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Anti-Russian sentiment

Anti-Russian sentiment or Russophobia is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, dislikes, fears, aversion, derision
and/or prejudice of Russia, Russians or Russian culture.[1] A wide variety of mass culture clichés about Russia and
Russians exists. Many of these stereotypes were developed during the Cold War,[2][3] and were used as elements of political
war against the Soviet Union. Some of these prejudices are still observed in the discussions of the relations with Russia.[4]
Negative representation of Russia and Russians in modern popular culture is also often described as functional, as
stereotypes about Russia may be used for framing reality, like creating an image of an enemy, or an excuse, or an
explanation for compensatory reasons.[5][6][7][8] Decades after the end of the Cold War, Russians are still portrayed as
"Hollywood's go-to villains".[9]

On the other hand, Russian nationalists and apologists of the politics of Russia use the allegations of "Russophobia" as a
form of propaganda to counter the criticism of Russia.[10][11]

Contents
History
Statistics
By country
Former Soviet Union
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia
Estonia
Latvia
Lithuania The Chimera of the Mysterious
Northern Caucasus Russian Soul, by Lena Hades,
depicting common stereotypes of
Ukraine
foreigners about Russians[12]
Former Eastern Bloc
Czech Republic
Poland
Romania
Croatia
Albania
Bulgaria
Germany
Rest of the world
Australia
Finland
Sweden
France
Venezuela
New Zealand
China
United Kingdom
Iran
Japan
Turkey
United States
Vietnam
South Korea

Business
View of Russia in Western media
Russian nationalist ideology
See also
Footnotes
References
External links

History
On 19 October 1797 the French Directory received a document from a Polish
general, Michał Sokolnicki, entitled "Aperçu sur la Russie". This became
"Exposed to the world's contempt".
known as the so-called "Testament of Peter the Great" and was first published Illustration from the "Puck" satirical
in October 1812, during the Napoleonic wars, in Charles Louis-Lesur's much- magazine, 1903
read Des progrès de la puissance russe: this was at the behest of Napoleon I,
who ordered a series of articles to be published showing that "Europe is
inevitably in the process of becoming booty for Russia".[13][14] Subsequent
to the Napoleonic wars, propaganda against Russia was continued by
Napoleon's former confessor, Dominique Georges-Frédéric de Pradt, who
in a series of books portrayed Russia as a "despotic" and "Asiatic" power
hungry to conquer Europe.[15] With reference to Russia's new
constitutional laws in 1811 the Savoyard philosopher Joseph de Maistre
wrote the now famous statement: "Every nation gets the government it
Propaganda depiction of a barbaric
deserves" ("Toute nation a le gouvernement qu'elle mérite").[16][17]
Russian invasion of Europe. Early 19th
In 1867, Fyodor Tyutchev, a Russian poet, diplomat and member of His century, France.
Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery, introduced the actual term of
"russophobia" in a letter to his daughter Anna Aksakova on 20 September
1867, where he applied it to a number of pro-Western Russian liberals who, pretending that they were merely following
their liberal principles, developed a negative attitude towards their own country and always stood on a pro-Western and
anti-Russian position, regardless of any changes in the Russian society and having a blind eye on any violations of these
principles in the West, "violations in the sphere of justice, morality, and even civilization". He put the emphasis on the
irrationality of this sentiment.[18] Tyuchev saw Western anti-Russian sentiment as the result of misunderstanding caused
by civilizational differences between East and West.[19] Being an adherent of Pan-Slavism, he believed that the historical
mission of Slavic peoples was to be united in a Pan-Slavic and Orthodox Christian Russian Empire to preserve their Slavic
identity and avoid cultural assimilation; in his lyrics Poland, a Slavic yet Catholic country, was poetically referred to as
Judas among the Slavs.[20] The term returned into political dictionaries of the Soviet Union only in the middle 1930s.
Further works by Russian academics, such as Igor Shafarevich's Russophobia[21] or the treaty from the 1980s attributed
the spread of russophobia to Zionists.[11]
In 1843 the Marquis de Custine published his hugely successful 1800-page, four volume travelogue La Russie en 1839.
Custine's scathing narrative reran what were by now clichés which presented Russia as a place where "the veneer of
European civilization was too thin to be credible". Such was its huge success that several official and pirated editions
quickly followed, as well as condensed versions and translations in German, Dutch and English. By 1846 approximately
200 thousand copies had been sold.[22]

The influential British economist John Maynard Keynes wrote controversially on Russia, that the oppression in the
country, rooted in the Red Revolution, perhaps was "the fruit of some beastliness in the Russian nature", also attributing
"cruelty and stupidity" to tyranny in both the "Old Russia" (tsarist) and "New Russia" (Soviet).[23]

In the 1930s and 1940s, Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party viewed the Soviet
Union as populated by Slavs ruled by "Jewish Bolshevik" masters.[27]

Hitler stated in Mein Kampf his belief that the Russian state was the work of
German elements in the state and not of the Slavs:

Here Fate itself seems desirous of giving us a sign. By handing


Russia to Bolshevism, it robbed the Russian nation of that
intelligentsia which previously brought about and guaranteed its
existence as a state. For the organization of a Russian state
formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs
in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming
efficacity of the German element in an inferior race.[28]

A secret Nazi plan, the Generalplan Ost called for the enslavement, expulsion
or extermination of most Slavic peoples in Europe. Approximately 2.8 million
Nazi propaganda minister Joseph
Soviet POWs died of starvation, mistreatment, or executions in just eight
Goebbels, in Das Reich, explained
months of 1941–42.[29]
Russian resistance in terms of a
stubborn but bestial soul.[24]
"Need, hunger, lack of comfort have been the Russians' lot for Russians were termed "Asiatic"[25]
centuries. No false compassion, as their stomachs are perfectly and the Red Army as "Asiatic
extendible. Don't try to impose the German standards and to Hordes".[26]
change their style of life. Their only wish is to be ruled by the
Germans. [...] Help yourselves, and may God help you!"

