OPEN LETTER TO: Brothers and Sisters in Alpha Phi Omega Philippines

FROM : Brod “Mike” Melchizedek Maquiso, National President Emeritus

SUBJECT : The APO Presidency in the 26h Biennial Convention in Cagayan de Oro City come
May 2011 and Beyond 1

DATE : 07 October 2010

____________________________________________________________________________

Dear Brothers and Sisters,

Greetings!

We write on a very important and urgent subject that all of us should be concerned about. It’s about the APO
Presidency, the highest executive position in our organization. We are sure that some of you must have heard by
now of this Brod or this Sis expressing interest in running for the Presidency or expressing support for somebody
else to become the next APO President. So far we have five (5) sure bets in our list and we know there are still
several out there. We are definitely optimistic more will surface as the 26th Biennial gets closer.

It is simply amazing. From the time we were organized in the Philippines in l950 to the last election during the 25 th
Biennial in Boracay, it was always a one-on-one fight for the Presidency. Now in the 26 th Biennial in Cagayan de
Oro we expect no less than five (5) presidential candidates! What explains this phenomenon?

Based on our endless and oftentimes spirited conversations with those who expressed interests, also with Past
National Presidents and former high executives along with the rank and file on the ground in our organization, there
are three (3) great challenges facing our organization today, challenges that any aspirant serious enough to aspire for
the Presidency are worth fighting for, challenges that will insure the legacy of the Aspirant spearheading the move in
taking the bull by its horns, so to speak. These are:

1.0 How to rationalize, design and implement a policy-based management scheme that shall unify a
divided organization and rebuild it into a formidable force to maximize its campaign voting potential
and guarantee its party-list participation in the Congress of the Republic.

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This letter was originally planned as a position paper of the Council of Elders to be addressed to the Board of
Directors until we found out in the new CBL that the so-called “Council of Elders” has yet to be fully organized by appointing,
among others, “one appointee each of the Regional Directors of known probity and integrity” in addition to the Past Presidents
who shall act as members thereof (Article VII, Section 22). In addition, the new CBL imposes strict limitation to the freedom of
expression of the Council of Elders as provided for in Section 23, thus:

Section 23. Duties and Functions. The Council of Elders shall be charged
with the function of providing the necessary advice and opinions, when
specifically so requested by the Board of Directors, on ways and means
to fully assist the members thereof in the performance of their duties and
functions. (Italic ours.)

Thus, we have no choice at the moment but to address this open letter to the Brothers and Sisters of the organization as
a whole.
By the way, that the above particular limitation that allegedly passed approval by the Convention, much more by any of
the Past President or member of the Council of Elders present without a howl of protest, is highly doubtful, that is, if indeed this
particular provision was deliberated upon during the session. So as not to cast doubt therefore we suggest that we be furnished a
copy of the official proceedings of the last Con-Con by its management. Thank you.

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 2.0 How to stop corruption practices that are beginning to be institutionalized in our organization by
candidates during biennial elections, corruption practices no different from those done by traditional
politicians in Philippine local and national elections. This started when the old tested practice of
electing national officers by the National Executive Board (NEB) was changed in favor of the General
Assembly electing the National President and national officials at large; and, .

3.0 How can an agreement be forged between the APO National Office and the Office of the Vice-
President of the Republic (whose occupant is a fraternity Brother) that shall further strengthen APO
Philippines capabilities for more effective service to the community and nation?

The first 2 challenges above are reformist in outlook, the third developmental and visionary.

Let us elaborate on these challenges one by one.

1.1 On the 1st Big Challenge.

APO Philippines became divided as an organization when another party-list group (I-AHAPO) was established with
the incumbent APO National President as its 1st Nominee despite the fact that APO Philippines already had a party-
list group (BANAT) sitting in the 14th Congress of the Republic and running for reelection in the May 10, 2010
national elections.
Many attempts had been pursued (from sometime in March to the last week of April 2010) in the name of
unity in order put up one solid front for the party-list of APO Philippines but all failed so far as borne by the
following:

a. Brod Mel Adriano was invited to join BANAT as 2 nd Nominee but he refused – he wanted Brod Buddy
Britanico’s position as 1st Nominee of the party he, Brod Mel, being the incumbent APO National President. Brod
Buddy stuck to his original position he, being the incumbent Congressman representing BANAT in the 14th
Congress.
b.. Impartial Past National Presidents representing the Council of Elders invited the NP twice to meet on
the problem but he ignored the invitation
c. Former high executives of APO on their own initiative invited the NP for a dialogue on the matter. They
were advised to meet with him in a restaurant in Makati but before they could start serious talk, he left for one
reason or the other.
d. The NP refused the offer of then Secretary of the Cabinet Brod Bebot Bello for a meeting in his office in
Malacanang with the Council of Elders and some senior Brods .holding high positions in government ( Brod Bello
later on expressed the idea that for the sake of unity, he Bello (if he accepted the offer for him to be BANAT’s 2nd
Nominee) was willing to slide down from 2nd to 3rd Nominee in favor of the incumbent NP if the latter would
reconsider his position.
e.. Very much earlier, the incumbent NP was informed of the existence of EXEL Resolution No. 012-03
Series of 2003 declaring BANAT as “the official party-list” and “the sole party-list candidate” of APO Philippines
but he totally ignored this policy. Neither did he cause the amendment of this resolution to legitimize his own party-
list in the APO Board of Directors .
f. During the political summit in Antipolo City, Brod Cong. Buddy Britanico publicly proposed that the
incumbent NP take a leave of absence to level the playing field in the campaign and so that as the 1st Nominee of I-
AHAPO he would be free from all types of suspicions that he was using APO funds for his campaign in the guise of
his provincial visits as National President. The NP was in the audience and did not say anything. Neither did the
Moderator of the plenary session call the NP to respond. ( Note: several alumni groups and individuals had planned
to file an impeachment complaint against the incumbent NP for allegedly using his office in his political campaigns
but this was prevailed upon by Brod Buddy not to proceed with their plan, saying in effect that this would only
worsen the situation and contribute to divisiveness in our organization.)
g. The main sales pitch of the incumbent NP in putting up his own party-list with himself as 1 st Nominee
which was propagandized by his campaign staff was: BANAT was already in Congress and therefore assured of
reelection in 2010. He, on the other hand, being the National President of APO was also assured of election in 2010
because he is the incumbent APO NP and he has the solid votes of Makati City (some 300,000 votes since the City’s
power-wielder at the time was not only a Brod but also “a co-Chapter Brod pa.”). This audacious projection of
hundreds of thousands of sure votes was further spiced by claims of supporters that another hundreds of thousands

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of sure votes would come from the Philippine National Police (the PNP Director General and the APO National
President are also Brods and belong to the same Chapter, please don’t forget, they reminded their hearers ) and not
to also mention the “one million votes“ to come from the outgoing Vice-President of the Republic, who happens to
be the uncle of one of those running for a national office in the party-list of the Incumbent APO NP.
h. So in the final analysis based on the above logic and circumstance, there would be at least two APO
Congressmen in the House of Representatives rather than just one. This sales pitch and ego-boasting forecast
resulted in dividing the APO organization into two, split the rank and file on the ground into confused party-list
camps and as a consequence thereto succeeded ultimately in bringing down the two party-lists (BANAT and I-
AHAPO, the incumbent NP’s party-list) since neither one could garner enough votes to make it to the 15 th Congress
of the Republic of the Philippines.

1.2 Entry Point to the 1st Big Challenge: It is clear that APO Philippines cannot afford to be divided if it intends
to have at least one seat in Congress by 2013, the next party-list election after 2010. As the Bible says, “A house
divided cannot stand.” Per Comelec record as of July 22, 2010, BANAT garnered 129,089 votes while I-AHAPO
got a total of 111, 495 votes or a combined total of only 240,584 votes.2

Be that as it may, the non-respect for policy could be the real culprit in the divisiveness. It is recalled that EXEL
Resolution No. 012-03, Series of 2003 had tasked the National Political Affairs Committee (NPAC), to rationalize
and coordinate the campaign activities of BANAT, with a Chair and a Co-Chair appointed thereto, respectively.3

As entry point to this challenge, the Aspirant(s) who wants to create an impact should cause the design and
implementation of a policy-based management scheme or system that shall maximize our campaign potentials in
sending party-list representatives to Congress. The lessons of the past must be learned, the approach impartial and
without bias. Commitments should be backed by equity to stimulate synergy. And continuity of activities for
sustained growth and development must be reinforced by support policy implementation imperatives. The NPAC
must be reactivated and strengthened as its implementing arm so that we can take off from a position of strength
rather than from a void of promises and high expectations that never see light at the end of the day.

