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The Curious Case of Ernesto Araujo
By Nick Burns
MINISTERIAL PROSPECTS
For Bolsonaro, Araujo’s virtue is that he appears to be a
true believer in the new president’s project of allying
Brazil with the Trump administration. Araujo’s
convictions are both more sophisticated and more
extreme than Bolsonaro’s own: the president seems
more ideologically flexible than his foreign minister, and
needs to maintain the loyalty of the military figures in
his cabinet, who are skeptical about aligning too
strongly with the United States.
Araujo’s ideological commitments, however, make him
unlikely to back down when faced with resistance from
the generals or from Itamaraty’s bureaucracy. And such
resistance is likely: Araujo’s January 2 speech will have
alienated many in the foreign ministry, which leans left,
prides itself on a strong commitment to multilateralism
and human rights, and distrusts the United States. In
Brazil, moreover, the foreign minister is normally drawn
from the ministry’s top ranks. Bolsonaro’s team may
have simply chosen Araujo because they were glad to
find an Itamaraty bureaucrat whose views at least partly
aligned with their own.
Without clout in the foreign service, Araujo will need
Bolsonaro’s support in order to enact his agenda. Much
will depend on his ability to establish a personal rapport
with Bolsonaro and his sons, who seem set on playing a
conspicuous role in foreign policy. Bolsonaro’s son
Eduardo, a Brazilian congressman, traveled to
Washington in December, where he met with
Republican Senators Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio as well
as Donald Trump, Jr. Araujo will also need to court
Filipe Martins, 30, an academic and special assistant to
Bolsonaro who secured Araujo his post and who has
recently been named as the liaison between the
president and the foreign ministry. A disciple of
Carvalho with an active social media presence, Martins
espouses a more tongue-in-cheek version of Araujo’s
nationalism. In October, for instance, he posted
an image of himself wearing a “Deus Vult” t-shirt. Deus
vult is Latin for “God wills it”—literally a reference to the
Crusades, it became a popular right-wing meme during
the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Martins has also
cultivated ties with the American right, meeting with
former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon in
November.
An early test for Araujo came at a January 4 meeting of
the Lima Group—eleven Latin American countries plus
Canada—who are opposed to the increasingly autocratic
rule of President Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela. Araujo
arrived at the meeting determined to obtain a robust
consensus for sanctions or other concrete penalties
against Maduro, but a joint statement criticizing
Maduro and expressing support for Venezuela’s
powerless legislature was all that he could secure.
Worse, Mexico, now ruled by the left-leaning President
Andrés Manuel López Obrador, refused to sign.
Araujo has set himself apart among Bolsonaro’s allies
with his comprehensive, learned, and extreme view of
world history and his sense of Brazil’s place within it. It
remains to be seen whether he will make his mark as a
renegade statesman who profoundly alters the trajectory
of Brazilian foreign policy or whether his ideas will be a
footnote to the more pragmatic attitudes of the rest of
Bolsonaro’s team. A fan of American football, Araujo
makes frequent references to Hail Mary passes in his
writing. If he truly wishes to transform Brazil’s place in
the world, he may soon be in need of one.