Chavín culture

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Chavín culture
Chavín
900 BC–200 BC

The area of the Chavín civilization, as well as areas with Chavín cultural influences
Status
Culture
Capital
Chavín de Huantar
Historical era
Pre-Columbian

• Established
900 BC
• Disestablished
200 BC

Succeeded by

Moche (culture)

The Chavín culture is an extinct, prehistoric civilization, named for Chavín de Huantar, the principal
archaeological site at which its artifacts have been found. The culture developed in the northern Andean
highlands of Peru from 900 BCE to 200 BCE. It extended its influence to other civilizations along the
coast.[1][2] The Chavín people (whose name for themselves is unknown) were located in the Mosna
Valley where the Mosna and Huachecsa rivers merge. This area is 3,150 metres (10,330 ft) above sea
level and encompasses the quechua, suni, and puna life zones.[3] In the periodization of pre-Columbian
Peru, the Chavín is the main culture of the Early Horizon period in highland Peru, characterized by the
intensification of the religious cult, the appearance of ceramics closely related to the ceremonial
centers, the improvement of agricultural techniques and the development of metallurgy and textiles.
The best-known archaeological site for the Chavín culture is Chavín de Huantar, located in the Andean
highlands of the present-day Ancash Region. It is believed to have been built around 900 BCE and was
the religious and political center of the Chavín people.[3] It has been designated a UNESCO World
Heritage Site.

Contents
1
Achievements
2
Language
3
Architecture
4
Art
5
Sphere of influence
6
Chavín horizon development
6.1
Pre-Chavín levels
6.2
Chavín levels
7
Presence of elite
8
Religion and ritual
8.1
Sacred spaces ritual architecture
8.2
Practices and ceremonies
8.3
Religious art
8.4
Deities
8.5
Religious figures
9
Gallery
10
See also
11
References
12
Sources
13
External links
Achievements[edit]

Chavín Gold Crown Formative Epoch 1200-300 BCE Larco Museum Collection, Lima.
The chief example of architecture is the Chavín de Huantar temple. The temple's design shows complex
innovation to adapt to the highland environments of Peru. To avoid the temple's being flooded and
destroyed during the rainy season, the Chavín people created a successful drainage system. Several
canals built under the temple acted as drainage. The Chavín people also showed advanced acoustic
understanding. During the rainy season water rushes through the canals and creates a roaring sound and
creates a noise like a jaguar, a sacred animal. The temple was built of white granite and black
limestone, neither of which is found near the Chavín site. This meant that leaders organized many
workers to bring the special materials from far away rather than use local rock deposits. They also may
have been traded from different civilizations in the area.
The Chavín culture also demonstrated advanced skills and knowledge in metallurgy, soldering, and
temperature control. They used early techniques to develop refined gold work. The melting of metal
had been discovered at this point and was used as a solder.[4]
The people domesticated camelids such as llamas. Camelids were used for pack animals, for fiber, and
for meat. They produced ch'arki, or llama jerky.[5] This product was commonly traded by camelid
herders and was the main economic resource for the Chavín people. The Chavín people also
successfully cultivated several crops, including potatoes, quinoa, and maize. They developed an
irrigation system to assist the growth of these crops.[6]
Language[edit]
There is an absence of written language,[7] so the language spoken by the Chavín people is not known,
but it is likely now extinct.[8] Some anthropologists have proposed that it was a form of Proto-
Quechuan, reasoning that the Quechuan languages' highly regular morphology and syntax compared to
surrounding languages would have been useful for allowing intelligible communication between
communities separated by mountain ranges, as some Chavín groups were.[9] On the other hand,
Alfredo Torero dates the Proto-Quechuan languages to around the beginning of the first millennium
CE.
Architecture[edit]