It is anticipated that by 2013 there will be more party-list groups participating in the party-list elections, hence there
will be more groups competing for votes. And the party-list group with no solid base and insufficient funding would
most likely not make it just like in the 2010 party-list election. This is rather obvious.

Considering our past performance in the party-list polls, it is imperative that we should only have one party-list
group to begin with for APO Philippines to establish our own solid base and maximize our voting potential. Once
attained and our position in Congress truly secured, then that is the time we should think of expanding. But not
before. Previous attempts to unite factions may be pursued again but these should be resolved at the soonest time
possible otherwise the Presidential aspirant (if possible in tandem with other aspirants and other concerned groups)
must take the matter for resolution to and by the General Assembly of the 26 th Biennial Convention in Cagayan de
Oro City in May 20ll. This move is justified by the following: the General Assembly is the supreme authority of

2
In the 2007 elections, the tail-ender party-list that made it to Congress based on the 2% threshold was An Waray who got a total
of 321, 503 votes. By speculation, we’re still short of 80,909 votes, that is, if we deduct the combined total of votes in 2010 from
that of An Waray in 2007. Many are saying the shortage was caused by Brods and Sis who decided at the last moment not to
vote anymore or campaign for either BANAT or 1-AHAPO because of the disgust caused by divisiveness in the organization.

3
The NPAC was created as a standing committee to coordinate the political activities of APO with a roster of regional,
provincial and municipal coordinators named and already organized nationwide even before EXEL Resolution 012-03. That it
was reactivated and tasked in the same resolution was in recognition of the principle of continuity in organizational development
while at the same time serving as a counterforce to the traditional political cancer of every new administration erecting its own
monument and neglecting what has been already started beforehand. Change for the sake of change – to impress. That is why
nothing is really wholly accomplished since every new monument of every new administration cannot withstand the test of time.

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APO Philippines and the timing is justified by the urgency of the matter. We have barely three years to prepare for
the next party-list election after the 26th Biennial.4
2.1 On the 2nd Big Challenge

With a new CBL in 2003, the practice of electing national officers at large by the General Assembly took
effect. The old practice of the General Assembly electing the National Executive Board who in turn elected the
national officers among themselves was set aside. This historic change happened during the 22 nd Biennial
Convention on May 24, 2003 in Bacolod City. The 23rd Biennial was scheduled in Surigao City where among others
for the first time the national officers were to be elected at large by the official delegates composing the General
Assembly.

The new practice of electing the national officers at large was however a big burden to the candidates who
didn’t have the wherewithal to launch a credible national campaign. For here the presidential candidate and his team
of other national candidates (EVP, VPs for Fraternity, Sorority and Alumni Affairs, Chairman of the Board, etc.)
had to cover as much as possible most of the resident chapters and alumni associations in the country (not to
mention those abroad) to introduce themselves, make known their advocacy and their programs and above all their
commitment to the delegates who would attend in the forthcoming biennial in exchange for their votes. Such
commitment included among others free round-trip boat/plane fare, free meals and accommodation, free snacks and
drinks, free registration and the like. All these would require a substantial amount of funds and if one does not have
that, you might as well forget running for the National President of APO.

Corruption does not happen if you don’t have money to buy votes. In the last two biennial conventions
that is exactly what happened. What made it more disgusting especially to concerned alumni was that most of the
4
As background, “The Political and Socio-Economic Platform of APO Philippines” was adopted by the General Assembly during
the 22nd Biennial Convention in Bacolod City on May 2003. The rationale of this platform is the socio-economic imperative as
called for by our 3rd program of service which is “service to the community” and the political imperative which is our 4 th program
of service, that is, “service to the nation as fully participating citizens.” Also during that same session of the General Assembly
the suggestion to organize a party-list for APO Philippines was adopted although no specific name for the party-list was
mentioned at the time. Then followed the holding of the 1 st Political Summit on December 13, 2003 at Monte Vista Resorts, Los
Banos, Laguna and eventually the passage of Resolution No. 012-03, Series of 2003 which among others designated “BANAT as
the sole party-list candidate” of APO Philippines by the 3rd Joint Executive-Legislative (EXEL) Regular Session on December
l4, 2003 in the same venue and place.

