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INTRODUCTION 2
POEM 29
Sharon Howell
Frank Brodhead
LETTER 81
INTRODUCTION
The successful deployment of new American missiles in Europe, against widespread and
bitter opposition, provides the background to several articles in this issue. Portrayed as a
major foreign policy success for the Reagan administration, the legacy of deployment holds
consequences for politics in Europe and the U . S . which have yet to unfold. The articles from
Germany (by Hans Betz and Jamie Goldfein) and from Italy (by Elisabetta Addis and
Nicoletta Tiliacos) represent strikingly different responses from the European political con
text that is developing after Cruise.
Betz discusses the new missiles as a symbol of Germany's inability to resist US military
domination. He explores the central role nationalism is coming to play in public discussion
on both the Right and Left, propelled by a popular view of Germany as an "occupied coun
try . " Addis and Tiliacos , on the other hand, describe a generation of feminists returning to
left politics, compelled by the issues of war and peace, which are made stark by the missile
deployment. We found their discussion of the feminist contribution to anti-nuclear politics,
including the debates among Italian feminists, fresh and provocative . It both challenges and
extends US feminist thinking about these issues.
Along with Addis and Tiliacos, Lynne Hanley's article in the current issue begins a
2
feminist critique of the division between "the Tiliacos, on the other hand, describe TMG's ef
world of men and the world of women, " and its forts at "detente from below, " behind and
implications for a culture engaged in prepara beyond the walls and borders that keep women
tions for war. Looking at the relationship of contained and divided from one another .
literature to war, she proposes that the human Walls and borders, the politics of bloc con
type who "produces, disseminates and uses the frontation, haunt the entire European political
hardware [of war] . . . stands forth sharply as a landscape, nowhere more starkly than in Ger
man . " Turning to Virginia Woolf's Three many, as Hans Betz reminds us in his article on
Guineas, Hanley suggests that it is the release of the politics of national identity in West Ger
men from daily concerns, the world of women many. He examines how political and cultural
and children, that gives them the leisure and the debates about the meaning of nationalism not
license to perpetuate the culture and the only fuel the Right in Germany, but especially
technology of war. The male assumption that important, divide and confuse the Left. As he
women remain protected and largely untouched sees it, the German Left's disenchantment with
by war fuels the separation and undercuts the internationalism, combined with powerlessness
legitimacy of women's protest. in the face of US missiles has led the Left into a
By focusing primarily on the role of men in revived consideration of what it means to be
silencing women, Hanley illuminates but "German" and how to connect to German his
sidesteps a central debate: "Why are women es tory, especially the legacy of fascism . This is
pecially interested in peace? " or "What is the
distinct contribution of feminism to the peace
movement? " Italian feminist debates speak to
the questions ; Addis and Tiliacos assert that
women's authority to address the issues of war
,
and peace derives directly from the feminist
3
thorny ground, given the historical reality of German Right. Framing their arguments in
Nazism among still-living Germans and the terms of the differences between cultures ,
presence of a Right that is happy to reclaim without an underlying assumption of their com
German identity from an "American-imposed" mon rights, these writers encourage and sustain
(and by implication, unjustified) guilt. the hostility to "foreigners" (immigrant
While not as extreme, US leftists too must workers and those seeking political asylum)
struggle with "national" questions . How much which Jamie Goldfein so vividly describes in
do we, as some populists argue, attempt to her "Letter From Berlin. " As part of a recent
ground our goals and values in a (progressive) crackdown by the West German government,
reading of American history? Does the reclaim guards enter the subways of Berlin looking for
ing of that history as our political and cultural potential "terrorists"-those who don't look
heritage remain a racist and sexist undertaking? German. We know all too well the legacy of
Those of us with white Southern roots find this separating Jews from Germans .
a particularly provocative problem. How can In his article on the recent election in the
we identify a progressive tradition among white Philippines, Frank Brodhead recasts his notion
southerners which does not gloss over the deep of the 'demonstration election' in light of re
legacy of racism which permeates the political cent events .! This election technique has been
history and culture of the region? Such ques used by the US since the 1 960s in Third World
tions find resonance in the dilemmas that Betz countries such as Vietnam, the Dominican Re
presents facing German leftists today. public and EI Salvador, to "demonstrate" to
Similarly, the critique of technology and the US population the necessity of expanded
growth which increasingly characterizes both military involvement in the interest of
the Right and Left in Germany can be troubling. democracy. The media's complicity in the view
An important contribution of the Greens, for that democracy means "free elections" is one
example, has been their insistence on a " third of Brodhead's central themes. He elucidates the
way" which rejects the industrial imperatives of essential role the media has played in framing
both capitalist and Soviet-style "progress. " the demonstration election as a gripping politi
Yet, as Betz argues , these same concerns can cal drama for the US audience, and decodes the
play into a return to romantic "volk" argu steps that go into making the event a crowd
ments which were a critical part of the pleaser.
mythology that fueled Nazism. Can a German The elections in the Philippines were prompt
Left challenge centralization and destructive ed, initially, very much as a demonstration-to
growth while recognizing the ways that mod bolster our military involvement there. Yet,
ern, city life has allowed escape-especially for many of the issues that elsewhere have been "off
women, gays and other "outsiders "-from the camera" came intensely into view. The incum
shackles of authoritarian, paternalistic, "tradi bent's use of violence, fraud and coercion, the
tion "? severe limits on the opposition, the total control
The Right in the US has not abandoned of the local press, the money and guns used to
technology or the imperatives of capitalist induce voter participation-these previously
growth-witness the continued support for nu hidden dimensions of US-sponsored elections
clear power and weaponry. But it does ask us to were suddenly on the agenda.
