Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Carlos Barros*
This essay argues that unlike the ideology of economic production and accumulation,
which is the driving force of modern secular society and which establishes adversarial
relations between man and nature, medievel society was guided by the ideology of reli-
gion, where nature was perceived as the manifestation of God; hence violence against
nature was tantamount to violence against God. This created an ambience of both
tension and harmony between man and nature, an equilibrium that, on the one hand,
humanised nature, and on the other, prevented man from plundering it.
Acknowledgements: This essay was submitted at the conference Mensch und Natur im
Europa, organised by the Friesach Academy (Universidad de Klagenfurt,
Mittelalterlichen
Austria) 1-5 September 1997.
1
’Men are the scum of the world, and their depth is among the beasts, covered in fog.’
Fernán Pérez de Oliva, Dialogo de la dignidad del hombre, Madrid, 1982: 80.
*
Departmento de Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geographia e Historia, 15703 Santiago
de Compostela, Spain. Email: <cbarros@usc.es>
150
dependency of people upon nature, rather than the other way round.
In fact, people could not be conceived of outside nature. Thus, for
instance, does not the medieval concept of ’land’ usually include the
men that inhabit it?
This essay is about the humanisation of the land, and thus about the
natural environment at large during the Middle Ages. A case in point
is the Cistercian Order, the ploughing monks who built up ’human
dwellings’ in the Middle Ages where formerly there was a ’bare moor’
or a ’wild forest’.’ Thanks to Christianisation and, above all to the
work of peasants, medieval men transformed the ’hostile nature’ of the
’savages’ into the ’friendly nature’ of civilised men, without destroying
the essential ecological equilibrium, unlike modern, civilised men. There
lies the medieval originality: the desacralisation-another word for
humanisation-of nature does not reach the point of a fatal confronta-
tion between men and their natural environment. Otherwise, the
Middle Ages would not have lasted a thousand years.
To paraphrase the creators of the term ’Middle Ages’, we could place
it, as regards the man-nature relationship, between the ancient, super-
stitious worship of nature and the modern, lay one of technological
advance. Two beliefs which, in the ’middle’ centuries, overlap and
intertwine with a third one, typically medieval: the worship of God as
maker of nature.
Marvellous Nature
Animism is an inheritance which men in the Middle Ages received in
different degrees, depending on their previous level of Romanisation
and the circumstances of transition, both from pre-historic cultures
and Roman paganism. It consists of endowing life to natural objects-
inanimate we would call them-and, in particular, spiritual life start-
ing with the soul of things,’ either organic or inorganic, up to the
powerful deities of the pantheon in Rome.
Martin de Dumio writes in the sixth century, in Swabian Galicia, De
correctione rusticorum, ’for the amendment of peasants who still’ persist
on the ancient superstition of paganity, worshipping demons instead of
2
Lekai, Los cistercienses. Ideales y realidad, Barcelona, 1987: 385.
Louis J.
’
is full of souls’, says one of the witnesses at the Fournier Register:
’Everything
Emmanuel le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou, alde saccitana de 1294a 1324, Madrid, 1981: 427.
4
The editor points out that some 60 per cent of superstitions quoted in the book have
reached us. Martin de Dumio, Sermón contra las supersticiones rurales, Barcelona,
151
God :5 He bemoans the fact that after forsaking God ’some [men] adored
the sun, some the moon or the stars, others the fire, undergound waters
or watersprings in the belief that all these things had not been created by
God for men to use but had been born out of themselves, and they were
Gods : More precisely, he adds, ’[they adored] devils, angels expelled from
Heaven, who demanded sacrifices in the high woodlands and the thick
forests, some by the names of Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Neptune, Nymphs
[and] Diana’.6 Mixing primitive surperstitions with pagan Roman beliefs
(both animisms come up against Christianisation in the High Middle
Ages) Martin de Dumio insists on claiming that the devil is worshipped
by ’lighting candles by the stones, the trees, the wellheads and at cross-
roads... by adorning tables and putting laurel branches’ or by paying
attention to him, thus renouncing the sign of the cross, ’to other signs of
the devil by the mediation of birds, sneezes and many other things&dquo;
Roman pantheism survived in the medieval West in the names
of the days of the week,’ the exception being precisely the case of
Portugal, the adoptive land of the Bishop of Dumio (Braga, the ancient
bracarense Galicia), and to an even greater extent, survived the ancient
superstitions across the Middle Ages9-despite the medieval rationalism
of the twelfth century elites and even the Renaissance&dquo; elites. 11
1981: 16; see also Carmelo Lisón, Brujería, estructura social y simbolismo en Galicia,
Madrid, 1983.
