e i n g s , there were p a r t i c u l a r c a s e s where they

were said to help their own r e l a t i v e s . F o r example, Kaka ( a

shaman's young nephew who h a d d i s a p p e a r e d a n d was taken by l a n d

o t t e r s ) was h e l p e d by h i s d e a d a u n t (who h a d l i v e d among t h e l a n d

otters f o r a long time) t o escape from there and return home.

This is s i m i l a r to the T l i n g i t belief that r e l a t i v e s i n t h e Land

of t h e Dead a s s i s t e d t h e i r kinsmen t o r e t u r n to the l i v i n g . Also

drowned p e r s o n s were b e l i e v e d capable of visiting their living

relatives and b r i n g i n g them luck. 6

Such persons might have

become shamans i f they had been a b l e t o escape from t h e Land

Otter People s o o n enough. A t any r a t e , they s t i l l seemed t o be

able to acquire supernatural powers a n d p r e s u m a b l y t o h e l p those

who d i d become shamans.

De Laguna (1972; 747) tells us that those who v i s i t e d the

home o f the land otter spirits perceived i t t o be l i k e t h e i r own

home, a n d t h e i n h a b i t a n t s as o r d i n a r y human b e i n g s . Marriages

took place and children were born. Ties of kinship were

recognized between l a n d o t t e r people and human beings. Among

the Land Otter Men there were c h i e f s o r r i c h men a n d s l a v e s .

6
An informant of De Laguna's was given good fortune by her dead mother and father who appeared
to her in her dreams. Another informant whose son had drowned was said to have seen his ghost in human
form, In Angoon, De Laguna was told that the recently drowned might return to visit their village, and
cited an instance which occured while a potlatch was being held (De Laguna,.1972; 748)

73
P e a c e c e r e m o n i e s c o n c l u d e d wars between land otters a n d human

beings and both sides could potlatch each other (Swanton,

1909:142-44) .

For the T l i n g i t there was therefore an equation between

drowned human beings and land o t t e r s which i s best summed up b y

de Laguna who s a y s that:

In the l a s t analysis, i t would seem that the

t r a n s f o r m e d Land O t t e r Man (kucda-qa), the "ghost" or
revenant o f t h e drowned person (yukwqaheyagu), the
"soul" of the land otter (kucda-qwani), and t h e
shaman's land otter spirit (kucda yek) were a l l
a c t u a l l y o r p o t e n t i a l l y one a n d t h e same e n t i t y , t h a t
w h i c h one o r d i n a r i l y e n c o u n t e r s i n i t s animal form o r
f l e s h y " c l o t h i n g " a s a l a n d o t t e r (kucda). (1972:748).

OTTERS: THE ANIMAL

Marjorie Halpin (1981:217) indicates that, prior to the

European i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t h e monkey, t h e l a n d o t t e r was probably

perceived as t h e most human-like animal in that environment.

The sea o t t e r had a prestigious place in Tlingit s o c i e t y as a

bringer of wealth during the period of the f u r trade until i t ' s

near e x t i n c t i o n i n the nineteenth century. However, i t i s t h e

land otter that occupied a prominent place in the b e l i e f system

of the T l i n g i t . P a r t i c u l a r a t t r i b u t e s of the land otters lead to

the perception that i t has the ability to create a symbolic

bridge uniting human and animal. I t was s e e n a s an ambiguous

figure which had the a b i l i t y , like the Tlingit , themselves, to

function well b o t h on t h e l a n d a n d i n t h e w a t e r .

74
 Land otters can remain underwater f o r long periods of time

and are very f a s t swimmers. They a r e v e r y much a t home i n the

water both on the s u r f a c e and underneath. Just as t h e Tlingit

had to t r a v e l through the water i n o r d e r t o hunt and gather their

food (mainly fish and s e a mammals), the o t t e r was believed to

travel i n h i s canoe ( i e . a transformed skate or a log) to gather

t h e s o u l s o f humans. In e m u l a t i o n of the o t t e r , and perhaps with

his h e l p , t h e shaman was able to t r a v e l to mythic realms i n order

to get, and then to use, special powers f o r h e a l i n g , which

included the a b i l i t y to r e t r i e v e lost souls.

Land otters are g e n e r a l l y riverine animals w i t h many of the

same p l a y f u l and human-like qualities of their c o u s i n , the sea

otter. 1
Although they live primarily i n and near rivers, they

also f r e q u e n t the ocean, especially i n a r e a s where t h e r e a r e many

islands to provide shelter from t h e open w a t e r . Thus t h e Tlingit

speak o f them as living a l o n g the seashore "inside of p o i n t s " as

was indicated i n the myth. The relationship between t h e otter

and the shaman i s r e a f f i r m e d by the fact that the i d e a l spot f o r

a shamans' gravehouse was also on an isolated point or

promontory j u t t i n g into the ocean. Like t h e shaman, who would

periodically disappear into t h e woods t o p r a c t i s e austerities and

7
The land otter or Jutra canadensis is also commonly known as the river otter. In keeping with
the usage in the ethnographic documents being employed here, the term land otter will be used. The
scientific name for the sea otter is enhydra lutis and both of these animals belong to the family
known as Husteliade.

75
seek power from his spirits, the land o t t e r has t h e h a b i t o f

appearing and d i s a p p e a r i n g mysteriously. It can run on l a n d

a l m o s t as fast a s a man, a n d i n t h e w a t e r i t can h o l d i t s breath

for a long period of time which enables i t to cover long

distances underwater. Thus i t sometimes seems l i k e i t has

appeared out of nowhere, and i f threatened, can vanish very

quickly.

The land otter is one of t h e few s o c i a l animals i n the

Tlingit environment which s t a y s together as a f a m i l y unit f o r an

extended p e r i o d o f time a n d engages i n cooperative a c t i v i t i e s .

Also i t b e l o n g s t o one o f t h e few species in which both adults

and children p l a y and f r o l i c together. O t t e r s c a n o f t e n be s e e n

in groups s l i d i n g down r i v e r b a n k s into t h e water o r r u n n i n g and

cavorting along the beach or i n grassy meadows. Their playful

nature and t h e e x u b e r a n c e with which they pursue their daily

tasks of f i s h i n g and f o o d gathering suggests a very strong social

orietation among family groups. The fact that they were

excellent fishermen, maintained strong social contacts, and

seemed t o have their own means of communication, must have

contributed to a Tlingit perception o f them a s l i v i n g a life

similar to that l i v e d in a Tlingit village. The next chapter

will explore some of these parallels and s i m i l a r i t i e s a s t h e y

manifest i n the mythology.

76
 CHAPTER V

MYTHOLOGY AND TEXTS

"Myths cannot be separated from actuality. They serve many purposes and are part of the total
culture. They have many meanings and operate on several different levels of meaning. What
might be difficult to acknowledge openly, such as immoral behavior, can be handled
satisfactorily by myth. There are often many versions of one myth, and every version can be
authentic and therefore relevant" (Harris: 1974;XV},

TLINGIT MYTHS AND TALES

Mythic time, i n which Tlingit narratives take place, i s

qualitatively different from the c o n t i n u o u s and i r r e v e r s i b l e time

of everyday existence. Eliade (1961;58) reminds us t h a t myths

take the l i s t e n e r out o f h i s sense of time - the individual,

chronological time, "historic" time - and project him i n t o a

"paradoxical i n s t a n t which c a n n o t be m e a s u r e d b e c a u s e i t does not

consist of duration". Some o f the T l i n g i t myths d e a l with the

origin ofnatural features and social customs, and the apparent

lack o f concern f o r temporal sequence which de L a g u n a n o t e d i n

the opening quote on page one o f t h i s thesis i s accounted f o r i n

part by t h i s notion o f mythic time. Myths a r e n o t c o n c e r n e d w i t h

the chronological structuring of natural conditions or social

institutions. They embody compacted information about those

conditions o r customs which are p e r t i n e n t t o the c u l t u r e o f the

p e o p l e who are t e l l i n g them. The n o n - t e m p o r a l q u a l i t y o f myths

is best summed up b y L e v i - S t r a u s s who s a y s that:

A myth a l w a y s r e f e r s t o events alleged t o have

taken place long ago. B u t what g i v e s t h e myth a n
operational value i s that the specific pattern
d e s c r i b e d i s t i m e l e s s ; i t e x p l a i n s t h e p r e s e n t and t h e
p a s t , a s w e l l a s t h e f u t u r e ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , 1963;208).
 Tlingit myths and stories are the primary source of

information about the s p i r i t u a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of the land o t t e r .

Analysis o f t h e myths is crucial to understanding the s o c i a l

significance of Tlingit beliefs about land o t t e r s , death, power,

transformation, and reincarnation. Tlingit myths sometimes

recounted historical traditions or personal experiences but they

always drew from beliefs about spirits, human/animal

transformation and life after death. Cautionary t a l e s and

stories with a moral, as w e l l as h e r o i c e x p l o i t s and t a l e s of the

origin and history of the sibs were an i m p o r t a n t aspect of the

education of T l i n g i t children. According t o de L a g u n a (1972;838)

much of their knowledge was not only transmitted but also

formulated through stories. These narratives were used t o

explain the Tlingit conceptual schema and the values of the

social and moral o r d e r were acted out and expressed verbally

(ibid.).

Although much of the Tlingit oral tradition was centered

around e x p l a i n i n g the o r i g i n of s i b prerogatives, such stories

were not told at potlatches when these prerogatives were

displayed. Mythic i n f o r m a t i o n was u n d e r s t o o d by t h e people who

knew the myths already from repeated tellings at less formal

times. Myths formed the background f o r oratorical allusions,

for songs and f o r t h e d r a m a t i c d a n c e s t h a t m i g h t accompany them.

The masks, charms a n d other paraphernalia of the shaman were

symbolic representations that were fully understood and

78
 appreciated o n l y i f the t a l e s associated w i t h them were a l r e a d y

familar. T h e r e f o r e , any attempt to understand the T l i n g i t shaman

and the l a n d o t t e r w h i c h was d e p i c t e d so o f t e n on their gear, i s

incomplete without an e x a m i n a t i o n of the myths a s s o c i a t e d with

them.

Although there are similarities between the world of

spirits (including animals' souls), 1

and that o f men, t h e myths

also emphasized the elements of c o n t r a s t and opposition to the

everyday human world. A c c o r d i n g t o de L a g u n a (1974;835), night

was the time for ghosts, spirits and animals; i f man i s to

triumph over them, he must p e r f o r m the f i r s t crucial acts before

the raven's c r y announces t h e dawn. If a p e r s o n was to escape

from the land of the dead, he must h u r r y home b e f o r e t h e raven

cries (ibid.;776). When l a n d otters assumed human form, they

resumed their animal shapes b e f o r e the raven called.

In the land of the dead many kinds of r e v e r s a l s were

encountered. Ghosts c o u l d not hear a shout, but they interpreted

a yawn o r a s i g h as a l o u d n o i s e . I n t h e home o f l a n d o t t e r s and

other animal/people, o n l y wet wood was t o be used for a fire; dry

wood w o u l d not burn. Yet, in spite of a l l t h e c o n t r a s t s and

reversals, t h e w o r l d o f myth was essentially a social domain i n

According to de Laguna (1974;823), animal souls were called qwani or qu-hani uhich means
1

'inhabitants o f , since they were conceived of as being inside of the creature's fleshy body.
These terms can also be translated as 'people' as, for example 'Fish People' (xat qvani) or
'Mussel People' (yai qu-h&ni).

79
w h i c h humans, a n i m a l s and spirits continually confronted each

other and gave o r t o o k power, w e a l t h and status, g o v e r n e d by laws

t h a t were p a r a l l e l to those found i n the e v e r y d a y human w o r l d .

In order to further e s t a b l i s h the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the

shaman and the land o t t e r and to understand b e t t e r how both were

related to the social domain, I have examined a corpus of 32

myths w h i c h contain references to land otters. Of these 8 were

collected from the Haida, 2 from the Tsimshian, and the other 32

were T l i n g i t in origin. The similarity o f themes, and the use of

Tlingit names and geographical locations in most of the myths

s u g g e s t s however that they were a l l Tlingit in orgin. Each of

the myths has b e e n summarized w i t h p e r t i n e n t details and actions

listed in point form in Appendix I. This selection of

significant details was useful for extracting the major themes

which w i l l be examined below. I t was also helpful for comparing

and cross-referencing frequently occuring actions in the myths.