return to traditional family and community Yet, Brodhead argues against the media's
roots and to abandon the decadence and depen own view that it was a catalyst for a major
dence of fast-paced urban life. In the US too, change in US foreign policy toward the Philip
many socialists and feminists have expressed pines, that it forced the Reagan administration
yearnings for more "natural" structures and to back off and finally drop Marcos . He sug
ways of living. So we, also, may need to con gests that it was only when significant sectors of
sider where apparent agreement with conser the US elite withdrew from Marcos that the
vative arguments signals the need to reconsider press opened its files on the regime's brutality,
our own positions . Finally, Betz describes the if not its memory of two decades of unwavering
disturbing development of "eco-racism" on the US support.
4
It has been widely noted that the Reagan ad of building a movement, Brodhead reminds us
ministration is adept at using the media, par that the US media is not independent. In the
ticularly T. V . , to define agendas, set political cases he analyses, the media's commitment to
terms, build enthused audiences and dismiss democracy as a method, not a content, ties it to
political opposition. Staged events view the the existing policy frameworks, and enables its
people as extras. Yet, despite the best laid adaptation when these seem to be challenged
plans, the stage can become a sharply contested from below. Along with the feminist discus
territory. We wonder, if in sponsoring an elec sions in this issue, Brodhead 's article en
tion in Marcos ' Philippines , the US administra courages us to continue decoding the
tion overreached itself and now faces enormous ideological mainstays of the "Free World" and
risks in uncharted territory. The election its security.
became a stage upon which the Filipino people Also in this issue we include a tribute to Jean
displayed their political energy and will, took Genet by Michael Bronski. Jean Genet, French
actions which we doubt the political elites in playwright, novelist, and poet was a gay man of
either country anticipated, let alone directed. If letters for whom, as Bronski relates, the " sex
Reagan and the media were able to adapt in the ual imagination" was central. Not surprisingly,
case of the Philippines, we wonder how they given the character of Genet's work, the article
will respond to opposition demands for elec provoked discussion and debate among board
tions in Chile, South Korea, or Pakistan. members. Its appearance in the same issue with
What are the possibilities for a wedge bet Addis and Tiliacos raised the question of dif
ween the vision of US policy articulated by the ferences between how men and women respond
administration and that reported by the media? to Genet's embrace of violence and its link to
The current situation in South Africa suggests erotic life. Addis and Tiliacos maintain that the
that a gap can exist, as staged events by both fear of violence blocks the essential conflict bet
the US and South African governments con ween women and men. We wondered if the
tinually fall prey to both the strengthening homoerotic context, particularly relationships
black rebellion and the willingness of the press between men, provides a different view of
to bring those images into US homes. Yet the violence linked to eroticism, one which is dis
media's disagreement with the Reagan ad tant from the fear which Addis and Tiliacos
ministration over South Africa remains believe is a condition of women's lives. In fact,
discrete. It does not lead to a more general Bronski suggests a distinction in Genet between
skepticism about US policy elsewhere. the violence of eroticism and brutality, which is
violence by authorities or the state. The ques
Finally, what are the implications of
tion of violence/non-violence remains an im
Brodhead 's article for the anti-intervention and
portant one for activists, and we encourage our
anti-militarist movements in this country? It is
readers to respond with their thoughts and ex
not uncommon to hear discussions these days
periences about this issue.
of the importance of " using the media, " even
to hear that progres�ive organizations or those
FOOTNOTE
fighting referendai campaigns have hired
"media consultants " (at great expense) to help 1. Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead, Demonstra
them learn how. A frequent explanation for the tion Elections (Boston: South End Press).
5
CONFLICT,
FEAR, AN 0 SECURITY
IN THE NUCLEAR AGE:
The Challenge of the Feminist
Peace Movement in Italy
On March 10, 1983, three women from the Greenham Common Peace Camp were
sentenced by an English court never to speak of peace and war in public: a rather creative
use of English common law against women guilty of a non-violent demonstration against
Cruise missiles.
One year later , a group of women peace activists from Rome and Perugia organized a
national demonstration of women to protest the final deployment of Cruise missiles in Sicily
scheduled for March 15th. The demonstration was held on March 10th, and was a succes s .
The group which previously had n o name became known a s the "Tenth o f March Group. "
When they later found out about the Greenham Common sentence , they decided to keep the
name for its symbolic value.
In what follows, we recount the experience and the ideas of the "Tenth of March
Group " (TMG). Working at the crossroads of the feminist and peace movements, and asser
ting that women have an important and distinctive word to say on issues of peace and
weapons in the nuclear age, TMG gave birth to a stream of original thought and political ac
tions within the European Left .
The Italian version of this article was published in Memoria, No. 13 (1986). 7
TMG met for the first time in February 1 984 other than those situated directly at Comiso,
after seven well known women in the arts and Spiderweb defers to the decisions and strategy
the professions signed a 'manifesto' calling for of the mixed peace movement and the wider
a demonstration of women for peace "to break network of Italian Peace Committees.
the silence of women on peace and war " . The
'manifesto' evoked considerable enthusiasm
and also considerable criticism.
