Professional Documents
Culture Documents
attitudes of people
on low incomes
Authors: Allison Dunatchik, Malen Davies, Julia Griggs, Fatima Hussain, Curtis Jessop,
Nancy Kelley, Hannah Morgan, Nilufer Rahim, Eleanor Taylor, Martin Wood
Date: 30.08.2016
Prepared for: The Joseph Rowntree Foundation
Contents
Executive Summary
1 Introduction
2 Politics
3 Welfare and Worklessness
4 Key Concerns and Front of Mind Issues
5 Feeling in Control
6 Taking Action
7 Conclusions
Appendix A Method
Appendix B Panel sample profile
Appendix C Case study sample profile
Appendix D Variables included in the cross sectional analysis
Executive Summary
People living on low incomes have historically been excluded from politics and
policy debates, even when the question at hand is how poverty can be reduced
or its impacts mitigated.1
The aim of this research was to explore how people on low incomes perceive
politics, understand how far they feel they can control or influence the impact
of politics and policy on their lives, and provide a platform for them to speak
out on the issues that most concern them.
This report draws on three complementary projects: secondary analysis of
Understanding Society and NatCen’s British Social Attitudes survey uncovering
the social and political attitudes of people on low incomes, findings from a new
high quality random web probability panel, and a deep dive case study with
people living on low incomes in an Outer London borough.
Politics
Despite experiencing significant and persistent inequalities in living conditions
and life-chances2, people living on low incomes have social and political
attitudes that are broadly similar to their higher income peers. Over time,
as attitudes change, the pattern of that change is also similar, suggesting
that the same factors are influencing both groups. There are, however, some
key differences in the political and social attitudes of people living on lower
incomes.
People on low incomes are significantly less likely to describe themselves as
interested in politics. In 2015, only 25% of people in the low income group
said they had ‘a great deal’ or ‘quite a lot’ of interest in politics, compared to
40% of people in the higher income group. However, the percentage of people
on low income who are interested in politics is rising slowly but steadily: from
20% in 2000 to 25% last year.
People living on low incomes also appear to have less trust in their political
representatives. The most recent data shows that 61% of the lower income
group don’t trust politicians to tell the truth (compared to 50% of the higher
income group).
Political party affiliation remains closely coupled to income, with people on low
incomes less likely to support the Conservative Party, more likely to support
the Labour Party, and more likely to not identify with any party than their higher
income peers.
Results also suggest that people on lower incomes are less likely to see
voting as a civic norm or duty, a finding that reflects data on voting in general
elections, where turnout is consistently lower among people from lower socio-
economic classes.
1 Elitist Britain? Report of the Commission on Social Mobility and Child Poverty, London 2014.
2 See for instance McInnes et al (2015) Monitoring of Poverty and Social Exclusion 2015, JRF,
York and Wickham et al (2016) Poverty and Child Health in the UK: using evidence for action,
Disease in Childhood.
Figure 1 Proportion of respondents who say ‘Britain should leave the EU’ by income
group
Interestingly, people on low incomes are also less happy with the way in which
England is governed. While the most recent data showed no difference in
views about the best way for England to be governed, time series analysis
suggests lower income groups have both a higher level of dissatisfaction with the
current system, and a slightly higher level of support for establishing an English
parliament (22% compared with 20%).
Bases: All participants selecting issue, Providing or requiring care (204); Education (386);
Personal finances (615); Work or finding employment (319); Migrants or immigration (517);
Housing or your home (453); Health, including disability (853); Crime (423)
Again, immigration stands out as the exception, with 71% of people on higher
incomes and 76% of people on lower incomes saying they ‘can make no
difference’ to the impact immigration has on their lives. This research was carried
out in 2015, before the EU Referendum campaign had fully begun.
For most issues of concern, where people on low incomes appeared to feel a
much lower level of control, this was in fact being driven by demographic factors
such as age, or health status. However, living on a low income was associated
with feeling much less in control of housing, something that is unsurprising given
the affordability problems that are endemic in the UK market.
When asked about how far they felt they had overall control over their lives, those
on higher incomes felt significantly more in control (even when age and other
characteristics were taken into account). This also came across powerfully in the
depth research.
‘I might have a nice council place, you can be given – there are nice
council places. I might be put in a nice area but you just – it’s the
unknown. It’s the – that it is out of your hands when they – when you’re
given a council property that you are being told where you’ve got to
go and that being out of your hands, you cant choose and that, that
worries me, yeah’
For some of these participants, their family was the only thing they felt they could
exercise real control and influence over.
Conclusions
This research set out to explore how people on low incomes perceive politics,
and how much they feel they can influence the things they care most about.
It is clear that people on low incomes have attitudes to politics and public policy
that are broadly in line with the wider population, a finding that may be surprising
given how entrenched inequality is in our society, and how much the impact of
political decisions can vary for higher and lower income communities.
Trust in politicians and the political system is low and falling, but interest in
politics is rising slowly. Traditional party loyalties appear to be holding, as are
longstanding differences in the way people on low incomes perceive welfare and
worklessness.
Importantly, people on low incomes feel less in control of their lives and have less
faith in politicians to act in the national interest. Some believe that the decks are
stacked against them, that changes will be pushed through irrespective of their
views and they will be left to live with the consequences.
