There are some forms of violence that are less visible than direct violence: structural

violence and cultural violence. When speaking of cultural violence is being made

reference to those symbolic aspects of culture (its forms "not material" such as language

and communication) that affect the justification of violent situations, and whether these

have a direct or structural. Cultural violence by the fact of not being material is not

harmless, quite the contrary, through its action humans overcome resistance to violent

actions, become violent habits, support the violent actions of specialized institutions or

simply do not react before the violent actions carried out by "other" (clearly identifying the

agent or not as often happens in structural violence). You can even build some kind of

consent of those directly suffering direct violence or structural (justification of (abuse of

women, children, the elderly, for example, if a hierarchy based on gender or age is

internalized) social inequality as "natural") phenomenon.

The media play an important role in shaping these ideological representations of

violence, but not the

immersed in this process only institutions. The violence of the media (which appears

in some ways to represent it) is another form of cultural violence that is "consistent"

with other forms and more effective institutions to legitimize direct violence and

structural (education, science, ideology , army, business, family, church) with which it

shares the role of agent of socialization, a process from which individuals learn to live

in their society and culture and internalize values and norms of behavior.

Table 1 shows some examples of how major social institutions contribute to the

justification of violence are presented. Most operate at an unconscious level; some,

like the army, are quite specialized-what demands something so difficult to do such as
kill-and teach others tend to contribute more to the opposite (school and family). Many

educators have dedicated themselves to analyze the school system (textbooks,

participation mechanisms, systems of rewards and punishments) to see how much of

peaceful ways to resolve conflicts and how much is the opposite.

Table 1. Examples of how to operate the justification of violence in the

culture and institutions

Ambit Legitmización mechanisms of violence

Popular culture Stories, proverbs, songs, jokes
school Content, no reciprocity teacher-student segregation, heavy-handed
army Patriotism, worship the weapons, dehumanization of the enemy
Business Wage differences (between men and women, native-immigrant), classism
Family Authoritarianism, contempt, transmission of values
Media Stereotypes, misinformation, trivialization of violence,
Religion Biblical texts (eye for an eye a tooth for a tooth)
Science for reasons of environmental deterioration progress
 1. Violence represented and overrepresentation of violence

Having established these initial considerations, with which it is intended not make the

mistake of blaming only the media in the transmission of behavior and violent values, we

will then show the different ways and mechanisms of legitimization of violence They are

appearing in the media. Not all information contained in this bias nor can do without the

media. In a world where much of social relations unfold in the media universe, in its

various technological forms and content (information, entertainment, knowledge and

training) means acquire a great influence. So it is impossible to cover in a few pages all its

dimensions and aspects: affects both the way we perceive the world, and its economic,

cultural and political functioning.

There are studies that offer quite expressive data on the representation of violence that

the media provide the audience from its various channels and forms (Sanmartin et al,

1998; Clemente and Vidal, 1996). If we analyze the content of television news, movies,

TV series, cartoons, etc. We will check how images, text, treat events related violence

done much more frequently than other topics. Violent content cut across all media forms,

from information to training and entertainment, and also political and cultural boundaries.

Children and adults

the entire planet may be the last in armamentísticas innovations and know Rambo and

Terminator. Globalization therefore reaches mass-media idols little given to dialogue

and are sources of inspiration and models of behavior imitation (UNESCO, 1998). On

the other hand, content analysis of media Recent Messages has also found common

ways to produce prejudice, as is the fact that a large number of productions for cinema

or television whose arguments are riddled with violence, the negative characters are

represented by minorities (African Americans, Hispanics) and people with disabilities

of all kinds (Greenberg and Brand, 1996). But the latter is the face of fictional violence;

also means represent actual violence. With regard to information, news, this basic
resource of democracies that gives knowledge of what "important" for a society, are to

some extent a collection of disasters, serve the daily diet of violence under the

preferred form of graphic image .

All forms of direct violence listed in Table 1 of the first chapter is continuously

represented, recreated in the media. If we consider that non-violent solutions to

conflicts of any kind (national and international, community, etc.) solutions are more

common than violent solutions (all cultures contain a wide range of peaceful means

based on the simplest of them, dialogue, that in some societies reaches the specificity

and tradition of diplomacy as a discipline) it follows that the means produce a

"overrepresentation of violence."

The first thing you should do about this overrepresentation, is to ask why, that is, what are

the reasons for this abundance of content are

while violent investigates the effects of its representation on hearings (to what extent

makes us violent, but also fearful or ignorant). The second is to bring something about

existing remedies to alleviate the ills caused by the violence depicted.

