Communist Party of Kampuchea

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Communist Party of Kampuchea

General Secretary Pol Pot

Vice Secretary Nuon Chea
Son Ngoc Minh
Founder
Tou Samouth
Founded 1951
Dissolved 1981
Succeeded by Party of Democratic Kampuchea
Communist Youth League of
Youth wing
Kampuchea
Ideology Communism
Colors Red
 Politics of Cambodia
 Political parties
 Elections

This article contains Khmer text. Without

proper rendering support, you may see question
marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of
Khmer script.

The Communist Party of Kampuchea (Khmer: បក្សកុម្មុយនីសត ្ កម្ពុជា or Khmer:

បក្សកុម្មុយនីសកម្ពុជា; CPK), also known as Khmer Communist Party,[1] was a communist
party in Cambodia. Its leader was Pol Pot and its followers were generally known as Khmer
Rouge (Red Khmers). The party was underground for most of its existence, and took power in
the country in 1975 and established the state known as Democratic Kampuchea. The party lost
power in 1979 with the establishment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea by leftists who
were dissatisfied by the Pol Pot regime, and by the intervention of Vietnamese military forces
after a period of mass killing. The party was officially dissolved in 1981, with the Party of
Democratic Kampuchea claiming its legacy.

Contents
 1 History
o 1.1 Foundation of the party; first divisions
o 1.2 The Paris students' group
o 1.3 Clandestine existence in Phnom Penh
o 1.4 Insurgency in rural Cambodia
o 1.5 Rise to power
 2 The Khmer Rouge in power
o 2.1 The Angkar
 3 Fall of the Khmer Rouge
 4 See also
 5 References
 6 External links

History
Foundation of the party; first divisions

The party was founded in 1951, when the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) was divided into
separate Cambodian, Lao, and Vietnamese communist parties. The decision to form a separate
Cambodian communist party had been taken at the ICP congress in February the same year.
Different sources claim different dates for the exact founding and the first congress of the party.
Son Ngoc Minh was appointed as Acting Chairman of the party. The party congress did not elect
a full Central Committee, but instead appointed a 'Party Propagation and Formation
Committee'.[2] At the time of its formation, the Cambodian party was called Khmer People's
Revolutionary Party. The Indochinese Communist Party had been heavily dominated by
Vietnamese, and the KPRP was actively supported by the Vietnamese party during its initial
phase of existence. Due to the reliance on Vietnamese support in the joint struggle against
French colonial rule, the history of the party would later be rewritten, stating 1960 as the year of
foundation of the party.[3]

According to Democratic Kampuchea's version of party history, the Viet Minh's failure to
negotiate a political role for the KPRP at the 1954 Geneva Conference represented a betrayal of
the Cambodian movement, which still controlled large areas of the countryside and which
commanded at least 5,000 armed men. Following the conference, about 1,000 members of the
KPRP, including Son Ngoc Minh, made a "Long March" into North Vietnam, where they
remained in exile. In late 1954, those who stayed in Cambodia founded a legal political party, the
Krom Pracheachon, which participated in the 1955 and the 1958 National Assembly elections.
In the September 1955 election, it won about 4% of the vote but did not secure a seat in the
legislature. Members of the Pracheachon were subject to constant harassment and to arrests
because the party remained outside Sihanouk's Sangkum. Government attacks prevented it from
participating in the 1962 election and drove it underground. It is speculated that the decision of
Pracheachon to file candidates for the election had not been approved by the WPK.[3] Sihanouk
habitually labeled local leftists the Khmer Rouge, a term that later came to signify the party and
the state headed by Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, and their associates.