Particularly in the depth research, immigration and concerns about its impact
on public services and on culture emerged as a powerful and unifying theme.
Immigration as an issue was also associated with an exceptionally strong feeling
of powerlessness, and while this may reflect practicalities – individuals do not set
border controls- it also reflects a more fundamental malaise.
When this research was commissioned, the referendum on the UK’s membership
of the EU felt far away, and commentators and the electorate alike assumed a
vote for ‘remain’. As we adjust to the realities of Brexit, we are also adjusting
to a new political landscape. Many of the drivers of the referendum vote: a lack
of trust in the political class, concern about the scope of the European Union
and a desire to control immigration are reflected in the political and social views
of people on low incomes. As politicians seek a way to unify and lead the UK
through ‘Brexit’, engaging with the concerns and experiences of people on low
incomes should be a priority.
1 Introduction
Background to the research
People living on low incomes have historically been excluded from policy
debates, even when the question at hand is how poverty can be reduced or its
impacts mitigated.
Less engaged in formal politics or organised activism than wealthier peers, they
are more likely to be poorly represented in the UKs democratic structures3 and to
be misrepresented in the media, which often perpetuates a distinction between
‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor.4
Research into poverty has tended to focus on measuring poverty or material
deprivation, and understanding how poverty intersects with demography, social
outcomes and social services. Attitudinal research in relation to poverty has
similarly focused on exploring and representing low income communities’ views
on living in poverty and accessing services5.
JRF commissioned NatCen to carry out this research to:
• Explore how people on low incomes perceive politics
• Provide a platform forpeople on low incomes to speak directly about the
issues that matter most to them, through the establishment of a high
quality poll, and
• Understand how far they feel they can control or influence those issues.
When this research was commissioned, the intention was to support the potential
for a more direct engagement between citizens living on low incomes, politics
and public policy. Since then, the turnout, pattern of voting and result of the EU
referendum has shaken up mainstream thinking about the political landscape of
the UK. Now, debates about the political dimensions of income and class as well
as the unequal impacts of globalisation are front page news. In this context, a
clearer understanding of and engagement with the political and social views of
people living on low incomes is an important part of leading the UK through a
period of significant political and social change.
Research overview
The research is based on three complementary projects:
• Secondary analysis, using NatCen’s British Social Attitudes survey (BSA)
and Understanding Society (USoc) to explore the social and political
attitudes of people living on low incomes;
• Primary data from a new, high quality random probability panel, drawn
from BSA 2015, with a particular focus on people living on low incomes.
The panel was used to conduct survey work on social and political
attitudes;
• A ‘deep dive’ qualitative case study based on depth interviews with
people living on low incomes in one Local Authority area in South
London. The qualitative work explores the issues that are ‘front of mind’
for participants, and provides context and insight to complement the
quantitative work.
3 Elitist Britain? Report of the Commission on Social Mobility and Child Poverty, London 2014.
4 Albrekt Larsen et al (2012) The Institutional Logic of Images of the Poor and Welfare Recipients:
A Comparative Study of British, Swedish and Danish Newspapers, Working Paper 2012-78,
Centre for Comparative Welfare Studies
5 http://www.poverty.ac.uk/system/files/PSE_press_release_final.pdf
Our starting point for defining low income was the standard HBAI 60% of
median income measure. In the secondary analysis this required the creation
of a new BSA variable. For the panel, we introduced some flexibility to capture
respondents who fell just above the 60% threshold, but scored highly on material
deprivation measures. Throughout this report, ‘low income’ should be taken as
meaning this group, and ‘higher income’ as all other respondents.
A detailed description of the method and sampling approaches is set out at
Annexes A-C. A table showing the full list of variables included in the cross-
sectional analysis, along with the years they appeared in either BSA or USoc, is
included at Annex D.
2 Politics
This chapter presents findings drawn from cross-sectional analysis of the latest
available data from NatCen’s British Social Attitudes (BSA) and Understanding
Society (USoc). Our analysis shows that while there are some differences
between the way in which richer and poorer people perceive and engage with the
political sphere, these differences are not always pronounced.
Over time, we do see attitudes changing, but the pattern of that change is similar.
This suggests that across the income spectrum people’s views about politics are
being influenced by similar factors and to a similar degree.
Taken together, these findings are telling. People living on lower incomes
experience persistent and severe inequalities in both access to influence and
social outcomes, yet this different experience does not appear to translate into a
similar divergence in political and social attitudes.
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
This suggests that while the attitudes of people living on lower incomes are not
particularly sensitive to entrenched inequalities, they are sensitive to shocks. In
this case, the recession is correlated with a sustained increase in support for
increased taxation and spending across the income groups.
Party affiliation
While there was no difference in the strength of party loyalty, the pattern of
party affiliation differed significantly across the income groups. People on lower
incomes were less likely to support the Conservative party, more likely to support
the Labour party and more likely to not identify with any political party than higher
income respondents.
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
Few significant differences were found between the income groups in the
prevalence of civic action and engagement, exceptions being that those in the
lower income group were less likely to have signed a petition, raised an issue
with an organisation they belonged to, or gone on a protest or demonstration.
