Mobility strategies in Colombia’

s middle mountain range

between the early and middle Holocene
Francisco Javier Aceituno Bocanegra
Faculty of Anthropology, University of Antioquia, PO Box 1226, Medellin, Colombia csfjace@antares.udea.educ.co1
Neyla Castillo Espitia
Faculty of Anthropology, University of Antioquia, PO Box 1226, Medellin, Colombia neycas@epm.net1

Keywords
Colombia, Cordillera Central, mountain rainforest, hunter-gatherers, plant cultivation, mobility, territoriality

Abstract
This article is about the mobility of hunter-gatherers and cultivators, who inhabited two regions of mountain rainforest
in the Cordillera Central of Colombia between the early and middle Holocene. It aims to demonstrate that in tropical
rainforests mobility is a more effective economic and social strategy than sedentary settlement. Given the poor soils
and low carrying capacity of these environments, mobility provides a strategy which allows for periodic regeneration
of resources. We argue that the hunter-gatherer cultivators who lived in the valleys of the Porce and middle Cauca
maintained mobility even though the first evidence for cultivars appears between 7000 BP and 6000 BP. The later
introduction of sedentary settlement was not due to plant cultivation, but rather to other factors such as the necessity
to control territorial resources. Social factors thus played their part in influencing the reduction of mobility to produce
the settlement patterns described by the Spanish chroniclers across the study area.

1 Introduction 1983; Vickers 1983). Nowadays, the territorial reduction

Our western mentality is still influenced by biblical myth,
in which the chosen people were sedentary (Hernando
1999:21). The ideological antagonism of nomad-
savagery vs sedentary-civilisation still operates, even
in modern archaeology, which is still unable to
overcome the dualistic epistemology when studying
human societies, always trying to settle them into
idealised categories (Smith 2001), such as hunter-
that the mayority of indigenous cultures have suffered,
has caused the sedentarisation of many traditional
cultures, which has affected in a negative way the
animal protein consumption causing serious nutritional
imbalances. In our region, for example, is the case of
the Emberá, a society with serious nutritional probles
due to a diet based on carbohydrates and with a high
deficit in animal protein (Gálvez 1997). On the other

gatherers, agriculturist, etc.
Yet if one opposes the dualistic vision of mobility-
savagery, sedentary-civilisation, it is possible to see
that mobility in tropical rainforests (including those sited
in mountains), is a much more successful strategy than
hand, groups that still preserve their mobility like the
Nukak (Colombian Amazonia) (Politis 1996) or the
Huaorani (Ecuadorian Amazonia) (Rival 1999:102)
have achieved good animal protein access. We propose
that until c 4000/3500 BP the early inhabitants of

long-term settlement if mobility is not restricted by a
high demographic density or by cultural or historical
limits, as has happened with the majority of indigenous
soc ieties that have been comp elled to live in
res ervations. I n tropic al e nvironme nts, total
sedentarisation could be a risky subsistence strategy,
due to the soil´s nutrients deficit and, specially, to the
Colombia´s middle mountain range, despite the
introduction of cultivation, kept a certain degree of
mobility as a resource access strategy.
The purpose of this paper is thus, on the one hand,
to show the strategies of mobility in two regions of the
Central Cordillera of Colombia and, on the other hand,
to demonstrate the development of itinerant horticulture

low density of animal biomass1 compared with other in the middle Holocene in much the same way that slash
natural ecosystems. As some authors have pointed out, and burn cultivation is practised today among the small
the reduction of animal density is proportional to size scale societies of the Neotropics (Correa 1993:28). In
and duration of settlements (Castellanos 2001; Gross the study area it is necessary to adopt great caution