5 Martín de Dumio, Sermón.
:
I
6 bid. 27-29.
7
Ibid.: 43.
8
’[They] are so indecisive that they give the very names of the demons to each day of
the week and thus they call them of Mars, of Mercury, of Jupiter, of Venus and of
Saturn,who made no day but were despicable, infamous men m the nation of Greeks’,
Ibid.: 31; as we know these gods, in fact Roman, correspond to the correspondant Greek:
Ares, Hermes, Zeus, Afrodite and Chronos.
9
The traditional superstitions linked to concrete places ( woodlands, mountains, well-
heads) lose their meaning as they disappear or because the peasants’ relationship towards
them changes (Franco Cardini, Magia, brujería y superstición en el Occidente medieval,
Barcelona, 1982: 33); a reorganisation of the territory which, in comparison to that
which will follow, has little relevance in the Middle Ages.
10
Sky phenomena had the same meaning in the Middle Ages and in the Renaissance,
which favours a cultivated, humanist paganism open to prodigies and omens; Jacob
Burckhardt, La cultura del Renacimiento en Italia, Madrid, 1985: 407-8; as modern
science explains the causes of natural phenomena, superstition retreats, taking refuge in
popular culture (or esoteric circles).
11
Vito Fumagalli, Cuando el cielo se oscurece. La vida en la Edad Media, Madrid,
1988: 23.
152
into good and bad, legitimate and illegimitate,2° white and black
magic, depending on who the intermediary was-either the Church or
pagan sorcerers and astrologists.
The victory of the church over magic and superstition demanded
that it should take over their functions. ’Everything that can be natur-
ally done is done by God’ writes a legislator in the twelfth century,
and by the same token ’God can make the dead alive’ a phenomenon
known as a ’miracle, because when it occurs it is something astonish-
ing for men and people’ for it is not natural ’as people see every day
the deeds of nature and thus when something is done that goes against
it, they are astonished : ’[A] miracle is something we behold but
whose origin we ignore. That is what the common people under-
stand.’ But it is different for the elites: ’Wise and learned men, how-
ever, know very well that whatever nature or the intelligence of man
cannot perfom can only come from God and not from other.’21 To
summarise, the church appropriated the extraordinary, miraculous
phenomena of nature, competing with wizards and devils, when it
considered it suitable as evidence of the power of God. It accepted there-
fore, a marvellous nature of divine origin but never a self-sufficient,
God-like nature.
Medieval religiosity was, therefore, a consequence of the syncretism
between the Catholic Church and a culture of ancient surperstitions,
which existed among popular classes, but not among them alone. It was
not to be until the Ancien Régime when elitist culture and popular
Zamora, 1989: 177-78. In the middle of the thirteenth century, the master of the
Santiago Order invoked the Virgin: ’Sancta Maria stop your day-successfully-so that
she stopped the sun, thus having more time to defeat the Arabs in battle’: Francisco de
Rades, ’Chronica de Sanctiago’,? Chronica de las tres ordenes y cauallerias de Sanctiago,
Calatraua y Alcantara, Valencia, 1994, (Toledo, 1572): fol. 32, col. 3; In 1446, an anonym-
ous German traveller went on pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela and told of the
miracle of the Virgin of the Boat ( the procession to this sanctuary in Muxia is still cele-
brated every Sunday after 8 September): a huge stone that moves on the touching of a
finger if you are free from sin, Fernando Díaz-Plaja, Historia de España en sus
documentos. Siglo XV, Madrid, 1984: 100.