— "12 precepts for the German officer in the East",


1941[30]

On July 13, 1941, three weeks after the invasion of the Soviet Union, Nazi SS leader Heinrich Himmler told the group of
Waffen SS men:

This is an ideological battle and a struggle of races. Here in this struggle stands National Socialism: an
ideology based on the value of our Germanic, Nordic blood. ... On the other side stands a population of 180
million, a mixture of races, whose very names are unpronounceable, and whose physique is such that one
can shoot them down without pity and compassion. These animals, that torture and ill-treat every prisoner
from our side, every wounded man that they come across and do not treat them the way decent soldiers
would, you will see for yourself. These people have been welded by the Jews into one religion, one ideology,
that is called Bolshevism... When you, my men, fight over there in the East, you are carrying on the same
struggle, against the same subhumanity, the same inferior races, that at one time appeared under the name
of Huns, another time— 1000 years ago at the time of King Henry and Otto I— under the name of Magyars,
another time under the name of Tartars, and still another time under the name of Genghis Khan and the
Mongols. Today they appear as Russians under the political banner of Bolshevism.[31]

Heinrich Himmler's speech at Poznań (Posen) on October 4, 1943:

What happens to a Russian, to a Czech, does not interest me in the slightest. What the nations can offer in
good blood of our type, we will take, if necessary by kidnapping their children and raising them with us.
Whether nations live in prosperity or starve to death interests me only in so far as we need them as slaves for
our culture; otherwise, it is of no interest to me. Whether 10,000 Russian females fall down from exhaustion
while digging an anti-tank ditch interest me only in so far as the anti-tank ditch for Germany is finished. We
shall never be rough and heartless when it is not necessary, that is clear. We Germans, who are the only
people in the world who have a decent attitude towards animals, will also assume a decent attitude towards
these human animals.[32]

Modern anti-Russian sentiment peaked during the Cold War, driven by Western fears of the Soviet role in communism's
mission to take over the "Free World".

Post-Soviet distrust of Russia and Russians is attributable to backlash against the historical memory of Russification
pursued by Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union, and backlash against modern policies of the Russian government.[33]

In 2007, Vlad Sobell[34] said that "Russophobic sentiment" in the West reflected the West's failure to adapt and change its
historical attitude towards Russia, even as Russia had (in his view) abandoned past ideology for pragmatism, successfully
driving its economic revival. With the West victorious over totalitarianism, Russia served to perpetuate the role of a
needed adversary owing to its "unashamed continuity with the communist Soviet Union."[35]

Statistics
In October 2004, the International Gallup Organization announced that according to its poll, anti-Russia sentiment
remained fairly strong throughout Europe and the West in general. It found that Russia was the least popular G-8 country
globally. The percentage of population with a "very negative" or "fairly negative" perception of Russia was 73% in Kosovo,
62% in Finland, 57% in Norway, 42% in the Czech Republic and Switzerland, 37% in Germany, 32% in Denmark and
Poland, and 23% in Estonia. Overall, the percentage of respondents with a positive view of Russia was only 31%.[37][38][39]

According to a 2014 survey by Pew Research Center, attitudes towards Russia in most countries worsened considerably
during Russia's involvement in the 2014 crisis in Ukraine. From 2013 to 2014, the median negative attitudes in Europe
rose from 54% to 75%, and from 43% to 72% in the United States. Negative attitudes also rose compared to 2013
throughout the Middle East, Latin America, Asia and Africa.[40]

Negative attitudes towards Russia and frequent criticism of the Russian government in western media should not be
confused with negative attitudes towards Russian people and culture. In a 2012 survey, the percentage of Russian
immigrants in the EU that indicated that they had experienced racially motivated hate crimes was 5%, which is less than
the average of 10% reported by several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities in the EU.[41] 17% of Russian
immigrants in the EU said that they had been victims of crimes the last 12 months, for example theft, attacks, frightening
threats or harassment, as compared to an average of 24% among several groups of immigrants and ethnic minorities.[42]
By country Results of 2017 Pew Research Center poll.
Views of Russia's influence by country[36]
Sorted by Unfavorable
Former Soviet Union Country polled Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Change from 2015

Jordan 5% 93% 2 18
Armenia
Netherlands 15% 82% 4 No Data
According to a July 2007 poll,
only 2% of Armenians see Sweden 18% 78% 4 No Data
Russia as a threat, as opposed
Poland 21% 69% 10 15
to 88% who view Russia as
Armenia's partner.[43] Germany 27% 67% 6 27
According to Manvel Sargsyan,
the Director of the Armenian Japan 26% 64% 10 21
Center of National and 29% 63%
United States 9 22
Strategic Research, "There are
no special anti-Russian Turkey 32% 62% 6 15
sentiments in Armenia."[44]
France 36% 62% 2 30
Armenia's first president
Levon Ter-Petrosyan stated in Israel 35% 61% 3 25
2013 that anti-Russian
Spain 27% 60% 14 25
sentiment "has never existed
and still does not exist" in United Kingdom 26% 59% 15 18
Armenia, except "some
marginal elements and some Canada 27% 59% 14 26
individuals with anti-Russian 37% 55%
Australia 7 24
sentiment."[45] During the
dissolution of the Soviet Union Italy 35% 54% 11 27
and rise of nationalism in the
Hungary 39% 48% 13 No Data
Soviet republics and Eastern
bloc countries, Armenian Lebanon 47% 48% 5 44
nationalists were among the
South Korea 36% 41% 23 46
few that did not "interpret
Russia as their most significant Indonesia 36% 40% 24 28
threat."[46] Armenian Foreign
Minister Vartan Oskanian South Africa 28% 40% 32 25
stated in 2001 that "Anti- 39% 37%
Tunisia 24 No Data
Soviet sentiment did not mean
anti-Russian in Armenia's Brazil 35% 36% 29 26
case."[47]
Venezuela 38% 33% 30 31
On several occasions, however,
Chile 34% 31% 34 31
anti-Russian sentiment has
been expressed in Armenia, Colombia 32% 31% 37 No Data
particularly in response to real
Greece 64% 31% 5 No Data
or perceived anti-Armenian
actions by Russia. In June
1903, Nicholas II issued a Country polled Favorable Unfavorable Neutral Change from 2015
decree ordering the
Peru 41% 31% 28 33
confiscation of all Armenian
Church properties (including Kenya 27% 29% 44 35
church-run schools) and its
Nigeria 45% 29% 27 39
transfer to the Russian Interior
Ministry. The decision was Argentina 27% 27% 46 27
perceived by Armenians to be
an effort of Russification and it Philippines 55% 26% 19 44
met widespread popular 32% 25%
Mexico 43 24
resistance by the Russian
Armenian population and led Ghana 33% 24% 43 56
by the Dashnak and Hunchak
Tanzania 45% 21% 34 38
parties. This included attacks
on Russian authorities in Senegal 34% 18% 48 32
attempts to prevent the
India 47% 13% 40 43
confiscation. The decree being
eventually canceled in 1905.[48] Vietnam 83% 13% 5 75
In more recent times, in July
1988, during the Karabakh Russia 88% 10% 1 93