Appendix II contains the complete text of a l l the myths t h a t are

referred to in this chapter.

80
 THE LAND OTTER MYTHS

There are f o u r major s c e n a r i o s that recur i n the myths about

land otters: 1) a man, often named Kaka, is t a k e n by (or

sometimes goes on h i s own to) the land o t t e r s and upon h i s return

becomes a shaman (cf. Myths 1, 2, 6, 9, 11, 24, 26, 28, 33,

Appendix I); 2) a shaman dies, usually symbolically, but

sometimes a c t u a l l y . He/she goes t o the village of animal/people,

either t o r e s c u e someone or to heal someone of high rank, and

returns with many g i f t s or spirit helpers ( c f . Myths 2, 8, 22,

24, 29, Appendix I); 3) land o t t e r s are killed by humans ( c f .

Myths 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 12, 13, 26, 28, 29, Appendix I ) ; and 4) a

man i s h e l p e d by a deceased sister who brings food f o r him and

his family in a time of famine ( c f . Myths 3, 4, 5, 10, 23, 31,

Appendix I). In a l l f o u r t y p e s o f myths, k i n relationships play

an important role. The g i v i n g of g i f t s and the receiving of

power i s a l s o important i n most of the myths. In two of the

myths, episodes of p o t l a t c h i n g between t h e land o t t e r people and

humans t a k e p l a c e (cf. Myths 12, 29), while in many of the

others there i s an e x c h a n g e o f goods a n d / o r a b e s t o w a l o f power

in a manner s i m i l a r to the way such actions are enacted in a

potlatch. Examining these four scenarios brings into focus

various motifs or themes f o u n d in the myths, including shamanic

acquisition of power, death, healing and the crossing of

boundaries.

81
 The first myth to be examined is listed as Myth 2 in

Appendix I I and i t comes from Swanton's T l i n g i t Myths and Texts,

1909. This myth was an excerpt from a series recounted to

Swanton by an informant at Wrangell who gave details about the

shaman K a k a . Swanton r e p o r t e d t h a t Kaka was a name "well-liked

by the l a n d otters" b u t he d i d n o t e x p l a i n whether t h e name was

given to many who became shamans o r t o one man whose s t o r y was

t o l d many t i m e s . The c o n t e x t from w h i c h this version was taken

was a series of incomplete fragments of a l a r g e r cycle o f myths

about Raven, who i n h i s customary role of Transformer, had been

setting the world, in order and t e a c h i n g the animals and the

people how t h e y must c o n d u c t themselves.

The importance of relatives, particularly maternal

relatives, is evident i n this myth. When Kaka was first lost at

sea, land otter people came t o him looking like his "mother o r

his sister, o r some other dear "relation" (i.e. people of h i s

own s i b ) and i t was only when Kaka decided that he has been

'lost' to his true relatives that he succumbed t o t h e land

otters. When Kaka a r r i v e d a t the land otter village he was given

a d v i c e by an aunt whose h u s b a n d was the c h i e f of the l a n d otter

people. T h i s h u s b a n d u l t i m a t e l y h e l p e d him escape at h i s wife's

bidding. To d e s c r i b e t h i s aunt, Swanton u s e d the term axa't-has

w h i c h he translated as "marriable woman of the opposite clan"

(1908b:528; c f . de L a g u n a , 1972:480), t h u s suggesting that Kaka

82
 was in line f o r i n h e r i t i n g from the land o t t e r c h i e f and possibly

marrying h i s wife i f he died. De Laguna (ibid.) indicates that

it was the duty of a s i s t e r ' s son to marry h i s mother's brother's

widow and also t o assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h a t uncle's funeral.

He was assisted in the funeral duties by members o f h i s lineage

who a l s o would b e n e f i t from h i s inheritance. What Kaka a c t u a l l y

inherited was the power t o become a shaman and the.two l a n d otter

p e o p l e became h i s s p i r i t s as indicated in the myth when Kaka

finally returned from the land of the land otters:

After they got him home they heard the s p i r i t

s a y i n g f a r down w i t h i n him: " I t i s I, O l d - l a n d - o t t e r -
s p i r i t (Kucta-kocanqo-yek)". T h i s was t h e name o f t h e
o l d woman who f i r s t t o l d him what to do. The n e x t
spirit was The-spirit-that-saves (Qosinexe-yek). He
sang i n s i d e o f him t h e same song t h a t the l a n d o t t e r s
sang. I t was h i s s p i r i t ' s song and has many words t o
i t (Swanton, 1909; c f . A p p e n d i x I I , Myth 2 ) .

In the myth, the land otter chief was afraid of Kaka

learning his people's secrets so he c o v e r e d him up while helping

him escape. He was afraid of l o s i n g h i s power t o this young man

and thus found it expedient to s e n d him back to live among his

own relatives. 2
What he s a i d to h i s f e l l o w land o t t e r s was that:

"If this human b e i n g sees a l l of our ways and learns a l l of our

habits, we shall die.." (Myth 2, Appendix II). This f e a r may be

a reflection of the Tlingit conception that i f you p a s s on your

!
According to de Laguna (1972:480), a wife would be friendly to a husband's nephew, going
out camping and fishing with him. In fact, informants from Angoon confirmed that a nephew could
sleep with his maternal uncle's wife, a situation liable to result in jealousy as indicated in the
Raven myth cited by de Laguna (ibid.). This may explain why the land otter husbands were so helpful
in returning Kaka to his village.

83
 knowledge to others, you w i l l eventually lose i t . 3
Yet there was

a l s o an exchange o f knowledge g o i n g on s i n c e , i n t h e myth, Kaka

has l e a r n e d that there a r e shamans among t h e land otter people

who have a language of t h e i r own, and a l s o he has b e e n t a u g h t by

them how to catch many h a l i b u t w i t h a special fishook.

I f we recall t h e i d e a o f r e i n c a r n a t i o n , we can see a s i m i l a r

process going on h e r e . Kaka had, i n e f f e c t , brought these two

souls who had been l o s t among the land otters, back i n t o the

realm of humans, albeit as spirits. B e c a u s e he was of fine

character and i n c o n t r o l o f himself (i.e. not "crazy") Kaka

acted as a conduit to allow these spirits to exist again among

humans r a t h e r than being himself lost i n the realm of the land

otters as happened t o others of l e s s e r character. According to

the myth, "Kaka was so s t r o n g - m i n d e d a f e l l o w t h a t they f e l t they

could do nothing with him, so they l e t him go and became h i s

spirits" (ibid.) In a similar way, individuals who inherited

names at a potlatch had to express their good c h a r a c t e r by

showing t h a t they could i n f l u e n c e people and t h u s amass w e a l t h

which was subsequently given away t o r a t i f y their new status.

This was done also to nurture their deceased ancestors and

therefore show them p r o p e r respect.

3
This is probably related to the fact that there was a tendency for the elderly, rather
than the adults, to teach young children many of the necessary life skills and to pass on to them
knowledge and awareness of social etiquette. They had passed the prime of their l i f e and were
giving to the next generation before they passed on themselves (personal communication, H.P.
Guedon).

84
 There is evidence that a shaman's s p i r i t s were encouraged

to r e t u r n to the shaman's heir in the same way that dead

relatives were enticed to reincarnate back i n t o t h e i r lineage

(de Laguna, 1974;777-78). Olson reports that at the funeral

(i.e. memorial feast) of a shaman his kinsmen would gather

outdoors while the sib chief called on all of the shaman's

spirits by name, a s k i n g them t o e n t e r the new shaman by saying,

"Don't g i v e up staying with your masters!". He also reports that

the spirits may come unbidden, sometimes a p p e a r i n g to t h e i r new

m a s t e r i n a dream. T h e s e were s p i r i t s that had belonged to his

sib ancestor and were now looking f o r a new "home". ( Q u o t e d in de

Laguna, 1974;677).

Kaka r e c e i v e d more t h a n knowledge o f spirits and information

about fishing; he gained actual spirit helpers which would assist

him i n h i s new occupation as shaman. He acquired not only the

spirits of his land otter a u n t and uncle, but many o t h e r s as

well:

A l l the birds that assembled around him when he

was f l o a t i n g upon t h e s e a were a l s o h i s s p i r i t s . Even
t h e w i n d and t h e waves t h a t f i r s t upset him were h i s
spirits. Everything strange t h a t he had s e e n a t . t h e
t i m e when t h e l a n d o t t e r s got possession of him were
his s p i r i t s . There a r e a l w a y s s e a b i r d s s i t t i n g on a
f l o a t i n g l o g , and f r o m Kaka p e o p l e learned that these
a r e shaman's s p i r i t s (ibid.).

B e f o r e he could return home w i t h t h e s e s p i r i t s , Kaka and his

living relatives had to fast and their h o u s e s had to be ritually

cleansed. After he finally got t o h i s home, Kaka s h a r e d the

85
 songs o f h i s s p i r i t s with h i s relatives, for in a sense, these

spirits also belonged to them. I n t h e myth, K a k a ' s spirits

called his relatives "my masters" ( c f . Myth 2, Appendix I I ) .

These relatives would help him to sing the songs d u r i n g h i s

s h a m a n i c p e r f o r m a n c e s and t h u s participated in m a i n t a i n i n g the

strength and power of the shaman and, ultimately, of the

community. 4

D e a t h was a prominent feature i n most o f t h e myths. Three

levels or degrees of death were p o r t r a y e d i n t h e s e myths: 1)

symbolic death, 2) " c r a z y " d e a t h (i.e. possession), a n d 3) actual

death. A l l versions o f t h e Kaka myth entail at least a symbolic,

if n o t an a c t u a l account o f Kaka's d e a t h when he was either taken

by l a n d otters or r e t u r n e d by them t o his village. In a l l of

these cases he was considered dead, although i t was often

described as a coma-like state. Y e t Kaka was always u l t i m a t e l y

revived and renewed, usually with the help of purification

rituals performed by h i s relatives. So n o t o n l y d i d he receive

spirits and t h e power to become a great shaman, but he was

bestowed w i t h the g r e a t e s t gift of a l l , life.

I n two of the myths (Myth 2 & 7 ) , d e a t h i s s u p p l a n t e d by a

state of craziness. I n Myth 2 a "foolish" man who had lost his

* Note that, contrary to the custom of influencing spirits so that they remain within the
matrisib, Kaka. inherits from both his maternal uncles and his uncle's wife sib. This is another
example of the discrepancies found in myths which contradict the normal social order (in the Tlingit
case, matrilineal inheritance being the norm).

86
wealth and h i s f a m i l y w h i l e gambling, went o f f i n t o the bush and

lived like a. w i l d animal. His friends would not look f o r him

b e c a u s e t h e y c o n s i d e r e d him crazy and said that he was dead.

However, he gained special powers from a grouse and became rich

and powerful again. One day he was " c a p t u r e d " by land otters and

eventually became a great shaman. This t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of a

"crazy" person into a productive and powerful individual

epitomizes the T l i n g i t shamanic u n d e r t a k i n g . I f a person can get

past the c r a z i n e s s and potential danger of being lost, both

socially and physically, he gained access to sources o f power.

Strength came f r o m the ability to withstand the temptations of

land otter spirits who enticed their "guests" to eat t h e i r food

o r have s e x u a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h them (the l a t t e r was particularily

improper since as we saw earlier, the land otters usually first

appeared i n the g u i s e of mothers or s i s t e r s ) . By not succumbing

to the land otter people, and with the support of h i s living

relatives, the person returns with the special powers available

from the land otters such as t h e a b i l i t y t o c a t c h many f i s h or to

ensure success i n warfare (Oberg, 1973; 1 9 ) .

T h e r e were a l s o stories about shamans who died i n order to

travel to the s p i r i t realm t o h e a l someone t h e r e o r t o e n s u r e a

food source f o r the people. When t h e shaman t r a v e l l e d to the

spirit realm in this manner he was o f t e n a c c o m p a n i e d by h i s yek

who p r o t e c t e d and h e l p e d him on h i s j o u r n e y . The following myth

segment illustrates how shamans e n s u r e d food resources:

87
 Once t h e r e was a f a m i n e among t h e p e o p l e o f A l s e k
r i v e r . T h e r e were two shamans t h e r e , one o f whom began
singing to b r i n g up e u l a c h o n , w h i l e t h e o t h e r sang f o r
strength i n order to obtain bears and other forest
animals.