2. Violence and Entertainment

It seems that it is the market which explains, for reasons of supposed hegemony of

consumer preferences, the application model entertainment (dramatization and staging of

the violence) to all content and media genres. The public demand for violence and not

only for its spectacular (in the case of fiction sends the Hollywood industry with its special

effects), but also for the love of "morbid look" images or "real" stories that offer means

(from the war scenes and aggression, corpses, and deaths live). Those who have studied

the phenomenon of "attraction" by the violence depicted and morbidity talk about the

needs of excitement and thrills (paradoxical phenomenon that mixes pleasure and

anguish bordering on masochism) stimulated little people or boring. Zillmann and Bryant

(1996: 603) summarizes the reasons for this attraction to violence in the media:

satisfaction provide the viewer with his morbid curiosity; allow celebrate their emotional

sensitivity check their rejection reactions; and incite social comparison of their

situationwith subjects that appear in the media. In short, let the gory curious attend

completely safely to dangerous experiences but also emotional or ridiculous, as it

appears in the reality and talk shows or in magazines or programs of the heart where

the anguish of shame mixed others and pleasure. From the point of view

sociosemiotic, Imbert calls this "represented violence" (Imbert: 1992). It is a kind of

symbolic violence, whose political and social influence lies in its ability to show social

norms and to construct reality.

Once detected the excitation pulse that makes the audience look out the morbid

fascination of violence, everything comes rolled: advertising demand and the binomial

more spectacular dramatization of violence increases revenue. "Political economy" of

media violence indicates that violent scenes production is possible with cheap actors and

that products are more easily salable in international markets. The esquematismo

associated with this kind of story makes the language of violence represented is universal,

that in cartoons is easier to represent mood violence; and the plots of his stories are

recycled changing only the characters. Business strategies go beyond the mere

production and exhibition of items: cartoons are connected to the video game industry

(paradigmatic case of Pokemon) or general war toys; and (more impregnated with special

effects of violence) more expensive films are better distributed and promoted.

It has been quite studied the influence of the violence depicted in the media, especially on

TV and recently also in video games with violent content. The main concern, because

some of the latest generations have grown up with television, has been on the effect of

this in the process of socialization of children. As research has progressed it has been

dismissing the idea that television violence is violence itself (with a direct impact on the

formation of violent behavior), to assume that their power is reduced and that its main

effect is to influence in the way people perceive violence. The most extensive work on this

issue is going underway for decades George Gerbner team with his theory of "cultivation".

About his work can be found in Castilian synthesis that the author makes his model

(Gerbner et al, 1996) and some of their studies (Roda 1989: 300-365). Gerbner focuses

on the long-term effects, more intense and difficult to detect, assuming that television is

one of the main sources of socialization. The effects of this are gradual and cumulative,

establishing stable audience selection guidelines contendios and determining content

regarding these behaviors, attitudes and prejudices. The findings on this "culture effect"

are somewhat complementary to those of the theory of "social learning" Bandura way. It

says that human beings learn new behaviors from observing other human beings,

especially from attractive models. Identifying the cause (something that the media content

strive) with certain real or fictional characters, the viewer mimics the behavior of these

models. This imitation does not occur automatically (unlike the theories of stimulus effects

where everything has an answer), but the subject weighs the personal and social

consequences of the behavior. However, certain persuasive resources (media and non-

media) help reprehensible behavior becomes acceptable: cognitive restructuring behavior

through moral justifications and palliative characterizations is the psychological

mechanism more effective in promoting transgressive behavior (Bandura, 1996 : 103).

Trends dehumanization, demonization of the victims (moral justifications); social

stereotypes about certain groups such as immigrants, women, the elderly (palliative

characterizations) and the force of authority (press and television news, "experts" and

politicians); produce displacement and diffusion of responsibility of the individual.

The research that has dominated studies of the effects has been positivist; based on

measurement and quantification. Despite its enormous effort, this kind of empirical

research has not given much light on the effects of media violence. Are continuous

discrepacias about the results (some have found beneficial effects such as "cathartic"

whereby violence on TV or in video games releases pent-up aggression and regains

balance after having gone through frustrating experiences) and methodology (on the

validity and reliability of the evidence and the context in which they are made). Despite

the various controversies most studies find positive correlations between

aggressiveness and exposure to violent content (Silberman and Ramos García:

1998). This is to be interpreted only in terms of probability (the more violence you see

a person on television, the more likely it is violent) and does not necessarily imply

causation, ie, does not mean that television causes violence. There may be another

factor that has influence on the other two as, for example, living a violent experience

can make you to be more violent and incite you to see more violence.