Chavín de Huantar was the place of origin of the second large-scale political entity in the central
Andes, and this is mainly due to the extensive architecture at the site[10] as well as the architecture
being considered an engineering accomplishment.[7] The site uses both internal and external
architecture. Internal architecture refers to galleries, passageways, rooms, staircases, ventilation shafts
and drainage canals. External architecture refers to plazas, platform mounds and terraces.[11]
Construction of the Old Temple took place from around 900 to 500 BCE, and construction of the New
Temple, the structure that was constructed and added on to the Old Temple, took place from around 500
to 200 BCE. The lack of residential structures, occupational deposits, generalized weaponry and
evidence of storage further make the site's architecture more interesting, as it focuses mainly on the
temples and what lies inside of them.[12]
The monumental center at Chavín de Huantar was built in at least 15 known phases, all of which
incorporate the 39 known episodes of gallery construction. The earliest known construction stage, the
Separate Mound Stage, consisted of separate buildings[11] and do not conform, necessarily, to the U-
shaped pattern seen in the Initial Horizon Period and the Early Horizon Period. During the Expansion
Stage, construction integrated stepped platforms and created contiguous U-shaped form by connecting
the buildings, which now surround open spaces. At this stage, galleries are elaborate in form and
features. During the Black and White Stage, all known plazas (the Plaza Mayor, Plaza Menor and the
Circular Plaza) were constructed. As construction came to an end, galleries took on a more
standardized look.[11] By the end of the growth process, buildings become plazas with a U-shaped
arrangement and an east-west axis bisecting the inclosed space. The axis also intersects the Lanzón.[10]
Modifications were done during all stages of construction to maintain access to the internal architecture
of the site.[11] There was a high level of interest in maintaining access to internal architecture and
sacred elements of the site. Internal architecture was constructed as part of a single design and was
intricately incorporated with the external architecture.[11] Including lateral and asymmetrical growth
allowed for these sacred elements to remain visible, including the Lanzón.
The Lanzón Gallery was created from an earlier freestanding structure that was then transformed into a
stone-roofed internal space by constructing around it. The Lanzón was possibly present before the
roofing, as it is likely that the Lanzón predates the construction of mounds and plazas.[10] In general,
galleries follow construction patterns, which indicates a massive effort in design and planning.
Maintaining these galleries over time was important to architects.[11] The galleries are known to be
windowless, dead ends, sharp turns and changes in floor height, all of which were designed to disorient
people walking in them.[13]
A combination of symmetry and asymmetry were used in the design and planning of the site
construction, and in fact guided the design. There were centered placements of staircases, entrances and
patios, all of which were consistently prominent. In the last stages of construction, due to constraints,
centeredness was no longer possible, so architects shifted to constructing symmetrical pairs. Externally,
buildings were asymmetrical to each other.[11]
The primary construction materials used were quartzite and sandstone, white granite and black
limestone. Alternate coursing of quartzite was used in the major platforms, while white sandstone and
white granite were used interchangeably in the architecture, and were almost always cut and polished.
Granite and black-veined limestone were the raw materials used in almost all of the engraved lithic art
at the site. Granite was also used extensively in the construction of the Circular Plaza.[10]
Stone-faced platform mounds at the site were made using an orderly fill of rectangular quartzite blocks
in leveled layers. Platforms were built directly on top of fallen wall stones from earlier constructions, as
there were little to no attempt to remove debris.[10]
Art[edit]
Chavín Art