movement, the killing of an Armenian man and the injury of tens of


others by the Soviet army in a violent clash at Zvartnots Airport near
Yerevan sparked anti-Russian and anti-Soviet sentiment in the
Armenian public.[49]

Azerbaijan
In Azerbaijani society, Russians are perceived mostly as invaders
that have controlled Azerbaijan for almost 200 years with a two-year
halfway break.[50] For current generations, Russians are seen as
direct and indirect perpetrators of the two most terrible events
Anti-Russian protest in Yerevan, 2 December which have occurred in Azerbaijan's modern history. One is the
2013 Black January (when Soviet soldiers entered Baku to suppress the
independence movement and killed over 100 people in 1990);[51] the
other is the Khojali massacre during the Karabakh War.

Georgia
According to a 2012 poll, 35% of Georgians perceive Russia as Georgia's biggest enemy, while the percentage was
significantly higher in 2011, at 51%.[52] In a February 2013 poll, 63% of Georgians said Russia is Georgia's biggest political
and economic threat as opposed to 35% of those who looked at Russia as the most important partner for Georgia.[53]

"ღრუსი" (ghrusi) is a Georgian slur, created by combinations of words "ghori" (pig) and "rusi" (Russian) and is widely
used in Georgian Internet forums.

Estonia
According to veteran German author, journalist and Russia-correspondent Gabriele Krone-Schmalz, there is deep
disapproval of everything Russian in Estonia.[54] A poll conducted by Gallup International suggested that 34% Estonians
have a positive attitude towards Russia, but it is supposed that survey results were likely impacted by a large ethnic
Russian minority in country.[37] In a 2012 poll, 3% of the Russian minority in Estonia reported that they had experienced a
racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% among ethnic minorities and immigrants in EU).[41]

According to Estonian philosopher Jaan Kaplinski, the birth of anti-Russian sentiment in Estonia dates back to 1940, as
there was little or none during the czarist and first independence period, when anti-German sentiment predominated.
Kaplinski states the imposition of Soviet rule under Joseph Stalin in 1940 and subsequent actions by Soviet authorities led
to the replacement of anti-German sentiment with anti-Russian sentiment within just one year, and characterized it as
"one of the greatest achievements of the Soviet authorities".[55] Kaplinski supposes that anti-Russian sentiment could
disappear as quickly as anti-German sentiment did in 1940, however he believes the prevailing sentiment in Estonia is
sustained by Estonia's politicians who employ "the use of anti-Russian sentiments in political combat," together with the
"tendentious attitude of the [Estonian] media."[55] Kaplinski says that a "rigid East-West attitude is to be found to some
degree in Estonia when it comes to Russia, in the form that everything good comes from the West and everything bad from
the East";[55] this attitude, in Kaplinski's view, "probably does not date back further than 1940 and presumably originates
from Nazi propaganda."[55]

Latvia
According to Andrei Tsygankov (a Russian himself), ethnic Russians in Latvia are subjected to ethnic discrimination.[56] In
a 2012 poll, 2% of the Russian minority in Latvia reported that they had experienced a racially motivated hate crime (as
compared to an average of 10% among immigrants and minorities in EU).[41]

Latvian American doctor and former member of the Civic Union, Aivars Slucis, wrote op-eds in The New York Times and
The Washington Post in which he explains to the Americans that Russians have invading other nations in their genes, and
they can only understand the language of force. Slucis wrote that he would personally never treat a Russian patient with
Soviet symbols tattooed on his body who came into his office.[57] In November 2010, Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis, the Latvian
Foreign Affairs Minister, became embroiled in a scandal with Slucis after email correspondence between the two from
2009 was released by journalist Lato Lapsa. In one of the letters, Slucis stated that he would not be able to treat Russians
with the same level of care that we would Latvians, and also stated that in the event of a shortage of medical supplies he
would deny Russians the right to access to those supplies. In reply, Kristovskis stated that he approved of "both his
assessment and vision of the situation".[58][59] According to Lapsa, Kristovskis was also in agreeance with Slucis advocating
for freezing and reviewing all citizenships granted after 1991 with the thought of rescinding a majority.[60]

In 2016, Nils Ušakovs, the first ethnic Russian mayor of Riga in independent Latvia, was fined by the Latvian State
Language Center for using Russian language on Facebook.[61][62]

Lithuania
Lithuania has a strong anti-Russian sentiment, dated back on historical grievances from the era of Muscovite–Lithuanian
War, to the repeated occupation by the Russian Empire as well as Soviet Union. For Lithuanians, Russia has never
stopped their desire to consolidate power over the Baltics, which Lithuania is one of them, and feared Russia would plan
for an eventual invasion against Lithuania like it did to Crimea.[63] There is also concerns over Russia's increasing military
deployment, such as in Kaliningrad, an exclave of Russia bordering Lithuania.[64][65]

Northern Caucasus
In a report by the Jamestown Foundation, dealing with the topic of the (extremely positive according to the report)
reception of American Republican senator John McCain's statements about Russia's "double standards in the Caucasus"
(referring to how Russia recognized South Ossetia but would not let Chechnya go), one Chechen stated that Chechnya
"cannot exist within the borders of Russia because every 50 years... Russia kills us Chechens",[66] demonstrating local fear
of the Russian government.