Some women, including the women of the
Collettivo Pompeo Magno, one of the first
feminist groups in Rome, feared that the
pacifist left could use the women's movement
for ends that were not women's own, thus
undermining the autonomy and the specificity
of feminist culture . Other women, especially
members of the Virginia Woolf Cultural
Center, another important group in the history
of Italian feminism, claimed that since women
had always suffered war passively, never
prepared or made it, there is no basis from
which women could transform this passive
denial into active opposition .
Nonetheless, a large group of women, which
was to become TMG, met to organize the
demonstration that brought fifty thousand
women into the streets of Rome on March 10,
1 984. After the demonstration, when the
organizers met to evaluate the results, they
de�ided that such a success was an indicator of
the need for a pacifist feminism, or a feminist
pacificism, or at any rate, that there was a
special connection between women 's issues and
the issues of peace and war.
Two other groups of women peace activists
existed before the 1 0th of March Group (TMG) In contrast, The Feminist Group Against
formed : the Ragnatela (Spiderweb) and the Weapons began its discussion on peace and war
Gruppa Feminista Donne Contro Ie A rmi from the standpoint of radical feminism, de
(Feminists Against Weapons). Spiderweb was nouncing the patriarchal structure of the family
born in 1981 at the peace camp around the and the male-dominated structure of society as
Comiso Base [site of American Cruise missile the source of militarism and authoritarianism.
deployment i n Sicily] when some women Therefore they refuse to cooperate with the
started an autonomous camp near the original mixed peace movement, even refusing the label
one. The central idea behind the Ragnatela "pacifist. " The unique character of weapons of
action was the need to bear witness to the the nuclear age, a central theme of Spiderweb
possibility of an aiternative way of life; the dai and TMG, does not receive particular attention
ly practice of nonviolence brings people closer from this group .
to each other and to nature. This vision re At its beginni�g, TMG included members of
quired living for long stretches of time at the both these groups, women who were already ac
Camp, both to experience this way of life and tive in various organizations of the Left (trade
to continuously remind people of the scandal of unions, press, parties, and especially the peace
the missiles. For their general orientation movement) , and women who had moved from
regarding conventional politics and for actions militancy on the Left to the separatist feminist
8
wave of the late seventies. The latter felt an discussion and direction after the demonstra
urgency to return to leftist politics at a time tion, the TMG organized a meeting, which was
when, on the one hand, the central gains of the held in Santa Severa at the end of May 1 984.
Left in the seventies were and continue to be
under attack, and, on the other, nuclear
8 1983
'�SO MAKZ�"
missiles were being installed at Comiso. Not marzo
withstanding this urgency, they wanted to INCONTRO INTERNAZIONALE
organize in separate women's groups in order �7�
to generate autonomous , original thought and
to discern and combat the sexism in conven
tional peace work.
, .;
t " ' � 'iJ. / I
Those women who were active in the Peace . .,."�fr\.�"'"
Committees were especially aware of this latter
problem. In the peace movement, women are
�..
very important at the rank-and-file level, both tUJn(L
because of their large numbers and because of
u
the impact of their style and ideas on the whole
movement . But, as one goes up the ladder of .vn {UU-
Coordination Committees , men prevail, both in
CONTRa PER
number and in the tendency to re-enact the
gerarchia autodeterminazione
power games, competition, and tactics of con militarismo denuclearizzazione
ventional politics . Thus, the physical presence sfruttamento lavoro libcrato
violenza sessuale spazi per incontrarci
and political ideas of women are unrecognized, disastro ecologico mare pulito
and the innovative power of the peace move forza distruttiva forza creativa
ment is itself weakened. The peace movement delega della vita responsabilita della vita
r���
claimed that its particular character lay in
challenging structures of domination, in refus
ing to prevail, one over another . It meant to
..
change the way in which we think about fight
ing, conflict, victory, security, to change the
..
" Women and disarmament . against hierarchy,
way in which we relate to the frightening
militarism, exploitation, sexual violence, ecological
'alien . ' Similarly, conflict, victory, security bet disaster . for self-determination, denuclearization,
ween the sexes are themes that the feminist liberated work, space for encounters, unpolluted seas
movement has been debating in depth since its . . . "from Feminism in Italy.
new upsurge in the seventies .
Thus, the women who founded the TMG The Santa Severa conference on pacifism and
acted on the need to integrate the schizoid feminism lasted three days, and it was attended
separation between their activities on the Peace by about 1 50 women from all over Italy.
Committees and their feminist experience; and The preliminary papers and the discussion
because, as active feminists, they wanted to ap sessions at Santa Severa focused around three
ply their own ideas and method of political main themes.
work to that 'extreme level of politics ' : war,
peace and world survival. The starting point of Violence Silences Conflict
TMG's work was a clear acknowledgement that
the theoretical ground on which to justify a The first was an inquiry into the dynamics of
peculiarly feminist pacifism had yet to be ex conflict and violence in the relationship be
plored in depth and to be made explicit . The tween the sexes . Feminism recognizes and
question "Why are we, as women, as feminists, assumes an inherent conflict between women
especially interested in peace and capable of and men. As a consequence, feminists value
fighting against nuclear war? " had not yet been facing conflict as a positive means of develop
fully answered. In response to this need for ment, calling for women to overcome their fear
9
and to articulate their own rights and positions. day on the meaning of life and death. The fear
Feminism rejects violence , which silences con of nuclear war is at the same time the fear of
flict. Conflict can and must be solved in other surviving a nuclear holocaust. The primal in
ways, by seeking a non-destructive form rather stinct of survival gets turned upside down when
than the annihilation of the opponent . we face an event where death would be more
"Violence appears as a true denial of conflict in desirable than any aftermath. We come to fear
the life of people and of countries . This is even more the triangle of death, survival, and the state of
true in the nuclear age. What is the relationship bet suspension that the world arms race creates .