Other perspectives, such as those covered in the "cultural studies" (Nightingale, 1999)

and studies on "mediation" (Orozco, 1992) are less ambitious in the sense that they

give up looking obsessively statistical relationships of cause effect, and focus more on

the task of discovering the particular meaning that each receptor gives the messages

based on the specific situations in which they are received. It turns out to be a more

flexible model in which it is stated that these meanings and their practical

consequences are accessible only through qualitative techniques applied on the

sociocultural context in which messages are decoded by the audience. In this model fit

both the receiver tune with the "preferred" meanings (those detected in the content

analysis of messages and corresponding to the intentions of the issuer) as the

negotiated meanings, reject or critical. Although these models relativize the influence

of the media do not prevent all their studies from their enormous ideological power

and shaping of opinions and behaviors. But the fact of considering resistant behavior

and readings rejection as possible adds an optimistic findings from other perspectives

nuance, and that's very encouraging for advocates to spread through education the

critical eye of the beholder over media violence (some places within the network

dedicated to this broadcast center appear at the end of the chapter).

A fairly clear effect is habituation to media violence. After many decades of continuous

exposure habituation to violent content it is produced by the audience, as the case may

be argued that the public consumes violence because it has been habituated in more or
less large to violence, to light contained doses and updating cognitive schemata that

allows them to sort it all in simple boxes of good and evil and stereotypes. On the other

hand, in the case of television and in our country, competition between chains has

resulted in the resignation manifests programming and production of instructional and

informational content, which the audience, forced to see "what's "loses the availability of

this offer. Recourse to certain pay channels that specialize in this type of content

reinforces social inequality by means of training and increases the distance information

from different social strata.

Still, although we consider that the media give what the public demands, this

argument alone is worth genres for entertainment, but not for information and training.

Unless dropping the consideration of the members of a society as citizens and were

replaced by consumers, information is a basic resource of a democratic society of

free, rational and educated individuals (fundamental principle of the original meaning

of " public ") opinion and the obligation of the media is not to abandon their instructive

role for dissemination of knowledge. Even more so if it comes to public media, which

without sacrificing the entertainment should put more interest in the dissemination of

cultural and news programs.

 3. Information on international conflicts

It is found, as indicated above, the shift to the format of entertainment TV news (with

insertion of cuts for advertising) and newspapers. Violence is represented and over-

represented in the form required by the progressive commodification of information:

search of emotional public response through preference for the image (humanitarian

disasters) under the "dictatorship of real time" (Aguirre 1999). In the press it draws

attention to the dissolution of the "on the road to extinction" of events along the extension

of all information space; violence "represents" all content (national, international, local,

culture, society, etc.), permeates more or less every event narrated in the form of news.

The reasons why there is a predominance of negative news events, regardless of the

degree of violence represented, has also been studied. In addition to the previously

introduced to explain the attraction of morbid curiosity, there is a set of arguments

sociological and political. Information on changes of social order helps build consensus

with respect to the norms and values of a society and therefore has an impact on the

degree of cohesion of it. It is also stated that the media tend to exaggerate the real danger

that certain classes or groups (criminals, terrorists) have for society. The consequence is

that concerns are generated -

really far from that mainly affect the society leading to seek the protection of

established power. In this country it should calculate the political advantage that

governments get from terrorist violence, knowing that media coverage is extensive

and appears in many surveys as one of the main problems perceived by citizens.

One of the places where coverage is given to violence is in the sections of international

news. Almost 34% of the news that appeared in the international sections of the Spanish

press during the years 1992 and 1993 dealt with matters related to the military, and when
the news They concerned more than one country that percentage rose to 54% (Penalva ,

1998). War, violent phenomenon that produces more victims, has a large following by the

media. Interest is legitimate (if peace we seek will have to meet violence) what happens is

that more of violence that conflict resolution is spoken; and sufficient interest is not

engaged or the roots of conflict and the ways to prevent them.

It is observed that in contemporary wars relations between media power and maintain

some elements that we call traditional (propaganda and media control) but new aspects

related to the development of communications and globalization also appear. The appeal

of the contenders to these elements is different depending on the type of conflicts. Since

World War II since no large-scale armed conflict between central states are known, we

find two types of conflicts as involved or not these nations.