The first shaman's spirit told him t h a t i f he

w o u l d go down t h e little r a p i d s he would see g r e a t
numbers o f e u l a c h o n . So he d r e s s e d up n e x t m o r n i n g and
went s t r a i g h t down u n d e r t h e w a t e r i n a l i t t l e c a n o e .
That n i g h t , the other shaman's spirit came t o him,
saying that the f i r s t shaman w o u l d r e m a i n u n d e r w a t e r
for four nights; that he had gone i n t o a h o u s e where
there were eulachon, salmon, and o t h e r f i s h and had
t h r o w n t h e d o o r open.

At t h e end o f f o u r d a y s t h e y h u n t e d a l l a r o u n d and
found him lying dead on the beach amid p i l e s of
e u l a c h o n . As soon as they brought him up, a l l the
eulachon that were i n the ocean s t a r t e d t o r u n up
r i v e r , and e v e r y o n e t r i e d t o p r e s e r v e as many o f them
as t h e y c o u l d (Swanton, 1909;64).

As in t h e myth o f Kaka, s t o r i e s about shamans who "die" in

t h i s way usually involve a return to the world of the l i v i n g with

a gift of food or other material abundance. I n some o f the

variations o f t h i s myth, t h e s o u r c e o f f o o d brought back by the

shaman is a reward for healing someone o f h i g h rank i n the

"village" he has just visited (Myth 24, Appendix I ) .

In many o f t h e myths t h e r e are incidents where l a n d otters

are killed by humans. In some cases the land otter was

explicitly d e s c r i b e d as a 'former' human who had been "captured"

by land otters. I n Myth 6 a man captured by land otters was

restored from his "wild state" by the help of a shaman and

certain ritual cleansing practices of h i s r e l a t i v e s . He then

became an expert halibut fisherman, having learned this skill

88
from the land otters. But his restoration t o human form was

a p p a r e n t l y not complete, f o r he c o u l d o n l y e a t raw food. When he

was enticed by h i s r e l a t i v e s t o e a t some c o o k e d halibut, he died

(Swanton, 1909;188).

In a n o t h e r myth, a l a n d o t t e r man was killed by hunters who

had just eaten the flesh of another land otter. After killing

the land o t t e r man, t h e y went "crazy". This reflects both the

moralizing aspect of myths in w h i c h humans who treat animals

i m p r o p e r l y were d u l y p u n i s h e d , and also the p o t e n t i a l danger of

contact with land otters by humans who were n o t p r e p a r e d ( i . e .

non-shamans). It is f o u n d as Myth 7 i n Appendix I I and comes

from Swanton's Tlingit Myths and Texts, 1909. The myth i s an

excerpt from a series of i n c i d e n t s said to have h a p p e n e d near

Cross Sound. It illustrates the dangerous potential of

c o m m u n i c a t i o n between l a n d o t t e r s and humans, but, typical of

situations i n w h i c h humans were n o t p r o p e r l y p r e p a r e d f o r such an

encounter, and/or mistreated animals, the land otter won out.

After they killed the land otter man by throwing him into the

fire, t h e men started t o " w r i g g l e from side to side and a c t as i f

t h e y were c r a z y ; and when anyone went t o t h a t place afterward he

would a c t i n t h a t same manner" (ibid,).

The f o u r t h major m o t i f found i n the land o t t e r myths i s the

giving of f o o d , and t h u s power, by land o t t e r people to their

human r e l a t i v e s . This situation is illustrated in a myth which

89
stressed kin relationships to an even g r e a t e r e x t e n t than the

Kaka myths. It is Myth 5 in Appendix II and comes f r o m

Swanton's T l i n g i t Myths and Texts, 1909. The s t o r y was about a

man from S i t k a and how he and his f a m i l y overcame the burden of

famine w i t h the help of h i s sister, who had been "captured" by

land otters. Although the s t o r y was told from the p e r s p e c t i v e of

t h e man, the title "The Woman Who Married a Land O t t e r " i n d i c a t e s

the importance of the sister's role and a l s o of her relation to a

land otter man.

According to de Laguna (1972:481) s t r i c t rules of avoidance

were u s e d to separate grown brother and sisters and also a l l

grown members of the opposite sex i n the same m o i e t y . Yet, as

indicated i n t h e myth above, t h e r e were a f f e c t i o n a t e t i e s between

them t h a t were e x p r e s s e d i n terms of g i f t s of food. When food

was scarce i n the springtime a sister was expected to have put

away t h i n g s (food) for her b r o t h e r and "when t h i n g s g e t severe,

you have t o f e e d him precious stuff" (ibid.:484). A woman's

husband might be jealous of her giving away f o o d , but he could

not interfere. In the case of the land otter husband i n the myth

t h e r e was an abundance of food available t o him and his fellow

land otters, thus suggesting that they had access to special

powers f o r gathering food. In fact, s e v e r a l o f t h e K a k a myths

indicate that magical halibut fishing h o o k s were g i v e n t o him by

land otters f o r the b e n e f i t o f humans ( c f . Myths 2, 6, 22 31 in

Appendix I). Yet, there is also a t r a n s g r e s s i o n here since the

wife of the land otter helped her human b r o t h e r and i n doing so

90
breached an i m p o r t a n t taboo because she and h e r b r o t h e r talked to

each o t h e r . Brothers and s i s t e r s were n o t s u p p o s e d t o be a l o n e

together or t o communicate i n any direct way, according t o de

Laguna (ibid.).

De L a g u n a ' s informants made i tclear t h a t i t was s h a m e f u l

and c o n s i d e r e d an i n s u l t f o r a man t o s p e a k o r j o k e w i t h a moiety

sister. I f he d i d so i t must be b y way o f h i s w i f e o r some other

"safe" relative. Y e t i n Myth 5 t h e r e i s no indication that the

man's w i f e o r anyone e l s e was a v a i l a b l e to intercede. The s i s t e r

spoke d i r e c t l y t o him s e v e r a l t i m e s . According t o de L a g u n a :

I f they broke this rule, they would go c r a z y .

T h e y w o u l d be t i e d up f o r w i t c h c r a f t . A g i r l when t h e y
( s h e ) m a t u r e and a r e n o t ashamed o f a n y t h i n g - t h a t shows
s h e ' s a w i t c h c r a f t (de Laguna, 1972;483, my e m p h a s i s ) .

We have already seen that t h e r e was an e q u a t i o n between

being crazy, being dead and b e i n g , taken by land otters. Since

the latter two c a s e s are quite e x p l i c i t i n t h i s myth, t h e t r a n s -

g r e s s i o n may be f o r g i v a b l e f o r the sister, but presumably the

brother's guilt i s offset o n l y by the f a c t t h a t he r e t u r n e d with

a l a r g e q u a n t i t y o f food f o r a presumably hungry village.

The importance o f food i n abundant s u p p l y i s integral to the

Tlingit system of potlatching. The f a c t that land otter people

were sometimes s u p p l i e r s o f f o o d in times of famine p l a c e d them

in a position of g i v e r s of wealth. Y e t t h e l a n d o t t e r s were a l s o

held i n great f e a r and awe because the p r i c e to be paid for the

bounty they o f f e r e d was the dislocation of a person from their

home v i l l a g e . If the person was capable of g e t t i n g away from

them (i.e. i f his/her relatives could obtain the s e r v i c e s of a

shaman) t h e n the p e r s o n was not only a potential shaman, but

might a l s o become a provider of food. I n one myth a man who is

helped by h i s dead sister became a great c h i e f as a result of

the abundance of fish which her l a n d o t t e r husband p r o v i d e d for

him. In f a c t the myth r e l a t e s that he was able to give ten

potlatches as a result of this help, a prodigious feat rarely

achieved by any Tlingit (Myth 31, Appendix I ) .

As we have s e e n , a l l f o u r of the major s c e n a r i o s examined in

the land o t t e r myths had shamanic or spiritual overtones. The

spiritual journey of the shaman was highlighted in some o f the

myths, and death was a prominent factor in many of them,

affecting b o t h humans and land otter people. In various myths,

respect for the dead and the importance o f g i v i n g were primary

elements. Power was associated with both death and giving.

Indeed, giving something away during a potlatch is explicitly

interpreted as "killing" i t since it then goes to one's

relatives. Death i s conversely a kind o f g i v i n g away - n o t h i n g is

ever lost absolutely (personal communication, Guedon).

When a p e r s o n was t a k e n by l a n d o t t e r s , he died, i n one way

or another. But by not succumbing to that d e a t h and returning

92
from the land otter r e a l m , he was able t o become a shaman and

also received great power from the experience. T h a t power was

often manifested mythically i n the form of a f i s h o o k or club that

would p r o v i d e an abundance of food. Thus power i s e q u a t e d with

death i n the myths i n two ways. One way i s that a person who

proves himself to the land otters i s rewarded w i t h instruments

that will kill animals which p r o v i d e food f o r people. The other

way is that anyone who dies and then returns from the land otter

realm, i s automatically endowed w i t h power i n t h e form of spirits

and/or food, as long as he and his relatives ascribe to the

proper cleansing rituals ( C f . Myths 1, 2, 5, 9, 11, 16, 24, 26,

31, Appendix I). To be able to leave the land otter village and

return with g i f t s and other resources, indicated that a person

had great strength and an ability beyond the norm.

By entering the realm of the land o t t e r s , the shaman o r the

shaman-to-be t e s t s h i s s t r e n g t h and s t a m i n a and even his courage

by facing these s p i r i t s which are viewed with s u c h awe and fear.

Qualities s u c h as physical strength, moral c h a r a c t e r and a sense

of social etiquette are e s s e n t i a l to s u r v i v i n g among t h e land

otters. Shamans who journey to the land o t t e r realm on a mission

/

of h e a l i n g or to a t t a i n greater power, u s u a l l y e q u i p themselves

with prophalyatic a g e n t s s u c h as d e v i l ' s club, blue hellebore or

urine. This protects them f r o m t h e influence of the land otters

(de Laguna, 1972:746). When a non-shaman ventures into this

realm a f t e r being "saved" by land o t t e r s , he must r e l y on help

.from h i s r e l a t i v e s , who may be either among the land otters or

among h i s living kin group, i f he w i s h e s t o g e t away. His land

otter relatives (sometimes p r o m p t e d by a shaman h i r e d by h i s k i n

group, c f . Myth 2, 6, 11, 26, 28, Appendix I ) h e l p him to escape,

and h i s human r e l a t i v e s s e t the stage f o r the r e t u r n t o h i s home.

Without this s u p p o r t , he was destined to remain among t h e land

otters just as t h e s p i r i t of a human who has d i e d must remain,

cold and hungry and far from the fire i n the s p i r i t world

(Swanton, 1908a:462). With this s u p p o r t , he was a b l e t o become a

shaman and thus m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l of the land otter spirits.

An underlying theme in the myths was that access to the

sources of power i s determined by proper behavior i n both the

social and the s p i r i t realms. Ultimately, t h e power t h a t makes

wealth possible came f r o m the s p i r i t domain (ie. dead a n c e s t o r s )

or the realm of land o t t e r people. By u p h o l d i n g c o r r e c t values,

treating animals p r o p e r l y and showing r e s p e c t f o r the dead, the

non-material realm of the spirits could be made t o p r o v i d e

material abundance. But only people who had contact with the

spirit realm, or even better, had visited i t themselves, could

m u s t e r up t h e n e c e s s a r y s t r e n g t h and power t o continually access

this source o f abundance. Connections with land otter spirits,

or relatives who had b e e n t a k e n by them, was the p r i m a r y way of

initially obtaining this r e s e r v e o f power ( c f . Myths 1, 2, 3, 4,

5, 23, 24, 26, 31, 33, Appendix I).. By becoming a shaman, and

thus using his spirits, the individual was assured of ongoing

access to t h i s source. The rest of t h e community assured their

s u c c e s s by having a shaman w i t h i n the l i n e a g e g r o u p who would

intercede f o r them by making s u c h endeavors as hunting, fishing

or warfare successful (Oberg, 1973; 1 9 ) . The myths s e r v e d to

reinforce these b e l i e f s , and to i n d i c a t e how and why this power

was available t o t h e shaman f o r t h e b e n e f i t of the community.