ween the conflict we need in order to 'live, not sur There is no escaping this prelude to nuclear ter
vive' and the limits to the possibilities of our life and ror: it is called security.
political action imposed by the conflict between the
superpowers? . . . Conflict in the nuclear age has this
Women are used to daily fear, to accepting
paradoxical character. The nuclear weapon is a
themselves as people who feel fear [ . . . ] it is
weapon that cannot win without destroying the
something they know how to deal with, while
other. Yet, you cannot destroy the other without at
for men, fear and admitting fear is trans
same time destroying yourself, " (Santa Severa
gressive. It is because they can acknowledge
Preliminary Papers, forthcoming. )
fear that women can imagine the utopian
details of a world without fear. ("Paura e
The Invasion That I s Already Here
Utopia," Santa Severa Papers, forthcoming)
A second theme was the invasion that is Men's Reason and Women's Bodies
already there, the invasion of war into daily life
and into our social imagery and the positive A third theme combined an analysis of ra
value that fear can assume. Nuclear weapons tionality with an analysis of the different ways
do not affect our life only if and when they are in which women perceive their bodies, nature
used. They affect the way we think and act to- and life. How did it happen that the 'rational '
Among the signs: violence! is the division of roles between men and women, violence! is being afraid, violence! is prostitution,
violence! is conjugal duty, violence! is part time work, from Feminism in Italy.
10
approach to the problem of security led to the
crazy result that the entire planet could be
destroyed in the name of this very same ra
tionality? Does the fact that women bear life in
their wombs affect the way in which they think
of its destruction? Does women 's relationship
to motherhood, the experience of developing
and nurturing an 'other' inside and outside
their bodies, influence their perception of dif
ference, the dynamics of the 'other'?
With these questions in mind, TMG dis
cussed and tried to answer the arguments of
Alessandra Bocchetti* , who in her "Discourse
on women, peace and war , " had argued in
favor of women's intrinsic indifference to and
estrangement from the issue of peace and war.
Bocchetti 's approach to the issue of women and
war in her essay extends the tradition estab
"Abortion, The Alternative of Self-Management, " from
lished by Virginia Woolf in her essay, "Three
, Feminism in Italy.
Guineas . '
que awareness women have of their bodies.
A woman has at least three strong reasons that
This discussion of men and women, dif
make her more a body than a man: the fact of
ference and power moved the Santa Severa
biological motherhood, the cultural attitude
called maternal, and the feeling of her body as Conference to rethink another key subject
prey. This unavoidable consciousness of within both feminism and the peace movement :
bodies is for women a kind of material self-determination. The perspective of nuclear
thought: women think through the experience war changes the traditional meaning of in
of their bodies. If abstract thought is that dividual death and life, denies the value of the
thought that forgets/denies the body, then individual person, his/her own will, his/her
women are incapable of abstract thought, of own choice. Through feminism women
Pure Thought. [ . . . ) More than anything else, achieved a sense of self as a woman, in a collec
women could not have thought this war
tive process of individual reevaluation. They
[nuclear war). Women are extraneous to the
feel, therefore, that nuclear weapons pose an
logic, to the system, to the science which
extreme threat to the 'personhood' that they
prepared war, and to the mental imagery that
allowed it. Therefore it is our otherness which have struggled so hard to achieve . If we con
is the foundation of our collective identity as sider the possibility of the extreme violence of
women. Why then should we ask for peace? nuclear war, not simply as women but as
And from whom? (Alessandra Bocchetti, feminist women, we come to reject a position of
Discorso sulle donne e la guerra, Centrale indifferent passivity and are led to consider the
Culturale Virginia Woolf, 1984) feminist version of non-violent action as a
feasible alternative.
Do these arguments necessarily follow from
the 'otherness ' of women? How can we respect
Non-violence is much more than a lack of
what is peculiar to women's thought, starting
violence: it is a set of ideas, of principles, Cf!!
from it, and still act upon nuclear war? techniques of action to be considered within a
In the peace movement, the practice of non project of social change. Non-violence is an at
violent action has also provoked men to think tempt to find new solutions for conflict,
about their bodies and what it means to use avoiding violence and aggression. But non
them as instruments of political action. Still, violence is also an active decision to look for
this "feminization" of the movement cannot conflict, to antagonize power[ . .. ) We find one
blur the fundamental difference between men's of the most interesting aspects of non-violence
choice to use their bodies to resist, and the uni- in the central role of the individual, [ . . . )the
12
cipated" Europe to send more conventional
13
most exclusively with the issue of civil rights . both perpetrators and victims of this system of
The final text ran as follows: violence, even if it is not we who �tablished it.
We reject both roles.
Neither Victim Nor Executioner
We are not reassured by the fact that
representatives of both superpowers are
negotiating in Geneva, again over our heads.