Similarly, those in the lower income group were significantly more likely to say
that they had never taken action against a government policy they felt was unjust
(64% compared to 48% in the higher income group in 2011).
Believing that it is almost impossible to influence politics has important
implications for whether people on low incomes choose to engage at all, but
it also has implications for the choices they make when they engage. In 2012,
approximately 65% of people on low incomes, and 55% of those on higher
incomes stated that they feel they have no say in what government does.
Immediately prior to the referendum, IPSOS Mori polling showed that only 26%
of the public as a whole and 39% of leave voters believed that the outcome
would be a vote to leave the EU8. Although there is no evidence that a significant
proportion of voters regret their choice, the fact that for many the choice was
made in this context is telling.
8 https://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/3752/Ipsos-MORI-EU-
Referendum-Prediction-Poll.aspx accessed 27/07/2016.
Figure 7 Proportion of respondents identify themselves as British, by income group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
Similarly, income also made very little difference to attitudes to the European
Union. Assessment of the benefits/disbenefits of membership, free movement
of goods and free movement of people as well as access to welfare for migrants
was similar across the groups.
On the key question of whether Britain should leave the EU, no significant
difference was found in 2015, but time series analysis revealed some differences
in earlier years. In seven years between 2001 and 2015 people on lower incomes
were significantly more likely to say that Britain should leave the EU. Conversely,
they were less likely than people on higher incomes to believe that Britain should
stay in the EU and reduce its power.
Figure 8 Proportion of respondents who say ‘Britain should leave the EU’ by income
group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
People on lower incomes were also more likely to identify themselves as being
undecided about EU membership.
Devolution
On the issue of Scottish devolution, there were no statistically significant
differences in the views of people on lower or higher incomes, with the exception
of one year (2001) in which people on lower incomes were more likely to say that
Scotland should leave the UK (23% compared with 17%).9
However, there are significant differences in how people on lower and higher
incomes view spending in Scotland, with people on higher incomes more likely to
say that Scotland gets ‘more than its fair share’ of government spending.
Figure 9 Proportion of respondents who say Scotland gets ‘a little more’ or ‘much
more’ of its fair share of government spending, by income group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
Similarly, while the most recent data showed no difference in views about the
best way for England to be governed, time series analysis suggests lower income
groups have both a higher level of dissatisfaction with the current system, and
a higher level of support for establishing an English parliament (22% compared
with 20%).
9 The sample is taken from England, Wales and Scotland, and views on both spending and
devolution are significantly impacted by country, but given the sample size it is not possible to
analyse by both nation and income.
Figure 10 England should be governed as it is now, with laws made by UK
parliament, by income group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
In past years, this difference in view about English self-determination would have
been worthy of no more than passing comment. However, the highly polarized
political landscape across the nations of the UK, together with the outcome of
the recent referendum on leaving the EU, mean that federalism, including the
potential for greater self-determination by and for England, are now live political
issues, with the potential to both be influenced by, and influence attitudes to ‘the
English question’.
3 Welfare and worklessness
As with attitudes to politics and the political sphere, there are similarities in the
pattern of attitudes to welfare and worklessness across lower and higher income
groups, which show a long term decline in support for the welfare state, and high
levels of concern about income inequality. However, of the 14 questions asked,
11 were significantly related to a household’s income level, and just 4 showed no
significant difference.
Although the difference is not apparent in the most recent data, in seven of the
last 15 years, people on lower incomes were more likely to agree that ‘the welfare
state is one of Britain’s proudest achievements’.
Figure 11 Proportion of respondents who agree or strongly agree that ‘the welfare
state is one of Britain’s proudest achievements’, by income group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
In addition to this, people on lower incomes were more likely to see spending on
benefits as a priority for government (11% as compared to 4%), and to support
increased spending even when it requires increased taxation (45% as compared
to 37%). Trend data on the question of increasing taxation to increase spending
suggests that this difference may be becoming more pronounced over time.
And while it is interesting to note that support for the welfare state as a whole
is relatively high across the groups, there are significant differences when it
comes to the focus of welfare spending, with people on lower incomes being
consistently more sympathetic to spending on working age adults.
Our analysis shows that people on low incomes are more likely to see
unemployment benefits as being too low, and less likely to see benefits as
encouraging dependency.
Figure 12 Proportion of respondents who feel ‘unemployment benefits are too low’,
by income group
Note: white data points indicate a non-significant difference between the two income groups
People on lower incomes are more likely to sympathize with jobseekers, and to
disagree with pushing unemployed people to take minimum wage jobs while they
search for something better (50% of people felt jobseekers should ‘definitely’
take a minimum wage job as opposed to 62% in the higher income group10).
They show stronger support for the proposition that it is the government’s job to
provide for people who become unemployed (71% as opposed to 56% of those
on higher incomes), and for having a more equal distribution of benefit payments
across the working age and pension age groups.
Finally, people on lower incomes were more likely to see cuts to welfare as
damaging people’s lives (65% compared to 42%) and to oppose the benefit cap
(31% compared to 22%).