During the mid-1950s, two KPRP factions, the "urban committee" (headed by Tou Samouth),
and the "rural committee" (headed by Sieu Heng), emerged. In very general terms, these groups
espoused divergent revolutionary lines. The prevalent "urban" line, endorsed by North Vietnam,
recognized that Sihanouk, by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French,
was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him
a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam. Champions of this line hoped
that the prince could be persuaded to distance himself from the right wing and to adopt leftist
policies. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the
harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the "feudalist"
Sihanouk. In 1959 Sieu Heng defected to the government and provided the security forces with
information that enabled them to destroy as much as 90% of the party's rural apparatus. Although
communist networks in Phnom Penh and in other towns under Tou Samouth's jurisdiction fared
better, only a few hundred communists remained active in the country by 1960.

The Paris students' group

During the 1950s, Khmer students in Paris organized their own communist movement, which
had little, if any, connection to the hard-pressed party in their homeland. From their ranks came
the men and women who returned home and took command of the party apparatus during the
1960s, led an effective insurgency against Sihanouk and Lon Nol from 1968 until 1975, and
established the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

Pol Pot, who rose to the leadership of the communist movement in the 1960s, was born in 1928
(some sources say in 1925) in Kampong Thum Province, northeast of Phnom Penh. He attended
a technical high school in the capital and then went to Paris in 1949 to study radio electronics
(other sources say he attended a school for printers and typesetters and also studied civil
engineering).

Another member of the Paris student group was Ieng Sary. He was a Chinese-Khmer born in
1930 in South Vietnam. He attended the elite Lycée Sisowath in Phnom Penh before beginning
courses in commerce and politics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (more widely
known as Sciences Po) in France. Khieu Samphan, considered "one of the most brilliant
intellects of his generation," was born in 1931 and specialized in economics and politics during
his time in Paris. In talent he was rivaled by Hou Yuon, born in 1930, who studied economics
and law. Son Sen, born in 1930, studied education and literature; Hu Nim, born in 1932, studied
law.

Most members of the Paris student group came from landowner or civil servant families. Three
of the Paris group forged a bond that survived years of revolutionary struggle and intraparty
strife, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary married Khieu Ponnary and Khieu Thirith (also known as Ieng
Thirith), purportedly relatives of Khieu Samphan. These two well-educated women also played a
central role in the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

At some time between 1949 and 1951, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary joined the French Communist
Party. In 1951 the two men went to East Berlin to participate in a youth festival. This experience
is considered to have been a turning point in their ideological development. Meeting with
Khmers who were fighting with the Viet Minh (and whom they subsequently judged to be too
subservient to the Vietnamese), they became convinced that only a tightly disciplined party
organization and a readiness for armed struggle could achieve revolution. They transformed the
Khmer Students' Association (KSA), to which most of the 200 or so Khmer students in Paris
belonged, into an organization for nationalist and leftist ideas. Inside the KSA and its successor
organizations was a secret organization known as the Cercle Marxiste. The organization was
composed of cells of three to six members with most members knowing nothing about the
overall structure of the organization. In 1952 Pol Pot, Hou Yuon, Ieng Sary, and other leftists
gained notoriety by sending an open letter to Sihanouk calling him the "strangler of infant
democracy." A year later, the French authorities closed down the KSA. In 1956, however, Hou
Yuon and Khieu Samphan helped to establish a new group, the Khmer Students' Union. Inside,
the group was still run by the Cercle Marxiste.

The doctoral dissertations written by Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan express basic themes that
were later to become the cornerstones of the policy adopted by Democratic Kampuchea. The
central role of the peasants in national development was espoused by Hou Yuon in his 1955
thesis, The Cambodian Peasants and Their Prospects for Modernization, which challenged the
conventional view that urbanization and industrialization are necessary precursors of
development. The major argument in Khieu Samphan's 1959 thesis, Cambodia's Economy and
Industrial Development, was that the country had to become self-reliant and end its economic
dependency on the developed world. In its general contours, Khieu's work reflected the influence
of a branch of the "dependency theory" school, which blamed lack of development in the Third
World on the economic domination of the industrialized nations.