Incised Strombus-Shell Trumpet, 400-200 B.C.E, Brooklyn Museum. This shell trumpet was probably
made for ceremonial use. The incised designs depict a person of high rank, indicated by his facial
tattoos and ankle ornament, playing a shell trumpet. The figure is surrounded by snakes, including one
that emanates from the instrument. The twisting and intertwined snakes may indicate the power of the
trumpet to communicate with supernatural beings.

The Lanzón at Chavín, still image from a video of a photo-textured point cloud using 3D scanner data
collected by nonprofit CyArk.
The Chavín culture represents the first widespread, recognizable artistic style in the Andes. Chavín art
can be divided into two phases The first phase corresponding to the construction of the Old Temple at
Chavín de Huantar (c. 900–500 BCE); and the second phase corresponding to the construction of
Chavín de Huantar's New Temple (c. 500–200 BCE).
Chavín art is known for its complex iconography and its mythical realism.[14] There is constant
evidence within all types of art (ceramics, pottery, sculptures, etc.) of human-animal interactions, which
was reflective of societal interconnections and how the Chavín people viewed themselves connected
with the other world.[7]
Some other iconography found in Chavín art continues to give a glimpse as to what the culture was
like, such as the general evidence of the use of psycho-active plants in ritual. The San Pedro Cactus is
often seen on various art forms, sometimes being held by humans, which is used as evidence to support
the use of the plant.[15]
A general study of the coastal Chavín pottery with respect to shape reveals two kinds of vessels a
polyhedral carved type and a globular painted type.[16] Stylistically, Chavín art forms make extensive
use of the technique of contour rivalry. The art is intentionally difficult to interpret and understand,
since it was intended only to be read by high priests of the Chavín cult, who could understand the
intricately complex and sacred designs. The Raimondi Stele is one of the major examples of this
technique. Ceramics, however, do not appear to represent the same stylistic features that are found on
sculptures.[14]
Chavín art decorates the walls of the temple and includes carvings, sculptures and pottery. Artists
depicted exotic creatures found in other regions, such as jaguars and eagles, rather than local plants and
animals. The feline figure is one of the most important motifs seen in Chavín art. It has an important
religious meaning and is repeated on many carvings and sculptures. Eagles are also commonly seen
throughout Chavín art. There are three important artifacts which are the major examples of Chavín art.
These artifacts are the Tello Obelisk, tenon heads, and the Lanzón.
Tello Obelisk is a vertical, rectangular shaft with a step-like notch at the top. The obelisk is carved in
relief on all four sides and consists of two representations of a single-type creature. The head, body and
tail occupy one or the other broad sides, while the legs, genitalia and other subsidiary elements occupy
the narrow sides. These creatures have been interpreted as a cat-dragon type of creature (by Tello) and
as a cayman (by Rowe and Lathrop).[17] The large artifact may portray a creation myth.
Tenon heads are found throughout Chavín de Huantar and are one of the most well-known images
associated with the Chavín civilization. Tenon heads are massive stone carvings of fanged jaguar heads
which project from the tops of the interior walls.
Possibly the most impressive artifact from Chavín de Huantar is the Lanzón. The Lanzón is a 4.53-
meter-long carved granite shaft displayed in the temple. The shaft extends through an entire floor of the
structure and the ceiling. It is carved with an image of a fanged deity, a recurring image throughout the
Chavín civilization.[18] The Lanzón is found in a gallery inside of the Old Temple. The sculpture is
enhanced by the four openings of the chamber it lies in, making it so that it allows only partial and
segmented views. In rollout drawings, the figures depicted are coherent to interpreters, but it's
important to note that this is not how the Lanzón is meant to be seen.[19]
Sphere of influence[edit]

Chavín Feline-and-Cactus Stirrup Vessel, HorizonEarly Intermediate

The Chavín culture had a wide sphere of influence throughout surrounding civilizations, especially
because of their location at a trade crossing point between the deserts and Amazon jungle. For example,
Pacopampa, located north (about a 3-week trek) of Chavín de Huantar, has renovations on the main
temple that are characteristic of Chavín culture. Caballo Muerto, a coastal site in the Moche Valley
region, has an adobe structure created during renovation of the main temple, the adobe related to
Chavín influence. Garagay, a site in the modern-day Lima region, has variations of the characteristic
Chavín iconography, including a head with mucus coming from the nostrils. At the site of Cerro
Blanco, in the Nepena valley, excavations revealed Chavín ceramics.
Warfare does not seem to have been a significant element in Chavín culture. The archaeological
evidence shows a lack of basic defensive structures in Chavín centres, and warriors are not depicted in
art, in notable contrast to the earlier art at Cerro Sechín. Effective social control may have been
exercised by religious pressure, and the ability to exclude dissidents from managed water resources.
The climate and terrain of the neighbouring areas outside the managed land were a daunting option for
farmers wishing to flee the culture.[20] Evidence of warfare has been found only in contemporaneous
sites that were not influenced by Chavín culture, almost as if those other civilizations were defending
themselves via warfare from Chavín cultural influence.[1][dubious – discuss]
Chavín culture as a style, and probably as a period, was widespread, stretching from Piura on the far
north coast to Paracas on the south coast; and from Chavín in the north highlands to Pukara in the south
highlands.[21]
Chavín horizon development[edit]