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Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
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Fig 1 Site loc ations in Middle Range, Colom bia
over the idea of full-sedentary agriculture as an
inevitable development because one of the traditional
ways in which the tropical rainforests have been
managed is by mobile agriculture. From a historical
perspective, horticulture, mobility and the use of space
are all intertwined and this complex interaction is
relevant to interpreting the lifeways of the first settlers
of the study region. The cultivation of plants cannot be
reduced to a simple ecological or nutritional fact; it
should be regarded as a broader cultural pattern. With
cultivation, it is necessary to develop a new type of
relationship with the environment which can be
represented as a wider cultural change affecting the
entire social order of the groups which occupied the
mountain rainforests of north-west Columbia.
2 Archaeological sites
The middle sector of the Porce River is an internal valley
of the Middle Antioqueño Range (figure 1). There are
two thermic levels in the valley: hot, from 0 to 1000 m
asl, with the typical vegetation of tropical rainforest (Bh-
T); and warm , fro m 100 0 to 2300 m as l, with
2 Before Farming 2005/2 article 2
submontane rainforest (Bmh-PM) (Castillo et al
1999:10-11). The archaeological contexts with early
evidence of hunter-gatherers and cultivator societies
are found from 800 to 950 asl, in the upper zone of the
first thermal level, in the zone of transition between
equatorial and sub-andino forest. The average
temperature of the valley is 24°C (Botero 1977), the
relative humidity is 83%, and the average rainfall is 3050
mm per year, distributed with a bimodal regime of two
periods of maximum and minimum rainfall (EEPPM
1995). Porce’
s valley is V-shaped, of tectonic origin,
and it is crossed by faults that lie perpendicular to the
course of the Porce River, along which the brooks that
flow into the main river course have formed small
valleys. These dissect the main valley deeply and cause
its morphology to be definitely alluvial (Castillo et al
1999:12-13).
The study region of the Porce project is an area of
about 120 km², and contains three early archaeological
deposits: sites 021; 045; and 107. The first two are
ope n-air multi-com ponent sites e ach with f ive
anthropogenic levels, of a sandy texture and dark brown
 Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
s middle mountain range between the early and m iddle Holocene: Aceituno Bocanegra & Cas tillo Espitia
Fig 2 Stratigraphic view site 021
in colour, which contrast with the natural soils of the
region (figure 2). These deposits contained provisioned
rocks, lithic artefacts (flaked tools, cores and waste),
carbonised seeds, animal remains, human remains at
site 021, and thousands of ceramic fragments (Castillo
et al 1999:23). In addition pollen, phytoliths and starch
grains, were recovered in the laboratory. These are
camps with regular2 occupation from c 9120±90 BP3
(Beta 72375) to 4230±70 BP, at 045 (Beta 99858) and
from 8990±80 (Beta 114687) to 4350±70 (Beta 99853)
at 021 in a strategy of environmental exploitation that
included hunting, gathering, and the beneficial use of
aquatic zones, and, from c 6500 BP, plant cultivation.
In addition, there are burials at site 021, which date
between the period of c 7000 to 5600 BP, and which,
according to stratigraphy, are associated with animal
remains and a higher quantity of carbonised seeds.
Around 5000 BP, pottery appears in both burial and
occupation contexts, and this has been interpreted as
an indicator of higher levels of socio-political interaction
in the region (ibid). The third archaeological site, site
107, whose occupation ranges from c 5000 BP to 3900
BP (ibid:60), can be differentiated from the two previous
sites by the absence of the pre-ceramic component,
since both the ceramic and the lithic industries
demonstrate the cultural correlation of all three sites.
The archaeological sites of middle Cauca are
located in the basin of Campoalegre River (Department
of Risaralda), a tributary of the right margin of the Cauca
River, in the western base where the Middle Cordillera
begins (figure 1). According to Espinal’
s classification,
the settlements are located in the zone of very humid
submontane tropical rainforest (Bmh-PM) (Espinal
1990), between 1200 and 1600 m asl, with an average
temperature of 21°C, average rainfall of 2600 mm and
a relative humidity of 80%. The geography of the zone
is narrow and rugged with deep V-shaped incisions with
long waters heds mod elle d by mas s co lluvial
movements, and covered by volcanic ashes (ibid). This
geomorphology is the consequence of erosion cycles
that have denuded the colluvial watersheds to be
deposited as small alluvial f ans, with a strong
component of fluvio-volcanic sediments coming from
the Macizo Ruiz-Tolima. The result of the alluvial
sediments and volcanic flows of the region is a
geography formed of small, round and flat-topped hills
on which most of the settlements and fluvial plains are
located (ibid:6).
The contexts studied were Jazmín, El Antojo,
Guayabito, Campoalegre, which were all –with the
exception of El Antojo which is a single period site -
multi-period, open air sites, with evidence of occupation
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from 9020±60 BP (el Jazmín) (Beta 95061) to 4180±80
BP (Guayabito) (Beta 95063) (Aceituno 2001b:239).
The soils of the sites are dark colored andisoles with a
franckeite and clayish texture and a high level of
volcanic pyroclasts due to the proximity to the Park of
the Nevados, which also explains the higher level of
fertility. As opposed to the settlements in Porce, no
regularity or intensity of occupation is observed. This
is shown, firstly, by the reduced density and diversity
of the archaeological record and secondly, by the
presence of scarce archaeological material, as in Los
Arrayanes, El Jazmín or Campoalegre. These patterns
do share common elements, although they might at
first suggest different patterns of settlement and
environmental exploitation in both regions. The
archaeological record of the sites comprises only the
lithic component, with the exception of the carbonised
seeds recovered from Los Arrayanes (Rodríguez 1997)
and the micro-botanical remains obtained from both
soils and stone tools.
The lithic technology of middle Porce and Cauca is
basically formed by flaked tools (made especially of
quartz), including projectile points. In addition there are
edge ground cobbles, quern stone bases, axes, and
hoes. Overall, these lithic assemblages form part of
the technological tradition of the Intermediate Archaic
which is characterised by a high diversity of tools among
which are axes, adzes and quern stones. Together
these indicate a broad spectrum economy well adapted
to the ecological conditions of the tropical rainforests
(Ranere 1980:35). The sites, dated between the early
and middle Holocene, represent an archaic way of life,
but this concept should be understood not as a
chronologic al p erio d, rathe r as a way o f life
characterised, among other things, by a higher
importance of vegetable resources, the beginnings of
plant cultivation and the regionalisation of technological
styles (Gnecco 2000:124-126).
3 Mobility and human ecology
In order to infer the type of mobility it is necessary to
take into account resource structure (ie, how the
animals and plants are distributed in the landscape),
anthropogenic management in the area, and the
characteristics of the archaeological remains. Tropical
rainforests are characterised by an inverse correlation
between primary production and nutritional resource
quality (Bailey et al 1989; Bailey & Headland 1991;
Morán 1982). Despite the high diversity of species
4 Before Farming 2005/2 article 2
‘
useful’
plants are few, many species have developed
toxic substances as mechanisms of defence, the best
known case must be the yucca (Bailey et al 1989;
Piperno & Pearsall 1998:55). To this background must
be added the problem of dispersion: the density of
individual plants by area is very low, thus augmenting
the costs of harvest (ibid). A similar situation prevails
regarding fauna: the lack of large mammals; the solitary
habits of many species (despite exceptions such as
the peccary); and the arboreal habitats of species such
as the primates and sloth, add greatly to the costs of
capture (Piperno & Pearsall 1998:62). Another
characteristic of the tropical ecosystems is the low level
of prediction possible regarding resources because of
the year-round homogeneity of the climate, compared
to more seasonal areas.
The previous paragraph offers a generalist
interpretation in that it tends to regard all tropical
ecosystems as similar rather than taking account of
the diversity of micro-environments which, in reality,
exist in a tropical rainforest. Altitudinal differences,
pedological variation, different fluvial patterns, and
historical change in anthropogenic behaviour, all explain
the diverse management which may be observed in
rainforest environments (Correa 1993:27). In addition,
though the seasons are not so pronounced as in
temperate latitudes, there is a dry season (‘
tropical
summer’
) and a wet season (‘
tropical winter’
) both of
which affect the distribution of resources and thus of
human management and the cultural use of space.
Hunter-gatherer literature most commonly uses the
models of Binford (1980) and Kelly (1983, 1995) in order
to interpret mobility and access to resources. Both
models are similar and propose that mobility does not
depend so much on abundance as on the structure of
resources as this determines their distribution and
accessibility given the limitations of time and space
which are, ultimately, set by the members of a group.
Tropical rainforests present environments with a high
primary biomass, minimal seasonal variation, and a
limited carrying capacity and in these cases adaptations
tend towards the practice of residential mobility (see
Boydston 1989:75; Lurie 1989: 48; Bettinger 1991;
Cowan 1999). Binford defined residential mobility as
the frequent displacement of all members of a group
from one base camp to another within a homogeneous
environment (see also Kelly 1983). In this schema
nutritional resources and other basics such as fresh
water provide neither spatial nor seasonal problems
 Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
s middle mountain range between the early and m iddle Holocene: Aceituno Bocanegra & Cas tillo Espitia
(Gnecco 1995:61; 2000:123-124). If we adopt Binford’
s (Posey 1984). The effect of this anthropogenic
model the hunter-gatherers who inhabited the mountain
rainforests of the Cordillera Central must have practised
residential mobility. There is, however, a problem with
this model in its deterministic reductionism: it does not
take into account the diversity of tropical rainforests
and, simply because mobility is an adaptive response
to the ecological distribution of resources, in this human
behaviour is comparable to that of animals.
In ecological terms the classic division into
residential mobility and logistical mobility does not
consider the fact that hunter-gatherer groups do modify
their environment by altering both the resource structure
and the diversity of species (Balée 1992). This should
lead us to re-evaluate the idea that human impact in
the past was minimal, with hunter-gatherers as pristine
societies of ecological conservationists. This paper
therefore takes the theoretical point of view of a dynamic
paradigm based in post-modern thought and contrary
to the classical static paradigm. We propose that natural
ecosystems are not so much stable and homogeneous
as dynamic, chaotic and uncertain (Little 1999; Smith
& W ishnie 2000; Leal 2002:133; Ulloa 2002:148).
Following the ideas of anthropologists such as Emilio
Morán (1982) or Darrell Posey (1984) the relationships
between people and the environment should be seen
from a historical perspective in that the environment is
a dynamic system which has co-evolved alongside
culture. Historically these relationships have comprised
different states of conservation, alteration, evolution and
extinction. Resource structure as a determinant of
mobility does not, thus, depend solely on climatic zone
as proposed by Binford and Kelly, but also on the
ecological relationships as articulated through the local
historical traditions which have determined the mutual
development of both environment and culture. Thereby,
if we are going to use the residential and logistic
categories to describe the mobility type, the objective
is to determine the stimuli that lead these people to
practice one or another model of mobility.
Mobility is thus understood as a strategy by which
to manage space which has operated through time in
the framework of the relationships between people and
their environment. In the case of tropical rainforests
we suggest that over millennia of experimentation the
first inhabitants created anthropogenic forests by
developing an agro-forestal economy based on both
intentional and unintentional intervention across the
forest as a whole rather than on individual species
intervention has been to augment diversity and alter
species distribution. In this way mobility was an
adaptation to anthropogenic management and not
merely to the natural distribution of species.
4 The middle valley of Porce River
In the middle course of Porce River, three pre-
ceramic stages were defined from c 9000 to 5000
BP and a ceramic stage from 5000 to c 3500 BP.
The definition of these stages is based on changes
in the arc haeo lo g ic al re c o rd and als o o n
biostratigraphic changes in the pollen columns.
G e ne rally, the site s are c harac te ris e d b y
stratigraphic continuity, but there is low stratigraphic
resolution as the separation of events into stages is
both complex and shows high redundancy. The latter
is due to the recurrence of activities which were
repeatedly carried out on these sites because of
their reoccupation over the millennia.
Preceramic phase I is the most ancient period
in the middle Porce valley, dated to between c 9000
and 7500 BP (9210±90 -045-Beta 72375; 8990±80
-021- Beta 114687; 7710±70 BP -045- Beta 114681).
Regarding the earliest settlement in the valley
around 9000 BP we suggest that the sites were
logistical camps from which the hunter gatherers set
out for other zones of the basin in order to obtain
resources and information relating to a territory that
was in the process of colonisation. In this way, as
the colonisation of the valley became consolidated
these camps were transformed into residential
camps from which expeditions to more distant zones
could be made. Archaeological material from the
lower levels of sites 021 and 045 comprises stone
axes for opening up new clearings, cutting and
scraping tools for working on animal products, and
quern stones for processing seeds –the three basic
actions of colonisation. Thus, the first settlers made
their niche using local resources. The low density
and diversity of stone tools, compared with those
levels dated from 8000 BP onwards, suggests that
the lower levels correspond with pioneer occupation
in an unknown land. This is supported by the low
d ivers ity o f the f o re st and the lo w leve ls o f
disturbance to the vegetation in subzones 1A and
1A1 which correspond to the oldest levels (tables 1
and 2).
The lower levels (V) at 021 and 045 can be dated
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by their stratigraphic position to around 8000 BP. By
this time, the logistically organised settlements, related
mainly to the peopling of the valley, transform into base
residential camps. This shift is indicated by the high
diversity and density of lithic tools, comprising axes,
pounders (figure 3), querns, flaked tools and two new
elements: quartz debitage and cores, and, above all,
the construction of stone flooring to augment the space,
which represents a considerable amount of work,
related to longer dwelling at the sites and, as a possible
strate gy, with anticip ate d mo bility and regular
occupations of the riverside camps (figure 4). At the
same time, the pioneer camps disappear, adding
support to the interpretation of logistic mobility. Based
on groups who practice residential mobility today, one
would have expected more sites in the 120 km2 of the
project had foraging occupation continued. In these
cases the average distance between camps is less than
15km (Kelly 1995: 114-5).
But what does this type of occupation model mean?
Colonisation in the valley took place through exploitation
of the river margins, which is precisely where the human
Subzone 2B
Layer(Hz) I(A1) II(Ap)
Sample cm 5 15
settlement is found. These provide the richest
ecozones, they attract animals from the forested interior
in search of water, and the open vegetation favours
the development of grains and herbaceous plants,
tubers and rhizomes. These provide nourishment for a
wide range of animals to which the local aquatic species
should be added. All of this means that the riverine
ecozone is one of the most productive ecosystems,
while also being highly predictable in respect of access
to two types of resource that were fundamental for the
hunter gatherer populations of the tropical forests: game
for the hunt and rapidly growing plants (grains and
herbs). It seems that the initial inhabitants of the middle
Porce targeted a varied but limited spectrum of
vegetable and animal resources that was predictable
and therefore easier to obtain in a restricted setting,
before settling down to exploit those few resources
whose dispersion would lead to high mobility and higher
costs of access.
During the preceramic stage II phase, represented
by level IV at sites 021 and 045, from c 7500 BP to
6500 BP (7240±80 -021- Beta 99862; 7080±80 –021-
2A 1D 1C 1B 1 A 1 A1
III(Ap1) III(Ap1) IV(Ap2) IV(Ap2) V (Ap3)
25 35 45 55 65 75 85 95