All four scenarios in these stories about land otters

involved a potential breach of taboo, either against incest ( i . e .

an implied relation or improper behavior between a man and his

sister or moiety sister, c f . Myths 2, 3, 5, 11, 13, 23, 31,

Appendix I ) , or a g a i n s t the mistreatment of animals ( c f . Myths 2,

3, 7, 11, 24, 26, 28, Appendix I). More g e n e r a l l y , they i m p l i e d

a potentially dangerous coming together of realms that were

usually considered best separated by the Tlingit (i.e.

brothers/sisters, humans/animals, nature/culture, death/life.

However, e a c h o f t h e s e b i n a r y c a t e g o r i e s had an inherent linkage

binding them t o g e t h e r ; b r o t h e r and sisters were bounded by blood,

humans d e p e n d e d on a n i m a l s for food, culture is not possible

without nature and death is inevitably linked with life. Yet,

social customs d i c t a t e d that a distinction between them must be

maintained.

In the myths, the main c h a r a c t e r g e n e r a l l y e n c o u n t e r e d a

situation that threatened to collapse the boundaries that kept

these c a t e g o r i e s distinct. Unless the heroes avoided breaching

95
 the taboo, t h e y were a b s o r b e d by t h e w i l d n e s s and t h u s t a k e n o u t

of t h e human s o c i a l o r d e r by l a n d otter p o s s e s s i o n which was t h e

same as being "crazy" or dead. 5

I f t h e y showed s t r e n g t h o f

character and p r o p e r respect f o r t h e customs, t h e y overcame d e a t h

and r e t u r n e d with even greater strength. Otherwise they became

land otter p e o p l e and were destined to remain separated from

their human kinfolk. The l a n d otter myths t h u s illustrated both

p r o p e r and i m p r o p e r b e h a v i o r and reinforced acceptable conduct

by p o s i t i v e and n e g a t i v e examples r e s p e c t i v e l y .

s
According to Professor Halpin, the equation of land otter possession with a state of
mental disorder and even death may have some bearing on a physiological condition associated with
drowning or other situations where a person is subject to prolonged exposure to cold. Hypothermia
is a condition where a person's body temperature becomes abnormally low and one of the symptoms is
amnesia and/or distorted mental perceptions. If this state persists, death is inevitable. Yet, i f
a person were rescued from the water by friends, or i f they had great stamina and strength, they
could survive such an ordeal. However, they would likely have a distorted perception of what had
happened, i f they remembered i t at a l l (personal communication, Marjorie Halpin).

96
 CONCLUSION

SHAMANS, LAND OTTERS AND SOCIAL INTEGRITY

"Han does not stand apart from nature: in the Tlingit mind there is no dichotomy between the
human moral world and a nonmoral world of natural forces, inanimate phenomena and dumb brutes.
Hans essential self or spirit is identical in essence with the spirits or souls of animals,
birds, plants, rocks, and winds, and as they can or could at times assume human form, or
perhaps once possessed i t , so some men have the awful power of appearing in animal guise, or
may suffer this transformation. Han acknowledges his moral obligations towards these other
Belves in the world about him. He speaks to them and they to him. He fears their powers,
greater than his own, yet relies upon their conformity to the common law and upon their
reciprocal goodwill for his happiness and goodwill (de Laguna, 1972;836}.

DEATH: THE INDETERMINATE DETERMINATION

Burridge ( 1979; 151) claims that t h e most significant

confrontation with truth and r e a l i t y among t r a d i t i o n a l societies,

is death. Experiencing the death o f another or thinking about

o n e ' s own d e a t h , lead to, f i r s t , repugnance and o p p o s i t i o n , then

to acceptance. However, he indicates that i n that initial

opposition lies t h e seeds of that which may t r a n s f o r m the

traditional order. Death p r e d i c a t e s l i f e as o f t e n as i t f o l l o w s

(ibid.). Yet, death itself i s the ultimate i n inconsistency,

since we generally don't know when t o expect i t , o r what i t

really means. In order to accommodate to the uncertainty of

death, most societies develop an e x p l a n a t o r y s c e n a r i o f o r what

happens a f t e r death.

Tlingit eschatology, l i k e their cosmology (of which i t might

be considered a part), was i n c o n s i s t e n t and even i l l o g i c a l on t h e

surface from a cartesian viewpoint. Yet, they were v e r y precise

and specific about what h a p p e n e d when someone d i e d . T h e body,

97
when a v a i l a b l e , was s u b j e c t t o very particular rituals, and a

series of potlatch feats were held at appropriate intervals.

Human s p i r i t s were d i v i d e d into three parts after death, one o f

which c o u l d be r e i n c a r n a t e d i n a s many a s f o u r d i f f e r e n t people

(de L a g u n a , 1972;780). There were four different places the

spirits might go, d e p e n d i n g on b o t h how t h e y h a d l i v e d their life

and on how t h e y h a d d i e d .

The afterlife of those who h a d d i e d normal deaths c a n be

described in some d e t a i l , a s we saw i n C h a p t e r II. However, t h e

fate o f t h o s e who drowned o r were l o s t i n the woods h a s r e c e i v e d

confused and conflicting interpretations. In a sense they had

not died because they were believed to have been taken

("captured" or "saved") a l i v e by Land O t t e r Men a n d t r a n s f o r m e d

into beings like their captors (de Laguna, 1972;766). Although

t h e y were said to live among t h e L a n d Otter People, t h e y were i n

another sense considered dead. This ambiguous situation i s

further confused by the lack of clarity as t o whether these

u n f o r t u n a t e s were a v a i l a b l e f o r reincarnation, as t h o s e who died

normal deaths were.

De Laguna (1974;777) reports that when i n f o r m a n t s were

asked about p e o p l e who drowned, they were vague about whether

t h e y were available for r e i n c a r n a t i o n or not. However, i f we

follow the l o g i c o f t h e myths ( c f . Myth 2, A p p e n d i x I I ) , there

was a form of reincarnation available t o people who have b e e n

98
transformed into land otters; they became the spirits of the

shaman and t h u s assumed a new r o l e i n h e l p i n g to preserve Tlingit

society.

The concept of reincarnation suggested that the deceased

individual was, under normal circumstances, available for

reincorporation back into T l i n g i t society. As a r e s u l t of the

proper care and treatment of the corpse and t h e consequent

practise of "feeding" the dead and remembering them a t the

potlatch, certain aspects of t h e d e c e a s e d h a d an o p p o r t u n i t y to

return, at least symbolically, when his name and associated

prerogatives were p a s s e d on t o a s u c c e s s o r . An a c t u a l return was

possible when h i s s p i r i t was r e i n c a r n a t e d back into the lineage,

after an announcing dream or some other sign that a certain

person had r e t u r n e d (de Laguna, 1972:776).

THE POTLATCH: DEALING WITH DEATH SOCIALLY

The Tlingit potlatch or feast for t h e dead was a p r i m a r i l y

social affair which s e r v e d many p u r p o s e s . As we saw i n C h a p t e r

I, there are several types of f e a s t s , but t h e one we a r e m a i n l y

concerned with here is the memorial feast. A t one l e v e l i t

served to increase the status and prestige of the host group,

while a t t h e same t i m e i t honoured t h e m a t r i l i n e a l a n c e s t o r s and

emphasized the opposition of the matrilineal kin group to the

paternal k i n g r o u p s and i n - l a w s ( i . e . between s i b l i n g s a n d c r o s s -

99
cousins). Thus i t was an opportunity to d i s p l a y c r e s t s , perform

s o n g s and d a n c e s and to t e l l s t o r i e s , a l l of which expressed the

social identity of the lineage group.

The act of dying removed the i n d i v i d u a l from the social

order and placed him or her i n the transitional realm for the

spirits of the dead. The liminal nature of the period between

the f u n e r a l and the p o t l a t c h was clearly expressed by the notion

that the deceased had not yet f o u n d a permanent p l a c e in the

"village of the dead", w h i l e at the same t i m e t h e lineage had not

yet been released from their mourning t a b o o s , and were still

indebted to t h e i r "opposites", who had helped them during the

funeral (Kan, 1986:197).

In the final a n a l y s i s , i t appears that the ultimate purpose

of the p o t l a t c h was not merely the release of the deceased from

their obligation to the living. It also ensured that the

essential attributes of that person's ancestoral spirit was

p a s s e d on within the lineage group. This in effect maintained

continuity of the lineage and u l t i m a t e l y of T l i n g i t c u l t u r e as a

whole. The land o t t e r does n o t appear i n the potlatch ceremony;

its a m b i g u i t y would not be welcome in a context celebrating

order.

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 MYTHS: DEALING WITH ANOMALOUS DEATHS

We have s e e n how, i n t h e myths, there was a linkage between

d e a t h , power and m a t e r i a l abundance, o f t e n m e d i a t e d b y shamans

and land otters. When t h e shaman r e c e i v e d power f r o m the land

otters, he was a b l e to effect greater c o n t r o l over life and d e a t h

(ie. by h e a l i n g and/or r e t r i e v i n g lost souls). We have a l s o seen

in the myths how land o t t e r people often helped relatives i n

times o f need, e s p e c i a l l y famine. I have p o i n t e d o u t how t h i s i s

similar to t h e way i n which relatives in the land o f t h e dead

assisted their k i n f o l k to return to the land of the living (cf.

Tales 31 & 46; Swanton,.1909). T h e s e myths i l l u s t r a t e how land

otter 'relatives' could help a potential shaman r e t u r n and thus

exercise h i s new power among the people. Given the T l i n g i t

assertion that these land o t t e r people were a l l o n c e human (de

Laguna, 1972;836) a n d my h y p o t h e s i s t h a t becoming h e l p i n g spirits

was a form of reincarnation, these 'relatives' had a vested

interest in helping their visitor escape. T h i s would g i v e them

limited access to the world of l i v i n g people again.

When t h e shaman r e t u r n e d from t h e realm of t h e Land Otter

People, he brought with him knowledge about h e a l i n g , fishing,

hunting, etc., actual devices t h a t would h e l p him i n these tasks,

or the end'product itself ( i . e . food, fishhooks or l o s t souls of

t h o s e who were s i c k ) . The i m p o r t a n c e of this shamanic power t o

the social realm i s illustrated i n t h e myths, p a r t i c u l a r l y those

101
that drew the connection between m a t e r i a l abundance a n d s p i r i t

helpers from the land o t t e r realm ( C f . Myths 1, 2, 5, 9, 11, 16,

24, 26, 31, A p p e n d i x I ) .

LAND OTTER: DEALING WITH DEATH SPIRITUALLY

Just as t h e p o t l a t c h p r o v i d e d a means o f passing on power,

a u t h o r i t y and wealth, and thereby reaffirmed the boundaries of

the social order, the land otter complex, as seen through t h e

myths and the shaman's rituals, provided a c o n t i n u i t y of the

special kind o f power w i e l d e d by t h e shaman. A layperson would

inherit names which had prerogatives associated with them that

gave h i m a c c e s s to certain status, prestige and resources (i.e.

property). The shaman inherited spirit helpers (land otters

being p r i m a r y c a n d i d a t e s ) which o f f e r e d him a different kind of

status, prestige and a l s o the a b i l i t y t o ensure the renewal o f

food resources (Swanton, 1909;64).

Thus t h e common g r o u n d between t h e social and t h e shamanic

order resided on two separate but related levels. On t h e

material l e v e l , . abundance of food and other life-sustaining

necessities was ensured by the provision of help from t h e

spiritual level. This help, as manifested through t h e shaman,

also feeds back into the maintenance o f s o c i a l c o n t i n u i t y by

providing life-sustaining powers o f a more subtle nature ( i e .

curing illness and r e t r i e v i n g l o s t souls).

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 Where t h e potlatch denied the ambiguity of T l i n g i t cosmology

and celebrated d e a t h as a means of c o n t i n u i t y , the land otter

myths a f f i r m e d this a m b i g u i t y by expressing the possibility of a

disintegration of the social order. The shamans were a b l e to

m e d i a t e between the human s o c i e t y and the spirit realm because

t h e y were a b l e t o go beyond the social order and with the help of

their land otter spirits, restore the very d i s r u p t i o n they had

caused.