Journalist Fatima Tlisova released an article in 2009 discussing the frequent occurrences of Russian Orthodox crosses
being sawed off buildings and thrown off mountains in Circassia, due to the cross being associated with the people who
initiated the mass expulsions of Circassians.[67]

In April 2015, Chechnya's leader Ramzan Kadyrov ordered Chechen security forces to “shoot to kill” if they encountered
police officers from other parts of Russia on the territory of the Chechen Republic.[68][69]

Ukraine
During the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010) anti-Russian
statements became common in the media, in particular, aired by right-wing
politicians.[72]

In a poll held by Kiev International Institute of Sociology in May 2009 in Ukraine,


96% of respondents were positive about Russians as an ethnic group, 93%
respected the Russian Federation and 76% respected the Russian establishment.
In a poll held by Levada Center in Russia in June 2009, 75% of respondents
respected Ukrainians as an ethnic group, but 55% were negative about Ukraine as
the state.[73]

According to the statistics released on October 21, 2010 by the Institute of


Sociology of National Academy of Science of Ukraine, positive attitudes towards
Russians have been decreasing since 1994. In response to a question gauging
tolerance of Russians, 15% of Western Ukrainians responded positively. In Central
Modern anti-swearing poster in
Ukraine, 30% responded positively (from 60% in 1994); 60% responded positively
Lviv, Ukraine, issued by the
in Southern Ukraine (from 70% in 1994); and 64% responded positively in Eastern
Ukrainian nationalist political
Ukraine (from 75% in 1994). Furthermore, 6-7% of Western Ukrainians would party Svoboda.[70][71] Ukrainian
banish Russians entirely from Ukraine, and 7-8% in Central Ukraine responded text reads: "Remember!
similarly. This level of sentiment was not found in Southern or Eastern Swearing turns you into a
Ukraine.[74] Moskal (ethnic slur, means
"Russian").
The right-wing political party "Svoboda",[70][71][75] has invoked radical
Russophobic rhetoric[76] (see poster) and has electoral support enough to garner
majority support in local councils,[77] as seen in the Ternopil regional council in Western Ukraine.[78] Analysts explained
Svoboda’s victory in Eastern Galicia during the 2010 Ukrainian local elections as a result of the policies of the Azarov
Government who were seen as too pro-Russian by the voters of "Svoboda".[79][80]

Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the far-right Svoboda party, whose members held senior positions in the short-lived First
Yatsenyuk government, urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine.[81] Right Sector's leader for
West Ukraine, Oleksandr Muzychko, has talked about fighting "communists, Jews and Russians for as long as blood flows
in my veins."[82]
Former Eastern Bloc

Czech Republic
The attitude to Russia and Russians sharply deteriorated in Czechoslovakia after the
Soviet-led military crackdown of the Prague Spring in 1968.[83]

Poland
According to a 2013 BBC World Service poll, 19% of Poles viewed Russia's influence
positively, with 49% expressing a negative view.[84]

Mutual animosity between Poland and Russia have a long history, with military
clashes tracing as back as to the times of Kievan Rus. Since the late Middle Ages, the
Kingdom of Poland allied with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania which struggled with
the Grand Duchy of Muscovy. Over centuries, there have been several Polish- Destruction of the Russian and
Russian wars, with Poland once occupying Moscow and later Russians controlling Polish flags during the UNA-
much of Poland in the 19th century as well as in the 20th century. UNSO rally in Lviv, Ukraine in
1997
Much of the modern anti-Russian feelings in Poland is caused by grievances of the
past.[85] One contentious issue is the massacre of 22,000 Polish officers, priests and
intellectuals in Katyn Forest in 1940, and deportation of around 250,000 mostly Polish civilians and others including
soldiers to Siberia and Kazakhstan where many, around 100,000 died, even though the Russian government has officially
acknowledged and apologized for the atrocity.[86]

In 2005 The New York Times reported after the Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza that "relations between Poland and Russia
are as bad as ever".[87]

Jakub Boratyński, the director of international programs at the independent Polish think tank Stefan Batory Foundation,
said in 2005 that anti-Russian feelings have substantially decreased since Poland joined the EU and NATO, and that Poles
feel more secure than before, but he also admitted that many people in Poland still look suspiciously at Russian foreign-
policy moves and are afraid Russia is seeking to "recreate an empire in a different form."[85]

Romania
Anti-Russian sentiment dates back to the conflict between the Russian and Ottoman empires in the 18th and early 19th
centuries and the ceding of part of the Moldavian principality to Russia by the Ottoman Empire in 1812 after its de facto
annexation, and to the annexations during World War II and after by the Soviet Union of Northern Bukovina and
Bessarabia and the policies of ethnic cleansing, Russification and deportations that have taken place in those territories
against ethnic Romanians. Following WWII, Romania, an ally of Nazi Germany, was occupied by Soviet forces. Soviet
dominance over the Romanian economy was manifested through the so-called Sovroms, exacting a tremendous economic
toll ostensibly as war-time reparations.[88][89][90][91][92]