Forest elements 22.24 32.84 35.56 23.37 31.65 24.32 13.31 17.43 21.48 24.66
Edge of forest 2.21 5.51 5.68 3.09 1.90 1.82 1.90 1.83 2.22 1.83
ferns 5.80 1.48 3.95 2.75 2.53 0.91 2.28 1.38 0.00 0.91
elements from cultivation 6.91 7.42 3.95 6.53 8.86 5.47 6.84 6.42 0.00 8.22
pioneering elements3.59 3.18 6.67 1.72 3.80 5.47 3.04 4.59 0.00 0.91
Arecaceae 3.59 4.66 3.95 3.44 1.90 0.91 2.28 1.83 0.74 0.91
grasses 9.39 7.20 4.44 6.53 9.49 8.81 6.46 8.26 11.11 12.33
cultivars (yucca and maize) 2.21 4.87 3.21 14.43 1.90 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
selective use [author query] 0.69 1.06 1.73 4.47 0.00 0.61 0.38 0.00 0.00 0.00
algae 1.38 0.00 0.99 0.00 1.90 0.61 1.52 3.21 0.00 0.00
moss 2.90 1.91 1.73 3.09 2.53 0.61 3.04 1.83 2.22 1.83
fungae 28.18 21.19 18.27 20.96 22.78 41.95 38.02 39.91 37.78 31.05
other 6.63 7.63 8.40 7.56 5.06 5.17 14.45 8.26 9.63 7.31
indeterminate 3.18 1.06 1.48 2.06 5.70 3.34 6.46 5.05 14.81 9.13
pollen sum 724 472 405 291 158 329 263 218 135 219