The Platform emerged from a seminar-workshop that asked a primary question: “How can we develop APO as a formidable
force so that it can influence local and national policy decisions (in Philippine society)?” Participated in by 149 participants
(60% collegiate and 40% alumni) and conducted by a Task Force headed by the National President Emeritus, the participants
grappled with answers to the primary question on February 9-10, 2002 at the Conference Room of the Bureau of Plant Industry
in Manila. The Platform was then presented to the EXECOM of the National Executive Board on March 8 which in turn endorsed
it to the NEB. On March 23, 2002 during the 3rd Board Meeting in Puerto Princesa, Palawan, the NEB passed Resolution No. 3-
003 approving the Political and Socio-Economic Platform of APO Philippines and for its immediate implementation. From April
through December in 2002 and on to and before May 2003, the Task Force conducted orientation and dissemination activities
about the Platform in selected regions in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao in preparation for its submission to the 22nd Biennial
Convention in Bacolod City cited above.

The overall backdrop to the politicization of APO Philippines that led to the formulation of the Platform was the declaration of
Lord Dr. Frank Reed Horton cited in our Initiation Ritual in paragraph 3, page 19, thus: “We must remember the desire of our
Founder to try to create a society that would not have to resort to war to solve its differences. The world needs people with
leadership and compassion to help end universal human suffering. As participating citizens, we have opportunity both to
promote leadership of the highest type so that the ideals of man may become reality through our democratic system. Therefore,
yours is a great responsibility.”

Lord Dr. Frank Reed Horton’s declaration became the anchor of Brod Mike Maquiso’s battle-cry and article of faith during his
presidency of APO Philippines from 1976-l981, thus his often repeated premise to his speeches was: “Brothers and Sisters, if we
continue to grow in unity and strength guided by our cardinal principles of Leadership, Friendship and Service, we shall be in
Malacanang on or before Year 2000 and beyond.”

***

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recipients of corruption were the young resident delegates who were just too happy that they were able to attend a
biennial convention with all the fun that otherwise they could not enjoy because of limited funds. Some other senior
Brods and Sis could only shrug their shoulders, a few remembering and wishing that a lesson of the past must be
learned and somehow put to the test today, of the great Socrates, one of the wisest of all men, who was forced to
drink poison hemlock for corrupting the youth of Athens.

In the old system, the General Assembly elected the so-called “Magic 9” from among several candidates to compose
the National Executive Board who in turn elected the national officers from among themselves. To the Aspirant
who wanted to be President of APO he had got to be elected first by the General Assembly as a member of the NEB,
then by his peers in that body. If he wanted to buy votes, he only had to deal with a few Brods and Sis, that is,
assuming that he could bribe his way around them that easily. It must be noted immediately that those elected in
the National Executive Board before (who were then qualified to run as national officers) so far were men and
women of stature in the organization, who were familiar with its set-up, had administrative experience in the
organization, etc. Thus in the final analysis, the old system of electing national officers was not susceptible to
corruption as the new system is and as demonstrated clearly in the last two biennial conventions of APO
Philippines.

Other advantages of the General Assembly electing the National Executive Board who in turn elect the national
officers from among themselves::
a. By and large, those elected to the National Executive Board are usually familiar with the workings of the
administrative set-up of APO at least from the regional level, thus they are more qualified to decide who among
themselves should be President, and so on.
b. By exercising such decision-making function they are able to put into practice management by consensus or by
collegial decision-making. The General Assembly voting national officers at large is often the result of mob
popularity and of course massive vote-buying..
c. The experience of APO Philippines in electing its national officers by the National Executive Board who was at
first elected by the General Assembly went very well in the last 26 years or so (circa 1977 to 2003) of
implementation until the framers of the latest amended constitution made the change.
d. Electing our national officers at large is obviously patterned after the set-up of our national government.
.Unfortunately, APO Philippines is not a republic and therefore should not even pretend to be one. Ours is a
fraternal organization, a brotherhood, where discipline is a sine qua non and strong adherence to policy finds no
excuse whether one is on top or at the bottom of the heap. .

2.2 Entry Point to the 2nd Big Challenge. A return to the old system of electing national officers by the National
Executive Board after its election by the General Assembly needs an amendment in the present APO Constitution
and By-Laws. This can be done by the General Assembly in the forthcoming 26 th Biennial Convention as provided
for Article 111, Section 3-b, thus:

(b) Constituent. Whenever so required, the General Assembly may, as part of its policy-making
functions, conduct joint sessions for purposes of amending the Code of By-Laws or initiating
the amendment thereof through the creation of a Constitutional Commission or calling for a
Constitutional Convention.(Italics ours.)