Interestingly, over a third of people on low incomes also agree that ‘most people
fiddle the dole’ (36% of people on low incomes compared to 34% of people on
higher incomes in 2014).11 This compares to Department of Work and Pensions
estimates, that in 2015 showed only 1.8% of total benefit expenditure being paid
out as a consequence of fraud and error combined12.
It is possible that this perception is being driven by media representations of
benefit claimants, which focus on fraud to a disproportionate degree13. This
said, it does not seem to impact on the degree of sympathy felt for unemployed
people, suggesting that ‘fiddling the dole’ may be seen as a relatively normal part
of managing on an inadequate income.
What is striking about this pattern of attitudes to welfare and worklessness
among people on low incomes, is that it runs counter to both the long running
direction of welfare policy which has seen an increasing imbalance between
transfers to working age adults and those to adults of pensionable age, and the
more immediate welfare reform agenda, with its labour market activation policies
and caps to entitlement.
10 It is important to note that an additional 24% of people on low incomes thought a jobseeker
should ‘probably’ take a minimum wage job if it was offered to them.
11 Despite being included in all waves of the BSA since 2000, descriptive analysis shows just one
significant difference between the income groups, in 2001, on the ‘fiddling the dole’ measure. In this
case a higher proportion of those in the lower income group agreed or strongly agreed that ‘most
people on the dole are fiddling it one way or another’.
12 DWP (2015) Fraud and Error in the Benefit System 2014/15 Biannual National Statistics, GB.
13 Larsen et al (2012)
4 Key concerns and ‘front of
mind’ issues
Panel participants were asked to identify the political or social issues that were
most important to them. The list of issues used for the panel comprised the
following:
• Crime;
• Health, including disability;
• Housing or your home;
• Migrants or immigration;
• Work or finding employment;
• Personal finances;
• Education;
• Providing or requiring care, e.g. day care or social care;
• Other (please describe);
• None of the above.
Panellists were asked to select up to three of the issues from the list and to
indicate which one of the issues they considered the most important in their life.
In the depth case study, participants were asked to spontaneously identify the
issues that mattered most to them, without reference to any lists or guides.
Overall, when presented with a closed list of possible options, there was
strong agreement between lower and higher income respondents about which
issues mattered most. Although none of the differences were statistically
significant, when asked to identify the single most important issue, lower income
respondents placed a stronger emphasis on health, education, work and housing.
Health and personal finances were the most commonly identified issues, followed
by crime, immigration and housing.
Figure 13 Proportion selecting as top three ‘front of mind’ issues by whether or not
living on low incomes
Bases: All participants, Not on low incomes (1227); On low incomes (228)
There were no statistically significant differences found between the lower and
higher income groups when asked to identify the single most important issue.
Health was the issue most commonly cited, with 30% of panel participants
identifying this overall. Almost 20% of all panel participants identified personal
finances as their most important issue. Providing or requiring care was chosen
as the main issue by the least number of panellists (4%).
Figure 14 Most important ‘front of mind’ issues by whether or not living on low
incomes
Bases: All participants selecting anissue, Not on low incomes (1173); On low incomes (227)
The panel research asked people to identify their most important issue and
their top three issues from a closed list of key public policy areas. In the depth
research, we asked people to spontaneously identify the concerns that were front
of mind for them.
Interestingly, the responses in the depth research were quite distinct, with
immigration, crime (and policing), and the NHS/health identified as of most
concern.
In the following sections the key issues raised both in the panel survey and in
the depth research are explored further, starting with immigration, education
and health, as these appeared to be particularly closely associated in people’s
thinking.
Immigration
Immigration was seen as an important issue among panel respondents (although
it was the ‘main’ issue for only 11%). However, it was the by far the most
important front of mind issue for respondents in our depth study, and they made
connections between immigration and other key areas of concern.
Participants talked about migrants, refugees and asylum seekers interchangeably,
and while in some cases they drew distinctions between more recent (first
generation) migrants and settled communities, for other people their concern
about immigration related to longer term patterns of migration and settlement.
On the whole, immigration was a front of mind issue because participants were
opposed to increased immigration to the UK, and felt immigration was ‘out of
control’. Views on the extent to which immigrants should be granted residence
in the UK varied. Some participants made the distinction between providing
safe haven for people fleeing conflict and war and enabling economic migration.
Other participants felt that further immigration to the UK should not be tolerated
at all.
Across all participants there were two interrelated reasons why immigration was
a matter of such concern. Firstly, participants believed that immigration into the
UK creates pressure on public services. They felt that this would not only make
these services harder to access, but also that it would reduce their ability to
choose the type of service they wanted for themselves and their family.
Secondly, though to a lesser extent, participants felt that migrants were given
preferential treatment and unlimited access to public services. In some cases
participants reported direct experiences that they attributed to this kind of
preferential treatment.
So concerns about immigration intersected in a significant way with other ‘front
of mind’ issues, such as health, housing and education.