Table 1 Variation by percent in the plants as sociated with s ettlement 021

Subzone 2B 2A 1B 1A
LayerHz II(Ap) III(Ap1) IV(Ap2) V(Ap3)
Sample cm 5 15 25 35 45 55 65 75 85 95

forest elements 15.1 18.6 20.5 34.7 25.5 28.3 11.0 7.1 8.3 3.9
pioneer elements 2.3 0.5 9.7 5.1 7.5 4.7 4.7 0.0 0.0 0.0
ferns 1.5 0.3 0.3 0.6 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
elements of cultivation 4.9 2.7 3.2 2.3 3.8 0.0 0.0 2.0 2.1 0.0
grasses 4.2 6.5 4.9 1.9 6.6 0.9 0.8 11.1 0.0 9.8
fungae 43.8 49.2 44.8 42.1 44.3 17.9 30.7 32.3 20.8 31.4
cultivars(maize, amaranto) 5.3 0.5 1.9 1.3 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
mosses 6.4 3.0 0.6 1.0 0.0 6.6 3.9 10.1 2.1 0.0
indeterminate 2.3 5.1 5.5 3.5 0.0 2.8 2.4 4.0 6.3 3.9
others 3.4 2.7 3.9 5.5 4.7 1.9 3.1 5.1 2.1 5.9
algae 10.9 10.8 4.5 1.9 5.7 36.8 43.3 28.3 58.3 45.1
pollen sum 265 370 308 311 106 106 127 99 48 51

Table 2 Variation in plant associations at settlement 045

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 Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
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Figure 3 Edge ground cobbles, layer IV, site 021
Beta 99854; 7080±130 -045- Beta 114681; 6940±70 -
021- Beta 99863; 6540±50 -021- Beta 118091)
important changes in the archaeological record can be
seen and these clearly indicate a change in mobility.
Both the density and diversity of lithic artefacts
increases, new raw materials such as chert appear,
together with rejuvenation flakes which reinforce the
residential character of these base camps. The increase
in pioneer vegetation and weeds of cultivation in
subzones 1B and 1C at 021 (table 1) and 1B at 045
(table 2) clearly indicate higher levels of intervention
and alteration of the area. This type of environmental
management pre-dates the appearance of the first
Figure 4 Flaking tools, layer IV, site 021
evidence of plant cultivation, starch grains of Manihot
from c 7000 BP (layer IVb, site 021) (table 3).
The alteration of the forest favours the increase of
nutritional plants such as wild tubers, and the expansion
of palms and other fruit trees such as the Solanaceas
and Anonaceas that grow well in disturbed ground. An
additional attraction of such areas lies in the fact that
this pioneer vegetation also favours hunting, as the
roots, fruits and seeds attract animals (Linares 1976).
For this reason Posey (1984) has called them the
‘
allotment-grainstores’of the hunt. The alteration of
the forests increases the carrying capacity of the
environment and the general degree of predictability
of the resources. This would explain the longer duration
of settlements and the more regular and predictable
reoccupation of sites. Both are factors that increased
from c 6500 BP, when cultivated species such as
Amaranthus sp; Manihot sp; Zea mays and Cayapoima
sp appeared in subzones 1D at site 021 and 2A at site
045 (tables 1 and 2). This strategy served to
complement hunting and the gathering of wild plants
(Castillo et al 1999: 107; Castillo & Aceituno 2000).
After 6500 BP the time spent in the residential
camps increased as garden plots were created from
introduced species and cultivars. Along with a reduction
in residential mobility, logistical movements must also
have increased, especially regarding hunting: in order
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Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
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Figure 5 Left, point of projectile, right, axes, layer IV, site 021

to maintain high return rates. This strategy follows since
the reduction in animal populations is proportional to
the duration o f the se ttle ments, as has be en
demonstrated in recent studies (Castellanos 2001).
Currently, semi-sedentary groups such as the Yagua
(Chaumeil 1994:224) or the Siona-Secoya (Vickers
1983: 459) are forced to set up logistical camps that
can last for several weeks, in order to stock up with
sufficient game to avoid nutritional deficits.
Up to now, we have not found archaeological
evidence for logistical sites that might relate to the
residential camps of the middle Porce. The only

Artefact Site Level Layer Subzone pollen Microscopic indicators

Axe 021 24 V – Phtyoliths of dicotyledonous angiosperm (some type

Moraceae). Phytoliths monocotyledonous angiosperm (type Palmae)
Edge ground cobble 021 23 V – Zea mays starch and phytoliths from Poaceae and some
from corn
quern stone 021 23 V 1A Cyperaceae phytoliths
quern stone 021 15 IVb – Starch type Manihot
Edge ground cobble 021 10 IVa – Annonaceae phytoliths
quern stone 021 12 IVa – Starch type Manihot
Edge ground cobble 021 10 IVa 2A Micro-carbons
Edge ground cobble 021 8 III 2B Starch type Manihot
quern stone 021 8 III 2B Palmae phytoliths
Axe 045 13 V 1A Palmae phytoliths
Crusher 045 8 IV 1B Palmae phytoliths
Ceramic 045 6 III 2B Starch type Manihot, starch masses; insect fragments
Ceramic 045 5 III 2B Altered starch grains, some characteristic of corn
Ceramic 045 6 III 2B Starch type Amaranthus sp.
quern stone 045 4 II 2B Starch and Smylax sp.microfragments
quern stone 045 3 II 2C Palmae phytoliths
Edge ground cobble 107 6 II 2B Cucurbitaceae phytoliths
Edge ground cobble 107
(sect 7) 6 II 2B Ipomea batatas and Zea mays Starch Cucurbitaceae,
Palmae and Zea mays phytoliths