The Chavín culture had its development nucleus in the Huari Province (Ancash Region), covering
various ecological zones, in the view of the lagoon Parón in the natural region of Janca.
Some scholars argued that the development of Chavín social complexities coincided with the
cultivation of maize and development of agricultural surpluses. Through an analysis of carbon isotope
in the human bones found at Chavín sites, researchers have proved that the diet consisted mainly of C3
foods such as potatoes and quinoa, while maize, a C4 food, was not a part of the main diet. Potato and
quinoa were crops better adapted to the Chavín environment. They are more resistant to the frost and
irregular rain fall associated with high-altitude environments. Maize would not have been able to thrive
in such conditions.[2]
Pre-Chavín levels[edit]
The Kotosh Religious Tradition preceded the Chavín culture at various sites. Some Kotosh elements
show links with the Chavín culture, such as for example the ceramic styles.[22][23]
Prior to Kotosh was the Wairajirca Period. This is when the first pottery appeared. The Mito tradition
was even earlier. This was a preceramic tradition. Nevertheless, public buildings were constructed.
Chavín levels[edit]
The Chavín culture archaeological horizon, itself, has three ceramic stages. They were originally
identified through stratified ceramics and encompass three stages of development for the Chavín
culture.
Urabarriu, the first stage, extends from 900 to 500 BCE. During this time at Chavín de Huantar, two
small residential areas, not located directly surrounding the ceremonial center, housed a few hundred
people in total. This phase showed the greatest animal diversity. The people hunted mainly deer and
began to hunt and use camelids. They ate clams and shellfish from the Pacific Ocean, as well as guinea
pigs and birds. Chavín people grew some maize and potatoes during this phase.[5] The ceramics in the
Urabarriu stage are highly influenced by other cultures.[1] The archeological evidence suggests
dispersed centers of production for ceramics, probably in response to a low demand from the dispersed
population.[24]
The Chakinani, 500 to 400 BCE, is a short time of transition in Chavín culture. During this time the
residents migrated to surround the ceremonial center. The Chavín began to domesticate the llama and
reduced deer hunting. Evidence of increased exchange with outside civilizations is also seen at this
time.[1]
The Jarabarriu, the final stage of the Chavín Horizon, lasted from about 400 to 250 BCE. Chavín
culture had a dramatic increase in population. The settlement pattern changed to a proto-urban pattern,
consisting of a center of lowland valley peoples and smaller satellite communities in the surrounding
higher altitude areas. The culture showed specialization and social differentiation. The people who
lived in the east at Chavín de Huantar are thought to have had lower prestige than the communities
around the ceremonial center.[1] A diverse and intense production of ceramics is suggested during the
Jarabarriu phase, when the valley was heavily populated and the ceramic style more defined. Satellite
communities also developed centers of production during this phase.[24]
Presence of elite[edit]

The Raimondi Stela from the Chavín Culture, Ancash, Peru.

Snuff tablet, sea mammal bone, Lombards Museum.

At Chavín, power was legitimized through the belief in the small elite having a divine connection;
shamans derived power and authority from their claim to a divine connection.[dubious – discuss] The
community believed in and had a desire to connect with the divine. With asymmetrical power, there is
often evidence of the manipulation of traditions. Strategic manipulation is a vehicle of change which
shamans could use to produce authority. During the Chavín horizon, large changes were taking place.
[25][26]
The greater degree of elaboration of persuasion evident in the rites, materials, and settings of the belief
system, the more likely that not only were the leaders aware of being self-serving in their actions but
also they were actually conscious of the trajectory change. [25] The archeological evidence shows
several examples of reinterpretation, use of psychotropic drugs, and landscape altering. It also shows
the complex planning and construction of stone-walled galleries.[25]
The concept of invented tradition refers to a situation in which outside elements are newly brought
together to depict a seemingly old tradition. This can be seen generally in the architecture at Chavín de
Huantar, which bring together many aspects of outside cultures to create a unique new, yet traditional
appearance.[25][26][27]
The use of psychotropic drugs introduces a medium for manipulation. Only indirect evidence supports
the use of psychotropic drugs, as noted above. Scholars have not been able to determine if the San
Pedro cactus was ingested, who consumed the cactus only the shaman elite, or more widespread among
the masses. If the masses were taking the cactus, they would be more susceptible to the influences of
the shamans. If the shamans were the only ones to consume it, the practice may have been sacred and a
status symbol. The shamans would be perceived to have special powers to connect with nature and the
divine.[25][26]
The extensive degree of landscape altering at Chavín de Huantar for temple reconstructions shows that
someone or a group of people had the power to plan the reconstructions and influence others to carry
out those plans. The large constructions that occurred at this site support the hypothesis of
asymmetrical power.[25][26]
Finally, the planning and construction of the stone-walled galleries, in particular, suggest a hierarchical
system. In addition to the requirement to command and direct the manpower required, the galleries
show unique planning. They allowed only one entrance; this is atypical of the time when rooms
commonly had multiple entrances and exits. The iconography on the walls of the stone galleries is
highly complex. The complexity suggests that only a select few people were able to understand the
iconography; such people would serve as translators for the few others who were privileged to view the
stone galleries. The limited access, both physically and symbolically, of the stone-walled galleries,
supports the existence of a shaman elite at Chavín de Huantar. The evolution of authority at Chavín
appears to have resulted from a planned strategy by the shamans and those who planned and
constructed the ceremonial center.[25]

Front view of the castle in the archeological site of Chavín de Huantar.