For detente from below, for the denucleariza
Once again we are expected to pin our hopes
tion of Europe: An Open Letter by women
on these representatives to see reason and
from East and West to all the citizens of
voluntarily renounce the production and use of
Europe.
weapons . Talks on how to make talks force us
to believe that it is not possible to solve the
We are women in five European countries
problem "from above. "
where the deployment of new American and
Instead, we choose the way o f self
Soviet weapons has begun. We are women of
determined initiatives " from below." This
different cultures, from Eastern and Western
road does not pass by the militarization of
Northern and Southern Europe, some of u � society, nor by missile ramps nor by the
religious, others not, many of us feminists or
destruction of nature and of interpersonal rela
pacifists or members of other civil rights or en
tionships.
vironmental movements.
We want neither a peace which oppresses us
Despite our differences, we are united by the
nor a war which will annihilate us.
will for self-determination, the will to struggle
Forty years after Auschwitz and Hiroshima
against the culture of militarism, against
uniforms, against the education of our
forty years after bloc confrontation began, a �
last we want to begin getting to know and
children as soldiers, against the senseless waste
understand each other better, and meet one
of resources to build weapons. We demand the
another beyond the wall which not only divides
right to self-determination for all individuals
our countries but our hearts and minds as well.
and peoples. We want to contribute in a
We've begun detente from below: join us!
specific way to changing the existing social
structure. That is why we also challenge con
ventional gender roles and ask men to do the
same.
Freedom to deter�ine one's own fate also
means freedom from exploitation and
violence: freedom of thought and action at our
workplaces, freedom in our relationship to
nature and in the relationship between men
and women, between generations, between
States, between East and West, North and
South.
Together we want to break this circle of
violence and the sources of our fear: fear of
nuclear weapons, fear for the end of humanity
and of the earth, fear of violence over our
bodies and souls. We want to be able to debate
and act to overcome these divisions together,
not illegally, but through each of us using the
right to free expression, especially in those
places where this right is daily denied. There
can be no real peace without respect for human
rights.
The deployment of new nuclear weapons in
" \
our countries has further limited our freedom
R.' " • • ,,'jJJ.1\ ,'ell\, \'J'i.l� :�
'
and escalated our fears. Our obligation to o '"0' 1
14
This letter was signed individually by women TMG's critique of the male model of inter
I
of all the groups we mentioned. We then began preting and governing reality led them in a
the campaign to collect more signatures . At the coherent way to a critique of the prepartion for
4th END Convention held in Amsterdam in Ju total war. In their writings they fully justify the
ly 1 985 it was agreed to launch a campaign initial intuition they started with in 1984, that
I
.� around the letter in the Fall of 1 985 . In Italy the for women peace is not a political issue like any
document was signed by all the women deputies other . To a culture built on wars and bent on
elected in the lists of the Communist Party, by total destruction, feminists speak a word with
the women 's coordination committees of the the sense and authority that no other word on
three main unions, CGIL , CISL and UIL, by peace can have: the only reassuring word.
women in other parties and groups on the Left,
by independent personalities in the professions
and in the arts. A very large contribution To contact the 10 March Group:
towards its dispersal was made by the women of
Chiara Ingrao
ARC/-Donna cultural circle and by the ARC!
Via Ugo Balzani 6 Roma
environmental league.
telephone: 06/4201 88
In addition to the strategy of "detente from
or
below, " TMG is contributing distinctive
clo Nuovo Ecologia
methods of organizing and new political ideas
Via G.B. Vico 20 Roma
to the Italian Left and peace movement. The
telephone: 06/3609960
method is an attempt to avoid abstraction, link
ing the "micro" level of women 's lives and the
"macro" level of international politics . It is an
attempt to get involved in political institutions
- parties , groups and governments - while Elisabetta Addis teaches economics at the
keeping the characteristic internal workings of University of Terama. Nicoletta Tiliacos is the
a small feminist group, and to propose action editor ofNuova Ecologia. Both are active in the
to other small groups of women. When more Tenth of March Group.
women became interested in the issue, TMG
decided not to expand much over the current
size (twenty to forty women per meeting) but to
start other small groups in a network .
There is only one other group of women in
Italy which has attempted to act in the " out
side" world of politics and legislation rather
than on personal politics : the feminist group
that promoted the women's proposal for a new
law on sexual violence.
The link between sexual violence, male
violence and military violence is not the only
connection between peace activism and
feminism. TMG discovered much more; the
practice of feminist politics becomes a source of
pacifism. Women are not pacifists because they
are women; they are pacifists because they are
feminists . Feminism claims for women the right
to a voice, which is allowed on daily matters ,
but denied at the intermediate level of decisions
on public affairs . Feminism claims a voice at
the highest possible level , that of the interna
tional politics of nuclear weapons.
15
..
4111 "
4111
• ..
-
,
"
\
.. "
"\
HER STORY OF WAR:
De-Militarizing Literature
and Literary Studies
LYNNE HANLEY
I have a six year old daughter and we live in the Pioneer Valley in Western Massachusetts.
The best equipped playground in this valley, so devoted to the education of the young that it
is known in Washington as "The Happy Valley," happens to be at Westover Air Force
Base. The playground was built by bomber pilots for their children, and it is a small city of
slides and jungle gyms and rings and bars and mazes and tank tire tunnels. When we go
there, the same pilots who so lovingly constructed it circle lazily overhead, ready to follow
orders which would turn it and their children to dust.