Croatia
At the end of 2016, Russian experts were cited as assessing Russian–Croatian relations as ″cold″.[93] Croatia is one of the
anti-Russian countries in Europe, according to the voting on European Parliament's 23 November 2016 resolution.[94]
Croat and Ukrainian sports fans have put up hate messages towards Serbs and Russians during a match of their national
teams in the 2018 World Cup qualifier.[95] Croatia's position as a member of both NATO and the European Union can be
contrasted to that of traditional Russian ally Serbia,[96] with which it has strained relations.[97] Croats are Catholic and
Serbs are Orthodox (as the Russians are), and during the Ukrainian crisis mercenaries of the two ethnic groups were on
opposing sides, Croats fighting for Ukraine and Serbs fighting for the Russian separatists.[98][99] An article in Foreign
Affairs called Croatia the strongest Western ally against Russian expansion in the Balkans.[100]

Albania
A majority of Albanians perceived Russia as a threat due to Russia's blockade of Kosovo's independence recognition,[101]
as well as economic combat and sanctions by Russia against Albania.[102]

Bulgaria
In 2017, Bulgarian national security named Russia as a direct threat for Bulgaria's security.[103]

Germany
Anti-Russian sentiment became commonly practiced among Germans during the 20th century, when German propaganda
depicted Russians, both during World War I and World War II, notably the latter, as barbarians from the East trying to
demolish the German state and enslaving Europe. During the World War II, anti-Russian propaganda increased by efforts
of Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler. These anti-Russian propaganda continued when Germany was divided into two
nations, West Germany and East Germany, and Germans still consider Russia as the perpetrator for the division of
Germany that lasted from 1947 to 1990.

Recently, Russia's propaganda disinformation, notably the recent Lisa case, becomes part of Russophobic sentiment in
Germany,[104][105] although anti-Russian sentiment in Germany isn't high like any other European nations.

Rest of the world

Australia
According to the World Public Opinion poll undertaken in 2013, 53% of Australians had a negative view of Russia, up 15%
from 2012.[106] Following the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, allegedly by Russian-backed separatists in
eastern Ukraine, which claimed the lives of at least 27 Australians, Prime Minister Tony Abbott considering barring
Russian President Vladimir Putin from attending the 2014 G-20 Brisbane summit.[107][108]

Finland
In Finland, anti-Russian sentiment has been studied since the 1970s. The history of anti-Russian sentiment has two main
theories. One of them claims that Finns and Russians have been archenemies throughout history. The position is
considered to have been dominated at least the 1700s since the days of the Greater Wrath, when the Russians "occupied
Finland and raped it." This view largely assumes that through the centuries, "Russia is a violent slayer and Finland is an
innocent, virginal victim".[109] In the 1920s and 1930s this anti-Russian and anti-Communism propaganda had a fertile
ground.[110] Failed Russian actions to terminate Finnish autonomy and cultural uniqueness (1899–1905 and 1908–1917)
contributed greatly to both the anti-Russian feelings in Finland. The Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, which granted Finland to
Soviet Union, followed the attack of the Soviet Union against Finland during the Winter War and Soviet annexation of
large parts of Finland. This caused high casualties among the Finns and 11% of the total population had to leave their
homes, later causing great bitterness, and has endured as the Karelian question in Finnish politics.
Another theory considers anti-Russian sentiment as being born in Finland at the time of civil war 1917–1918, and the anti-
Russian political and ideological White Finland created a confrontation which deliberately blew and spread the sentiment.
Anti-Russian sentiment was created against the external threat of the Soviet Union and it was considered almost a
national duty in the 1920s and 1930s.[111] During World War II, Finns organized internment camps in the occupied East
Karelia where ethnic segregation between 'relatives' (Finnic population) and 'non-relatives' (other, primarily Russian
population) took place which has been attributed to anti-Russian sentiment.

According to polls in 2004, 62% of Finnish citizens had a negative view of Russia.[37] Deportation of Ingrian Finns,
indigenous to St. Petersburg, Ingria, and other Soviet repressions against its Finnish minorities have contributed to
negative views of Russia. In a 2012 poll, 12% of Russian immigrants in Finland reported that they had experienced a
racially motivated hate crime (as compared to an average of 10% of immigrants in the EU).[41]

Sweden
The Swedish words russofob (Russophobe) and russofobi (Russophobia) were
first recorded in 1877 and 1904 respectively and its more frequent synonym
rysskräck (fear of Russia or Russians) in 1907. Older synonyms were rysshat
(hatred of Russia or Russians) from 1846 and ryssantipati (antipathy against
Russia or Russians) from 1882.[112]

The Russian state is said to have been organized in the 9th century AD at
Novgorod by Rurik, supposedly coming from Sweden. In the 13th century,
Stockholm was founded to stop foreign navies from invading lake Mälaren.
Dra åt helvete ("Go to hell") in a
Both events are signs that hostile naval missions across the Baltic Sea go a long
Swedish university students' book of
way back, temporarily ending with the peace treaty of Nöteborg 1323 between
drinking songs printed 2007, written
Sweden and the Novgorod Republic (which later became Russia), soon to be by a Finnish student in
broken by another Catholic Swedish crusade into Greek-orthodox Novgorod. remembrance of Nikolay Bobrikov.
Russia has been described as Sweden's "archenemy" (a title also given to Translation on description page.
Denmark). The two countries have often been at war, most intensively during
the Great Northern War (1700–1721) and the Finnish War (1808–1809), when
Sweden lost that third of its territory to Russia that now is Finland. Sweden defeated a Russian army in the Battle of Narva
(1700), but was defeated by Russia in the Battle of Poltava 1709. In 1719 Russian troops burnt most Swedish cities and
industrial communities along the Baltic sea coast to the ground (from Norrköping up to Piteå in the north) in what came
to be called "Rysshärjningarna" (the Russian ravages, a term first recorded in 1730[112]). "The Russians are coming"
(ryssen kommer) is a traditional Swedish warning call.[113] After the death of king Charles XII in 1718 and the peace in
1721, Swedish politics was dominated by a peace-minded parliament, with a more aggressive opposition (Hats and Caps).
When Swedish officer Malcolm Sinclair was murdered in 1739 by two Russian officers, the anti-Russian ballad
Sinclairsvisan by Anders Odel became very popular.[114][115]