Table 3 Sam ples of phytoliths and starch grains middle Porce

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 Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
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indication is the presence of chert, an exotic raw
material which could indicate access to more remote
lands during logistically organised expeditions. It could
also, however, be an indication of a wide network of
alliances between groups and based on the affiliation
of individuals.
The longer duration of the settlements and the
tendency of reducing the mobility of the residential camps,
therefore augmenting logistical mobility, increased in the
third pre-ceramic stage between c 6500 BP and 5000
BP (6280±120 -021- Beta 118994; 5880±80 -021- Beta
99864; 5670±70 -021- Beta 118095; 5000±70 -045- Beta
114681). It is at this point that plant cultivation reaches
its highest level, as seen in subzones 2A and 2B at both
sites 021 and 045 (tables 1 and 2) and according to
phytoliths and starch data (table 3). Pottery appears c
5000 BP, and in the archaeological record of 021 and
045 one can see the first signs of structures that indicate
more stable constructions, though no increase in the size
of the settlements can be observed (Castillo et al 1999;
Castillo & Aceituno 2000). An important fact that
corroborates the theory that these settlements were
regularly reoccupied is the presence of burials in 021
between c 7000 and 5600 BP. The visibility of death is a
way to create an ancestral memory, fusing past and
future. This temporal dimension is expressed in the
territory where all life cycles are experienced, thus making
the cemetery a clear indication of the symbolic
construction and appropriation of territory (Criado 1989;
Castillo 1998:48).
Although it is possible to observe an increase in the
duration of the settlements in the middle Porce, up to
now there have been no other sites with which to make
a correlation. Therefore, this reduction in mobility should
not be confused with a sedentary life because in a
tropical forest environment there are risks to this
strate gy. On the o ne hand, the pro duction of
carbohydrates is guaranteed and optimised through
cultivation (Flowers 1983: 389). On the other hand, the
risk of a scarcity of meat protein has to be taken into
account (Castellanos 2001). This is why we suggest
that retaining some mobility is a more effective strategy
at this stage than the completly sedentary life. The
Middle Porce groups, until their sites were abandoned,
would have maintained the capacity for mobility
throughout their territories, despite having adopted the
cultivation of plants and having developed over time
the exploitation of horticulture. To manage this, these
groups had to evade becoming trapped into economic
specialisation. For this reason they probably maintained
a high degree of versatility as a tactic to avoid the risk
of losing access to a range of food which assured a
high nutritional level, as indicated by the broad spectrum
of plant remains in the archaeological record, both wild
and cultivated.
This supports the thesis about the maintenance of
mobility. The pollen data does not show any great
impact, or pressure on the environment between c 5800
BP and 4500 BP (table 1). These sites do not show an
increase in size and the soils do not present changes
in struc ture, nor in chemical compone nts. The
archaeological and palaeoecological data suggest that
the exploitation of the environment, despite the
implementation of cultivation, maintained a certain
stability in relation to the primary elements of the valley’
s
occupation. This means that there was a certain
continuity in land management, based on mobility,
group fission and, probably, on the amplification and
maintenance of broad kinship relations, as a way in
which to exploit the environment and inhibit social
conflict (Castillo 1998: 40; Castillo et al 1999; Castillo
& Aceituno 2000).
The higher importance of plant cultivation does
not correspond with the considerable decrease in
the quantity and diversity of lithic tools. This could
b e an indicatio n of the c hang ing role o f the
s e ttle m ents , which c o rre s p ond s with the
disappearance of human burials in 021. It is not
possible, therefore, to ignore that the role played
by the settlements between c 7500 and 5500 BP
had been displaced to other sites. Between 5000
and 3500 BP settlements were associated with
specialised activities such as the periodic gathering
of the harvest and making of ceramic vases. The
semi-sedentary settlements of the previous period
were abandoned. The later groups, rather than
adapting to the gardens, adapted them as a strategy
by which to exploit the environment, reoccupying
disturbed areas, which were safe in the sense of
resource exploitation. Thus, the introduction of
gardens did not produce a rupture to the way of life;
it was simply an evolution of the strategy by which
the environment was exploited. In this way the
groups continued to maintain mobility in order to
e xplo it the land . B ut this m o b ility was no w
c haracte ris e d b y the d is pe rsio n o f gard ens
throughout the territory.
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5 The middle valley of the Cauca River
In the case of the middle Cauca the differences
between the archaeological levels on the different
sites are also visible in the pollen record and indicate
that each settlement took advantage of separate
between components 1 and 2 which explain almost 80%
of the variance (figure 6).
In general terms an increase in diversity is shown
from the start of the Holocene. This corresponds with
the initial s ettlement of the region, and in bio-

resources. A heterogeneous distribution of plant
resources is indicated, not only as a result of natural
factors such as soil types, but also due to the
management of the area. A general diversity of
species and the presence of various successive
stages of forest, suggestive of the evolution of
pioneering plants, is all a part of this In order to
evaluate the dif fe re nce s be twe en c ontexts a
principal component analysis was carried out. This
shows these differences clearly, starting from the
opposition of the artefacts in the component graphs
(figures 5 and 6). Component 1, with the biggest
variance (60%) (table 7), marks the opposition of
the content of El Antojo (flaked lithic residues, quartz
tools and one stone point) with respect to the other
settlements (quern stones and crushing stones,
edge ground cobbles and flaked debitage from other
raw materials as well as axes and hoes) (figures 7
and 8).
In contrast, component 2 picks up the variance that
is not explained in the first component, being mainly
defined by hoes and axe/hoes (table 7). This clearly
stratigraphic terms it coincides with pollen subzone 2D
at El Jazmín, dated to 9020±60 BP Beta 95061. It
comprises a decrease in forest elements to 50% and
the increase of pioneering plants, weeds and palms
(table 4) all of which was indicators of the succession
processes set in train by the anthropogenic alteration.
Nutrient species include Solanum, Pasiflora, Manihot,
Xanthosoma and Dioscorea. There are also inter-site
differences in the vegetation (tables 4 –6) which might
reflect soil variation as much as human management.
These also correlate with changes in the lithic
technology.
The earliest record comes from el Jazmín where
axes, adzes, and querns have been recognised along
with a reduced quantity of debitage. This seems to
indicate the use of plant based resources and is
supported by the increase in diversity that has been
observed. As there is only one site it is difficult to look
at mobility, but we are dealing with a pioneer population
whose groups had to maintain a high level of mobility
both to move into new territory and to learn about the
distribution of resources in the new zones. The

shows the differences between the rest of the sites, archaeological record of later occupation, between
due to the presence of hoes/axes in El Jazmín and 8500 and 7500 BP lies in level IV at el Jazmín (7590±90

their absence in the rest of the sites, as well as the
exiguous presence of axes with polished edges in
Campoalegre and Los Arrayanes. The opposition of
the artefacts is clearly shown in the graphs of the
principal components figures 5 and 6), especially
BP Bdta 95888) and el Antojo (8380±90 BP Beta
93154), level V at Guayabito (7990±100 BP Beta
95064) and level IVa at Campoalegre (7600±90 BP Beta
87730). These do not suggest change in terms of
diversity from the earlier occupation of level AP2 at el