20
Alfonso de la Torre wrote in 1480-83 that, except for evil purposes, stars are, or may
be, tools of God, thus making astrology and magic licit if it is for a good purpose:
Francisco Garrote, Naturaleza y pensamiento en España en los siglos XVI y XVII,
Salamanca, 1981: 91-92. Even representative is title XXIII of the seventh Partida
more
on soothsayers and other sorcerers, which sentences wizards to death but praises those
who performed witchery or other things with good purposes ( Partidas, vol. VII, 23, 3).
21
Ibid., vol. I: 4, 67.
154
culture came apart, the latter becoming the only refuge for animism
and other superstitions.22
The Middle Ages shared with pre-Christian cultures the understand-
ing of man as inseparable from his natural environment, 23 or in other
words, the failure to distinguish between subject-man and object-
nature, considering nature as a subject. It will not be until modernity
that we will come across the view of nature from the outside, as a land-
scape which delights our senses. Since humans belong in this landscape,
like the rivers and the rocks, it is not strange that we endow natural ele-
ments with characteristics of living beings, and even with supernatural
characteristics. This makes any action against nature a sin.24 The reason
why nature is protected in civilisations based on harvesting or sub-
sistence husbandry is to be found in the deeply rooted, automatic and
conservative drives implicit in a mentality which considers as kin
(mother, father, brother) all the beings that share nature 21 with men.
The mystic of spiritualist poverty of the Franciscans in the Middle
Ages provided continuity and new muscle among the elites towards
that Christian animism which, at the same time, was fought by
scholastic rationalism, the hallmark of the new social system and
feudal culture, the crisis of which corresponds with the heyday of
mendicant orders and their ’heretic’ conception of nature in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
In the Cántico de las criaturas, Francis of Assisi calls the sun, the
moon, the stars, the wind, the water and the fire bothers and mother
to the earth ’which breeds and holds and governs us and yields us fruits
such as colourful flowers and herbs&dquo;’ His biographer, Tomas de
Celano, affirms that Saint Francis ’also blamed himself for the negli-
gence of having until then ignored the fowls in his preaching’, and,
proving himself a conservationist of the creatures of the Lord, ’to the
brothers who collected wood he forbids to cut the whole tree, so that
it might sprout again I.21
22
Michel Mullet, La cultura popular en la Baja Edad Media, Barcelona, 1990: 22.
23
Aaron J. Gourevitch, Les Catégories de la Culture Médiévale, Paris, 1983: 50, 59.
24
Manuel González de Molina, Historia y medio ambiente, Madrid, 1993: 24.
25
R. Guha and M. Gadgil, ’Los hábitats en la historia de la humanidad’, Ayer, no. 11,
1993: 58.
26
J.A. Guerra (ed.), San Francisco de Asis. Escritos. Biografias. Documentos de la Época,
Madrid, 1980: 49-50.
27
Ibid.: 177, 325.
155
Dominated Nature
The medieval heyday was also the zenith of the social and cultural
influence of the church, which played a decisive role in the shaping of
feudal mentalities. The three-order system (those who fight, those
who pray and those who labour) regulated the relationships among
classes and social groups, together with a new man-nature relationship
which replaced the worship of nature with the worship of God, thus
favouring the development of agriculture and, consequently, uphold-
ing the three-functional system in an attempt-incidentally not very
successful-to push animism to the margins of the traditional mental-
ity, oblivious of the appearance of Christianism and Feudalism.
Thomas Aquinas gave validity and diffusion to the philosophical
mutation innate in Christianism when he perceived God not as organ-
iser or regulator of the world but as its creator.&dquo; God became, conse-
quently, an absolute value, whereas nature became a relative value,32
and an anthromorphic value for that matter. God created man in his own
image: He explicitly placed man at the centre of the natural universe,
28
to this we have found in the Bible is the beasts of burden subject, like
The closest
the they serve, to the mosaic law of keeping the Sabbath (Exodus 23, 12;
men
Deuteronomy 5, 14); anyway, Jesus Christ did not include animals in the Sermon on the
Mount.