In some instances participants explained that the issue of immigration had
become important to them when they began to notice the cultural impact it was
having on public services, mainly the education system. Participants who had
children or grandchildren in school explained that they had noticed that schools
had made changes to become more inclusive in terms of religion:
“Silly little things that affect you. Like Christmas plays don’t seem to
be what they used to be no more, cause you have to take into account
other people’s religion”. JRF 12
“I think, two Polish ladies looking and there was only, I don’t know, two
places, and Shelly never got a place because the two Polish kids got a
place because they were nearer the school and that kind of did piss me
off….I was kind of like, well it sounds really awful, well I was kind of like
‘that’s not fair’”. JRF 4
Participants explained that a lot of the knowledge they had about immigration
came from watching the news or reading the newspaper. In some cases,
participants had been following reporting on immigration over recent years and
this had gradually raised their level of concern. For others recent reporting,
specifically relating to the migrants’ camp at Calais (which had been in the news
a great deal at this time), had fostered their interest in and concern about the
issue.
Amongst the group, there was awareness that some of their views on immigration
might be perceived as racist. As a result they limited their discussion of
immigration and its impacts to family and friends they were confident shared their
views.
“As you get older, because I’m diabetic and also because I’ve got bad
arthritis and what have you, I think it’s nice to know that they’re there
for you.”
Waiting times for GPs, hospitals, and ambulances as well as poor hygiene
standards in hospitals were cited as explanations for why health was a ‘front of
mind’ issue. An additional concern, especially for older participants, was the
much discussed closure of a local hospital.
For disabled participants and participants with ongoing health needs the cost of
prescriptions and changes to the assessment process for disability benefits were
central concerns. In addition, some participants were worried about the social
stigma of being labelled a ‘benefit scrounger’ if disability benefits were spent on
visible items such as mobility scooters.
Long waiting times to access health care services generally and emergency care,
in particular, were seen as the direct consequence of immigration:
“It’s the same with the NHS you know, that erm, sometimes their
attitudes aren’t very good, they just assume that they can just walk [in]
and ‘I’ve got six kids, they need to be seen now’ type of attitude you
know, so. I know they don’t all do it, but you know.”
As with education, the fact that migration is perceived as having a direct negative
effect on access to an essential service is likely to have impacts that go well
beyond the health sphere.
“When I was a girl you had bobbies walking up and down the roads and
everywhere...now you’re lucky if you see one”
Participants were also worried that police resources were not being well targeted
and that they were ignoring ‘big issues’ such as local paedophiles.
“I’ve passed six police vans today that have just been stopping random
people, you know, or random teenagers why aren’t they concentrating
more on these huge sort of paedophile scams that are coming around”
(Female, age 30-44 JRF5)
Despite these crime and policing issues being at the forefront of people’s minds,
they did not report feeling unsafe and had not generally experienced any crime
directly. Participants said they had not taken any action relating to crime or anti-
social behaviour in the local area because it did not really tend to affect them. For
some, this was combined with a more general reluctance to seek police help:
“I like to think I can kind of resolve stuff myself yeah. I also come from a
background where you don’t really grass people up unless you need to,
yeah, but then that’s really bad.” (Male, 30-44, JRF2)
Interestingly, it may be that attitudes and beliefs about crime and policing, like
those about immigration, were formed not because of direct experiences, but
because of budget cuts to the local police force and media coverage of local and
national crime.
“The news as well you hear of all the stabbings on these young children.
It sort of just makes you more cautious I think that this is happening.”
“Mortgage and council tax are your top priorities. They can cut your
gas, they can cut off your electricity because you can survive without,
you can have candles or you can put extra layers on, but your mortgage
and your council tax are the most important” (Female, 45-59, JRF9)
“You keep the roof over your head. Let the electricity go...as long as
you’ve got that roof over your head. At least you can wrap up and get
bits and pieces” (Female, 60+, JRF11)
Housing
Housing was an important issue for both those panellists on low incomes and
those not on low incomes with over 30% choosing it as one of their top three
issues. It was significantly more likely to be selected by panellists in ‘other’
(assumed private) rented accommodation (52%) than those in social rented
accommodation (32%) or that owned their own home (26%). Housing, although
seen as important, was not one of the top three ‘front of mind’ issues reported by
case study participants.
The case study research found that access to secure and suitable housing
was a concern for those who were on a low income and were living in rented
accommodation, either private or social housing. These concerns were driven by
personal experiences of overcrowding, precarious housing and affordability. In
one case, a family household with parents, three children, and a grandparent lived
in a two-bedroom flat. Another example was of living under the threat of eviction
in privately rented accommodation owned by liquidators. Older participants
identified housing as an issue in relation to poor access to secure affordable
housing for their children and grandchildren.
Attitudes to housing were also affected by negative experiences of local authority
support. The result of a housing needs assessment was given as an example.
Bases: All participants selecting front of mind issue, Providing or requiring care (204); Education
(386); Personal finances (615); Work or finding employment (319); Migrants or immigration (517);
Housing or your home (453); Health, including disability (853); Crime (423)
Overall, panel survey participants tended to feel that they could make at least
some difference to the issues they care about, but this varied significantly.
Participants appeared to feel more able to influence the impact of issues with a
direct relationship to personal choice (for example personal finances, employment
status, or health), than issues that implicitly include other people (e.g. crime or
providing/requiring care).
However, this pattern varied somewhat between panellists that were in and
not on low incomes. Figure 16 shows that participants on low incomes were
significantly more likely to say that they could make no difference to how issues
of health, housing, employment, and personal finance impacted their lives.