 Table 2. traditional and new elements in the relationship between media and
political power

Elements
conflicts traditional New
Propaganda, military
Centre-Periphery control virtuality, images pseudoreales,
silencing domestic opposition
"Humanitarian War"
a
n fro
Periphery Periphery d Propaganda control m the Opinion published international,
fro
intrastate means, repression m the sensitization, coercion on
domestic opposition correspondents and photojournalists, effect
CNN

In war propaganda is a weapon, it is the main instrument to legitimize violence and

serves to agitate and encourage own population, conseguiendo in most cases not

only consent but also their active participation in the fight. Also it used to demoralize

the opponent. For all that it is primarily used spreading a partial view of reality and

distortion of it. This means that you must have in the rear of related media, and have

to silence (via censorship or repression) means that oppose the war. Propaganda is

an old remedy that works updated on new enemies to justify interventions with

varying intensity across the globe. After the defeat of the red menace after the end of

the Cold War new terms appear in the "defensive" Western discourse:

fundamentalism and international terrorism to Iran and Algeria; narco Central America

or the more recent "narcocomunismo" of Colombia (Giordano, 2000).

These propagandistic practices have obtained considerable success in many of the wars

of the twentieth century, but some things have changed in recent decades. As regards the

interventions of the central countries in peripheral countries populations are already less
sensitive to propaganda, have become more aware of the goodness of peaceful solutions

and many countries have quite advanced in terms of freedoms and rights of their citizens.

This is not to say that propaganda and control have disappeared, but on the contrary, they

take on a different hue. With respect to control in the relationship between media and

political power there is a before and after the Vietnam War. Ignacio Ramonet (1998: 169-

188) provides an overview of the history of journalistic treatment of war and stresses this

fact. US interventions since they try to avoid by all means two things: the free movement

of journalists and downs of their own forces. The first "experiment" of this new model took

him out the British in the Falklands War and reached its peak in the Gulf War (Hussein as

powerful and evil adversary, control journalists to "ensure" their protection , providing

graphical information, exclusive exhibition of victims of the enemy, exhausted diplomatic

avenues) previously passing through Granada and Panama.

Other new resources of propaganda are the result of the incorporation of new

technological advances. The images and immediacy sent on chronic thus is not

available neither time nor room for interpretation of the correspondents and

information initiative can be taken thanks to the "war games" (images of weapons,

paths missiles), for military control. Like images and they impact the public but reduce

understanding of the phenomenon and may be subject to manipulation or

contextualization.
Chastened what happened in the Gulf War, the Kosovo war in the media and their

journalists took some precautions (Sahagún: 2000). However, some of these elements

characterize coverage: most of the information was based in Brussels; they did not cease

airing images of victims of a part (Kosovo Albanian refugees), there was, again, the

demonization of the Serbian enemy and customization in the figure of Milosevic. In short,

was again attended the production of a pattern of opposition between good and evil, in

which images and stories of the actions of NATO barely spoke of the victims they

produced, while the shares of the opposing forces were shown exclusively to victims

(Penalva and Matthew, 2000). On the other hand, the media reported little about the

movements against the NATO intervention, while presented to the German Greens

(contrary to it according to its pacifist principles) in a violent attitude (throwing an object on

a minister his own party). In addition, some Spanish media did not send any

correspondent replaced by other means "more critical" journalists with Belgrade; and

statements to the government banned the military (Sahagún, 2000: 20).

As for conflicts in peripheral countries (basically intrastate character), local media

have served as stirring elements by opposing movements exarcerbando ethnic

differences (Seaton, 2000); and foreign media have been used by local forces (to

mobilize international public opinion) and central government (for political support of

citizens). A central feature of the coverage of such conflicts is the appeal to

humanitarianism: the media, showing the victims and refugees from disasters caused

by war or natural phenomena, touch the sensitivity of public opinion and this puts

pressure on governments to act. It is intuited in recent times in international politics, a

reversal in the direction of influence between media and political power, in the sense

that the media can make the "agenda" (which is important for a country) outside the
 governments. This has been called the "CNN effect" or "diplomacy audímentro"

(Fisas, 1998) and would have caused, among others, the NATO interventions in

Bosnia and Kosovo, and the United States in Somalia.