29
Gonzague de Reynold, ’Cristianismo y Edad Media’, La formación de Europa,
vol. VI, Madrid, 1975: 122, 159.
30
’Oh flowers, oh flowers of pious green,/have you heard of my beloved?/oh, God,
where is he?’ J.J. Nunes (ed.), Cantigas de amigo dos trovadores galego-portugueses, vol. II,
Lisbon, 1973: 19.
31
Raimundo Panikkar, El concepto de naturaleza. Análisis histórico y metafísico de un
concepto, Madrid, 1972: 103.
32
Gourevitch, Les Catégories: 69.
156
design, and if some of them were hostile, it was because they belonged
to the fallen nature (like man): they had rebelled against man, after the
latter had rebelled against God.
Economic historians have underscored the ocupation of land during
the central centuries of the Middle Ages as a key phenomenon in
history, comparable only to the Neolithic Revolution as a successful
victory in taking over the natural environment which brought about the
retreat of the woodlands, the taming of beasts and the dominance of
"
’Let make man in our image, after our likeness and let them have dominion over
us
fish of the and over the fowl of the air and over the cattle and over all the earth and
sea
space (road links).37 It was thanks to the technical advances that took
place in the Middle Ages that Europe would later assume technologi-
cal leadership, which, among other things, would enable the maritime
expansion from the sixteenth century onwards.&dquo; This technological
expansion, which not all authors assess correctly, was related to a
37
Guy Fourquin, Histoire économique de 1’Occident médieval, Paris, 1979: 109-34;
Robert Fossier, La infancia de Europa. Aspectos económicos y sociales. 1/El hombre y su
Espacio, Barcelona, 1984: 33.
38
Lynn White, ’La Expansión de la Tecnologia, 500-1500’, C.M. Cipolla (ed.), Historia
económica de Europa. 1. Edad Media, Barcelona, 1981: 152-85.
39
Gourevitch, Les Catégories: 59.
40
Robert Delort, La vie au Moyen Age, Paris, 1982: 31.
158
man’s leanings towards goodness. ’To natural law belong all provisions
which contribute to preserving the life of man’, observed Saint
Thomas.&dquo; Let us compare this with what major nineteentli-century
rationalists proposed: ’Human sociability does not come from nature
nor consequently from God but from a free social pact of individuals
and this is its effective cause.’43
Feudalism is, as we have already noted, an ecological form of pro-
duction : it is capable of making nature the object of its technological
action and at the same time of seeing and feeling it as the subject of its
economy, its law and its religion. What strikes a modern mind as contra-
dictory was for the medieval man, cultivated or not, perfectly coherent.
He marvelled at nature while he ’wounded’ it with the plough; he
feared the woodlands and the wild beasts while befriending burden
and hunting animals; he exercised his free will while abiding by the
natural law. In all this, he followed the Biblical discourse, recovered,
updated and spread by scholastics in accordance with their times.
Hostile Nature
In the same way that the harmonic
replication of the three-functional
system implied inequality (workers), sin (prayers) and violence
(warriors), the new medieval relationship with nature demanded, if it was
to work out correctly, inequality (man/nature), sin (corrupted nature)
the violence of man over nature with the violence of man over man,
and both were called ’wars: (a) ’they should have the resolution to defeat
things by force and strength either when breaking huge rocks or boring
great mountains or levelling out the high places and raising the low ones,
or by killing the wild beasts ... hence such a conflict is called war’ and
(b) ’and if this they must accomplish, against all these aforesaid things they
have to struggle, much more so against men when they were their foes ...
by coveting their lands or by spoiling them&dquo;’ It amounted to saying that
if man had to force nature to humanise it ’much more so’ he had to prove
to be violent against other men to ’protect what is his’ and ’conquer that
of his foes’~: in the first case to dominate the land, in the second to defend
it. This medieval approach to human life as a constant struggle, both inter-
nally and externally, to control nature made quotidian and non-contradic-
tory both the violence which man exerted over nature and the violence
which nature exerted over man: a hostile nature was therefore, a necessary
factor for the balance of medieval life and mentality.