Figure 16 Proportion saying they have no control over ‘front of mind issue’ by issue
and whether or not living on low incomes14
14 Personal care is not included due to small sample sizes - only 24 participants on low incomes
identified this as a front of mind issue
Figure 17 Levels of control over ‘health’ issue by whether or not living on low
income
Bases: All participants selecting ‘health’ front of mind issue, Not on low incomes (714); On low
incomes (130)
Further analysis of the profile of panellists (Appendix A) shows that those on low
incomes were significantly more likely to report having a longstanding physical or
mental health condition or disability, which may explain some of this difference.
Controlling for demographic factors such age and whether or not the participants
have a longstanding health condition, those on low incomes were no longer
significantly more likely to say that they can make no difference to how the issue
of health impacts their life.
This suggests thatin some cases the underlying characteristics of people living on
low incomes, rather than low income per se, is driving feelings of powerlessness.
Housing
Figure 18 shows that participants on low incomes who identified ‘housing’ as a
front of mind issue were significantly more likely than those not on low incomes to
say that they can make no difference to how it affects their life (36% vs 15%).
Figure 18 Levels of control over ‘housing’ issue by whether or not living on low
incomes
Bases: All participants selecting ‘housing’ front of mind issue, Not on low incomes (362); On low
incomes (87)
Further analysis shows that participants on low incomes were also more likely
to report living in rented, rather than ‘owned’ accommodation, which may
explain some of this difference. The fact that they were more likely to be aged
18-34 (whereas those not on low incomes were more likely to be aged 45-59),
which is likely to be related to housing (in)stability. Controlling for demographic
factors such age and tenure, the difference between those in and out of poverty
remained statistically significant, suggesting that living on a low income has
a direct relationship to whether participants felt able to control their housing
situation. Given the direct relationship between income and housing, and the
very high level of housing costs in the UK, this correlation is unsurprising.
Figure 19 Overall level of control over what happens in your life by whether or not
living on low income
Bases: All participants, Not on low incomes (1227); On low incomes (228)
The lower perceived level of control for those on low incomes remained even
when demographic factors were controlled for; participants identified as on a
low income were significantly more likely to give a score of 0-5 than identified
as not on a low income. This suggests that being on a low income is, in itself,
associated with a sense of having less control over what happens in your life.
Little or no control over ‘front of mind’ issues
Feelings of powerlessness dominated conversation in the depth research. The
three issues that stood out where case study participants felt they had little or no
control were employment, housing, and money (personal finances). Participants
felt that these areas of life were controlled and determined by employers,
landlords, and local and national governments.
Work and quality of work was perceived as entirely driven by the wider economic
environment. Reduced working hours, low pay / no pay cycling, redundancies
and long term low incomes were factors that participants felt they had no control
over. This feeling of powerlessness formed part of their coping strategy, enabling
them to accept and adapt to the ebbs and flows of work and income.
Associated with employment status, was a feeling of being disempowered
in relation to personal finances. Despite the budgeting skills and strategies
demonstrated by participants, there was a strongly held belief (for people in and
out of work) that employers and the government had control over their finances,
because they determine the level of income. Participants on out-of-work benefits
felt additionally disempowered by the barriers to understanding their entitlement
and decisions made about their benefits.
Particularly for those living in rented accommodation, housing was an issue that
was considered to be completely controlled by private and social landlords. Lack
of choice and affordability were factors that contributed to people feeling that
they had little control, as was the housing allocations system:
“I might have a nice council place, you can be given - there are nice
council places. I might be put in a nice area but you just - it’s the
unknown. It’s the - that is out of your hands when they - when you’re
given a council property that you are being told where you’ve got to
go and that being out of your hands, you can’t choose and that, that
worries me, yeah.”
Participants felt strongly that issues such as immigration, crime and policing were
completely out of their control, and responsibility for addressing these issues
rested wholly with government.
Areas of control
The depth research explored agency in more depth, looking at issues where
participants did feel that they could exercise some measure of control, as well as
those issues associated with feelings of powerlessness. The predominant view
was that they were able to control their personal and family life and their personal
and family health.
“It’s my job to teach and train them and educate them into being proper
adults…..so my role is to control them into being, becoming good
adults.”
In some cases, those who lacked influence and were unable to control other
aspects of their life, recognised that their locus of control was their family. They
retreated from decisions that involved the wider world, including management of
their personal finances, and focused their time and effort on their family life:
“I’m afraid that I just feel that they all feather their own nests and we
have to get on with it.”
This disillusionment was reflected in the panel survey data. Over a third of those
identified as being on low incomes were likely to strongly agree that ‘public
officials don’t care much about what people like me think’, and that ‘people like
me don’t have any say in what the government does’:
Figure 20 ‘Public officials don’t much care about what people like me think’ by
whether or not living on low incomes
Bases: All participants, Not on low incomes (1227); On low incomes (228)
Figure 21 ‘People like me don’t have any say in what the government does’ by
whether or not living on low incomes
Bases: All participants, Not on low incomes (1227); On low incomes (228)
“I don’t get involved I don’t take note of it. Whether that’s the
right or wrong thing, I don’t know, but I never have.”