Clandestine existence in Phnom Penh

After returning to Cambodia in 1953, Pol Pot threw himself into party work. At first he went to
join with forces allied to the Viet Minh operating in the rural areas of Kampong Cham Province
(Kompong Cham). After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth's
"urban committee" where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties
of the left and the underground secret communist movement. His comrades, Ieng Sary and Hou
Yuon, became teachers at a new private high school, the Lycée Kambuboth, which Hou Yuon
helped to establish. Khieu Samphan returned from Paris in 1959, taught as a member of the law
faculty of the University of Phnom Penh, and started a left-wing, French-language publication,
L'Observateur. The paper soon acquired a reputation in Phnom Penh's small academic circle.
The following year, the government closed the paper, and Sihanouk's police publicly humiliated
Khieu by beating, undressing and photographing him in public—as Shawcross notes, "not the
sort of humiliation that men forgive or forget." Yet the experience did not prevent Khieu from
advocating cooperation with Sihanouk in order to promote a united front against United States
activities in South Vietnam. As mentioned, Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon, and Hu Nim were
forced to "work through the system" by joining the Sangkum and by accepting posts in the
prince's government.

On September 28-September 30, 1960, twenty-one leaders of the KPRP held a secret congress in
a vacant room of the Phnom Penh railroad station. It is estimated that 14 delegates represented
the 'rural' faction and seven the 'urban' faction.[4] This pivotal event remains shrouded in mystery
because its outcome has become an object of contention (and considerable historical rewriting)
between pro-Vietnamese and anti-Vietnamese Khmer communist factions. At the meeting the
party was renamed as the Workers Party of Kampuchea (WPK). The question of cooperation
with, or resistance to, Sihanouk was thoroughly discussed. A new party structure was adopted.
For the first time since, a permanent Central Committee was appointed with Tou Samouth, who
advocated a policy of cooperation, as the general secretary of the party. His ally, Nuon Chea
(also known as Long Reth), became deputy general secretary; Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were named
to the Central Committee to occupy the third and the fifth highest positions in the party
hierarchy. Another committee member was veteran communist Keo Meas. In Democratic
Kampuchea, this meeting would later be projected as the founding date of the party, consciously
downplaying the history of the party prior to Pol Pot's ascent to leadership.[3]

On July 20, 1962, Tou Samouth was murdered by the Cambodian government. In February 1963,
at the WPK's second congress, Pol Pot was chosen to succeed Tou Samouth as the party's general
secretary. Tou's allies, Nuon Chea and Keo Meas, were removed from the Central Committee
and replaced by Son Sen and Vorn Vet. From then on, Pol Pot and loyal comrades from his Paris
student days controlled the party center, edging out older veterans whom they considered
excessively pro-Vietnamese.

Insurgency in rural Cambodia

In July 1963, Pol Pot and most of the central committee left Phnom Penh to establish an
insurgent base in Ratanakiri Province in the northeast. Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a
list of thirty-four leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign
statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country. Pol Pot and Chou Chet
were the only people on the list who escaped. All the others agreed to cooperate with the
government and were afterward under 24-hour watch by the police.

In the mid-1960s, the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be
approximately 100.[5]

The region Pol Pot and the others moved to was inhabited by tribal minorities, the Khmer Loeu,
whose rough treatment (including resettlement and forced assimilation) at the hands of the
central government made them willing recruits for a guerrilla struggle. In 1965, Pol Pot made a
visit of several months to North Vietnam and China. He probably received some training in
China, which must have enhanced his prestige when he returned to the WPK's liberated areas.
Despite friendly relations between Sihanouk and the Chinese, the latter kept Pol Pot's visit a
secret from Sihanouk. In 1971, the party changed its name to the "Communist Party of
Kampuchea" (CPK).[6] The change in the name of the party was a closely guarded secret. Lower
ranking members of the party and even the Vietnamese were not told of it and neither was the
membership until many years later. The party leadership endorsed armed struggle against the
government, then led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. In 1967, several small-scale attempts at
insurgency were made by the CPK but they met with little success.