Religion and ritual[edit]
Religion and the practices which followed had a deeper connection to the sociopolitical and economic
aspects within the Chavin society.[28] Ritual activity for the Chavin is not fully understood, but a great
understanding of the overall ritual influence and impact that ritual had on the Chavin is more evident
through their architectural structures, offering deposits, and artistic remains, mainly through pictionary
displays.[28] Over time, the effects of ritual moved to be more intimate and exclusive, as evident with
the use and development of ritual space and architecture.[28] Religious figures played a large role in
how the site was designed and how rituals were oriented.
Sacred spaces ritual architecture[edit]
The overall architecture at Chavin had religious influence and significance. The sacred spaces and
structures within this society were evident to have ritualistic and potentially religious purposes.[28]
Understanding how the site of Chavin de Huantar is designed allows modern individuals to recognize
how the site reflects intentionality of the builders to relay a specific experience.[13] The site was
considered to be sensory, meaning that the architectural structure and design elicited a certain feeling
through the senses, through sight and touch.[13] It is perception, which is essentially a series of
physiological responses.[13] Sacred spaces, such as plazas, were designed to mainly disrupt visual
impact, meaning that the sacred architecture was designed to be experienced more so than actually
viewed.[28] People who designed and built the architecture at Chavin are understood to be priests or
religious leaders within the community.[12] Configuration of the site also emphasizes that there was a
presence of high-ranked officials.[12] The architecture within Chavin was dictated by these individuals
to keep the ritual elements of their culture prominent.[28] This was done so through the details and
formatting of each building, which in essence created the effect that those participating in the ritual
were experiencing their religious phenomena. Construction of the sacred ritual spaces was done with a
diverse labor pattern and no central authority was controlling the area during its actual construction.
[28] The ritual architecture of the Chavin is similar to other Andean coastal architecture.[28] The
earliest architectural forms on the site were plastered, rectangular chambers. One of these later housed
the Lanzon. The architecture of the Chavin site allowed for a rich and diverse ritual practice within the
ritualized spaces, leading scholars to speculate whether or not the Chavin served as a multi-ethnic
ceremonial center; the architecture, materials, and offerings might have been inspired by other cultures,
but there is a question as to whether or not it was symbolic of a greater diverse ritual practice.[28] The
ritual spaces themselves had a hierarchy, and legitimized and reflected cosmological and social order
and structure.[28]
The Chavin buildings and spaces used for ritual were constructed to elicit an experience, and
encompassed many of the overall architectural facets described previously. Two of the most well-noted
ritual spaces include the Old Temple and New Temple, with a shift to the New Temple as time
progressed.[28] Both temples featured pathways and deity worship spaces on the north and south
wings.[28] In addition to this, the temples, most notably the Old Temple, had deities carved into stone.
[29] The temples were conformed into a U-shaped area, encompassing a circular plaza.[28] The
temples featured ceremonial chambers and sacred hearths.[28] Another important structure designed
and utilized for ritual included plazas, of which there were many. The Circular Plaza in particular and
the Square Plaza were two of the sites primarily focused around ceremonial activity.[28]
Within the Chavin site was a structure which revealed rooms and galleries, speculated by
archaeologists to be used as “ritual chambers” for a variety of ceremonies, including what could have
been a ceremony surrounding fire.[28] Major use of underground space in the form of stone-lined
galleries that are often like labyrinths and run through the monuments’ major platforms and mounds
has been speculated to be a center for religious activity where ceremonies occurred in several different
contexts involving both audiences and participants.[12]
The open spaces of plazas versus the small restricted spaces of Chavin galleries in the temple shows
that there is a progression of how the ritual spaces and architecture was used, moving more from public
to private practice.[28] The gallery spaces are central to understanding the implications of the Chavin
ritual practices.[28]
In fact, these underground galleries were more than just a place of ritual. As was recently
discovered[when] by a team of archaeologists led by John Rick, through the use of all-terrain robots,
these galleries were the final resting place for, presumably, the temple's builders. The men's bodies
weren't buried in a very honorable way they were face-down, covered by rocks.[30] John Rick raised
the possibility, yet to be confirmed, that these people could very well have been sacrificed. This
discovery shed some light as to where the people of Chavín buried their dead, although there might be
other burial sites, as the director for the excavation said that he doesn't believe it was customary to bury
them in those galleries, just that it sometimes happened.[30] If it becomes known, through the study of
the remains, that they were indeed sacrificed, it could also serve to prove the theory that the galleries
were a place of ritual, but for now, we can only know for sure that it was the final resting place for the
men who built the temple.
The sizes of the spaces in the sacred spaces provided different amounts of room for people to
congregate.[28] External spaces such as the plazas had the ability to hold more individuals for ritual
practices. The Square Plaza could have held 5,200 individuals. The Circular Plaza could have held
around 600 individuals. Internal spaces within the temples, for example the galleries or hallways, could
have only held a small number.[28] Within the Lanzon gallery in the Old Temple, only around 15
