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Second, the JCPOA has worked in rolling back Iran’s nuclear program. For
decades, Iran had steadily advanced its nuclear program, approaching the
point where they could rapidly produce enough fissile material to build a English (US) · Español ·
bomb. The JCPOA put a lid on that breakout capacity. Since the JCPOA was Português (Brasil) · Français (France) ·
implemented, Iran has destroyed the core of a reactor that could have Deutsch
produced weapons-grade plutonium; removed two-thirds of its centrifuges
(over 13,000) and placed them under international monitoring; and Privacy · Terms · Advertising · Ad Choices ·
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eliminated 97 percent of its stockpile of enriched uranium – the raw materials
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necessary for a bomb. So by any measure, the JCPOA has imposed strict
limitations on Iran's nuclear program and achieved real results.
Third, the JCPOA does not rely on trust – it is rooted in the most far-reaching
inspections and verification regime ever negotiated in an arms control deal.
Iran’s nuclear facilities are strictly monitored. International monitors also
have access to Iran’s entire nuclear supply chain, so that we can catch them
if they cheat. Without the JCPOA, this monitoring and inspections regime
would go away.
Fourth, Iran is complying with the JCPOA. That was not simply the view of
my Administration. The United States intelligence community has continued
to find that Iran is meeting its responsibilities under the deal, and has
reported as much to Congress. So have our closest allies, and the
international agency responsible for verifying Iranian compliance – the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
Fifth, the JCPOA does not expire. The prohibition on Iran ever obtaining a
nuclear weapon is permanent. Some of the most important and intrusive
inspections codified by the JCPOA are permanent. Even as some of the
provisions in the JCPOA do become less strict with time, this won’t happen
until ten, fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years into the deal, so there is little
reason to put those restrictions at risk today.
Finally, the JCPOA was never intended to solve all of our problems with Iran.
We were clear-eyed that Iran engages in destabilizing behavior – including
support for terrorism, and threats toward Israel and its neighbors. But that’s
precisely why it was so important that we prevent Iran from obtaining a
nuclear weapon. Every aspect of Iranian behavior that is troubling is far
more dangerous if their nuclear program is unconstrained. Our ability to
confront Iran’s destabilizing behavior – and to sustain a unity of purpose with
our allies – is strengthened with the JCPOA, and weakened without it.
Because of these facts, I believe that the decision to put the JCPOA at risk
without any Iranian violation of the deal is a serious mistake. Without the
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JCPOA, the United States could eventually be left with a losing choice
between a nuclear-armed Iran or another war in the Middle East. We all
know the dangers of Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon. It could embolden an English (US) · Español ·
already dangerous regime; threaten our friends with destruction; pose Português (Brasil) · Français (France) ·
unacceptable dangers to America’s own security; and trigger an arms race in Deutsch
the world’s most dangerous region. If the constraints on Iran’s nuclear
program under the JCPOA are lost, we could be hastening the day when we Privacy · Terms · Advertising · Ad Choices ·
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are faced with the choice between living with that threat, or going to war to
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prevent it.
In a dangerous world, America must be able to rely in part on strong,
principled diplomacy to secure our country. We have been safer in the years
since we achieved the JCPOA, thanks in part to the work of our diplomats,
many members of Congress, and our allies. Going forward, I hope that
Americans continue to speak out in support of the kind of strong, principled,
fact-based, and unifying leadership that can best secure our country and
uphold our responsibilities around the globe.
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