So, in effect, there were c o m p l e m e n t a r y forces at work i n

Tlingit society which nourished both the physical and the

spiritual needs o f the people. The common g r o u n d between those

f o r c e s was occupied by the land o t t e r complex b e c a u s e t h e power

of the shaman came f r o m that mediating factor in the Tlingit

belief system. The land o t t e r s m e d i a t e d between l i f e and death

b e c a u s e i t was f r o m them that the shaman learned to overcome

death. The inconsistency of death, e s p e c i a l l y d r o w n i n g , was made

consistent by the existence of a land o t t e r realm. The lost body

(and soul) had somewhere t o go and, if conditions were r i g h t ,

something to gain. I f there had b e e n no land o t t e r people, there

w o u l d have b e e n some other similar notion structured into their

cosmology to h e l p ensure the continuity and coherence of the

Tlingit universe.

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 CONTENTS OF APPENDIX I :
SUMMARY OF MYTH AND STORIES

TLINGIT MYTHS & TEXTS - J.R. Swanton 1909 105

Myth 1 Tale 5 Kaka: p. 28 105
Myth 2 T a l e 31 Raven: p. 80 105
Myth 3 Tale 6 THE LAND-OTTER-SISTER p. 29 . . . . 106
Myth 4 Tale 7 THE LAND-OTTER SON p.29 106
Myth 5 T a l e 45 THE WOMAN WHO MARRIED A LAND OTTER
p. 187 106
Myth 6 T a l e 46 THE LAND-OTTER'S CAPTIVE p.188 . . 106
Myth 7 T a l e 18 VARIOUS ADVENTURES NEAR CROSS SOUND
p.47 107
Myth 8 T a l e 27 THE ALSEK RIVER PEOPLE p.64 . . . 107

The T l i n g i t Indians - A u r e l Krause 1979 . . . . 107

Myth 9 Kaka p. 197 107

STORIES ABOUT LAND OTTERS - F. de Laguna 1972 . . 108

Myth 11 THE STORY OF KAKA p.749 108
Myth 12 THE GIRLS WHO HAD LAND OTTERS AS LOVERS
p.750 108
Myth 13 TWO LITTLE BOYS RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS
p.751 108
Myth 14 A BOY RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS p.752 . . . 108
Myth 15 NEXINTEK RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS p.752 . . 109
Myth 16 LDAXIN AND THE LAND OTTERS p.753 . . . . 109
Myth 17 THE DROWNED WOMAN p.754 109
Myth 18 A GIRL CAPTURED BY LAND OTTERS p. 754 . . 109
Myth 19 SMALL BOYS SAVED BY DOGS p.755 109
Myth 20 TWO BOYS LOST IN THE WOODS p.755 . . . . 109

Haida Texts and Myths J.R. Swanton 1905 . . . . 110

Myth 23 THE STORY OF HIM WHOSE SISTER BROUGHT FOOD
FROM L-O 110
Myth 24 STORY OF Tc!aawu'nk! p.58 ( T l i n g i t name and
story) 110

Haida Texts J.R. Swanton 1908b I l l

Myth 26 QAKA p. 523 I l l
Myth 27 Ldjan and Guk!a'na p. 535 I l l
Myth 28 THE MAN CARRIED OFF BY LAND OTTERS p.545 . . 112
Myth 29 A SHAMAN AT QAIK p. 597 112
Myth 31 The Man Who was Helped by Land O t t e r s p.449 112

TSIMSHIAN MYTHOLOGY Franz Boas 1909 113

Myth 32 THE OTTER WHO MARRIED THE PRINCESS p.166 . . 113
Myth 33 LAND OTTER p. 345 113

104
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

T L I N G I T MYTHS & TEXTS - J.R. Swanton 1909

Myth 1 Tale 5 Kaka: p.28

Kaka has two w i v e s - s a v e d by L a n d O t t e r woman w/two h u s b a n d s

L a n d O t t e r s i n e w as charm - t u r n e d Kaka i n t o L a n d O t t e r
U n d e r w a t e r j o u r n e y f o r Kaka - c o v e r e d by a mat
L a n d O t t e r p e o p l e must h i d e i n woods d u r i n g d a y l i g h t

Myth 2 Tale 31 Raven: p.80

L a n d O t t e r s p o s i n g as r e l a t i v e s
Dog s k i n u s e d and bones hang f r o m a p r o n t o f r i g h t e n L a n d O t t e r
Shamanic s p i r i t p o s s e s s i o n as a f o r m o f r e i n c a r n a t i o n :
"the shaman who i s p o s s e s s e d by him d a n c e s i n t h e same manner"
L a n d - O t t e r p e o p l e have t h e i r own shamans and t h e i r own l a n g u a g e
L a n d - O t t e r p e o p l e meet on an i s l a n d n e a r S i t k a e v e r y y e a r
Canoe j o u r n e y w i t h h e a d c o v e r e d - L a n d O t t e r want t o keep s e c r e t s
L a n d O t t e r s h i d e i n dens a f t e r coming a s h o r e
R e t r i e v a l o f body - b r o u g h t d e l i g h t t o Kaka's f r i e n d s
M a s t e r / s l a v e : yek c a l l t h e shaman's r e l a t i v e s "my m a s t e r s "
Kaka's a u n t ' s l a n d o t t e r h u s b a n d i s a f r a i d t o l e t him l e a r n t h e i r
s e c r e t s - t h i s would cause the Land O t t e r s t o d i e
S t r o n g mind r e s i s t s Land O t t e r - Kaka d i d n o t b e l i e v e t h a t L a n d
O t t e r i s s t r o n g e r t h a n p e o p l e , t h u s t h e y h a d no c o n t r o l o v e r him
S p i r i t p o s s e s s i o n - Kaka was ' s a v e d ' by two s p i r i t s , t h u s he sang
t h e i r songs - i . e . i n h e r i t e d from h i s Land O t t e r ' u n c l e '
Kaka's s p i r i t s were a l l a r o u n d - wind, waves and s e a b i r d s
Sea b i r d s s i t t i n g on a l o g a r e shamans s p i r i t s .
L a n d O t t e r s p i r i t s a medium o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n
- a l l o w s shamans t o s e e e a c h o t h e r f r o m a f a r ,
p.139
L o s s o f w e a l t h > l o s s o f w i f e > becomes l i k e a w i l d a n i m a l
F o o l i s h p e o p l e were e q u a t e d w i t h d e a d p e o p l e
Drowned p e r s o n has " s t r e n g t h l i k e t h a t o f a shaman"
-uses i t t o 'get' o t h e r p e o p l e
F o u r b o y s ' t a k e n ' (drowned) by L a n d O t t e r s
- t h e y d i d n o t want t o r e t u r n when t h e p e o p l e went a f t e r them
W a r f a r e between l a n d o t t e r s and human b e i n g s
M i s h a p s , b o i l s and p i m p l e s c a u s e d by L a n d O t t e r a r r o w s
Land O t t e r ( h i g h - c a s t e ) equated w i t h "deer" (peace hostage)
L a n d O t t e r s d a n c e t h e p e a c e - m a k i n g dance
B i t t e r r o o t i n water r e n d e r s Land O t t e r u n c o n s c i o u s
A n i m a t e d shaman's r a t t l e and b e l t s e l e c t p a t i e n t t o c u r e
Shaman c u r e s h i g h - c a s t e L a n d O t t e r by r e m o v i n g i n v i s i b l e a r r o w
S p i r i t o f c l a m s as c a u s e o f s i c k n e s s
c l a m s l o o k t o t h e s p i r i t s l i k e human b e i n g s
Shaman c r e a t e s s a n d b a r on w h i c h he i s r e s c u e d
Shamans and b e l i e f i n s p i r i t s d i m i n i s h Raven's i m p o r t a n c e

105
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

Myth 3 Tale 6 THE LAND-OTTER-SISTER p.29

Man f o r g e t s a b o u t h i s drowned s i s t e r
L a n d O t t e r s i s t e r b r i n g s him b a s k e t s o f f o o d
L a n d O t t e r nephews come t o h e l p t h e i r human u n c l e
L a n d O t t e r nephews p u t h a l i b u t on t h e i r u n c l e ' s l i n e
Man's c h i l d r e n b e g i n t o grow t a i l s - s t o p p e d by L a n d O t t e r a u n t
L a n d O t t e r c a l l e d bad w e a t h e r good and good w e a t h e r bad
F i r e threatens L a n d O t t e r nephew's t a i l s / c l o t h e s - t h e y l e a v e i n
a n g e r as t h e y f e e l - m i s t r e a t e d by t h e i r human u n c l e
L a n d O t t e r nephews use t h e i r t a i l s t o c a r r y new c a n o e t o w a t e r
New c a n o e c a r r i e s an abundance o f f o o d b a c k t o v i l l a g e

Myth 4 Tale 7 THE LAND-OTTER SON p.29

Famine p e r i o d - a t e o n l y s h e l l f i s h and f o o d f r o m low t i d e l i n e

L a n d O t t e r s o n t a k e s p i t y on p o o r and h u n g r y p a r e n t s
g i v e s them d e v i l f i s h f o r h a l i b u t b a i t
L a n d O t t e r s o n communicates by w h i s t l i n g - h i d e s h i s f a c e
L a n d O t t e r s o n p u t s h a l i b u t on f a t h e r ' s l i n e
L a n d O t t e r s o n h i d e s i n t h e woods a t d a y b r e a k - b e f o r e r a v e n c a l l s
L a n d O t t e r s o n e a t s o n l y raw f i s h
L a n d O t t e r s o n f a d e s away as p a r e n t ' s c a n o e n e a r s t h e i r v i l l a g e

Myth 5 T a l e 45 THE WOMAN WHO MARRIED A LAND OTTER p.187

V a r i a t i o n of Tale 6

Famine and h u n g e r f o r a man-and h i s t h r e e c h i l d r e n

L a n d O t t e r s i s t e r b r i n g s f o o d f o r them
L a n d O t t e r nephews h e l p man f i n i s h h i s c a n o e
Takes h i s t h r e e c h i l d r e n t o v i s i t the l a n d o t t e r s
P r o t e c t s h i m s e l f with b l u e h e l l e b o r e i n water
C h i l d r e n b e g i n t o grow t a i l s - he c h o p s them o f f
H i s s i s t e r s a y s he has s t a y e d t o o l o n g - must l e a v e
When l e a v i n g he s e e s l - o h o l e s i n s t e a d o f p a i n t e d h o u s e s
R e t u r n s t o h i s v i l l a g e w i t h an abundance o f f o o d

Myth 6 Tale 46 THE LAND-OTTER'S CAPTIVE p.188

S u r v i v o r o f c a p s i z e d c a n o e d e c i e v e d by L a n d O t t e r s - t a k e n s o u t h
Land O t t e r s take i n a female l a n d o t t e r a t every s t o p
C o v e r d man w i t h mat d u r i n g journey
L a n d O t t e r a u n t i n g r o u n d hog r o b e has two L a n d O t t e r husbands
who h e l p him r e t u r n t o h i s own village
P e o p l e o f t h e v i l l a g e c a p t u r e him w i t h dog bones on t h e r o p e
Man r e s t o r e d f r o m h i s w i l d s t a t e by c u t t i n g h e a d w/ dog bones
Man l e a r n e d h a l i b u t f i s h i n g f r o m t h e L a n d O t t e r s
Man a t e o n l y raw f i s h and meat - d i e d when he a t e c o o k e d f o o d

106
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

Myth 7 Tale 18 VARIOUS ADVENTURES NEAR CROSS SOUND p.47

L a n d O t t e r communicates w i t h men by w h i s t l i n g
H u n t e r s went crazy after eating a land otter and t h e n k i l l i n g a
l a n d - o t t e r - m a n by b u r n i n g him
Crazy equated with death

Myth 8 Tale 27 THE ALSEK RIVER PEOPLE p.64

Famine among t h e p e o p l e
Two shamans s i n g i n g - one f o r e u l a c h o n s , t h e o t h e r f o r a n i m a l s
F i r s t shaman goes u n d e r t h e w a t e r i n a canoe t o b r i n g f i s h back
L a n d O t t e r s p i r i t s t a l k i n g i n s i d e o f two m e n s t r u a n t women
M e n s t r u a n t woman e n f e e b l e s t h e power o f a shaman's s p i r i t
L a n d - O t t e r - M e n were i n v i s i b l e
D i s r e s p e c t o f L a n d O t t e r s c a u s e a g r e a t a v a l a n c h e and f l o o d

The Tlingit Indians - A u r e l Krause 1979

Myth 9 Kaka p.197

Shaman i s w r a p p e d i n a mat, t i e d w / o t t e r s t r a p & l o w e r e d i n s e a