people could have attended a ceremony, and within the canal entries only 2 to 4 people could have
witnessed the ceremony.
Practices and ceremonies[edit]
Ritualistic activity for the Chavin isn't necessarily original; it has deep roots connected to activities
from other Andean societies and cultures.[28] The rituals in the space might have been indicative of the
other diverse practices that took place at that time.[28]
The idea that the Chavin were looking for more followers and more participants in ritual leads scholars
to believe that it was entirely possible that they tried to coexist in ritual with Christian churches.[28]
The want for more followers extended more deeply than numbers, but rather the Chavin wanted to
establish a central authority as well as socially integrate diverse societies.[28] Ritual practice at this
time evolved and showed evidence of both public and private religion, and showed an increased
distance between participants and observers in public ceremonies.[28] Participants are termed in the
archaeology community as visitors to the site.[12] The transition was not immediate, as ancient
practices were highly appealed to frequently as rituals progressed.[28] There is debate as to whether or
not the Chavin practices were more hierarchical or heterarchical.[28] It is believed by archeologists that
for the Chavin to have the most successful and impactful rituals, they must be more condensed and
more private in their nature.[28] But other evidence shows that central areas reflected the lack of
hierarchy in ritual practice, and that the society utilized the open spaces to better demonstrate a more
inclusive religious experience.[28] This demonstrates that ritual practice might have been heterarchical
or hierarchical,[28] and reflects back to the ideas of their inclusivity with other religious institutions,
rituals, and traditions. Regardless, it is understood and well accepted that the Chavin were inclusive in
their ritual practices.
Important aspects of Chavin ritual activity and practice have been discovered to be processions,
offerings of different materials (exotic and valuable), and the use of water. One of these offerings can
be connected to the smashed pieces of obsidian found along with fragments of mirror.[28] Other
ceremonial acts for the Chavin included the smashing of pots[28] and ceremonies surrounding the use
of fire, held within certain areas of the Chavin site as a part of their ritual.[28] Artifacts in the temples
relay the ritual practice of offerings. Ceramics, for example, were believed to be offerings brought by
the pilgrims. Another artifact was a conch shell, used as a trumpet.[13] Art suggests that processions
were essential to disclosing that processions were an important part of Chavin ritual.[28] Other ritual
practices were produced by the shamans, such as divination, celestial observations, calendar
calculations, health, and healing.[29]
One other ritualistic element included the use of psychotropic drugs through cacti. The cacti provided a
psychedelic drug that caused a lot of sensory overloads. It has been displayed in art, specifically ashlar
blocks with costumed figures in procession carrying the cacti.[13] Ritual evidence in the architectural
remains shows that there was paraphernalia for grinding and ingesting snuff.[13] Artistic evidence
shows that certain drawings were done by shamans whilst under the influence of the psychedelic drugs.
[13]
Music also played a role in Chavin ritual. Strombus shell trumpets were found at Chavin sites.[28]
Trumpets were stored underground and it is believed that they were used by ritual practitioners, who
would use them and play in procession through the underground galleries.[13]
Religious art[edit]
Religious art is reflective of the landscape around the Chavin and everyday experiences they lived
through, including that which can be affiliated with religious practices. Art implied that there were
certain deities within the Chavin culture, as well as symbols indicative of ritualistic activities. Lithic
art, for example, indicates that processions were important to Chavin ritual.[28] Other artistic
expressions included images of jaguars and hybrid humans with felines, avians, and crocodilian
features.[13] These in particular are done through artistic interpretations and were believed to have
been done by shamans under the influence of the psychedelic drugs. In addition to animals, art reflected
plant life, including images of the cacti used as a psychedelic drug.
Deities[edit]
Deities were an important element in Chavín religious practice. Most important to the Chavín was the
Lanzón, the most central deity in Chavín culture, making the Lanzón central to religious practices.[28]
It is believed to be a founding ancestor who had oracle powers.[29] The statue of the Lanzón was
carved into a large stone and was found within the Old Temple.[28] It was originally in the rectangular
chamber,[28] and is considered to be the focal point of the Old Temple. It is carved out of stone and
stands at 4.5 meters tall.[29] The Lanzón is also represented in the New Temple. Other deities reflected
the landscape around the Chavín, including animals in nature and the cosmos, and included figures
such as crested eagles, hawks, serpents, crocodiles (caymans), and jaguars. They were intermingled
with human aspects, becoming more of a hybrid. The Chavín were also interested in binaries and
manipulating them, such as showing men and women, the sun and moon, and the sky and water in the
same image.
Religious figures[edit]
Religious figures played a role in the Chavin religious ritual. In general, individuals higher up in the
societal hierarchy had control over the management of the ritual activities and brought the Chavin ritual
into the society.[28] Shamans are most commonly understood to be the primary religious figure.
Leaders managed daily secular functioning, and it corresponded with authority figures leading from a
small group, rather than having one individual as the head figure.[29] They lived close to the temple in
residential buildings. Leaders demonstrated skills in understanding the supernatural world with the
ability to manipulate it, thus making them stand out to be a religious figure.
Gallery[edit]