Bases: All participants, Not on low incomes (1227); On low incomes (228)
Participants on low incomes were somewhat less likely to have taken all of the
actions except contact their local councillor or MP/MSP, and significantly more
likely to have taken none of them. In particular, they were significantly less likely
to have:
• Signed a petition (in person or online) or shown support for a group on
social media;
• Organised a campaign/action group or petition (in person or online);
• Attended a public or council meeting;
• Boycotted certain products;
• Donated money or raised funds for that cause.
Evidence from the panel and the depth research paints a stark picture: people
on low incomes feeling powerless in the face of the issues they care most about,
retreating to the personal and family sphere, and facing significant barriers to
taking action, whether by voting or taking part in other forms of activism. This
picture reflects long term trends about trust in politicians and political institutions,
as well as voter turnout.
It does not, however, reflect the level of engagement in the EU referendum. 72%
of the UK population voted in the referendum: turnout not seen in a general
election since 1997. Being from a lower socio-economic class (C2, D, E), being
out of work, having left school at 18 or younger and having a stronger English
identity were all associated with a vote to leave the EU15. And while other factors,
notably age, were also strongly associated with the leave vote, the aftermath of
the referendum has left us looking at poorer communities in a new light.
Table 1 Comparison of proportions of low income households – HBAI (2013-14) and BSA (2014)
Proportion below Proportion below
BSA income band -
Household type 60% median low income
poverty threshold
income BHC, HBAI threshold, BSA
Single adult, pensioner 22% £591 - 770 30%
Single adult, no children 18% £591 - 770 27%
Single adult, 1+ children 19% £591 - 770 27%
Adult couple, pensioner 13% £911 - 1,000 14%
Two adults, no children 9% £771 - 910 9%
Three or more adults, no children 9% £911 - 1,000 10%
Two adults, 1+ children 15% £1,201 - 1,300 14%
Three or more adults, 1+children 15% £911 - 1,000 17%
All household types 16% - 15%
The income bands identified for each household type were used to derive a new
binary variable for low income in the BSA dataset.
It is important to note that due to the income measures used, findings from the
survey refer to people on low incomes and not in poverty whilst case study
participants were defined as living on a low income based on the above income
thresholds and self-reported sources of income.
Sig
Variable
Survey Survey year* Question summary difference by P value
name
income
BSA Partyid1 2000-2015 Party identification ü .000
Strength of party
BSA Idstrng 2000-2014 X .597
identification
Level of interest in
USoc Vote6 2009/10-2012/13 ü .000
politics
BSA Politics 2000-2015 Interest in politics ü .000
People like me have
BSA GovNoSay 00-03,05,10-12 no say in what the X .060
government does
Politics too
BSA GovComp 00,02,03,05,10-12 complicated to ü .001
understand
Qualified to
USoc Poleff1 2011/12 ü .000
participate in politics
Better informed about
USoc Poleff2 2011/12 ü .000
politics than most
Public officials don’t
USoc Poleff3 2011/12 care about what I ü .000
think
I don't have a say
USoc Poleff4 2011/12 in what government ü .000
does
Perceived political
USoc Perpolinf 2011/12 ü .042
influence
Not worth voting
/ everyone's duty
BSA VoteDuty 00,0,04,05,08-11,13 X .136
to vote in general
election
Voting as a social
USoc Votenorm 2011/12 ü .000
norm
Voting is the only way
BSA VoteOnly 00,02-04,10-12 people like me can ü .039
have a say
Trust the government
BSA GovTrust 00-07,09-13 to put nation’s needs ü .033
first
BSA MPsTrust 00,02,03,5-7,9-13 Trust MPs to tell truth ü .028
BSA NHSRun2 09,12,14 NHS well run X .695
BSA policrn2 09,12,14 Police well run ü .019
Whether signed a
BSA SocAct1 2004, 2014 ü .006
petition
Whether has
boycotted, or
BSA SocAct2 2004, 2014 X .521
deliberately bought,
certain products
Whether took part in a
BSA SocAct3 2004, 2014 X .581
demonstration
Whether attended a
BSA SocAct4 2004, 2014 political meeting or X .309
rally
Whether contacted
a politician or a civil
BSA SocAct5 2004, 2014 X .261
servant to express
your views
Whether donated
money or raised funds
BSA SocAct6 2004, 2014 X .157
for a social or political
activity
Whether contacted or
BSA SocAct7 2004, 2014 appeared in the media X .607
to express your views,
Whether expressed
BSA SocAct8 2004, 2014 political views on the X .815
internet
ever contacted
BSA DoneMP 00,02,03,05,11 your MP about a X .142
government action
ever spoken to an
influential person
BSA DoneSpk 00,02,03,05,11 X .121
about a government
action
ever contacted
a government
BSA DoneGov 00,02,03,05,11 X .218
department about a
government action
ever contacted radio,
TV or newspaper
BSA DoneTV 00,02,03,05,11 X .082
about a government
action
ever signed a petition
BSA DoneSign 00,02,03,05,11 about a government ü .000
action
ever raised an issue
in an organisation
BSA DoneRais 00,02,03,05,11 ü .014
you belong to about a
government action
ever gone on a protest
or demonstration
BSA DoneProt 00,02,03,05,11 ü .038
about a government
action
ever formed a group
of like-minded people
BSA DoneGrp 00,02,03,05,11 X .605
about a government
action
never done any of
BSA DoneNone 00,02,03,05,11 these things about a ü .000
government action
People willing to help
USoc Nbrcoh2 2011/12 ü .000
their neighbours
People in
USoc Nbrcoh3 2011/12 neighbourhood can ü .000
be trusted
People in this
neighbourhood don't
USoc Nbrcoh4 2011/12 ü .000
get along with each
other
Volunteered in past 12
USoc Volun 2011/12 ü .000
months
Frequency of
USoc Volunfreq 2010-11, 2012/13 X .479
volunteering
Importance of being
USoc Britid 2011 /12 X .978
British
Which of the following
BSA BNationU 2001-2015 best describes your X .243
nationality
Leave / reduce / stay /
BSA ECPolicy 1993-2015 X .279
increase EU powers
How important British
BSA euimpor1 1997, 2014 free to get jobs in any X .412
other EU countries?