Historians of the Middle Ages polarise their assessment of the
man-nature relationship depending on their field of work: economic
historians stress how man managed to dominate nature (Fourquin,
White, Fossier),47 and the historians of mentalities speak rather of how
nature subdued man owing to man’s lack of technical implements to
master it (Bloch,48 Le Goff,49 and Fumagalli,50 the exception being
its fruits without struggle what sense would human labour have made?
Does not the fear caused by the wild unknown imply a kind of pro-
tection against human violence? Does not the very fear caused by the
earthly powers unleashed lead man to the Lord that unleashes them,
remaining faithful to a God who rewards the fair with the fruits of the
earth and punishes the unfair with plagues?52 To be sure, other hidden
powers, gods or devils, controlled-according to popular belief-the
natural powers, but under no circumstances did they contemplate the
medieval notion of work (consequence of sin) and the medieval notion
of reason (ultimately conditioned by God).
Offical medieval Christianity placed on man the main responsibility
for confronting nature, leaving the control over the extraordinary, inex-
plicable and marvellous (for the human knowledge of the time) nature
to supernatural powers (God and the saints). What man did not domin-
ate through his effort, skill or medieval science, he dominated by means
of a monotheistic, syncretic and anthropomorphic religion.
The second way, therefore, to humanise medieval nature, corrupted
by the sin of man, was by remembering that God had made man the
centre of the world. ,
52
De Reynold, ’Cristi anismo’: 100.
53
Vasco de Aponte, Recuento de las casas antiguas del reino de Galicia, Santiago,
1986: 261.
54
A recurrent issue is that of foul air when the Black Death is striking, as we will see
further on.
55
De Aponte, Recuento: 177.
161
The great revolution that took place between the eleventh and
thirteenth centuries as regards the man-nature relationship consisted in
imposing a double direction: nature acted on human society, like in the
ancient and Roman world but at the same time, human society acted
on nature both directly through technology (first innovation) and
place. 58 The image of the forest offered by the sources is, however, that
of a feared place inhabited by bandits, beasts and wizards, linked with
darkness, and home of the fierce wolf. Bloch and Le Goff highlighted
this two-faced medieval forest as both repulsive and desirable,59 some-
thing which certainly applied to the medieval nature as a whole.
In the case of animals the view is triple-faced. On one hand we had
animals like oxen, horses and lambs, which were useful to men and
thus had a positive connotation.60 They were necessary for work, war
or hunting. On the other hand, there were wild beasts, representing
the anti-human side of nature, one which had rebelled against the
sinner. The former-like men-abided by natural law and their taming
bears were witness to the dominance of mankind over nature, although
it is not this that the sources of the time stress. They portray animals
mainly as a threat,6’ as ’wild animals’ which must be killed. This was
especially true for wolves, the hallmark of the Middle Ages because
of their number, strength and contact with men.62 Yet, they seldom
symbolised the devil.
The clash between man and wolf stemmed from the struggle for
survival. It was not a religious struggle but a practical one; it was defen-
sive hunting, not a means of purging human sin. To represent evil, or
the devil, the medieval man had a third type of animal: the cat63 and
even other domestic animals, 64 which were not necessary for labour
and were inoffensive enough to be among men, thus embodying the
hidden power of the enemy. These thus represented a role which
neither the cow, for instance, nor the wolf could adopt because the former
was necessary to man and the latter not compatible with him. The
72
Ciruelo, Reprobación de las supersticiones: 151.
73A re-thinking of medieval philosophy endorsed by the Council of Trent in 1551:
Martin Gelabertó, ’Tempestades y conjuros de las fuerzas naturales. Aspectos mágico-
religiosos de la cultura en la Alta Edad Moderna’, Manuscrits, no. 9, 1991: 327.
74
In 1464, the earthquake in Seville is subtly interpreted as against the Jews ’a
powerful, cruel punishment against infidels by God’s will./Which brought the Jewish
quarter down’: P.M. Catedra (ed.), La historiografía en verso en la época de los Reyes
Católicos, Salamanca, 1989: 185.