After 1809, there have been no more wars between Russia and Sweden, partly due to Swedish neutrality and
nonalignment foreign policy since then. Peaceful relationships and the Russian capital being Saint Petersburg, many
Swedish companies ran large businesses in Imperial Russia, including Branobel and Ericsson. Many poets still grieved the
loss of Finland and called for a military revenge,[116] ideas that were refueled by the Crimean War in the 1850s.[117] With
the increasing cultural exchange between neighboring countries (Scandinavism) and the nationalist revival in Finland
(through Johan Ludvig Runeberg and Elias Lönnrot), contempt with the attempts of Russification of Finland spread to
Sweden. Before World War I, travelling Russian saw filers were suspected of espionage by Swedish proponents of
increased military spending. After the Russian Revolution in the spring of 1917 and the abdication of the Tsar, great hope
was vested in the new provisional government, only to be replaced with despair after the so-called October Revolution. Old
anti-Russian sentiments were compounded by a fresh element of anti-communism, to last for the duration of the existence
of the Soviet Union. Many Swedes voluntarily joined the Finnish side in the Winter War between Finland and Soviet
Union 1939–1940. When the Soviet state was finally dissolved in 1991, anti-communism became less relevant in terms of
power politics and for some time, few seemed to recall the fear of its predecessor. The old cry ryssen kommer also seemed
obsolete.

Thus, in statements made by Swedish politicians, the Swedish sentiments against the Russian government have always
been about fear of military invasion, which now seemed to be gone for the foreseeable future, and also about human rights
and democracy issues. Only 31% of Swedes stated that they liked Russia in 2011, and 23% in 2012, and only 10% have
confidence in Russian elections.[39]

In June 2014, political scientist Sergey Markov complained about Russophobia in Sweden and Finland, comparing it to
antisemitism. "Would you want to be part of starting a Third World War? Antisemitism started the Second World War,
Russophobia could start a third.", he commented.[118] The retired Swedish history professor and often cited expert on
Russia Kristian Gerner said he was "almost shocked" by Markov's claim, and described his worldview as "nearly
paranoid".[119][120]

France
Anti-Russian sentiment was common in France after the French defeat by the Russians in the 1812 War.[121]

Venezuela
Anti-Russian sentiment has been increasing in Venezuela due to Russia's support to Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro
during the Venezuelan crisis, which the opposition, strongly anti-Russian, are hostile toward Russia.[122]

New Zealand
The history of early anti-Russian sentiment in New Zealand was analyzed in Glynn Barratt's book Russophobia in New
Zealand, 1838-1908,[123] expanded to cover the period up to 1939 in an article by Tony Wilson.[124]

According to Wilson, Russophobia towards the Russian Empire had no roots in the country itself, but was fueled by British
Empire attitude, at a time when New Zealand was still a British colony. It was aggravated by lack of information about
Russia and contacts with it due to the mutual remoteness. Various wars involving the Russian Empire fueled the "Russian
scare". Additional negative attitude was brought by Jewish immigration after Anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire.
That immigration was halted as a combined result of Russophobia and anti-Semitism. As of 1916, there were 1242 settlers
of Russian origin in the country, including 169 Jews. During World War I Russophobia was temporarily supplanted by
Germanophobia for evident reasons; however, soon after the Russian Revolution of 1917, the fear of Marxism and
Bolshevism revived Russophobia in the form of "Red Scare". Notably, local Russians had no issues with Russophobia. By
late 1920s pragmatism moderated Russophobia in official circles, especially during the Great Depression. Sympathetic
views were propagated by visitors to the Soviet Union, such as George Bernard Shaw, impressed by Soviet
propaganda.[124]

China
China and Russia had been at war in the past. Russia and China both had historical expansions, which later led to war
between two nations. The Russians later invaded Central Asia, and drove the Chinese out of Outer Manchuria which had
been annexed by Russia and eventually, belongs to Russia today. Russia and China even later went to some fierce border
clash during the communist era of Soviet Union, and border conflict which almost resulted by using nuclear bomb from
the Soviet Union against China.[125]

United Kingdom
In the United Kingdom, anti-Russian sentiment arose during conflicts including the Crimean War[126] and the Anglo-
Afghan wars, which were seen as representing Russia's territorial ambitions regarding the British empire in India. This
competition for spheres of influence and colonies (see e.g. The Great Game and Berlin Congress) fueled anti-Russian
sentiment in Britain. British propaganda at the time took up the theme of Russians as uncultured Asiatic barbarians.[127]
The American professor Jimmie E. Cain Jr has stated that these views were then exported to other parts of the world and
were reflected in the literature of late the 19th and early 20th centuries.[126]

Iran
Due to Russia's support of the Iranian government, many protesters started chants of "Death to Russia" after the 2009
Presidential election.[128]

Japan
Most Japanese interaction with Russian individuals – besides in major cities such as Tokyo – happens with seamen and
fishermen of the Russian fishing fleet, therefore Japanese people tend to carry the stereotypes associated with sailors over
to Russians.[129][130] According to a 2012 Pew Global Attitudes Project survey, 72% of Japanese people view Russia
unfavorably, compared with 22% who viewed it favorably, making Japan the most anti-Russian country surveyed.[131]

Turkey
According to a 2013 survey 73% of Turks look at Russia unfavorably against 16% with favorable views.[132]

In the 20th century, anti-Russian sentiment in Turkey was so great that the Russians refused to allow a Turkish military
attache to accompany their armies.[133]