For some this effect is too exaggerated and only been able to work in some exceptional

situations or when favorable conditions exist such as, among others: the existence of

national interests; the possibilities provided success; and the opportunity to gain political

lucimiento (Fisas, 1998: 70-71). In fact, in many areas of emergency it has not intervened

despite media coverage (Chechnya, Liberia, Palestine, Kurdistan, etc). Jakobsen (2000),

however, believes that interest has not been given the "invisible and indirect" effects of the

impact of the media on government actions. The big media deployments distorting the

reality of conflicts and changes in government actions and non-governmental

organizations that develop in the emergency areas and in other areas "forgotten". These

indirect effects would be cause rapid and more expensive, without planning interventions;

divert the actions of NGOs; channel funds into quick actions to the detriment of those

forprevention in other areas; and create efforts on the warring parties to increase the

propaganda.

One of the consequences of the CNN effect, in their quest to find and display images

of impact, it is not serving the economic, social, political and cultural roots of conflict.

Distortion deprives the audience of knowledge of context and just keeping only the

image of irrational societies and humanitarian sense of compassion for the victims.

The efforts of the media to send resources to the hot spots causes the public is

deprived of information about other areas that are in situations of pre and post

organizations.
 The developing country has no presence even intermittently in the media; and only they

receive coverage when events occur impact. A crisis can be covered for three or four

days; if new images can not produce the country is again relegated. Inequalities in

coverage between rich and poor countries are very large, so that the public may perceive

certain structures in developed countries but only circumstantial information discontinuous

and developing countries (Penalva, 1999). In any case the information available

reinforces Western stereotypes of these societies (Anton, 2000) and diverts attention and

resources from public protest to the most striking manifestations of conflict. He does

notthe latent knowledge, from which signals can also be found or the real roots of the

direct violence that in many cases are in poverty and this in North-South relations

dependence explains. The invisibility of these processes called Golding (1981)

"missing dimension" of the news and causes the public does not perceive the

differences between interventions for political and economic control of the truly

humanitarian.

A clear example of distortion, partly caused by the end of the cold war and the

emergence of inter-state conflicts, is the characterization of these conflicts exclusively

as ethnic. The labeling is one of the main resources of persuasion and cultural

violence, and precisely ethnic motifs, in contrast to the political, economic, social or

historical, are more likely to be perceived as irrational by the public (Seaton, 2000), If

we add the "ethnic" conflicts with those caused by the "fundamentalist" Muslim (vast

territory that occupies Islam) or any other non-Christian confession, it is that the

dimensionality in the causal analysis of conflicts has been characteristic greater or

lesser extent hedges almost all crises in the last decade. A new analysis of

international news collected for the aforementioned study (Penalva, 1998) shows the

different relationship between the military and cultural (among elements of violence

and ethnicity) as you are trying to good or bad news. Armed conflicts are
fundamentally related to the cultural aspects (alienation) at a rate three times greater

than with economic aspects (misery).

 Table 1. Frequency and percentage of news that the military is linked to
other categories
Violence Security
No. % No. %
Alignment 40 14.8% Identity 10 3.9%
Repression 36 13.4% Freedom 2. 3 8.9%
Misery 14 5.2% Wellness 22 8.5%
Violence only 179 65.4% Security only 202 78.6%
Total 269 100% Total 257 100%
Source: Penalva (1998)

These data refer to the press, we suspect that other media where sensationalism and

spectacle are easier to express through information iconic perception unreasonableness

societies in conflict is greater. Television, in either form of the CNN effect has caused

awakening humanitarianism in the hearings. The fact that humanitarianism has been

involved in the dynamic commercial media has drawn criticism for some of its

organizations and the same feeling of solidarity. Fisas (1998: 74-114) talks "triangle of

crisis." NGOs need the images on disasters and their consequent emotional response of

the audience to raise resources and visibility: the media serve as the infrastructure and

information to cover these crises. On the other hand, the powers involved can take

advantage of the diffusion media of its actions and can transfer their responsibility to

NGOs. Aguirre (1999) advocates for the treatment of information and aid to the Third

World, for the return

political solidarity to replace the current apolitical humanitarianism.

Use the market or political power comes to making the humanitarianism (even if the

refracted image of it given the media) can cause phenomena at least "shocking"

solidarity marketing (if you buy the product at a percentage X of its value will be used

to help the third world) and humanitarian war (use armed force with greater military

capability of the story - ie NATO in Yugoslavia with the task of destroying much of the

main economic infrastructure of a country to "pacify "). As much as companies can

really help to development; and that intervention in Kosovo has terminated an unjust

situation; until recently the terms of each of these expressions were antonyms each

other.