Subzone 1A 1B 2A 2B 2C 2D 2E 3A 3B
Sample cm 16 37 51 65 84 100 106 112 120 126 136 139 143 146 155 170 188
Layer A1 A2 AB Ap Ap1 Ap1 Ap2 Ap2 BP BP B

forest elements46.6 45.9 50.4 55.6 45.4 47.2 48.1 49.1 50 49.4 62.1 56.9 61.8 48.9 62.0 49.470.2
Arecaceae 9.1 3.2 4.4 6.6 2.5 6.0 4.6 3.6 3.8 4.5 4.5 3.9 2.9 3.8 4.6 3.5 0.0
edge of forest 2.5 0.0 2.2 0.9 0.8 0.9 1.9 0.9 0.5 0.0 0.0 1.4 1.7 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.0
Pteridophyta 9.1 18.1 14.9 20.7 25.6 17.2 16.3 26.3 17.7 19.3 9.0 14.2 14.2 21.3 20.1 27.421.2
weeds 0.8 0.0 0.8 0.0 0.0 2.6 2.8 0.0 1.0 4.5 0.5 0.0 0.8 1.6 0.0 0.6 0.0
pioneering
elements 5.8 9.8 8.1 6.6 4.2 3.0 10.3 4.1 5.2 5.1 4.0 1.4 2.0 2.3 0.5 3.0 4.2
Gramineae 3.3 4.9 4.4 6.6 15.7 9.5 7.0 4.5 8.1 6.8 12.4 8.3 6.1 8.4 3.4 4.7 0.0
cultivars 0.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.5 2.1 0.0 1.3 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
mosses 0.8 0.0 3 0.0 0.0 2.1 0.9 0.4 0.4 1.1 2.2 0.5 0.4 1.5 1.7 2.3 0.0
fungae 11.6 9.8 5.1 2 0.0 5.5 6.0 7.8 9.5 3.4 4.5 11.2 6.9 9.9 6.3 4.8 4.2
other elements 3.3 0.0 2.9 0.9 3.3 2.1 1.4 1.8 1.9 2.8 0.5 0.5 3.2 1.5 0.6 1.8 0.0
indeterminate 5.0 8.2 3.7 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.4 0.0 0.9 2.8 0.0 1.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.8 0.0
pollen sum 360 183 405 318 242 233 214 220 210 352 354 204 246 262 174 168 141

Table 4 Variation by proportion in the ecologic al as sociations at El Jaz min

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Subzone 1A 1B 2A 2B
Sample cm 28 38 41 44 60 77
Layer A1 A2 AB AB Ap

Rainforest elements 50.20 51.65 54.69 47.06 59.46 65.04

Arecaceae 4.49 3.30 5.08 0.00 4.05 0.81
Edge of forest 1.22 1.47 1.17 0.84 1.35 0.00
Pteridophyta 16.33 18.68 11.72 16.81 16.22 20.33
weeds 0.00 0.37 0.00 0.84 2.70 0.81
pioneering elements 4.08 3.66 8.20 4.20 5.41 7.32
Gramineae 2.86 3.30 3.91 4.20 1.35 0.00
cultivars 0.82 1.10 1.17 2.52 0.00 0.00
mosses 2.04 2.20 1.56 0.00 2.70 0.00
fungae 9.80 5.13 7.03 13.45 2.70 4.88
other elements 2.86 2.93 4.69 8.40 1.35 0.81
indeterminate 4.90 6.23 0.78 1.68 2.70 0.00
pollen sum 245 273 256 238 148 246

Table 5 Variation by proportion in the ecologic al as sociations at Guayabito

Subzone 1 2A 2B 2C
Sample cm 18 27 37 47 57 67 77 87
Layer A1 A2 A3 AB Ap1

Rainforest elements 55.96 50.56 26.67 30.39 40.32 46.55 34.25 43.48
Arecaceae 3.37 5.06 1.33 0.00 3.23 0.00 0.00 0.72
edge of forest 1.12 1.12 0.00 1.96 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00
Pteridophyta 18.20 15.73 4.00 3.92 11.29 5.17 4.33 4.71
weeds 0.45 5.06 4.00 6.86 4.84 5.17 1.18 11.59
pioneering elements 6.29 3.37 4.00 1.96 4.84 6.90 11.81 2.17
Gramineae 7.64 3.93 6.00 3.92 4.84 5.17 1.97 4.71
mosses 0.00 4.49 4.67 1.96 1.61 0.00 1.57 1.45
fungae 4.94 7.87 42.00 36.27 19.35 22.41 36.22 20.29
other elements 1.80 2.81 1.33 7.84 3.23 3.45 7.09 5.07
indeterminate 0.22 0.00 6.00 4.90 6.45 5.17 1.57 5.80
pollen sum 445 178 150 102 62 58 254 276

Table 6 Variation by proportion in the ecological ass ociations at Cam poalegre

Graphic of components Graphic of components

1.0 1.0
Axes

c
o Milling stones
m .5 .5 Flakes Qz Hoes Nutting stones
Nutting stones Handstones
p Flakes Qz C Tools Qz Axes
o
o Point Qz Flakes other raw
n Tools Qz Milling stones E.G.C
m
e 0.0 0.0
p Handstones
n
Point Qz o
t
Flakes other raw n
e E.G.C
2
-.5 n -.5
Hoes t

3
-1.0 -1.0
-1.0 -.5 0.0 .5 1.0 -1.0 -.5 0.0 .5 1.0

Component 1 Component 1

Figure 6 Com ponents 1 and 2 Figure 7 Com ponents 1 and 3

Jazmín (subzone 2D), but there is clear evidence of
differences between contexts, as seen in pollen
subzones 2B at Guayabito and el Jazmín (tables 4 and
5) and 2C at Campoalegre (table 6), all of which fall
within this chronological range.
If we look at the differences between Cauca and
the middle Porce, the archaeological record suggests
that the groups of the Cauca moved camp more
frequently. The lithic assemblages are less dense and
show less variability, and there is less evidence of
intervention in the forest. The latter holds good even
when cultivars appear, the pollen of Xanthosoma and
Dioscorea, and starches from Manihot (table 8) do not
correspond with change in the archaeological record.
The predominant model appears to have been one of
foraging, but neither the archaeological record nor the
minor impacts on vegetation data are conclusive. The
lithic site of Antojo is specialised in the working of quartz
and seems to relate to the base camps that were
strategically located for visual control and reoccupied