The sandeel monolithic has a length of 5 meters and represents a Chavín deity. It is located in the
Ancient Temple in Chavín de Huantar.

Gold Chavín. Larco Museum, Lima

Gold Chavín

Chavín Gold Necklace

Condor head, at the National Museum of Chavín de Huantar.

Chavin nailed head

The tusks are present in all the arts of Chavín including in the sculpture as this nails head.

Nails head embedded in one of the walls of the temple of Chavín de Huantar.

Stela Chavín. National Museum Chavín de Huantar.

There are many Chavínes trails representing mythological creatures like this.

Stela Chavín with image of an ornithological.

Chavín stela depicting a brindle face. National Museum Chavín de Huantar.

The ceremonial centre of Kuntur Wasi, according to the latest archaeological research would be an
prechavín expression associated to felínico Chavín cult. Cajamarca Region.
Remains of Pacopampa, another prechavín expression of Formative stage period but remained an
important ceremonial centre like Chavín de Huantar, also located in the Cajamarca Region.

Model of the archaeological site of Chavín de Huantar.

The llama was the main representative of Chavín livestock.

See also[edit]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Chavin culture.

History of South America – Chavín
Caral
References[edit]
^
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a b c d e Burger, Richard L. 2008 Chavin de Huantar and its Sphere of Influence, In Handbook of
South American Archeology, edited by H. Silverman and W. Isbell. New York Springer, pp. 681–706
^
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a b Burger, Richard L., and Nikolaas J. Van Der Merwe (1990). Maize and the Origin of Highland
Chavín Civilization An Isotopic Perspective, American Anthropologist 92(1)85–95.
^
Jump up to
a b Burger (1992), Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization
^ Lothrop, S. K. (1951) Gold Artifacts of Chavin Style, American Antiquity 16(3)226–240
^
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a b Miller and Burger, 1995
^ Burger and Van Der Merwe, 1990
^
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a b c Conklin, William J. (2008). Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^ Wolfson, Nessa; Manes, Joan. Language of Inequality. p. 186.
^ Campbell, Lyle; Grondona, Verónica. The Indigenous Languages of South America A Comprehensive
Guide. p. 588.
^
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a b c d e Rick, John W. Context, Construction, and Ritual in the Development of Authority at Chavín de
Huantar. Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^
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a b c d e f g Kembel, Silvia Rodriguez. The Architecture at the Monumental Center of Chavín de
Huantar Sequence, Transformation and Chronology. Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^
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a b c d e Rick, John (2017). Rituals of the Past Prehispanic and Colonial Case Studies in Andean
Archaeology. University Press of Colorado. pp. 21–46. ISBN 9781607325963.
^
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a b c d e f g h i j Weismantle, Mary (2013). Making Senses of the Past Toward a Sensory Archaeology.
Southern Illinois University Press. pp. 113–133.
^
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a b Bischof, Henning. Context and Content of Early Chavín Art. Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^ Torres, Constantino Manuel. Chavín's Psychoactive Pharmacopoeia The Iconographic Evidence.
Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^ Tello, Julio C. (1943) Discovery of the Chavín Culture in Peru, American Antiquity 9(1, Countries
South of the Rio Grande)135–160.
^ Urton, Gary. The Body of Meaning in Chavín Art. Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^ Burger, Richard L. Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization. New York Thames and Hudson,
1992.
^ Cummins, Tom. The Felicitous Legacy of the Lanzón. Chavín Art, Architecture and Culture.
^ Burger (1992), pp. 78-79, 225, 65, 78
^ Bennett, Wendell C. (1943) The Position of Chavin in Andean Sequences, Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 86(2, Symposium on Recent Advances in American Archeology)323–
327.
^ Izumi and Sono, 1963, p. 155