In other words we need not wait for the creation of a Constitutional Commission or a separate Constitutional
Convention in time and place to initiate an amendment. It can be done right there by the General Assembly during
the 26th Biennial Convention in Cagayan de Oro come May 20ll.

(However in Article X1, Section a-1, there is a provision that any proposed amendment shall be submitted to the
Board of Directors at least one (1) year prior to the convening of the General Assembly for its regular biennial
convention. How to reconcile the former and the latter among other controversial provisions should be clarified
while a doable implementing mechanism may be designed and proposed not only to rid of legalese that confuse the
layman but also to avoid pitfalls of bureau-pathology that are often the cause of organizational paralysis.)

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This is the entry point of the 2nd challenge by the Aspirants for the APO Presidency in 2011. It is understood that this
will be part of their advocacy as they start their campaign around the country at the earliest possible time long before
the 26th Biennial. . .
3.l On the 3rd Big Challenge

The rise of a Brod to the position of Vice-President of the Republic in the last May 2010 national elections
has awakened many Brothers and Sisters from that long nurtured wish that someday a bona fide member of Alpha
Phi Omega Philippines would eventually be elected to the highest position of the land, the Presidency. The Brods
and Sis know what is next – the campaign for the Presidency of the Republic in the 2016 elections.

The above scenario is not farfetched. The Vice-President has publicly acknowledged his Brods and Sis in Alpha Phi
Omega as the main campaign force that catapulted him to the Vice-Presidency. Therefore, it is not surprising if he
would utilize the same force for his campaign for the Presidency in 20l6. 5 And the key to coordinating and
consolidating the APO organization in the Philippines and abroad is the APO Presidency.

3.2 Entry Point to the 3rd Big Challenge. This is the third big challenge of the Aspirant(s) for the APO Presidency
in the forthcoming 26th Biennial Convention. The following are some of the basic questions whose answers the
Aspirant(s) should formulate and make crystal clear to all:

1. What are the Aspirant(s) plans and programs that he/she will propose to the Office of the Vice-President
of the country for the development of the organization?

2. What are his/her plans and programs to strengthen the political machinery of the organization to help
effectively in the Brod’s presidential campaign in 2016? ( For example to start with: What are his/her plans and
programs in tandem with the Brod Vice-President for the Brods and Sis who are planning or who should be
encouraged to run or already in place in the Barangay/SK elections in October 25 this year?).

3. What are his/her strategies to insure that he/she will have the backing of the Brod Vice-President of the
Republic to put his/her plans and programs into effect?

4. What are the guarantees that he/she will be treated fair and square like a real true-bloodied APO
Brother/Sister and not just like another Brod/Sis outside of the Brod Vice-President’s own circle or chapter in APO
Philippines? And as a result thereto, can he/she openly and truly declare at the end of the day that…”Our loyalty to
our chapter ends where our loyalty to Alpha Phi Omega begins?”

Dear Brothers and Sisters, we would highly appreciate any comments or suggestions to further encourage
Aspirants for the APO Presidency in the coming 26th Biennial and beyond to think deeper and work harder for the
benefit of our beloved organization.

To those who already gave their reactions (via text, phone call or email) between August l5 and
September 30 (during which I sent you the draft of this open letter), thank you again for your suggestions and
comments. They’ve been very helpful and encouraging.

May we always be!

5
As early as November 13, 2008, the Hon. Mayor of Makati City announced and aired simultaneously on national television that
he would run for President of the Republic of the Philippines in the 2010 presidential election. Ten days after on November 23
during the 1st APO Alumni Congress in Mindanao at the Grand Caprice Hotel in Cagayan de Oro City, all the participants of the
Congress in a formal ceremony signed “A Resolution of Commitment and Support” for his candidacy as President of the
Republic. The resolution was authored by NPE Brod Mike Maquiso which he presented to and was adopted by the assembly
before the signing. (Brod Binay was expected as guest speaker at the time and occasion but could not make it for one reason or
the other.) Sometime in April 2009 (a month before the 25th Biennial in Boracay) during his visit in Cagayan de Oro where at
the Dynasty Hotel the Brothers and Sisters were convened from all over with APO-OCA as host, NPE Brod Mike read the same
resolution in his introductory remarks (as part of the program) immediately before Brod Binay delivered his speech as Guest of
Honor.

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Brod Mike