United States
During the Cold War years, there was frequent confusion and conflation of terms "Russians" and "Communists"/"Soviets";
in 1973, a group of Russian immigrants in the US founded the Congress of Russian Americans with the purpose of drawing
a clear distinction between Russian national identity and Soviet ideology, and preventing the formation of anti-Russian
sentiment on the basis of Western anti-communism.[134] Members of the Congress see the conflation itself as
Russophobic, since Russians were the first nation in world history to be oppressed by a communist regime.[135]

According to a 2013 Poll, 59% of Americans had a negative view of Russia, 23% had a favorable opinion, and 18% were
uncertain.[106] According to a survey by Pew Research Center, negative attitudes towards Russia in the United States rose
from 43% to 72% from 2013 to 2014.[40]

Recent events such as the Anti-Magnitsky bill,[136] the Boston Marathon bombings[137] Russia's actions following the
Ukrainian crisis,[40] the Syrian Civil War, the allegations of Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections and
the allegations of collusion between Donald Trump's presidential campaign and Russia[138][139] are deemed to have caused
a rising negative impression about Russia in the United States.[140]
In December 2016, New York Daily News columnist Gersh Kuntzman compared the assassination of the Russian
Ambassador to Turkey, Andrei Karlov, to the assassination of German diplomat Ernst vom Rath by Jewish student
Herschel Grynszpan, saying "justice has been served."[141]

Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald of The Intercept wrote in February 2017 that the "East Coast
newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly
insatiable craving."[142]

In May 2017, the former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper was criticized by some media outlets for a
xenophobic remark in an interview with Chuck Todd from Meet the Press.[143] He told NBC's Meet The Press that
Russians are "almost genetically driven" to act deviously.[144][145]

Women's March in Women's March in Anti-Trump protest in Anti-Russian poster in


Chicago, January 21, Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, January San Francisco,
2017 January 21, 2017 26, 2017 presumably associating
Russia with Soviet
Union or communism,
April 15, 2017

Anti-Russian posters in Tax March in Saint Paul, Tax March in San


Chicago, April 15, 2017 Minnesota, April 15, Francisco
2017

Hollywood
In a 2014 news story, Fox News reported, "Russians may also be unimpressed with Hollywood’s apparent negative
stereotyping of Russians in movies. "The Avengers" featured a ruthless former KGB agent, "Iron Man 2" centers on a
rogue Russian scientist with a vendetta, and action thriller "Jack Ryan: Shadow Recruit" saw Kenneth Branagh play an
archetypal Russian bad guy, just to name a few."[146]
Vietnam
Anti-Russian sentiment in Vietnam is very low due to historical common alliance between communist North Vietnam and
Soviet Union during Vietnam War and Cold War period. Vietnamese population at large hold a favorable view of Russia
and Russian culture. However, from 2010s onward, the younger and middle generations are becoming aware of Russian
atrocities towards its neighbors like Belarus, Germany, Ukraine and Poland, notably rape of Eastern European and
German women by Russian troops, or the Katyń Massacre, which have sparked strong Russophobic sentiment among
Vietnamese population.[147][148] Recent good relationship between China and Russia, the former has been Vietnam's long
time adversary for years, the failure of the Soviet Union to assist Vietnam at the 1979 Sino–Vietnamese War and poor
treatments and repeated killing of Vietnamese in Russia[149][150], further deteriorated the favorable view on Russia among
Vietnamese.

Overseas Vietnamese, mostly descendants of the South Vietnamese refugees, as well as recent Vietnamese immigrants
moving abroad, perceive Russia as a direct threat of Vietnamese sovereignty after China.[151]

Common Vietnamese words used as pejorative anti-Russian sentiment in Vietnam are "Nga ngố" (idiot Russian) and
"Nga Sô" (Soviet Russia), commonly as anti-Russian remarks.[152]

South Korea
Due to the history of the Cold War and the Korean War, where the Soviet Union and South Korea fought on opposing
sides, relations between Russia and South Korea have been almost non existent until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.
Even so, opinion about Russia and Russians in South Korea remains low, particularly due to Russia's support for North
Korea[153]. A common pejorative term against Russians in Korea is "로스케" (Roske, the same as English Russkie).

Business
In May and June 2006, Russian media cited discrimination against Russian companies as one possible reason why the
contemplated merger between the Luxembourg-based steelmaker Arcelor and Russia's Severstal did not finalize.
According to the Russian daily Izvestiya, those opposing the merger "exploited the 'Russian threat' myth during
negotiations with shareholders and, apparently, found common ground with the Europeans",[154] while Boris Gryzlov,
speaker of the State Duma observed that "recent events show that someone does not want to allow us to enter their
markets."[155] On 27 July 2006, the New York Times quoted the analysts as saying that many Western investors still think
that anything to do with Russia is "a little bit doubtful and dubious" while others look at Russia in "comic book terms, as
mysterious and mafia-run."[156]

View of Russia in Western media


Some Russian and Western commentators express concern about a far too negative coverage of Russia in Western media
(some Russians even describe this as a "war of information").[157][158] In April 2007, David Johnson, founder of the
Johnson's Russia List, said in interview to the Moscow News: "I am sympathetic to the view that these days Putin and
Russia are perhaps getting too dark a portrayal in most Western media. Or at least that critical views need to be
supplemented with other kinds of information and analysis. An openness to different views is still warranted."[159]

In 1995, years before Vladimir Putin was elected to his first term, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press
reported: "coverage of Russia and its president, Boris Yeltsin, was decidedly negative, even though national polls continue
to find the public feeling positive toward Russia and largely uncritical of Yeltsin."[160]
In February 2007, the Russian creativity agency E-generator put together a "rating of Russophobia" of Western media,
using for the research articles concerning a single theme—Russia's chairmanship of G8, translated into Russian by
InoSmi.Ru. The score was composed for each edition, negative values granted for negative assessments of Russia, and
positive values representing positive ones. The top in the rating were Newsday (−43, U.S.), Financial Times (−34, Great
Britain), The Wall Street Journal (−34, U.S.), Le Monde (−30, France), while editions on the opposite side of the rating
were Toronto Star (+27, Canada) and "The Conservative Voice"[161] (+26, U.S.).[162][163]