^ Seiichi IZUMI, Pedro J. CUCULIZA, Chiaki KANO, INTRODUCTION, Bulletin No.3
EXCAVATIONS AT SHILLACOTO, HUANUCO, PERU. Archived 2003-01-13 at the Wayback
Machine The University Museum, University of Tokyo, 1972
^
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a b Druc, Isabelle C. 2004 Ceramic Diversity in Chavín De Huantar, Peru, Latin American Antiquity
15(3)344–363.
^
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a b c d e f g John W. Rick, The Evolution of Authority and Power at Chavín de Huantar, Peru, review-
article, 15 April 2005
^
Jump up to
a b c d Kembel, Silvia Rodriquez and John W. Rick. (2004) Building Authority at Chavin de Huantar
Models of Social Organization and Development in the Initial Period and Early Horizon, in Andean
Archaeology, Malden, Massachusetts Blackwell Pub
^ Burger, Richard (1992) Sacred Center at Chavin de Huantar, In The Ancient Americas Art from
Sacred Landscapes, Chicago Art Institute of Chicago, and Museum of Fine Arts, Houston.
^
Jump up to
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an Contreras, Daniel
A. (2017). Rituals of the Past Prehispanic and Colonial Case Studies in Andean Archaeology.
University of Colorado. pp. 51–77.
^
Jump up to
a b c d e Peregrine et a., P. N. (2002). Chavin. Encyclopedia of Prehistory – via 41.
^
Jump up to
a b Robots help find new underground galleries in Peru's Chavín de Huántar. The Archaeology News
Network. Retrieved 2018-09-19.
Sources[edit]
Bennett, Wendell C. (1943) The Position of Chavin in Andean Sequences, Proceedings of the American
Philosophical Society 86(2, Symposium on Recent Advances in American Archeology), [323–327].
Burger, Richard L. and Nikolaas J. Van Der Merwe. Maize and the Origin of Highland Chavin
Civilization An Isotopic Perspective, American Anthropologist 92, 1 (1990), [85–95].
Burger, Richard L. 1992 Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization. New York Thames and
Hudson.
Burger, Richard L. 1992 Sacred Center at Chavin de Huantar. In The Ancient Americas Art from Sacred
Landscapes. Chicago Art Institute of Chicago. Art Institute of Chicago, and Museum of Fine Arts,
Houston.
Burger, Richard L. 2008 Chavin de Huantar and its Sphere of Influence, In Handbook of South
American Archeology, edited by H. Silverman and W. Isbell. Springer, New York, [681–706].
Druc, Isabelle C. 2004 Ceramic Diversity in Chavín De Huantar, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 15(3),
[344–363].
Kanåo, Chiaki. 1979 The Origins of the Chavin Culture. Washington, D.C. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees
for Harvard University.
Kembel, Silvia Rodriquez and John W. Rick. 2004 Building Authority at Chavin de Huantar Models of
Social Organization and Development in the Initial Period and Early Horizon. In Andean Archaeology.
Malden, Massachusetts Blackwell Publishing.
Lothrop, S. K. Gold Artifacts of Chavin Style Society for American Anthropology 16, 3 (1951), [226–
240].
Mann, Charles C. (July 2011). Writing, Wheels, and Bucket Brigades. 1491 New Revelations of the
Americas Before Columbus (2nd ed.). New York Vintage Books. pp. 273–274. ISBN 978-1-4000-
3205-1.
Miller, George R. and Richard L. Burger. Our Father the Cayman, Our Dinner the Llama Animal
Utilization at Chavin de Huantar, Peru, American Antiquity 60, 3 (1995). [421–458]
Tello, Julio C. Discovery of the Chavin Culture in Peru, American Antiquity 9, 1 (1943), [135–160], As
you can see the Chavin influenced many other civilizations!
Enter The Jaguar Mike Jay 2005.
External links[edit]
httpwww.ancient.euChavin_Civilization Ancient History Encyclopedia
Library resources about
Chavín culture

Online books
Resources in your library
Resources in other libraries
(in Spanish) Peru Cultural website
Minnesota State University e-museum
Chavín de Huantar Digital Media Archive (Creative Commons-licensed photos, laser scans,
panoramas), data from a Stanford UniversityCyArk research partnership (see Exploring Chavín de
Huantar link above for additional contextual information)
Chavín Project with a bibliography and external links
Chavín Culture
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Pre-Columbian civilizations and cultures
Categories Chavin cultureHistory of PeruPre-Columbian culturesIndigenous peoples of the Andes10th-
century BC establishments3rd-century BC disestablishments