75
Ciruelo, Reprobación de las supersticiones: 153.
165
76
See fn. 74.
77
François Ellenberger, Historia de la geología, vol. I, Barcelona, 1989: 46.
78
It appears in the New Testament that Jesus said: ’there will be stench and famine
and earthquakes but do not despair because these things are necessary and it shalt not
be the end yet Ramón Alba, ’Relación de todo lo ocurrido en las Comunidades de
Castilla’, in, Acerca de algunas particularidades de las Comunidades de Castilla tal vez
relacionadas con el supuesto acaecer Terreno del Milenio Igualitario, Madrid, 1975: 181.
79
Gelabertó, ’Jempestades’: 339.
80 Saint Augustine strengthened the power of medieval priests: ’the heaven takes
fright, the earth marvels ... and each and every creature made by God shudders before
you’: Alonso de Córdoba, Un sermón castellano del siglo XV, Barcelona, 1983: 91.
Medieval saints like Saint Benedict (see fn. 19) and Saint Dominic, proved with miracles
that they could dominate the Earth: Domingo de Guzmán, according to his biographers,
was able to stop the rain, the fire and bleeding, Santo Domingo de Guzmán: 202, 361,
everyday reason did not count. What could the common man-or his
institutions for that matter-do against natural disasters? For one thing,
he could try to palliate the material consequences of the catastrophe pro-
voked by God or the devil (with God’s permission), which amounted
to contradicting the religious viewpoint, since it exonerated men of the
responsibility of sin: God punished and the secular power took practi-
cal measures. It corresponded, under the provisions of the Partidas,
to the lord and not to the vassal who paid the taxes, to take upon himself
the losses ’by fire or earthquake or flooding’ 16 The king accepted after
the 1348 Black Death a revision of royal taxes since ’out of the deaths
and the bad blizzards and the great disasters that have occurred ...
[commoners] cannot comply or pay the amounts they used to’S7 and,
again in 1425, the tax on coins was abolished for a five-year period in
Murcia and its lands because of the bursting of the river Segura,
’which wiped away up to six hundred houses and had destroyed all the
wheat, barley, wine, oil and chattels’.88 The socio-economic sphere and
the mentality operated, as always, at different but compatible levels in
medieval society: Were not those who asked for and obtained exemp-
tions from taxes the same as those who participated in rogations to the
Lord so that the blizzards would stop or rain come? Men in the Middle
Ages succeeded-without much difficulty, used as they were to mixing
the imaginary with the real-in giving rise to what are complex paradoxes
for the current observer so that spiritual beliefs and material interests
did not clash.
The weakness of medieval rationalism was precisely that it found it
extremely difficult to relate causes and ends, that is, to be properly rational.
The failure to know the natural causes of natural disasters and the lack
a dozen of eggs the week previous to the wedding of Infant Cristina and Iñaki
Urdangarín so that on October 4th it does not rain and the day is bright’: La Voz de
guilt and sin as main causes, although common sense also imposed
other types of initiatives such as locking city gates to prevent the
entrance cf fleeing plague victims (for instance, Alcoy in 1489).92
When the source of the evil they were suffering was unknown, little
else could be done except invoking the Almighty to find a remedy.
The medieval man was rational as far as his scientific, philosophical
and mental development allowed him to be. He had learnt to profit
from his ambivalent relationship with nature to the point of integrating
a hostile nature in his mental and social system. But this control over
nature, direct or indirect, had its limits as regards great disasters. It was
then that the Christianity-magic symbiosis directed human thought
and action in such a way that it embossed all medieval thought, pre-
disposed to the marvellous by inheritance, with its hallmark.
89
90
Diálogo de la dignidad del hombre: 80.
Velasco de Taranta, ’Tratado de la peste (1475)’, Tratados de la Peste, Madrid, 1993.
91
Following the 1348 plague, attention was increased throughout Europe to public
hygiene: Agustín Rubio, Peste negra, crisis y comportamientos sociales en la España del siglo
XIV, Granada, 1979: 76 ff.