In 1938, when Virginia Woolf published Three Guineas - one of the most elegant argu
ments ever written on how to prevent war - her nephew Quentin Bell greeted it as "the pro
• duct of a very odd mind and . . . of a very odd state of mind. " I "What really seemed wrong
with the book," Bell said, was the attempt to involve a discussion of women's rights with the
far more agonizing and immediate question of what we were to do in order to meet the ever
growing menace of Fascism and war" (VWB, 205). Other members of Woolf's largely
pacifist Bloomsbury circle were less delicate in their criticism. E.M. Forster pronounced the
book "cantankerous" and Maynard Keynes was infuriated. It was a silly book, he said, and
not at all well-written. Even Woolf's most trusted critic, her husband Leonard, didn't like
the book as much as she thought he should.
17
Why this sense of impropriety, oddness, our remembering . I n World War I , the "front" was
trage even, when a woman involves herself and clearly delineated and English and American
her sex in a discussion of war? We are at risk, women could choose to stay behind it, though a
after all. Though we are not yet being drafted remarkable number didn't. Gertrude Stein,
or sent into combat in Nicaragua or Libya, Edith Wharton, Vera Brittain, and Winifred
men's weapons have too wide and in Holtby all were there, as were the many less
discriminate an embrace for us to rely on them noted women who served in signal, motorcyle,
for our protection. As Virginia Woolf observed and nursing corps. Even World War II had its
in 1 938, when men's weapons had a far nar limits, and though huge civilian populations in
rower reach, "any kitchenmaid . . . can read Europe and Japan died, the myth of a protected
and understand the meaning of 'Air Raid zone for women and children survived. In
Precautions' when written in large letters upon modern guerrilla warfare, however, the front is
a blank wall . . . [and] any kitchenmaid would difficult to find, the rear is not necessarily any
attempt to construe a passage in Pindar if told safer, and being a woman or a civilian is no
that her life depended on it. "2 guarantee of exemption.
Women are robbed of the authority to ex Modern nuclear warfare, of cours e ,
press themselves on the subject of war because vaporizes the myth o f a protected zone, o f
they are assumed not to be in war. Men women's exclusion from war, yet military
Without Women, Hemingway called his collec science remains as pronouncedly masculine as
tion of World War II stories , and though we all the combat zone. War and its kindred sciences
agree that Norman Mailer's The Naked and the divide the sexes in Western culture more
Dead belongs in the genre of the war novel, I radically than any other human activities , with
have rarely seen Doris Lessing 's Children of the exception of childbearing and possibly
Violence series so labelled. In a disturbing arti sports. The breathtaking maleness of the ter
cle which appeared in Esquire magazine a year rains of both the military and of nuclear science
ago entitled "Why Men Love War , " William and technology is what first impresses most
Broyles, Jr. presents his idea of the archetypal women writers bold enough to assert an opi
war story, one he found in Michael Herr 's nion on these matters . That there is a connec
Dispatches: tion between this radical separation of men
from women and children, and the release of
Patrol went up the mountain. One man came mental and physical impulses of pure destruc
back. He died before he could tell us what hap tion is a suspicion most women writers on war
pened .' find impossible to dismiss.
So, Woolf's "attempt to involve a discussion
of women's rights with the far more agonizing
As Broyles points out, the purpose of this story and immediate question of what we [are] to do
is "not to enlighten but to exclude. " Its in order to meet the ever-growing menace of
message is, "I suffered, I was there. You were Fascism and [now, nuclear] war" is not, for
not. Only these facts matter" (WMLW, 61). most women writers, odd but inevitable. Once
This assumption of women's absence from we move beyond the bartering of hardware to
the field of battle permits war to be one of the an analysis of the human type which produces,
few topics upon which literary criticism remains disseminates and uses the hardware, that type
unself-consciously sexist. In his classic study of stands forth sharply as a man who has reduced
the literature of World War I, The Great War his intellectual , social and physical com
and Modern Memory, Paul Fussell mentions mitments to women and children to a
Vera Brittain and Virginia Wolf in passing , minimum, or who, at least, is prepared to do so
but regards no literary work by a woman as upon command.
worthy of serious investigation. Even in In the military, as Cynthia Enloe convincing
modern memory, women weren't there. ly demonstrates in Does Khaki Become You?, a
Fussell's oversight is perhaps forgivable, willingness to forsake wife and family is pain
given the relative simplicities of the war he was stakingly inculcated in the soldier under the
5
18
rubric of "combat readiness . " All concerns of connection so lightly. Even when she supported
wives and children are ultimately .deferred to World War I, Vera Brittain was infuriated that
the necessity of making the soldier ready to her lover Roland could so automatically place
desert them. Perhaps this institutionalized in "heroism in the abstract" ahead of their rela
fidelity is what makes it so difficult for many tion in the concrete. And Rebecca West's
women writers to connect the men they love soldier in Return of the Soldier can commit
with the men who make war. Few women himself to a woman only after he has lost all
writers like to see their lovers as killers,4 and memory of the war.
