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An image from a CBA media conference new CEO Matt Comyn, chair
Catherine Livingstone and out-going Ian Narev
PHOTO: No new broom: Outgoing CBA CEO Ian Narev (left), chair
Catherine Livingstone (centre) and Matt Comyn handle media and investor
questions. (ABC News: John Gunn)
RELATED STORY: Commonwealth Bank insider Matt Comyn to replace
Ian Narev as chief executiveRELATED STORY: CBA warned terrorist his
account was about to be closed: AUSTRAC
MAP: Australia
On the face of it, this is an outrageously audacious move by Australia's
biggest bank.
Plagued by scandals that have forced itself and its competitors to come under
the glare of a royal commission, CBA has promoted from within its
management ranks.
It has given the top job to the head of its retail division — which is currently
defending itself against some of the most serious allegations CBA has ever
faced.
These are allegations that could ultimately costs the bank billions of dollars
in fines.
Matt Comyn was for a long time the golden child of the bank and heir
apparent to current CEO Ian Narev. He was young, smart and highly
ambitious.
Media player: "Space" to play, "M" to mute, "left" and "right" to seek.
VIDEO: New CBA chief exec Matt Comyn outlines vision for future (ABC
News)
But when the AUSTRAC scandal broke last year, many thought he had
suffered a career mortal wound, cruelling his chances of taking the top job.
The rollout, and subsequent software updates, of the so-called smart ATMs
was botched.
The organisation allegedly contravened the law more than 53,000 times.
These contraventions (some it has admitted to, and others it plans to contest)
came under Mr Comyn's watch as head of the retail bank.
Orthodox thinking was that the Commonwealth Bank would look to break
with its scandal plagued recent past in its choice of CEO to follow Mr
Narev's stint.
To appoint a cleanskin from outside the bank to ensure that they were not
saddled with a sordid history. Instead, the board has doubled-down.
She named credit risk, market risk, liquidity risk and a "focus on the
customer" as key strengths.
Many of CBA's critics and those customers who have been victim to "rogue"
financial planners might not agree.
New appointees tend to want to do due diligence on the organisation they are
joining. To understand if there are any landmines waiting to be uncovered.
They want a new hire to look like they are making a difference and getting
the job done.
The bank will already have a royal commission attempting to shine a light on
the murky dealings of the organisation.
It is arguable the last thing chair Catherine Livingstone and the board want is
for someone to come in and disclose even more problems to the public.
The more powerful and coercive royal commission and APRA questioning
pose a rather sterner test for all involved at the bank.
For his trouble, Mr Comyn will receive a base pay of $2.2 million plus the
possibility of short-term incentives of up to another $2.2 million and long-
term incentives of $4 million to be reviewed at the 2018 annual general
meeting.
A leading analyst has warned the fallout from a series of scandals could mean
CBA's share price goes nowhere for a decade.
Perhaps most interestingly, he isn't being signed to a time-defined contract as
most CEOs are. Instead, both he and the organisation will just have to give
one year's notice if they want to end the agreement.
The royal commission is currently set to only run for one year and its likely it
will consume a great deal of the new CEO's time and resources.
If at the end of that time the royal commission finds that the insidious parts of
the bank's culture outweigh the good, it won't be that expensive or difficult
for the CBA to go searching for a new CEO.
At only 42 years of age, Matt Comyn has taken on one of the biggest
challenges in the Australian corporate world.
The promotion is high risk for both him and the bank.
They will need to convince a sceptical public that they are serious about
tackling the bank's scandal plagued past.
Surveying the French Revolution, the English philosopher and politician
Edmund Burke wrote: "The wild gas, the fixed air is plainly broke loose."
Politics is driven not by a desire to build the future but to restore the past.
Think "make America great again"; restore little Britain and exit Europe;
return the Ottoman Empire; revive the Russian pride of the Soviet Union;
recentre the world with China as the Middle Kingdom.
Narcissism triumphs over altruism: the personal is political; if you are not
with me you are against me.
If you disagree with me, the problem is not your ideas but you.
A former Defence Force chief says in our lifetimes, our economy will be
devastated, our land seized, our system of government upended.
Take last week's Australia Day debate: those who wished to celebrate January
26 told they should be ashamed, those wanted the date moved branded
traitors, dividing Australia.
We need a new story, he says. Our current story of endless economic growth,
hungry consumption and the march of globalisation has left us lonely,
anaesthetised, and estranged.
Monbiot says the political class, media and economists have seized on this
malaise to encourage fear and mistrust and weaken social bonds.
An apocalyptic time?
Monbiot isn't alone in sensing an age of despair. My bookshelves are heaving
with titles that speak to our times: The Age of Anger; The Strange Death of
Europe; Why Liberalism Failed; How Capitalism Ends; Destined for War;
The Growth Delusion.
If it starts, military strategists believe, it will start right here in our region.
Asia is the most militarised part of the planet, with trip wires that could be
detonated by accident as much as design.
The global order that has lasted for more than half a century is under strain.
We could be entering a post-American world and unsure of what a China-
dominated world may bring.
From morning to night our airwaves, screens and pages are dominated by a
parade of politicians repeating partisan talking points who cannot give a 30-
second answer without denigrating their opponents.
We fill the media space with pundits who tell us what they think rather than
what they know.
But audiences are turning off or retreating into online echo chambers. It is not
healthy for democracy.