92
José Hinojosa Montalvo, Textos para la historia de Alicante. Historia medieval,
Alicante, 1990: 319.
168
away ... and also by ensuring that trees, vineyards or any other thing
[that] man ... lives on is not felled, burnt, or damaged in any way, not
even out of spite’.95 This protection of productive means and life is a
nature pointed to the fact that their defence was not limited merely to
a utilitarian attitude but was able to look beyond the here and now, no
Castillian courts protested because lords did not stop cutting wood
freely; because their neighbours occupied their forest; or because royal
guards appropiated them.&dquo;’
The advancement of cultivable land, and the fellings and fires were
dangers that loomed over medieval forests. The 1351 courts denounced
the fact that ’five or six pines are brought down to make three or four
torches which are worthless’ and that ’those living in counties rich in
pinewoods and groves fell and burn them to sow and thus everything is
destroyed : The king’s response could not have been harder or more
indicative of the new scenario. He announced the death penalty:
‘[W]hoever felled or uprooted pines in the pinewoods or holm trees in
the groves of local councils, as it is claimed, with intention of sowing
must be killed for it and shall furthermore lose all his properties:1’8 The
forest fires and against those who breached the measures were issued in
the fourteenth&dquo;’ and fifteenth&dquo;’ centuries, although we lack informa-
tion about great provoked fires like those which currently devastate
our forests.
The great deforestation of pre-industrial Europe did not take place
during but after the Middle Ages, from the sixteenth to the seven-
teenth centuries.&dquo;’ New advances in crops (corn and potato) and the
upsurge in the building of houses and ships were linked to the demo-
graphic increase, which demanded more wood and created more mouths
to feed. This, together with a decrease in ecological corncern led to a
water;’1’2 and (c) disturbs ’the tranquility’ of fish.133 The first argument
corresponded with the habitual medieval protectionist argument
whose concern was to guarantee reproduction as opposed to maximis-
ing the exploitation of resources in the short run. The fear of ’infect-
ing’ water reminds us of that fouling of air which transmitted the
plague.&dquo;4 The polluting of the air and the waters kills living beings:
this medieval certainty, which seldom had an objective basis, takes us
directly to an animinst superstitious mentality which made homolo-
gous all natural elements as living entities, liable to corruption and
ailing. Finally did not that perceived necessity of keeping the sardine
’quiet’ so that it did not escape from the ria,135 attribute to fish an exce-
sive degree of ’consciousness’?
To summarise, in order to ensure that the sea offered its products to
man, it was considered harmful to break its biological development,
pollute its waters, or disturb maritime creatures excessively. An abu-
sive, inconsiderate exploitation was avoided, not because there was
scientific knowledge about causes and effects but because the reaction of
nature was feared and the responses by living beings were interpreted
upkeep, the function assigned by the Holy Scriptures, which also used
nature to keep man subdued.
reproductory season from October to November because ’it causes the depletion of
rivers’: Madrid Courts in 1435, petition no. 45.
132
Padre Sarmiento Documentos para la historia de Pontevedra: 13, 14, 268; for the pro-
tection of water and river fish it was also prohibited to throw ’herbs or lime into the
rivers lest the fish die’, Valladolid Courts in 1258, petition no. 43, and Madrid Courts in
1435, petition no. 45.
133
Ibid pp. 11, 14, 22, 23, 24, 102.
.:
134
Another remarkable case is the opposition of Galician fishermen to the hunting of
whales, which was done off the Galician coast by Basque and Cantabrian fishermen as
early as the thirteenth century, and which Galician fishermen sought to expel from their
waters and finally accomplished ’because the blood of those whales inflects all fish,
which with the stench escapes from the coasts where the said whales are killed and so
much of it is wasted’: Elisa Ferreira, Galicia en el comercio marítimo medieval: 137-39.
135
The superstitious motivation is disguised and intertwined with religion: from
Friday to Monday it was fobidden to go to sea so that sardines ’may be quiet without
being disturbed ... and to keep the Sunday’. Ibid
.: 22.