In 1968, the Khmer Rouge launched a national insurgency across Cambodia. Though North
Vietnam had not been informed of the decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the
Khmer Rouge after the insurgency started. The guerrilla forces of the party were baptized as the
Kampuchean Revolutionary Army. Vietnamese support for the insurgency made it impossible
for the ineffective and poorly motivated Royal Cambodian Army to effectively counter it.

Rise to power

The political appeal of the Khmer Rouge was increased as a result of the situation created by the
removal of Sihanouk as head of state in 1970. Premier Lon Nol, with the support of the National
Assembly, deposed Sihanouk. Sihanouk, in exile in Beijing, made an alliance with the
Kampuchean Communist Party and became the nominal head of a Khmer Rouge-dominated
government-in-exile (known by its French acronym, GRUNK) backed by the People's Republic
of China. Sihanouk's popular support in rural Cambodia allowed the Khmer Rouge to extend its
power and influence to the point that by 1973 it exercised de facto control over the majority of
Cambodian territory, although only a minority of its population.

The relationship between the massive carpet bombing of Cambodia by the United States and the
growth of the Khmer Rouge, in terms of recruitment and popular support, has been a matter of
interest to historians. Some historians have cited the U.S. intervention and bombing campaign
(spanning 1965–1973) as a significant factor leading to increased support of the Khmer Rouge
among the Cambodian peasantry. However, Pol Pot biographer David Chandler argues that the
bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted – it broke the Communist encirclement of Phnom
Penh".[7] Peter Rodman and Michael Lind claimed that the US intervention saved Cambodia
from collapse in 1970 and 1973.[8][9] Craig Etcheson agreed that it was "untenable" to assert that
US intervention caused the Khmer Rouge victory while acknowledging that it may have played a
small role in boosting recruitment for the insurgents.[10] William Shawcross, however, wrote that
the US bombing and ground incursion plunged Cambodia into the chaos Sihanouk had worked
for years to avoid.[11]

The Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia, launched at the request of the Khmer Rouge,[12] has
also been cited as a major factor in their eventual victory, including by Shawcross.[13] Vietnam
later admitted that it played "a decisive role" in their seizure of power.[14] China "armed and
trained" the Khmer Rouge during the civil war and continued to aid them years afterward.[15]

When the U.S. Congress suspended military aid to the Lon Nol government in 1973, the Khmer
Rouge made sweeping gains in the country, completely overwhelming the Khmer National
Armed Forces. On April 17, 1975 the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh and overthrew the
Khmer Republic, executing all its officers.

The Khmer Rouge in power

Main article: Democratic Kampuchea

The leadership of the Khmer Rouge was largely unchanged between the 1960s and the mid-
1990s. The Khmer Rouge leaders were mostly from middle-class families and had been educated
at French universities.

The Standing Committee of the Khmer Rouge's Central Committee ("Party Center") during its
period of power consisted of:

 Brother number 1 Pol Pot (Saloth Sar)—General Secretary of the Communist Party of
Kampuchea, 1963–81; Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, 1976–79
 Brother number 2 Nuon Chea (Long Bunruot)—Deputy General Secretary of the
Communist Party, President of the Kampuchean People's Representative Assembly
 Brother number 3 Ieng Sary—Deputy Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1975–79
 Brother number 4 Khieu Samphan—President of the State Presidium (head of state) of
Democratic Kampuchea
 Brother number 5 Ta Mok (Chhit Chhoeun)— Leader of the National Army of
Democratic Kampuchea; Last Khmer Rouge leader, Southwest Regional Secretary (died
in custody awaiting trial for genocide, July 21, 2006)
 Brother number 8 Ke Pauk—Regional Secretary of the Northern Zone
 Son Sen—Deputy Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, Minister of Defense
 Yun Yat—Minister of Education, 1975–77; Minister of Information (replaced Hu Nim in
1977)