B l a d d e r o f a l a n d o t t e r marks t h e p o s i t i o n o f t h e shaman
He i s f o u n d i n f o u r d a y s , h a n g i n g f r o m a c l i f f
Kaka has two w i v e s - one f a i t h f u l , one n o t
Charm o f o t t e r s i n e w c a u s e s Kaka t o drown - t a k e n by L a n d O t t e r s
Kaka f a l l s i n l o v e w i t h t h e c h i e f L a n d O t t e r ' s two d a u g h t e r s
K a k a ' s a u n t h e l p s him t o r e t u r n t o h i s s e n s e s by r e m o v i n g s i n e w
Kaka's L a n d O t t e r u n c l e s h e l p him t o r e t u r n home i n c a n o e
U n c l e s become l a n d o t t e r s a t d a y b r e a k , remove Kaka's t o n g u e and
t h u s o b t a i n t h e powers o f a shaman
Kaka's u n f a i t h f u l y o u n g e r w i f e f a l l s t h r u smoke h o l e
commits s u i c i d e as a r e s u l t o f h e r shame

107
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

STORIES ABOUT LAND OTTERS - F. d e L a g u n a 1972

Myth 11 THE STORY OF KAKA p.749

Kaka's j e a l o u s w i f e puts l a n d o t t e r sinew i nh i s e a r

K a k a i s t a k e n away b y L a n d O t t e r s
Kaka's r e l a t i v e s gave a g r e a t f e a s t f o rh i m
The L a n d O t t e r s d r a g g e d h i m u n d e r t h r e e r o c k y p o i n t s n e a r S i t k a
K a k a m a r r i e s a y o u n g L a n d O t t e r woman
Kaka's aunt removes t h e sinew from h i s e a r
Kaka's mouth i s d i s f i g u r e d from e a t i n g c o d f i s h bones a n d heads
K a k a h a s n o f e e l i n g i n h i s body when he t h r e a t e n s L a n d O t t e r s
L a n d O t t e r s r e t u r n K a k a - t r a v e l by n i g h t o n l y
K a k a ' s shaman u n c l e s e n t a s p i r i t t o g e t h i m back
When K a k a s h o w s h i m s e l f i n h i s v i l l a g e , p e o p l e g o u n c o n s c i o u s
I r o n n a i l s a r eused on a c l o t h e s l i n e t o c a t c h Kaka
Kaka would n o t e a tt h e food o f f e r e d by h i s f a m i l y

Myth 12 THE GIRLS WHO HAD LAND OTTERS AS LOVERS p.7 50

Two a d o l e s c e n t g i r l s a r e c o n f i n e d f o r o n e y e a r
Holes i nt r e e s a r eLand O t t e r holes - g i r l s s i t on h o l e s
Land O t t e r s p i r i t s t r y t o e n t e r t h eg i r l s -
r e p e l l e d by d e v i l ' s club
R e l a t i v e s o f t h eg i r l s " k i l l " a s l a v e f o r Land O t t e r
Land O t t e r send two s l a v e s (mink) i n r e t u r n p o t l a t c h
L a n d O t t e r s t r y t o d r o w n t h e p e o p l e i n mud
People s e t f i r e t o t h eLand O t t e r holes w i t h p i t c h
[holes = t o po f land o t t e r ' s v i l l a g e ]

Myth 13 TWO L I T T L E BOYS RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS p . 751

Two b o y s a r e l o s t a n d m e e t t h e i r " m o t h e r a n d s i s t e r s "

(ie.Land Otters posing as r e l a t i v e s )
Shaman s u g g e s t s t h a t o n e w i l l , be f o u n d i n a h o l e u n d e r a t r e e
says they should use a dog t o f i n d him
A f t e r 3 days t h e y o u n g e s t i s found - he h a s messed h i s p a n t s
A f t e r 7 days t h e o t h e r i s found - both were u n c o n s c i o u s
Shaman r e v i t a l i z e s them a n d d r i v e s away L a n d O t t e r s p i r i t
"coming t o a l i v e a g a i n " = r e i n c a r n a t i o n ?

Myth 14 A BOY RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS p.7 52

B o y i s t a k e n b y L a n d O t t e r s who l o o k l i k e h i s p a r e n t s
Shaman s i n g s a n d p u t s f o o d o n t h e f i r e t o s a v e t h e b o y
-seal o i l , seal f a t , bear o i land d r i e d f i s h
B o y s l e e p s w/ L a n d O t t e r s - t h e y l o o k l i k e p a r e n t s i n d a y t i m e
Boy g e t s s t u c k i n t h e L a n d O t t e r h o l e - r e l i e v e s h i m s e l f t h e r e
Land O t t e r a r ea f r a i d o f h i s body w a s t e s

108
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

F a m i l y f i n d s t h e b o y - he i s c r a z y and a f r a i d of his sister

u n t i l t h e shaman c u r e s h i m

Myth 15 NEXINTEK RESCUED FROM LAND OTTERS p.752

Boy d i s a p p e a r s w h i l e f i s h i n g on a g r a v e l b a r
P e o p l e s e a r c h e d t h r u t h e woods w i t h p i t c h t o r c h e s f o r h i m
Shaman f o l l o w s t h e b o y ' s t r a c k s \
Land O t t e r s dragged him beneath the r o o t s o f a t r e e
b u t w o u l d n o t t o u c h h i m b e c a u s e he d e f e c a t e d on h i m s e l f
P e o p l e c a r v e d h i s f a c e on a b i g t r e e where t h e y f o u n d h i m

Myth 16 LDAXIN AND THE LAND OTTERS p.753

S e a l h u n t e r i s d e l a y e d b y s t o r m s a n d camps on a n i s l a n d
A t n i g h t he s l e e p s u n d e r h i s c a n o e - h e a r s h i s p a r e n t s
w h i s p e r i n g / w h i s t l i n g ( l i k e Land O t t e r )
T r i e s t o s h o o t h i s gun b u t hands go numb a n d he g e t s d i z z y
Shaman s e n d s h i s s p i r i t t o p r o t e c t t h e h u n t e r

The man's u n c l e s pay the shaman t o ' c l e a n s e ' h i m when he r e t u r n s

Myth 17 THE DROWNED WOMAN p.754

Man was t r a p p i n g mink, f o x a n d l a n d o t t e r s

F i n d s two f o o t p r i n t s on e i t h e r s i d e o f a t r a p a n d a g a r t e r on i t
H i s w i f e s a y s i t b e l o n g e d t o h e r mother who d i e d i n a c a n o e u p s e t
She dreams t h a t mother i s m a r r i e d t o a L a n d O t t e r a n d h a s
two mink c h i l d r e n
Myth 18 A GIRL CAPTURED BY LAND OTTERS p . 754

Twelve year o l d g i r l d i s a p p e a r e d - s t o l e n by Land O t t e r s

Search p a r t y heard people, b u t found o n l y l a n d o t t e r t r a c k s

Myth 19 SMALL BOYS SAVED BY DOGS p.755

Canoe l o a d o f ' r e l a t i v e s ' becomes a l o g when dogs s t a r t b a r k i n g

Boy i s t a l k i n g t o h i s ' u n c l e ' b u t when dogs r u n a n d jump on h i m
he t u r n s i n t o a l a n d o t t e r a n d r u n s away

Myth 20 TWO BOYS LOST IN THE WOODS p.755

Boys l o s t i n the woods a r e saved because they h a d a n ax a n d saw

109
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

H a i d a T e x t s a n d Myths J.R. Swanton 1905

Myth 23 THE STORY OF HIM WHOSE SISTER BROUGHT FOOD FROM L-0
A man l e a v e s town w/ w i f e a n d two c h i l d r e n t o make a c a n o e
H i s s i s t e r , who was t a k e n away b y L a n d O t t e r s i n t h e woods
b r i n g s them f o o d
Her L a n d O t t e r h u s b a n d t u r n s t h e c a n o e o v e r - t h e n b r i n g s i t o u t
They p a d d l e t o t h e L a n d O t t e r v i l l a g e f o l l o w i n g h e r d i r e c t i o n s
They l i v e d t h e r e a l o n g t i m e w h i l e f i n i s h i n g t h e c a n o e
A t n i g h t t h e y were i n t h e r o o t s o f a t r e e - b y d a y i t was a house
One o f f o u r L a n d Otter hunters i skilled b e c a u s e he f o r g o t t o
c o v e r h i s knees w h i l e i n a canoe
Land O t t e r b r o t h e r s - i n - l a w h e l p f i n i s h canoe
L a n d O t t e r s i s t e r gave them d i r e c t i o n s home - t o l d them not to
t a l k about Land O t t e r v i l l a g e
When c h i l d s p e a k s w e l l o f L a n d O t t e r v i l l a g e t h e y f i n d t h e m s e l v e s
back u n t i l f i n a l l y s h e f o r g e t s a n d t h e y g e t home

Myth 24 STORY OF Tc!aawu'nk! p.58 ( T l i n g i t name a n d s t o r y )

C h i l d i n c r a d l e becomes shaman s u r r o u n d e d b y crows on b e a c h

Blamed f o r d e a t h s s o he went w/grandmother t o l i v e o u t s i d e town
Became a g r e a t h u n t e r a n d p r o v i d e d f o r v i l l a g e d u r i n g f a m i n e
G a i n s s h a m a n i c power b y g o i n g u n d e r w a t e r t i e d t o a r o p e
S e e s t h e b o t t o m o f a T l i n g i t i s l a n d a n d a shaman's house
Y o u n g e s t o f f o u r nephews immune t o L a n d O t t e r b e c a u s e
he u r i n a t e s i n b e d
Tclaawu'nk! and youngest t a k e n by Land O t t e r s t o h e a l t h e i r c h i e f
W i t h a drum, r a t t l e a n d some u r i n e he t r a v e l s i n t h e b o t t o m o f
t h e L a n d O t t e r c a n o e , c o v e r e d w i t h a mat (nephew a l s o )
L a n d O t t e r s c l e a n e d canoe b y t w i s t i n g a b o u t ( i e t h e i r f u r was wet
T r a v e l l e d under t h e water, through t h e k e l p s t r a n d s
H i s a n i m a t e d r a t t l e l e a d s him t o t h e house o f t h e s i c k L a n d O t t e r
c h i e f ' s s o n - L a n d O t t e r p e o p l e h a d p r e t e n d e d he was e l s e w h e r e
H i s p e o p l e h a d s p e a r e d a w h i t e o t t e r - i t was t h e c h i e f ' s s o n
T c l a a w u ' n k ! removes a bone s p e a r f r o m L a n d O t t e r t h e n r e t u r n s i t
Nephew b e a t s t h e drum w i t h h i s h e a d f r o m a d i s t a n c e
When he s l e p t , t h e house became t h e r o o t s o f a t r e e
T c l a a w u ' n k ! r e w a r d e d w i t h many e l k s k i n s a n d g r e a s e
He s p r a y s t h e L a n d O t t e r shamans who make f u n o f him
w i t h u r i n e and h e l l e b o r e
Clams s p u r t e d w a t e r a t h i m ( s e e L a g u n a f o r c l a m s a s s i c k n e s s )
He a s k s f o r two magic h a l i b u t hooks a s payment
Removes t h e s p e a r a n d i s g i v e n t h e hooks b y r e l u c t a n t L a n d O t t e r s
When he i s r e t u r n e d , t h e h o o k s , e l k s k i n s a n d g r e a s e d i s a p p e a r !