175
hygiene, 140 in a context where dirt was associated religiously and super-
stitiously with the fouling of air, land and bodies. The corruption of
nature had in the Middle Ages the double sense-equivalent and inter-
related but not very explicit in the sources-of the sinful nature of man
on one hand, and of nature physically stained by dirt and stench, on
the other.
In 1367, the king, holding out the threat of heavy fines, issued orders
to prevent the lettering of the backyard of the Church of Santa Maria
la Mayor in Zaragoza: ’[S]howing no respect to the divine offices
which are celebrated in the aforesaid church ... they throw rubbish,
relieve themselves, and leave there carcasses among other things ...
an unbearable stench during the religious services : The Councils’
indulge in’: Prosistas castellanos del siglo XV, BAE no. 116: 348.
138
’Those who throw out of their windows water, bones, dung ... are very lightly
punished’ ... : Partidas; vol. VII: 15, 25.
139
María Paz Alonso, El proceso penal en castilla (siglos XIII-XVIII), Salamanca,
1982: 37.
140
Jean-Pierre Legay, La rue au Moyen Age, Rennes, 1984: 53-63.
176
141
de Alicante 441 (1414); Documentación de A lba de Tormes: 255
Textos para la historia :
(1498).
142
’[T]hat no person dares throw into fountains, troughs and pools, any dirt nor wash
there hides, clothing, meat, greens, fish ... No person must empty chamberpots into
fountains or pools ... Nor should they carry water in the chamberpots ... That no per-
son feed the swine in the street or square ... That no person throws water-clean or dirty
out of the window ... That all persons who throw water cease to do it ... That every
Saturday of every week everyone cleans any filth out of his door ... Nor rubbish nor
land nor any other thing is left at the barriers, or gates of the said city ... That the streets
be free from wood, stones and whatever other things, ’Ordenanzas de Santiago de
Compostela de 1569’, Boletín de la Real Academia Gallega, 1931: 32-34, 53, 71.
143
José Luis Romero, La revolución burguesa en el mundo feudal, Buenos Aires, 1967:
340,411.
144
’Free for ever from death, they shall remain in eternal rest where there shall be
neither pain, nor disaster, nor sadness nor cold nor heat nor darkness nor night’: Sermón
contra las Supersticiones Rurales
: 39.
145
Romero, la revolución
: 426.
146
Restituto Sierra, El pensamiento social y económico de la escoldstica, Madrid,
1975: 618.
177
than our contempary age in this context. This is especially true of the
Middle Ages, and generally speaking, of any non-predatory society regu-
lated by natural economies. It has been said that the reason why, in
the Middle Ages, the ecological impact was so moderate is to be found
in the absence of technical means necessary to provoke an ecologic dis-
aster. There lies the heart of the problem. We project our current eco-
nomistic hyper-rationalist mentalities on to the past without realising
that medieval man thought not so much in economic terms as in terms
of religion and magic, however difficult it is for us to understand it.
The man-nature interface in the Middle Ages had more to do with
mentality than with economy. This was also true for the scholastics.
That is why the historian of mentalities does not find traces of human
domination over medieval nature (the image of nature that emerges
from the sources remains that of a dominating rather than dominated
factor). Such traces are not valued because they are seen as quotidian,
routine. Nature was much more than a plot of land or a stretch of sea
used by peasants or fishermen to earn their daily bread. It was the
work of God and inseparable from man. It had a soul, and it yielded
marvellous things. How was it possible to attack it with impunity?
What purpose would it serve if it yielded, by divine mandate, its fruits
to man? To be sure, the man-nature relationship was not idyllic, but
was this not what God had planned on expelling Adam and Eve from
Paradise? And, likewise, were the relationships among men not con-
flicting ones (feuds, war and revolts)? Man was the friend and foe of
man in the same way that he was the friend and foe of nature. Did this
not create a unique ecosystem? The protection of nature on the part of
medieval man stemmed from a powerful instict for self-preservation.
Will the men and women of the twenty-first century be able to recover
it, mutatis mutandis?