4. Alternatives to produce and read content on violence

In the same way that not all humanitarian organizations involved in this game, not all

means, or at least all professionals do. To international crises should seek alternative

sources of information, contrast information from different media; and not be swayed by

the "dictatorship of real time" after a while you can get more reliable information about

what happened. This is a remarkable effort, just that good information professionals

perform before writing their news. We present two alternative resources: one for supply

and one for the demand; for content producers and to the recipients thereof.

There are alternative movements of journalists, enshrined in what has been called

peace journalism (Peace Journalism) who are aware of some of these problems and

the important role that they can exercise for conflict resolution and peace culture.

They are aware of all the problems expressed in this chapter and many more
 remarkable given the knowledge gained in their professional practice. Product of the

findings of an international meeting on peace journalism, shown in a picture

exercising contrast between his proposal and the underlying performance in practice

they call "war journalism":

Table 3. Journalism war and peace journalism

War journalism Peace Journalism

Zero-sum analysis. Peace is victory and cease Believes the conflict after the cessation of
fire hostilities may remain unresolved
Search the violence their own causes Addresses the structural roots of conflict
They focus on the visible effects of violence Note also psychological damage, cultural
(Victims and material damage) and social
Polarization. Reduction of the parties involved toConsider other items that do not take sides
two opposing sides by any of the contenders and living the
conflict
Dehumanization of any party Humanization of all parties
reactive behavior (wait for the war arise) Proactive (prevention before it occurs the
war)
Oriented propaganda Facing the truth
(Cover the truths of part and help spread (Revealing lies and expose the truths of all
the lies of the other) the parts)
Centered elites (suffering and initiatives People-centered (suffering and initiatives
peace) peace)
Source: "The Peace Journalism Option" http://www.gn.apc.org/www.poiesis.org/pjo/pjo.html

Table 4. Links on the internet with information on peace journalism

The Peace Journalism Peace Journalism Option

http://www.gn.apc.org/www.poiesis.org/pjo/pjo.html and the Kosovo Crisis:

http://www.transnational.org/features/2000/LynchPeaceJourn. html

The Campaign for Press & Broadcasting Freedom: Conflict and Peace Forums

http://www.cpbf.demon.co.uk/ http://www.conflictandpeace.org/2med/med_int.html

On the other hand, in the table below some clues to detect how some types of

violence in the media, as well as alternative content that would help alleviate the

negative effects are legitimated outlined. The picture is not finished, you can be filled
with more examples each of the boxes; and may add more categories (types of

violence); you can even double, in the sense that they can be made up two tables:

one for officers and one for the recipients of each of the types of violence.

22
For critical reading of media violence proposed to be applied in the field of education

they are known. The "media literacy" or media literacy is precisely applying new

technologies to achieve cultural competence and ability to decode media messages

transmitted (Anton, 1998). Some of the proposals are aimed at reading media violence

and try to help students develop a critical understanding of the nature of the media,

their techniques and their impact in terms of production of meaning and construction

reality.

Table 6. Links on the Internet about education and media violence

 Center for Media Education: http://www.cme.org/children/kids_tv/violence.html


 UCLA Center for Communication Policy: http://www.ccp.ucla.edu/violence.htm

 Project tracking violence in the media: Media Awareness Network. Collection of articles on
media and violence, and statistics http://www.reseau-medias.ca/eng/issues/stats/issvio.htm

 Media Education Foundation: http://www.mediaed.org/enter.html. Violence and stereotypes in
the media (homosexuality, anorexia and bulimia, sexual stereotypes ...) Includes a collection of
articles on Gerbner group: http://www.mediaed.org/guides/gerbner/
 Center for Media Literancy: http://www.medialit.org/Violence/indexviol.htm

 Children, Media and Violence in the Media Literacy On-Line Project, University of Oregon: http:
//interact.uoregon.edu/MediaLit/FA/MLmediaviolence.html#top
 THE UNESCO GLOBAL STUDY ON MEDIA VIOLENCE:
http://www.fss.uu.nl/mc/nl/onderzoek/unesco.htm
 Leading Edge International Research Group:
http://www.connectcorp.net/~trufax/links/mediaviolence.html. Links to organizations, articles
about violence in the media
 International Conference on Violence, crime and entertainment media, Australian Institute of
Criminology (1997): http://www.aic.gov.au/conferences/violence/
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