110
APPENDIX I SUMMARY OF LAND OTTER MYTHS

Haida Texts J.R. Swanton 1908b

Myth 26 QAKA p.523

Qaka had two w i v e s - t h e e l d e r p u t L a n d O t t e r s i n e w i n h i s e a r s

b e c a u s e she was j e a l o u s o f t h e y o u n g e r
C o l l e c t i n g c e d a r b a r k , he see h i s young w i f e
( b u t she i s r e a l l y a L a n d O t t e r )
L a n d O t t e r f o o l s Qaka i n t o t h e forest rather than to the sea
where he had wanted t o go
She l e a d s him t o L a n d O t t e r v i l l a g e where he meets an
a u n t who t e l l s him a b o u t t h e l a n d o t t e r s i n e w
L a n d O t t e r s went f o r f o o d a t n i g h t - Qaka g a t h e r e d wood
Aunt c o l l e c t e d d r y wood - f i r e went o u t so she was t r e a t e d b a d l y
Aunt i s f a s t e n e d w i t h p i t c h and p a r t l y t u r n e d t o s t o n e
Qaka c o l l e c t s d r y wood - f i r e k e e p s b u r n i n g when L a n d O t t e r shake
t h e i r wet f u r t o d r y o f f
Qaka e a t s f i s h w i t h L a n d O t t e r s -has a h a r d t i m e w i t h t h e bones
Qaka i s g i v e n away as an e x c h a n g e g i f t f o r a c h i e f ' s d a u g h t e r
Qaka meets a n o t h e r a u n t h e r e who i s bound w / p i t c h and p a r t s t o n e
Qaka t r a v e l s on and meets a n o t h e r a u n t who has two Land O t t e r
h u s b a n d s , one young and o l d
H i s a u n t t e l l him h i s w i f e ' s t r i c k - h e r h u s b a n d s w i l l r e t u r n him
They t r a v e l by n i g h t - i n t h e day Qaka i s l e f t w i t h a f i r e
w h i l e t h e u n c l e s become o t t e r s i n t h e woods
On t h e l a s t n i g h t t h e y go a l o n g t h e b o t t o m o f t h e o c e a n
They l e a v e Qaka a t a c l i f f n e a r h i s v i l l a g e
A canoe w i t h f o u r men come n e a r b u t o n l y t h e one i n t h e bow will
p a d d l e t o w a r d s Kaka - t h e y go b a c k t o t e l l t h e v i l l a g e
Qaka s e e a s p a r r o w t h r u h o l e i n b l a n k e t - he i s i n v i t e d t o v i s i t
a c h i e f u n d e r t h e g r o u n d - p a r t s t h e g r a s s and e n t e r s
He meets a n o t h e r a u n t who a l s o a s k s "Why do you do t h i s ? "
A g a i n t h e L a n d O t t e r s go f o r f o o d a t n i g h t Qaka c o l l e c t s wet wood
Qaka p i e r c e s a b l u e bag w i t h a bone- i t i s t h e s c e n t bag o f t h e
c h i e f o t t e r - Qaka i s s e n t away
He g o e s t o a bay and l i e s down on t h e r o o t o f a t r e e / f l o a t s away
He d i e s and f l o a t s c l o s e t o h i s own v i l l a g e on t h e l o g
P e o p l e see a f l o c k o f s e a b i r d s i n t h e a i r a r o u n d him
Two o l d men s a y i t i s Qaka (a c h i e f ' s son) b u t c a n ' t f i n d him
When t h e y p u r i f y t h e house and f a s t on s a l t w a t e r f o r two n i g h t s
t h e y a r e a b l e t o l o c a t e Qaka
Qaka's d e a d body i s p u t on t h e r o o f o f t h e house f o r f o u r d a y s
Qaka comes b a c k t o l i f e and becomes a g r e a t shaman

His o l d wife r e t u r n e d t o him - the young one married someone else

Myth 27 Ldjan and Guk!a'na p.535

i
F o u r h u n t e r s s t r a n d e d on a r o c k y i s l a n d
The t h r e e d i d n o t s h a r e f o o d w i t h G u k l a ' n a - l e f t him there alone
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when t h e y were r e s c u e d by a c a n o e
Canoe o f L a n d O t t e r s a p p e a r and o f f e r w a t e r and t o h e l p him -
he r e f u s e s h e l p b e c a u s e he f e a r s them
Canoe o f O c e a n - P e o p l e o f f e r t o h e l p him - he r e f u s e s
He i s f i n a l l y r e s c u e d by h i s own p e o p l e who come i n a l a r g e c a n o e

Myth 28 THE MAN CARRIED OFF BY LAND OTTERS p.545

Qaka jumped f r o m h i s c a n o e i n t o t h e w a t e r t o j o i n t h e L a n d O t t e r s
H i s w i f e went b a c k home w i t h h e r t h r e e c h i l d r e n f o r h e l p
i An o l d woman i n t h e L a n d Otter v i l l a g e a d v i s e s Qaka t o g e t wet
wood f o r t h e L a n d O t t e r ' s f i r e
Qaka c o n t r o l s when t h e L a n d O t t e r s c a n come o u t o f t h e w a t e r
Qaka worked f o r t h e L a n d O t t e r s l i k e a s l a v e
Qaka g e t s a spoon f r o m t h e o l d woman and e a t s t h e c h i e f ' s f o o d
The L a n d O t t e r s b e a t Qaka w i t h t h e i r t a i l s
Qaka t r i e s t o r u n away w i t h t h e i r s c e n t g l a n d s , b u t t h e y make t h e
doorway s m a l l and he I s s t u c k
Qaka i s f o u n d by f o u r f r i e n d s who c u t t h e r o o t s away f r o m him
Qaka and h i s p e o p l e p l a n t o k i l l t h e L a n d O t t e r s w i t h f i r e ,
urine & hellebore
They p o u r e d u r i n e i n t h e den h o l e s , l i t f i r e s and c l u b b e d Land
O t t e r s as t h e y came o u t
T h e y s k i n n e d t h e o t t e r s and t r i e d t o s e l l t h e s k i n s t o t h e w h i t e s
i n t h e i r " O t t e r Canoe" ( s t e a m b o a t " O t t e r " )

Myth 29 A SHAMAN AT QAIK p.597

A shaman p r o p h e s i z e s t h e coming o f a c a n o e -
One s t a n d i n g i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e c a n o e i s d r e s s e d as a shaman
The p e o p l e i n t h e c a n o e s i n g a song i n T l i n g i t l a n g u a g e
When t h e y came a s h o r e t h e c a n o e became a r o t t e n t r e e
T h e s e were t h e r e l a t i v e s o f L a n d O t t e r s k i l l e d by t h e v i l l a g e r s
The v i s i t o r s d r e s s e d t h e m s e l v e s and d a n c e d and s a n g f o r t h e h o s t s
I n t h e m o r n i n g t h e v i l l a g e r s k i l l e d t h e L a n d O t t e r s as t h e y came
o u t . o f t h e h o u s e by c l u b b i n g them
At l a s t t h e " d e e r " ( i . e . p e a c e h o s t a g e ) came o u t b u t d i d n o t d i e
f r o m t h e i r c l u b b i n g so t h e y c u t o f f h i s h e a d
T h e y l e f t t h e b o d i e s o f t h e L a n d O t t e r s on an i s l a n d

Myth 31 The Man Who was H e l p e d by Land O t t e r s p.449

Dead woman p r o v i d e s f o o d f o r a man and h i s f a m i l y ( c r a b s h e l l s )

-she goes b a c k t o h e r g r a v e - b o x d u r i n g t h e d a y t i m e
Dead woman i s m a r r i e d t o a L a n d O t t e r
Her L a n d O t t e r h u s b a n d h e l p s t h e man f i n i s h h i s c a n o e
and c a t c h e s many f i s h f o r him
Man becomes a g r e a t c h i e f as a r e s u l t o f h a v i n g so much f i s h
-he i s a b l e t o g i v e t e n p o t l a t c h e s

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TSIMSHIAN MYTHOLOGY F r a n z Boas 1909

Myth 32 THE OTTER WHO MARRIED THE PRINCESS p.166

A c h i e f ' s daughter r e f u s e s to marry her c o u s i n

She goes i n a c a n o e t o c o l l e c t f e r n s w i t h o t h e r women
A t n i g h t she i s c h i l l e d i n s p i t e o f h e r a u n t ' s f i r e
The p r i n c e a r r i v e s and b u i l d s a b i g g e r f i r e - she i s s t i l l chilly
A f r i e n d o f t h e ' p r i n c e ' c a l l s f o r r a i n - i t f l o o d s t h e camp
She a c c e p t s a r i d e home i n t h e p r i n c e ' s c a n o e
The two a r e c o v e r e d by a mat w h i l e t h e y t r a v e l
She a r r i v e s i n a s t r a n g e c o u n t r y ( L a n d O t t e r v i l l a g e )
The c a n o e becomes a d r i f t l o g a f t e r t h e y g e t o u t
Mouse Woman t e l l h e r t o t h r o w h e r e a r - o r n a m e n t s i n t o t h e f i r e
Mouse Woman r e v e a l s t h a t the Land Otter prince has m a r r i e d h e r
b e c a u s e she w o u l d n o t m a r r y h e r c o u s i n
She g i v e s b i r t h t o a c h i l d and i s c a s t o u t by h e r m o t h e r - i n - l a w
She t r i e s t o drown h e r baby L a n d O t t e r , b u t t o no a v a i l
As he grows up, t h e L a n d O t t e r c h i l d p r o v i d e s f o o d f o r h e r
Mouse Woman d i r e c t s h e r t o k i l l t h e L a n d O t t e r s , and she does
M e a n w h i l e , h e r a u n t has r e t u r n e d home and d i s c o v e r e d she has n o t
The c h i e f c a l l s a l l t h e shamans who s a y she was t a k e n by O t t e r s
L i t t l e O t t e r goes t o l o o k a t h i s g r a n d f a t h e r , t h e c h i e f
O t t e r o f f e r s t o t a k e h i s mother home on h i s b a c k t o t h e m a i n l a n d
On t h e way t h e y make s a n d b a r s ( w i t h h a n d f u l o f s a n d ) t o r e s t upon
She and l i t t l e O t t e r a r e welcomed b a c k t o h e r v i l l a g e
O t t e r p r o v i d e s much h a l i b u t and o t h e r f o o d f o r t h e v i l l a g e
C h i e f g i v e s a g r e a t p o t l a t c h f o r a l l the Tsimshian
C h i e f a s k s t h e o t h e r v i l l a g e s n o t t o harm l i t t l e O t t e r
One v i l l a g e was n o t p r e s e n t - men f r o m i t k i l l e d l i t t l e O t t e r

Myth 33 LAND OTTER p.345

Man c l a i m s he w o u l d n e v e r y e i l d t o L a n d O t t e r s
He and h i s s i s t e r c a p s i z e i n a c a n o e
He s e e s a f i r e moving away f r o m him, b u t makes h i s own
A c a n o e a r r i v e and he t h r o w s t h e p a d d l e s i n t o t h e f i r e
t h e y become mink
The p e o p l e i n t h e c a n o e d i s a p p e a r and i t becomes a d r i f t l o g
A woman come t o h i s f i r e and o f f e r s him f i s h and seaweed
He r e f u s e s f o o d f r o m h i s L a n d O t t e r s i s t e r - t h e n a c c e p t s
A f t e r a month, he i s r e s c u e d .

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Myth 2 (Swanton, 1909 Tale 31) KAKA:

The f i r s t man c a p t u r e d ( o r " s a v e d " ) by t h e l a n d o t t e r s was a

K i k s a d i named K a k a . The l a n d o t t e r s k e p t coming t o him i n l a r g e
canoes looking like his mother or h i s s i s t e r , or other dear
r e l a t i o n , and p r e t e n d i n g t h a t t h e y had b e e n l o o k i n g f o r him f o r a
long time. But t h e y c o u l d n o t c o n t r o l t h e m s e l v e s as w e l l as he,
and a t s u c h t i m e s he w o u l d d i s c o v e r who t h e y were and t h a t t h e i r
c a n o e was n o t h i n g but a skate. F i n a l l y , when Kaka f o u n d t h a t he
c o u l d not see h i s f r i e n d s , he thought he might as well give
h i m s e l f up to the land o t t e r s . Then t h e y named him Qowulka, a
word i n t h e l a n d o t t e r l a n g u a g e now a p p l i e d t o a k i n d of fishook
which the h a l i b u t are thought to like better than a l l others.
Nowadays, when a f i g u r e o f Qowulka i s made, i t i s covered with a
dog skin, because i t was by means of a dog s k i n t h a t he
f r i g h t e n e d the l a n d o t t e r s , and t h e y a l s o hang h i s apron about
w i t h dog bones. The shaman who i s p o s s e s s e d by him d r e s s e s i n
t h e same manner. From Kaka the people learned that the l a n d
otter affects t h e minds of those who have b e e n w i t h them f o r a
l o n g t i m e so as to turn them a g a i n s t t h e i r own friends. They
also learned from him that there a r e shamans among t h e l a n d
o t t e r s , and t h a t t h e l a n d o t t e r s have a l a n g u a g e o f t h e i r own.