In power, the Khmer Rouge carried out a radical program that included isolating the country
from foreign influence, closing schools, hospitals and factories, abolishing banking, finance and
currency, outlawing all religions, confiscating all private property and relocating people from
urban areas to collective farms where forced labor was widespread. The purpose of this policy
was to turn professional and urban Cambodians, or "Old People" into "New People" through
agricultural labor. The goal was develop an economy based on the export of rice in order to later
develop industry. The party adopted the slogan: “If we have rice, we can have everything.”[citation
needed]
These actions and policies resulted in massive deaths through executions, work exhaustion,
illness, and starvation.

In Phnom Penh and other cities, the Khmer Rouge told residents that they would be moved only
about "two or three kilometers" outside the city and would return in "two or three days." Some
witnesses say they were told that the evacuation was because of the "threat of American
bombing" and that they did not have to lock their houses since the Khmer Rouge would "take
care of everything" until they returned. These were not the first evacuations of civilian
populations by the Khmer Rouge. Similar evacuations of populations without possessions had
been occurring on a smaller scale since the early 1970s.

The Khmer Rouge attempted to turn Cambodia into a classless society by depopulating cities and
forcing the urban population into agricultural communes through brutal totalitarian methods. The
entire population was forced to become farmers in labour camps. During their four years in
power, the Khmer Rouge overworked and starved the population, at the same time executing
selected groups who had the potential to undermine the new state (including intellectuals) and
killing many others for even minor breaches of rules.

Through the 1970s, and especially after mid-1975, the party was also shaken by factional
struggles. There were even armed attempts to topple Pol Pot. The resultant purges reached a crest
in 1977 and 1978 when thousands, including some important CPK leaders, were executed. The
older generation of communists, suspected of having links with or sympathies for Vietnam, were
targeted by the Pol Pot leadership.

The Angkar

For roughly two years after the CPK took power, it referred to itself as the "Angkar" (Khmer:
អង្គការ; pronounced ahngkah; meaning 'The Organization'). However, on September 29,
1977, Pol Pot publicly declared the existence of the CPK in a five-hour-long speech.[2] He
revealed the true character of the supreme authority in Cambodia, an obscure ruling body that
had been kept in seclusion.

The CPK had been extremely secretive throughout its existence. Before 1975 the secrecy was
needed for the party's survival and Pol Pot and his closest associates had relied on continuing the
extreme secrecy in order to consolidate their position against those they perceived as internal
enemies during their first two years of power. The revelation of the CPK's existence shortly
before Pol Pot was due to travel to Peking resulted from pressure from China on the Khmer
Rouge leaders to acknowledge their true political identity at a time that they increasingly
depended on China's assistance against the threats from Vietnam. Accordingly, Pol Pot in his
speech claimed that the CPK's foundation had been in 1960 and emphasized its separate identity
from Vietnamese communism.[16] This secrecy continued even after the CPK took power. Unlike
most Communist leaders, Pol Pot was not the object of an open personality cult. It would be
almost a year before it was confirmed that he was Saloth Sar, the man long cited as the CPK's
general secretary.

Fall of the Khmer Rouge

Main article: Cambodian–Vietnamese War

By December 1978, because of several years of border conflict and the flood of refugees fleeing
Cambodia, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam deteriorated. Pol Pot, fearing a Vietnamese
attack, ordered a pre-emptive invasion of Vietnam. His Cambodian forces crossed the border and
looted nearby villages. Despite Chinese aid, these Cambodian forces were repulsed by the
Vietnamese.