How important British
BSA euimpor3 1997, 2014 can sell goods in EU X .199
without customs?
Britain benefits or not
BSA UKBenEU 1995, 2013 from being member X .371
of EU
Benefits of migrants
BSA benfEU 2013 from EU outweigh X .390
costs
Whether Scotland
BSA UKSpnGBE 01,03,07,11-13,15 gets fair share of ü .038
government spending
Whether Scotland
should be
BSA ScoPar2 01,07,11-13 X .102
independent or part
of UK
Best way to govern
England? UK
BSA EngParGB 99, 01-03, 07-13, 15 parliament, regional X .197
assembly or English
parliament
Better for England to
BSA EngLvUKE 2007, 2013 remain part of UK or ü .002
independent
* The BSA survey was analysed from 2000 onwards only, therefore some questions may have
been asked in years before 2000.
Welfare and worklessness
Significant
Variable
Survey Survey year* Q summary difference by P value
name
income
BSA First and second
Spend1/2 1983-2014 priority area for ü .000
public spending
Gov. should reduce/
BSA TaxSpend 1983-2015 increase taxes and X .900
spending
More spending on
BSA MoreWelf 1987-2015 ü .000
benefits needed
First and second
1983-2014 (alternate
BSA SocBen1/2 priority area for social ü .000
yrs)
benefit spending
Unemployment
BSA Dole 1983-2015 ü .000
benefits too high/low
Benefits cuts would
BSA DamLives 2000-2014 ü .000
be damaging
Benefits discourage
BSA WelfFeet 1987-2014 people from standing ü .001
on their own two feet
Welfare state is great
BSA ProudWlf 2000-2015 X .381
achievement
83-90,94,98- Many people falsely
BSA FalseClm X .785
04,06,08,0,12,13 claim
83-90,94,98- Many eligible people
BSA FailClm ü .033
04,06,08,0,12,13 don't claim
Many people who
BSA SocHelp 1987-2014 get social security X .090
don't deserve help
Most recipients are
BSA DoleFidl 1987-2014 X .516
fiddling
Should YPs be
BSA Ypelig 2014 eligible for same ü .009
benefits as 25+?
Hhlds receive all
BSA BenHH 2014 bens OR less than ü .005
average hhld income
Work is only a means
BSA NwEmpErn 00-03, 07, 12 ü .034
to live
Why say working is
BSA NwEmpLiv 00-02, 07, 12 X .316
only means to live
Would enjoy having
USoc scwkimp 2012/13 a paid job even if not ü .029
need money
Would like to start
USoc jblkchd 2010/11, 2012/13 ü .000
own business
05-07, 10 How satisfied are you ü .006
BSA/ USoc jobsat3/ jbsat
2010/11, 2012/13 with your job? X .142
How satisfied are you
BSA hrssatis 2005, 2007, 2010 X .842
with your hours?
Would you prefer a
BSA prefhr2 2003-2010 job with more/fewer ü .000
hours?
Would you prefer
fewer hours even
BSA earnhr2 2003-2010 X .475
if you earned less
money?
Would like to give up
USoc jblkche 2010/11, 2012/13 ü .000
paid work
Satisfaction with
USoc sclfsat7 2009/10-2012/13 amount of leisure ü .000
time
Unemployed don't
BSA UnempJob 1987-2014 ü .004
try hard enough
Take minimum wage
BSA UBJwage 2007, 2012 ü .000
or benefits
Take short term work
BSA UBJcontr 2007, 2012 ü .000
or benefits
Take job not
BSA UBJint 2007, 2012 interested in or ü .006
benefits
Redundancy: who
BSA UnemResp 2001, 2003, 2011 responsible for ü .000
supporting
Extent of gap
BSA IncomGap 00-04, 06-10, 12-13 between high/low X .645
earners
Gov should top up
2000, 2003, 2005,
BSA TopUpChn low paid couple ü .000
2010, 2013
parents
2000, 2003, 2005, Gov should top up
BSA TopUpLPa ü .006
2010, 2013 working lone parents
LowWage/ Employers will pay
BSA 2012-13 X .765
LowWage2 lower if gov tops up
* The BSA survey was analysed from 2000 onwards only, therefore some questions may have been
asked in years before 2000.