even fewer like to see their lovers weighing their The military's conviction that excessive con-
Virginia Woolf
19
nection to women and children is hostile to its of theology; the vast deposits of notes at the
aims is echoed in the male academic's convic bottom of Greek, Latin and even English texts;
tion that excessive connection to the practical the innumerable carvings, chasings and un
and the personal interferes with his aspirations necessary ornamentation of our common fur
and obligations. Defending the academic man, niture and crockery; the myriad distinctions of
Debrett and Burke; and all those meaningless
and more specifically her Cambridge don hus
but highly ingenious turnings and twistings in
band, F.R. Leavis, Queeni Leavis scoffed at
to which the intellect ties itself when rid of
Virginia Woolf's notion in Three Guineas of "the cares of the household and the family. "
the academic man "hurrying home at four The emphasis which both priests and dictators
hour intervals to spend upwards of half an hour place upon the necessity for two worlds is
giving the baby its bottle. " 5 But Woolf insists enough to prove that it is essential to their
that the license granted the academic man to domination (TG, 1 80-81).
forsake the baby and the bottle has led to the
vast elaboration not only of the marginalia of Woolf's conviction that the mental liberation
literary texts but also of the machinery of war. from worldly cares and responsibilities enjoyed
In a footnote to Three Guineas, Woolf by the academic man is as dangerous to the
meditates on a quotation from "The Report of welfare of the human race as is the literal aban
the Archbishop 's Commission on the Ministry donment wife and family imposed on the
of Women": soldier by the military, finds expression in
many contemporary women writers, most
"At present a married priest is able to fulfil the notably Adrienne Rich, Susan Griffin and
requirements of the ordination service, 'to for Christa Wolf.
sake and set aside all worldly cares and Women's literature on the wars of this cen
studies , ' largely because his wife can tury records an increasing recognition of the
understake the care of the household and the war-monger in the male intimate: father, hus
famiJy . . . " ( The Ministry of Women, p. 32) band, lover, brother, mentor, colleague, friend.
World War I led Vera Brittain to distrust the
The Commissioners are here stating and ap
glamour of war, but her reservations about
proving a principle which is frequently stated
war's enthusiasts are undercut by her nostalgia
and approved by the dictators . Herr Hitler and
for the intensities of wartime, and by her loyal
Signor Mussolini have both often in very
similar words expressed the opinion that ty to the memory of her dead lover, brother and
" There are two worlds in the life of the nation, friends:
the world of men and the world of women" ;
and proceeded t o much the same definition of It is, I think, this glamour, this magic, this in
the duties. The effect which this division has comparable keying up of the spirit in a time of
had upon the woman; the petty and personal mortal conflict, which constitute the pacifist's
nature of her interests; her absorption in the real problem-a problem still incompletely im
practical; her apparent incapacity for the agined, and still quite unsolved . The causes of
poetical and adventurous-all this has been war are always falsely represented; its honour
made the staple of so many novels, the target is dishonest and its glory meretricious, but the
for so much satire, has confirmed so many challenge to spiritual endurance, the intense
theorists in the theory that by the law of nature sharpening of all the senses, the vitalizing con
the woman is less spiritual than the man, that sciousness of common peril for a common
nothing more need be said to prove that she end, remain to allure those boys and girls who
has carried out, willingly or unwillingly, her have just reached the age when love and
share of the contract. But very little attention friendship and adventure call more persistently
has yet been paid to the intellectual and than at any other time. The glamour may be
spiritual effect of this division of duties upon the mere delirium of fever, which as soon as
those who are enabled by it " to forsake all war is over dies out and shows itself for the
worldly cares and studies. " Yet there can be no will-O '-the-wisp that it is, but while it lasts no
doubt that we owe to this segregation the im emotion known to man seems as yet to have
mense elaboration of modern instruments and quite the compelling power of this enlarged
methods of war; the astonishing complexities vitality. 6
20
There is none of Vera Brittain's wistfulness You do not do, you do not do
in Sylvia Plath's response to World War II. No Any more black shoe
Veil of romance obscures the connection bet In which I have lived like a foot
ween her father and Fascist in "Daddy," and For thirty years, poor and white,
no nostalgia mutes Plath 's terror: Barely daring to breathe or Achoo .
21
I have always been scared of you,
With your Luftwaffe, your gobbledygoo.
And your neat moustache
And your Aryan eye, bright blue,
Panzer-man, panzer-man, 0 You-
22
military and its right hand sciences thrive . The alternative constructions of realitv. the im
prevention of war 'would seem to require, on agination undermines the determinism of
the contrary, the reconstruction of the pre history, biology and tradition. Lessing's The
valent form of the relation between the sexes in Marriages Between Zones Three, Four, and
western culture, so as to erode the boundaries Five, the second volume of her Canopus in
between male and female, white and black, the A rgos series, is one such blueprint, specifically
abstract and the concrete, the professional and for altering the prevalent construction of
the personal. In a footnote to Three Guineas, manhood and womanhood in western culture, a
Woolf notes a promising sign of such recon construction which breeds combat between na
struction in the erosion of the identification of tions and lovers alike. We enter this narrative
manhood with fighting:
23
confined to the sexually polarized Zones Three very permissive, to use the jargon word, and
and Four . The boundaries between these two easy and generous and self-indulgent, like the
zones are closed, and though passage is relationships between women when there are
physically possible from one to the other with no men around. They make each other
protective gear, it occurs to no one in either presents, and they have little feasts, and
nobody punishes anyone else. This is the
realm to do so.