F o r two y e a r s Kaka's f r i e n d s h u n t e d f o r him, f a s t i n g at the

same t i m e and r e m a i n i n g away f r o m t h e i r wives. A t t h e end o f
t h i s p e r i o d t h e l a n d o t t e r s went t o an i s l a n d a b o u t 50 m i l e s f r o m
S i t k a and t o o k Kaka w i t h them. The l a n d o t t e r t r i b e s go t o t h i s
place every year. Then an o l d land-otter-woman c a l l e d to Kaka:
"My nephew, I s e e t h a t you a r e w o r r y i n g a b o u t t h e p e o p l e a t y o u r
home. When we g e t to the place whither we are going place
yourself astride o f t h e f i r s t l o g you see l y i n g on t h e b e a c h and
s i t t h e r e as l o n g as you c a n . " And h e r h u s b a n d s a i d t o him: "Keep
your head covered over. Do n o t l o o k a r o u n d . " They gave him t h i s
d i r e c t i o n b e c a u s e t h e y t h o u g h t , " I f t h i s human b e i n g sees a l l of
our ways and l e a r n s a l l o f our h a b i t s , we s h a l l d i e . . " On t h e way
a c r o s s the land-otter-people sang a song, really a k i n d of
prayer, of which the words are, "May we g e t on t h e c u r r e n t
r u n n i n g to the s h o r e . "

The moment they came to land the land-otter-people

d i s a p p e a r e d and he d i d n o t know what had become o f them. They
may have r u n i n t o some den. Then he r a n up t h e s a n d y b e a c h and
s a t on the f i r s t l o g he came t o , as he had b e e n d i r e c t e d . The
i n s t a n t h i s body t o u c h e d i t he became unconscious. It was a
shaman's s p i r i t t h a t made him s o .

By and by Kaka's f r i e n d s , who were a t t h a t t i m e h u n t i n g f o r

fur seals, an occupation that carries one far out to sea,

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suddenly heard the n o i s e of a shaman's drum and p e o p l e b e a t i n g

f o r him w i t h b a t o n s . They f o l l o w e d t h e s o u n d s e a w a r d u n t i l they
saw t h o u s a n d s and t h o u s a n d s of sea b i r d s f l y i n g about something
f l o a t i n g upon t h e o c e a n a mile o r two ahead o f them. Arrived
there they saw t h a t i t was a l o g w i t h Kaka l y i n g upon i t c l o t h e d
o n l y i n a k e l p apron. The p e o p l e were d e l i g h t e d t o f i n d e v e n h i s
body, and took i t i n t o t h e i r canoe. He l o o k e d v e r y w i l d and
strange. He d i d n o t open h i s e y e s , y e t he seemed t o know who had
possession of him, and without having h i s l i p s s t i r a voice f a r
down i n h i s c h e s t s a i d , " I t i s I my m a s t e r s . " I t was a shaman's
s p i r i t that said this, and t o t h e p r e s e n t day a shaman's s p i r i t
w i l l c a l l t h e shaman's r e l a t i o n s "my masters."

The o l d woman t h a t s a v e d him and t o l d him t o s i t a s t r i d e of

t h e l o g was h i s s p i r i t and so was h e r h u s b a n d . The l o g was t h e
s p i r i t ' s canoe. T h i s woman and h e r h u s b a n d had b e e n c a p t u r e d by
the land otters long before, b u t Kaka was so s t r o n g - m i n d e d a
f e l l o w t h a t t h e y f e l t t h e y c o u l d do n o t h i n g w i t h him, so t h e y l e t
him go and became his spirits. They c o u l d n o t t u r n him i n t o a
l a n d o t t e r because he d i d not believe that land o t t e r s are
s t r o n g e r t h a n human b e i n g s .

A f t e r t h e p e o p l e had b r o u g h t Kaka t o a p l a c e j u s t a r o u n d t h e
p o i n t f r o m t h e i r v i l l a g e , he s a i d , "Leave me here f o r a l i t t l e
w h i l e . " So most o f his relations remained with him, w h i l e two
went home t o t e l l t h e p e o p l e who were there. They were n o t
allowed to keep i t from t h e women. Then t h e y made a h o u s e f o r
him o u t o f d e v i l ' s c l u b s and he was l e f t t h e r e f o r two d a y s w h i l e
t h e p e o p l e o f t h e town f a s t e d . They b e l i e v e d i n t h e s e s p i r i t s as
we now b e l i e v e i n God. B e f o r e he was b r o u g h t home t h e h o u s e and
the people i n i t had t o be v e r y c l e a n , b e c a u s e he w o u l d n o t go
where t h e r e was f i l t h . After they got him home they heard the
spirit saying f a r down within him: " I t i s I , O l d - l a n d - o t t e r -
s p i r i t ( K u c t a - k o c a n q o - y e k ) . " T h i s was t h e name of the o l d woman
who f i r s t t o l d him what t o do. The n e x t s p i r i t was T h e - s p i r i t -
that-saves (Qosinexe-yek). He sang i n s i d e o f him t h e same song
t h a t the l a n d o t t e r s sang. I t was h i s s p i r i t ' s song and has many
words t o i t .

All the birds that assembled around him when he was

f l o a t i n g upon the sea were a l s o h i s s p i r i t s . E v e n t h e w i n d and
t h e waves t h a t f i r s t u p s e t him were his spirits. Everything
strange that he had seen a t the time when t h e l a n d o t t e r s g o t
p o s s e s s i o n o f him were h i s s p i r i t s . There are always sea b i r d s
sitting on a floating l o g , and f r o m Kaka p e o p l e l e a r n e d t h a t
t h e s e a r e shaman's s p i r i t s . I t i s from h i s experience that a l l
Alaskans - T l i n g i t , H a i d a , e v e n E s k i m o and A t h a p a s k a n s - b e l i e v e
i n t h e l a n d - o t t e r - m e n ( k u c t a q a ) By means o f h i s s p i r i t s Kaka was
a b l e t o s t a n d g o i n g n a k e d f o r two y e a r s . T h i s s t o r y of Kaka i s a
t r u e s t o r y , and i t i s f r o m him that the Tlingit believe in

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shaman's s p i r i t s [yek] (Swanton, 1909:138).

Myth 7 (Swanton, 1909 T a l e 18)

VARIOUS ADVENTURES NEAR CROSS SOUND

F o u r men went h u n t i n g b y c a n o e one autumn t o _,ar p l a c e c a l l e d

W a t a s l a x , where t h e y encamped. By and by one o f t h e p a r t y , on
going to h i s traps, f o u n d a ,,-big l a n d o t t e r i n one o f them. He
t o o k t h e bough o f a t r e e , t w i s t e d i t around the land o t t e r ' s
n e c k , and c a r r i e d i t home. He d i d n o t know what i t was. As he
d r a g g e d i t home i t went b o u n c i n g along behind him a n d a t e v e r y
bounce s o m e t h i n g w h i s t l e d b e h i n d him. A r r i v e d a t camp he began t o
s k i n i t . Then he said to h i s brothers, " Go and g e t y o u r p o t
r e a d y t o cook i t , " b u t , when t h e y began t o c u t i t up t o p u t i t
i n , s o m e t h i n g w h i s t l e d . " T h a t i s j u s t what I h e a r d on t h e way,"
he s a i d .

After t h e p o t had b o i l e d and they h a d begun to eat,

something began t o w h i s t l e i n t r e e near by and threw a rock
down. They t h r e w one back a n d soon r o c k s were f l y i n g back a n d
f o r t h . I t was-a g r e a t t h i n g t o f o o l wi.th. By and b y t h e men s a i d ,
"You m i g h t c u t our f a c e s , " so, i n s t e a d o f throwing rocks, they
s e i z e d l o n g p i n e cones and threw t h e s e back and f o r t h a l l night.
Towards m o r n i n g the being i n t h e t r e e , w h i c h was a l a n d - o t t e r -
man, b e g a n t o h i t p e o p l e , a n d t h e y on t h e i r p a r t h a d become v e r y
tired. Finally they tried t o g e t him down b y l i g h t i n g a f i r e
u n d e r t h e t r e e where he was s i t t i n g . When i t was burning well,
a l l suddenly s h o u t e d , a n d he f e l l i n t o i t . Then t h e y t h r e w t h e
f i r e o v e r him, a n d he b u r n e d up. B u t when t h e y started f o r the
b e a c h t o go home, a l l w r i g g l e d from s i d e t o s i d e and a c t e d a s i f
t h e y were c r a z y ; a n d when anyone went t o t h a t p l a c e a f t e r w a r d he
w o u l d a c t i n t h a t same manner.

Myth 5 (Swanton, 1909 T a l e 45)

THE WOMAN WHO MARRIED A LAND OTTER

A man at Sitka had t h r e e l i t t l e children who were c r y i n g

w i t h h u n g e r b e c a u s e he h a d n o t h i n g t o g i v e them. H i s s i s t e r had
been captured by t h e l a n d otters after having been n e a r l y
drowned. Then he s a i d t o t h e l i t t l e ones, "You p o o r c h i l d r e n , I
wish your a u n t was l i v i n g . " Sometime a f t e r w a r d t h a t same e v e n i n g
he h e a r d a l o a d s e t down o u t s i d e , a n d g o i n g o u t t o l o o k , he saw a

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very large basket f i l l e d w i t h a l l k i n d s o f d r i e d meat, f i s h and

oil. The s i s t e r he h a d b e e n w i s h i n g f o r had brought i t . Then
t h i s woman h e r s e l f came i n and s a i d , "I have b r o u g h t t h a t f o r t h e
l i t t l e ones. I w i l l be r i g h t back again. I live only a short
d i s t a n c e from here. We have a v i l l a g e t h e r e named T r a n s p a r e n t
V i l l a g e (Kanaxa-dak-an). You must come and s t a y w i t h u s . " The
man s a i d t h a t he was making a c a n o e and had t o f i n i s h i t , b u t she
r e p l i e d , "Your nephews a r e coming o v e r , and t h e y w i l l f i n i s h y o u r
canoe f o r you."

A f t e r t h e f o o d t h a t h i s s i s t e r had b r o u g h t him had g i v e n out

she came t o him a g a i n w i t h more and s a i d , " I have come after you
now. B r i n g y o u r l i t t l e ones and come a l o n g . I s e e t h a t you are
h a v i n g a h a r d t i m e w i t h them."

So h e r b r o t h e r p r e p a r e d t o go. Before he s t a r t e d he g o t
some b l u e h e l l e b o r e ( s ! i k c ) , w h i c h he s o a k e d i n w a t e r t o make i t
v e r y s t r o n g and b i t t e r , and f i n a l l y h i s s i s t e r ' s b o y s came, f i n e -
looking young men who were p e c u l i a r only i n having very long
b r a i d s o f h a i r h a n g i n g down t h e i r b a c k s . In r e a l i t y t h e s e were
their tails. He showed them where h i s c a n o e was so t h e y c o u l d go
to work on i t , and, a f t e r t h e y had completed i t roughly, they
p u l l e d i t down f o r him.

Then t h e man s t a r t e d o f f w i t h h i s f a m i l y , and, s u r e enough,

when he r o u n d e d t h e point what appeared to him like a fine
village lay there. The p e o p l e came o u t t o meet him, b u t h i s
s i s t e r s a i d , "Don't s t a y r i g h t i n the village. Stay here, a
l i t t l e d i s t a n c e away.

The p e o p l e o f t h a t p l a c e were v e r y good t o him and gave him

a l l t h e h a l i b u t he wanted, b u t he a l w a y s had t h e blue hellebore
by him to keep f r o m b e i n g i n j u r i o u s l y a f f e c t e d . They were a l s o
i n the h a b i t of s i n g i n g a cradle song for his youngest c h i l d
which went this way, ""The tail i s growing. The t a i l i s
g r o w i n g . " T h e n he e x a m i n e d t h e c h i l d , and in fact a tail was
r e a l l y g r o w i n g upon i t , so he c h o p p e d i t o f f .

F i n a l l y the man's s i s t e r t o l d him t h a t he was s t a y i n g t h e r e

a l i t t l e t o o l o n g , and he s t a r t e d b a c k t o w a r d h i s v i l l a g e . As he
went he l o o k e d b a c k , and t h e r e was n o t h i n g t o be s e e n e x c e p t l a n d
otter holes. B e f o r e t h e y had a p p e a r e d l i k e p a i n t e d h o u s e s . Then
he r e t u r n e d t o h i s own p l a c e w i t h a l l k i n d s o f f o o d g i v e n him by
the l a n d o t t e r s .

117
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