In early 1979, a pro-Vietnamese group of CPK dissidents led by Pen Sovan held a congress
(which they saw as the '3rd party congress', thus not recognizing the 1963, 1975 and 1978 party
congresses as legitimate) near the Vietnamese border. Along with Heng Samrin, Pen Sovan was
one of the foremost founding members of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation
(KUFNS or FUNSK), after becoming disillusioned with the Khmer Rouge.[17] Effectively the
CPK was then divided into two, with the Pen Sovan-led group constituting a separate party, the
Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (now the Cambodian People's Party).[2]

The Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia along with the KUFNS, capturing Phnom Penh on
January 7, 1979. The Pen Sovan-led party was installed as the governing party of the new
People's Republic of Kampuchea. The CPK led by Pol Pot withdrew its forces westwards, to an
area near the Thai border. With unofficial protection from elements of the Thai Army, it began
guerrilla warfare against the PRK government. The party founded the Patriotic and Democratic
Front of the Great National Union of Kampuchea as a united front in September 1979 to fight the
PRK and the Vietnamese. The Front was led by Khieu Samphan. In December 1979 the armed
forces under the command of the party, what remained of the erstwhile People's National
Liberation Armed Forces of Kampuchea, were renamed National Army of Democratic
Kampuchea.[18] In 1981 the party was dissolved, and substituted by the Party of Democratic
Kampuchea.[3][19]

See also
 Cambodia portal

 Communism portal

 Agrarian socialism
 Communist Youth League of Kampuchea
 Party of Democratic Kampuchea

References
1.

 Cambodia and the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP), Appendix B - Major
Political and Military Organizations
  Frings, K. Viviane, Rewriting Cambodian History to 'Adapt' It to a New Political Context:
The Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party's Historiography (1979-1991) in Modern Asian
Studies, Vol. 31, No. 4. (October , 1997), pp. 807-846.
  Chandler, David P., Revising the Past in Democratic Kampuchea: When Was the Birthday
of the Party?: Notes and Comments, in Pacific Affairs, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Summer, 1983), pp. 288-
300.
  Chronologie du Cambodge de 1960 à 1990
  Benjamin, Roger W.; Kautsky, John H.. Communism and Economic Development, in The
American Political Science Review, Vol. 62, No. 1. (March 1968), pp. 122.
  The party statutes, published in mid-1970s, claims that the name change was approved by
the party congress in 1971.[1]
  Chandler, David 2000, Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot, Revised
Edition, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, pp. 96-7.
  Rodman, Peter, Returning to Cambodia, Brookings Institution, August 23, 2007.
  Lind, Michael, Vietnam: The Necessary War: A Reinterpretation of America's Most
Disastrous Military Conflict, Free Press, 1999.
  Etcheson, Craig, The Rise and Demise of Democratic Kampuchea, Westview Press, 1984, p.
97
  Shawcross, William, Sideshow, Isaacs, Hardy, & Brown, pgs. 92–100, 106–112.
  Dmitry Mosyakov, “The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of
Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives,” in Susan E. Cook, ed., Genocide in Cambodia
and Rwanda (Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series No. 1, 2004), p54ff. Available
online at: www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/Mosyakov.doc "In April–May 1970, many North
Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not
by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea. Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for
help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days.""
  Shawcross, William and Peter Rodman,Defeat's Killing Fields, Brookings Institution, June
7, 2007.
  The Economist, February 26, 1983; Washington Post, April 23, 1985.
  Bezlova, Antoaneta, China haunted by Khmer Rouge links, Asia Times, February 21, 2009.
  Osborne, Milton E. Sihanouk Prince of Light, Prince of Darkness. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1994. ISBN 978-0-8248-1639-1
  Milton Osborne, Sihanouk, Prince of Light, Prince of Darkness. Silkworm 1994
  Kroef, Justus M. van der, Cambodia: From "Democratic Kampuchea" to "People's
Republic", in Asian Survey, Vol. 19, No. 8. (August , 1979), pp. 731-750.

19.  Library of Congress / Federal Research Division / Country Studies / Area Handbook
Series / Cambodia / Appendix B

External links
 List of incidents attributed to the Khmer Rouge on the START database

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Khmer Rouge.

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