California-based international relations scholar Andrei Tsygankov has remarked that anti-Russian political rhetoric
coming from Washington circles has received wide echo in American mainstream media, asserting that "Russophobia's
revival is indicative of the fear shared by some U.S. and European politicians that their grand plans to control the world's
most precious resources and geostrategic sites may not succeed if Russia's economic and political recovery continues."[164]

In practice, anti-Russian political rhetoric usually puts emphasis on highlighting policies and practices of the Russian
government that are criticised internally - corruption, abuse of law, censorship, violence and intervention in Ukraine.
Western criticism in this aspect goes in line with Russian independent anti-government media such as (TV Rain, Novaya
Gazeta, Ekho Moskvy, The Moscow Times) and opposition human rights activists (Memorial). In defence of this rhetoric,
some sources critical of the Russian government claim that it is Russian state-owned media and administration who
attempt to discredit the "neutral" criticism by generalizing it into indiscriminate accusations of the whole Russian
population - or russophobia.[11][165][166] Some have argued, however, that the Western media doesn't make enough
distinction between Putin's regime and Russia and the Russians, thus effectively vilifying the whole nation.[167][168]

Russian nationalist ideology


The issue of anti-Russian sentiment has become an indispensable part of contemporary Russian nationalist
ideology.[11][169] Sociologist Anatoly Khazanov states that there's a national-patriotic movement which believes that there's
a clash of civilizations, a global struggle between the idealist, collectivist, morally and spiritually superior Eurasia led by
Russia, and the corrupt, materialistic, decadent, morally and spiritually polluted West led by the United States.

This national-patriotic movement charges that for centuries the West has plundered Russia of her natural resources,
trying to bring Russia to her knees and undermining Russia's messianic and self-sacrificing mission to enlighten and save
mankind, with the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence. In their view, the United States want to break up Russia and
turn it into a source of raw materials. The West being accused of Russophobia is a major part of their belief.[170]

See also
List of anti-ethnic and anti-national terms
Anti-Eastern Orthodox sentiment
Nazi crimes against Soviet POWs
Anti-communism
Anti-Sovietism
McCarthyism
Russophilia
Russian irredentism
Sinophobia

Footnotes
1. "thefreedictionary" (https://www.thefreedictionary.com/Russophobe). thefreedictionary.com. Retrieved 6 March 2018.
2. "Envoy complains Britons mistreat Russians" (https://web.archive.org/web/20080221194733/http://uk.reuters.com/arti
cle/topNews/idUKL0824162420070708). Reuters. July 8, 2007. Archived from the original (http://uk.reuters.com/articl
e/topNews/idUKL0824162420070708) on February 21, 2008. Retrieved July 30, 2007.
3. Steele, Jonathan (June 30, 2006). "The west's new Russophobia is hypocritical - and wrong" (https://web.archive.org/
web/20070302135431/http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0%2C%2C1809314%2C00.html). The Guardian.
Archived from the original (https://www.theguardian.com/comment/story/0,,1809314,00.html) on March 2, 2007.
4. Forest, Benjamin; Johnson, Juliet; Till, Karen (September 2004). "Post-totalitarian national identity: public memory in
Germany and Russia". Social & Cultural Geography. Taylor & Francis. 5 (3): 357–380.
doi:10.1080/1464936042000252778 (https://doi.org/10.1080%2F1464936042000252778).
5. Macgilchrist, Felicitas (January 21, 2009). "Framing Russia: The construction of Russia and Chechnya in the western
media" (https://www.kuwi.europa-uni.de/de/lehrstuhl/vs/anthro/habilprom/macgilchrist_felicitas/index.html). Europa-
Universitat Viadrina Frankfurt (Oder). Retrieved 5 April 2015.
6. Le, E´lisabeth (2006). "Collective Memories and Representations of National Identity in Editorials: Obstacles to a
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References
(in Polish)/(in Russian) ed. Jerzy Faryno (http://www.ispan.waw.pl/proffaryno.php), Roman Bobryk, "Polacy w oczach
Rosjan — Rosjanie w oczach Polaków. Поляки глазами русских — русские глазами поляков. Zbiór studiów" -
conference proceedings; in Studia Litteraria Polono-Slavica; Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy Instytutu Slawistyki
Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2000, ISBN 83-86619-93-7.

External links
The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain (https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=3495927)
Anatol Lieven, Against Russophobia (http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=626),
World Policy Journal, Volume XVII, No 4, Winter 2000/01; a review of a modern Russophobia in international politics.
New York Times After Centuries of Enmity, Relations Between Poland and Russia Are as Bad as Ever (https://query.n
ytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30710F83A5E0C708CDDAE0894DD404482&incamp=archive:search), July 3,
2005 (subscription may be required for full text)
Sergei Yastrzhembsky: Russophobia Still Rampant (http://www.sptimes.ru/story/7071)
More Russophobia in International Press (http://english.pravda.ru/mailbox/22/101/398/13583_BBC.html)
Corruption, Russophobia Weigh on Poland (https://web.archive.org/web/20140202192328/http://www.themoscowtime
s.com/news/article/corruption-russophobia-weigh-on-poland/225569.html)
Finnish Russophobia: The Story of an Enemy Image (http://jpr.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/2/123)
Battling Russophobia (https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2008/dec/13/russia-west-media-stereotypes),
Guardian, 2008, by Anna Matveeva
The Will of Peter the Great / Testament of Peter the Great (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/czar-pet
er-i-will.htm)

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