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a
Matrix of components

Component
1 2 3

Hoes .529 -.735 .388

Axes 9.455E-02 .883 .191
Handstones .836 .347 -.113
Milling stone .763 8.980E-02 .608
Ed Gr Co .888 .115 -.331
Residues QZ -.883 .242 .344
Flakes other raw .836 -.419 .174
Tools QZ -.951 -3.13E-02 .249
Point -.883 -.141 .247
Nutting stone .682 .374 .459

a
Method of extraction: analysis of principal components

Table 7 Matrix of components

on a period basis. It is possible to suggest that these
groups functioned more as collectors, but were well
adapted to the specific conditions of the tropical
ecosystems. They occupied strategic sites from which
all activities could be planned, taking into account the
seasonal changes of climate. Changes of base camp
were dictated by the demands of the management
regimes; there were more base camps but each was
re-occupied regularly.
An important fact that marks the clear difference
with respect to the middle Porce is the co-incidence of
plant cultivation with m obility. Some degree of
contradiction can be observed in middle Cauca
because, although the evidence of cultivation goes back
to c 7500 BP, as seen in the Manihot starches and
Xanthosoma and Zea pollen, perhaps as far back as
8000 BP, this means of food production is not as
important as in Porce. The lesser importance of plant
cultivation in Cauca could be a reason why changes in
mobility cannot be observed here, unlike the middle
Porce, where a clear tendency of reduction in residential
mobility can be seen. Also because of plant cultivation,
there is higher residential mobility and greater
irregularity in the occupation of the sites. However, this
inference, built as it is on the basis of phytoliths, starch,
and pollen grains, is not completely fool proof, as it is
subject to the conservation, sampling, and recognition
of these microscopic vegetable particles. There are
certain contradictions to be resolved.
In the first place, there is not a great correspondence
between the individual data sets relating to phytoliths,
starch and pollen grains in the two areas, since the
same type of plants were not found in both sets of
analysis (see tables 4 and 5). This signifies that more
analysis of this type is necessary. In the second place,
the fact that plant cultivation did not have a higher
importance in a region with such fertile soils is still
odd, as it would have been a strategy sufficiently
effective to increase resources and minimise the risk
of food shortage. Another important difference in relation
to middle Porce that can also be correlated with stability
in the strategy of environmental exploitation is the
absence of ceramics, since in Cauca pottery does not
appear until the first millenium BC. All of these are
important differences that explain certain regional
developments going back to the final periods of the
Pleistocene.

Artefact Site Level Layer Pollenzone Microscopic Indicators

Milling stone base Jazmín 24 VI 2D Starch type Manihot

Nutting stone base Jazmín 24 VI 2D Palmae phytoliths
Milling stone base Jazmín 23 VI 2C Starch type Manihot
Sediment Jazmín 84 cm V 2B Starch type Zea maysPoaceae phytoliths
Sediment Jazmín 100 cm V 2C Gramineous phytoliths (Poaceae)
Sediment Jazmín 112 cm V 2C Gramineous phytoliths (Poaceae)
Sediment Jazmín 120 cm V 2D Gramineous phytoliths (Poaceae) and Palmae
Edge ground coobleJazmín 21 V 2C Starch type Dioscorea sp
Edge ground coobleJazmín 20 V 2C Starch type Manihot
Axe Jazmín — V 2C Gramineous phytoliths, Palmae and
unidentified dicotiledoneous angiosperms
Edge ground coobleCampoalegre 15 Iva 2C Starch type Manihot
Milling stone base Campoalegre 11 IV 2B Starch type Manihot
Table 8 Sam ples of phytoliths and starch grains, middle Porce

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6 Territoriality
The identification of a nomadic strategy across a defined
space takes us to the concept of territoriality and to the
demarcation of spatial identity. In hunter-gatherer
archaeology, territoriality has been studied mainly from
an ecological perspective, according to which, it is an
adaptable mechanism by which human societies
articulate control and access to resources depending
on the size of the communities. This is done through
the maintenance of an optimal space per individual.
This strategy also works as a strong inhibitor of social
conflict (Cashdan 1983; Dyson-Hudson & Smith 1978;
Peterson 1975; Kelly 1995:163). Therefore, as a
strategy for resource access, territoriality has a strong
relationship with the mode of resource exploitation
(Peterson 1975; Cashdan 1983).
According to the theoretical framework proposed
by Dyson-Hudson and Smith (1978), there are two types
of territorial behaviour, depending on the abundance,
predictability and grade of resources (Brown in Cashdan
1983). The first type concerns rigid territorial behaviour
based on the strict control of resources and on the
exclusive demarcation of territories. The second type
is a more fluid territorial behaviour in which there is
less control of resources, and where the spatial limits
are very flexible.
The rigid territorial behaviour increases:
when resources are abundant and predictable,
both in time and space, as the costs of using and
defending the area are compensated with the
benefits obtained by this defence. However, the
resources must not be super abundant because
the cost would be higher than the benefits. (Dyson-
Hudson & Smith 1978; see also Peterson 1975;
Cashdan 1983).
On the contrary, in areas where resources are not
predictable, the costs of controlling them are much
higher. As a result, in these circumstances a rigid
territorial system is not very effective (Dyson-Hudson
& Smith 1978).
Assuming the relationship of availability of resources
with degrees of territoriality, the inhabitants of the Porce
River’
s middle valley should have practised greater
territorial control of the resources than the hunter-
gatherers of the Cauca River’
s middle basin. This
expectation is seen in the archaeological record with
the regular reoccupation of the base camps, greater
levels of alteration of the vegetation and the cultivation
of gardens, especially from c 6500/6000 BP when
foreign crops appear. The increased predictability and
density of resources resulting from human intervention
in the environment and cultivation sho uld be
proportional to an increase of the territorial behaviour
of the people of the Porce river. Given the limitations of
the soils available for developing gardens, the
inhabitants of the Porce should have developed
territoriality patterns enabling them to control the
riverside ecotone of the Porce river and its tributaries,
on which they focused most of their activities of
subsistence.This idea of more rigid territorial control is
reinforced by the presence of the cemetery in settlement
021. The visibility of death would work as a strong
symbolic act which legitimised the right to move and
control an ancestral territory that had been transformed
and yet had various meanings for the inhabitants of
middle Porce (Criado 1989).
On the contrary, the information relating to plant
cultivation is more diffuse in middle Cauca where the
intensity of occupation of sites is less. The degree of
mobility here was greater, and groups in this region
had to develop more flexible territorial behaviour
compared to the middle Porce. It is likely that individuals
had to change from one territory to another with greater
frequency. This is supported by the ethnographic data
which also emphasises individual affiliation as a
mechanism to support moves from one territory to
another.
However, the fact of developing different degrees
of territoriality does not mean that people lived in
exclusive and closed territories.I It is necessary to
remember that severe environmental crises such as
soil depletion or the decrease of game can carry serious
risks. A common strategy in hunter–gatherer groups to
tackle the fluctuation of resources or strong intralocal
competition is the establishment of alliances between
groups, allowing the flow of individuals among different
bands as an act of reciprocity (Kelly 1995:186-187).
The mobility of individuals from one area to another
is not undertaken at random. Rather, it is regulated
through individual affiliation. Mobility makes it possible
for a community to adjust to the available resources
through the fission and fluidity of the individuals within
different groups. This is also a mechanism by which to
inhibit social conflict (Peterson 1975). This kind of social
organisation of space is established by a system of
alliance based on mutual reciprocity, (Peterson 1975;
Cashdan 1983; Kelly 1995:194), which enables a
balanced distribution of resources and inhibits conflicts
between groups.
If we look at the variables of abundance and
Before Farming 2005/2 article 2 13
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predictability, the hunter-gatherers of Porce and the
middle Cauca ought to have been increasing their
control over resources as both variables increased due
to anthropogenic management. This is especially so
at the time when the first indications of cultivars appear
in the archaeological record, around 6500 BP in middle
Porce. However, the fact that they were able to exercise
better control does not necessarily mean that these
groups lived in closed territories. Both ecological
pressures and natural catastrophes such as the
volcanic events recorded in the middle Cauca (Toro et
al 2001:29) could threaten survival at an individual level.
In environm ents where resources are not very
abundant, especially game, and where soils are not
very fertile, territorial flexibility can be a more effective
strategy as it makes it possible to control larger
territories for exploitation, and in this way fluctuations
in resources may be dealt with by moving to other areas.
7 Discussion
In the middle valley of the Porce River and in middle
Cauca, (San Eugenio and Campoalegre Rivers), we
propose that the hunter-gatherers who lived between
c 9000 and 4000 BP in the tropical rainforest and
submontane rainforest, maintained mobility as the most
effective way in which to exploit the environment and
control their territory. The initial populations of hunter-
gatherers based in other zones must have used
logistical camps from which to obtain resources and
information relating to the lands they were in process
of colonising. This strategy required a process of
learning that was codified into the language of the group
in order to order their relationship with the natural world
(Hornborg 2001:68). Obviously, this exploratory phase
required strategies of mobility that related to pioneering
settlement and were different from those where the
ecology and symbolic worlds were better known. This
is seen clearly in the middle Porce where death
becomes a visible feature around 7500 BP. A reduction
in mobility is implied afterwards as repeated trips were
required where areas were controlled and this allowed
the re-visiting of nutrional plants as they re-germinated
from the previously abandoned settlements. This
increased the predictability, dispersal, and production
of resources, and thus made the periodic reoccupation
of sites a more effective strategy.
W ith this type of management, a reduction in
mobility can lead to an imbalance between the
distribution of resources and population, due to
14 Before Farming 2005/2 article 2
anthropogenic pressure. This tends to result in
mediating strategies in order to increase the production
of food-stuffs. Such strategies can be accompanied
by the development of cultural mechanisms which
reinforce rights with respect to territory and the sense
of belonging. These can be marked in the landscape
as is the case with burial in the middle Porce, thus
making a symbolic statement regarding appropriation.
W ith the passage of time important changes
between the two regions are visible. In the middle Porce
one can see a clear tendency for a reduction in mobility,
which accords with a typical gatherer model regarding
the use of space. This requires logistical movement in
order to maintain a high level of returns from hunting
(Vickers 1983). From around 5000 BP the advance of
cultivation, along with ceramics, and the presence of
more substantial structural traces clearly indicate a
semi-sedentary lifestyle, not withstanding the fact that
these hunter-gardeners kept up a certain amount of
mobility in order to avoid over-exploitation and allow
for the re-generation of both soil and resources. This
was fundamental given the low fertility of the tropical
soils. On the contrary, the archaeological record
indicates that in the middle Cauca the inhabitants could
maintain higher rates of mobility compared to the middle
Porce. This was largely due to the reoccupation of
previously disturbed areas. Over and above the
ecological differences between the two regions, the
cultural specifics of each area were important. These
determined relations between nature and the human
population and are highlighted by many ethnographic
examples which show how the world view of each
culture was a potent factor (see Echeverri 2001 and
Descola & Palsson 2001).
One of the main conclusions is that the development
of plant cultivation did not mark a rupture in the lifestyle
of these groups. Conversely, hunting, gathering and
plant cultivation became part of a continuum of
environmental exploitation (Aceituno 2001b; 2002).
This resulted in ‘
forest domestication’and had both
economic and symbolic meaning. According to Rindos
(1990), it permitted the existence of agro-ecological
systems based in a relationship of co-dependency with
the plants cultivated in the allotments. This implies
that these groups, instead of adapting themselves to a
life in gardens, were adapted to a system of hunting
and gathering which allowed a high degree of continuity
in their interactions with nature. In this way, though plant
domestication is always considered as one of the
 Mobility strategies in Colom bia’
s middle mountain range between the early and m iddle Holocene: Aceituno Bocanegra & Cas tillo Espitia
triggering factors of cultural evolution it is necessary to
separate the concept of plant cultivation from others,
such as sedentary life, agriculture, or social complexity.
The adoption of plant cultivation in a nomadic
system must be understood as a very effective strategy
of adaptation, rather than a limiting factor. The
maintenance of moblility within the framework of forest
horticulture allowed the hunter-gatherer farmers from
these regions of the Cordillera Central to rely on various
gardens dispersed across the territory. On the one hand
they used a system of poli-culture in order to collect
throughout the year, and on the other hand periods of
fallow provided for the regenetration of the resource
(Aceituno 2001b:318). However, this strategy does not
appear with plant cultivation but must be traced back
to a long tradition of environmental exploitation: the
reoccupation of areas where, due to anthropogenic
effe cts, re sources tended to be renewed and
concentrated. In this way, plant cultivation should be
understood as the prolongation of gathering, not as a
rupturing of the system. This is demonstrated in the
archaeological record of both regions, regardless of
their differences. In this sense, the Nukak Makú of
Colombia (Sotomayor et al 1998; Politis 2000;
Notes
1 For Amazonia, Terborrgh et al (in Castellanos 2001)
have calculated a 36,005 biomass (Kg/Km2) and
Castellanos (2001) a 9,551 biomass for the humid
forests of Guayana.
2 Regular here does not mean continuous occupation,
but rather nomadic occupation at intervals, the
periods of which it is, of course, almost impossible to
determine with accuracy.
3 Dates in this paper have not been calibrated.
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