female way of going along when there are no
Represented always by a woman (AI*Ith and
men about or when men are not in the ascen
then her sister Murti), Zone Three boasts a dant. 1 1
culture formed to serve and reflect the sexuality
of women. As is not uncommon in her realm, Sharply juxtaposed (so sharply that it nearly
AI*Ith is mother to fifty children, some of kills AI*Ith to cross the border) is Ben Ata's
whom she has borne herself (without pain), Zone Four. Intensely hierarchal and patriar
more of whom she has adopted but regards as chal, Zone Four commits all its resources to the
no less, and no more, her own. Every Zone army. Though there is no enemy and no war,
Three child has several parents, gene-father and Zone Four's ideology of combat shapes its
mind-fathers, gene-mother and mind-mothers, cultural and social life. Its architectural monu
each of whom voluntarily accepts responsibility ments are fortresses, its sexuality takes the form
for the child's rearing and welfare. Monogamy of rape, its male children are bred to fight and
is unthinkable in Zone Three, and Al*Ith's rela its female children are bred to breed fighters .
tions with both men and women are as friendly
as they are sensual. The boundaries between
friend and lover will not, of course, remain
clear in a society in which sexuality is identically
expressed in the mother's caress and sexual
intercourse.
Self-possession is the overriding
characteristic o f the inhabitants o f Zone Three,
because coercion is not an option. AI*Ith has
no authority, she merely represents her realm
and symbolizes its cooperation. Zone Three has
no armies, no police, no legal system-no insti
tution which reflects an experience or an expec
tation of combat. The energies of the inhabitants
of Zone Three are released in the making of
things, particularly clothes, furniture and
songs. The relation of humans to beasts is
equally cooperative in Zone Three, and
communication has even been achieved with the
trees, some of whom are willing and able to act
as transmitters of messages between Zone
Three citizens.
Lightness, grace, friendliness, composure,
contentment, cooperation, plenty and emo
tional ease characterize the atmosphere of Zone
Three. In an interview with Minda Bikman in
The New York Times Book Review, Lessing
says she thinks women, left to themselves, are
really like this:
24
Heaviness, coercion, conflict, scarcity, emo Three and Four reflect the marriage of their
tional excess , awkwardness-these comprise leaders. Ben Ata dismantles his army and sends
the atmosphere of Zone Four which Lessing most of his soldiers home, where they expend
clearly means us to associate with our culture as their energies in making homes and furniture
it is, under the domination of white men. and rearing their children. He himself is suffi
If the novel stopped here, with the juxta ciently reformed to be required to marry
position of the two zones, we'd have a relatively Vahshi , the female leader of Zone Five who is
familiar feminist critique of patriarchal society, now more bellicose than he is. The citizens of
and a relatively familiar feminist fantasy of a Zone Three lose their complacency and
matriarchal alternative . We'd have, for exam recognize that their health and welfare depend
ple, Marge Piercy's Woman on the Edge of not on their ignoring, but on their transforming
Time. But AI*Ith and her zone are jarred into the war-mongerer at their border. Thus, a novel
disarray and dismay by the command that which begins as a feminist utopia and dystopia,
AI*Ith marry Ben Ata, that Zone Three have ends with the erosion of the boundary between
intercourse with Zone Four. AI* Ith greets this male and female, with the tempering of both
command with disgust and repulsion, her male aggression and female self-enclosure, and
perception of Zone Four is like Plath 's of Dad with a transformation of duality into multiplici
dy. Ben Ata likes the idea no better, his percep ty. The marriage achieved is not the literal mar
tion of Zone Three is like Hitler's of pacifists . riage of male to female, but the opening of the
But the command comes from The Necessity, mind of each to the mind of the other so that
the name by which inhabitants of both zones each becomes both. Though the metaphor has
know the will of the Canopians , a superior race its origins in an energetically heterosexual and
in a distant galaxy whose aim is to protect all patriarchal culture, Lessing reverses its implica
species whenever possible, and who achieve this tions by recommending a marriage in which the
aim by cross-breeding the more bellicose species battle of the sexes is resolved not between the
with the more nurturant . sexes but in the consciousness of each.
As a result of the troubled and painstakingly A crucial recognition of women writers of
achieved marriage of Ben Ata and AI*Ith, this century who have been able to bear con
travel becomes possible not only between Zones templating war and nuclear war, and one clear
Three and Four, but also into the previously ly embedded in Lessing's conception of Zone
unimagined or forgotten Zones Two and Five. Four, is the degree to which the ideology of
AI*Ith receives the knowledge she needs to combat pervades all our institutions, shaping to
enter Zone Two from a song originating in its assumptions our most private, as well as our
. Zone Five, and Arusi (the son of AI* Ith and most public, experiences. If women, as Woolf
Ben Ata) unites both zones in one body. Zones suggests in A Room of One's Own, were so
shocked in August 1914 "to see the faces of our
rulers in the light of the shell-fire" 12 that
romance was killed, the light of the shell-fire
since has steadily killed our faith in the liberal
education of our rulers as well . When Woolf
asks a decade later, in 1 938, "Where is it
leading us, the procession of educated men? " ,
she answers, emphatically and repeatedly, to
photographs like these:
25
man's body, or a woman 's ; it is so mutilated Rather,
that it might, on the other hand, be the body of such criticism is an activity turning something
a pig. But those certainly are dead children, unified back to detached fragments or parts. It
and that undoubtedly is the section of a house suggests the image of a child taking apart his
(TO, 10-1 1). father's watch, reducing it back to useless
parts, beyond any reconstruction. A decon
Woolf goes on to argue in Three Guineas that structionalist is not a parasite but a parricide.
the patriarchal structure of the home and of the He is a bad son demolishing beyond hope of
professions encourages a similar bellicosity, repair the machine of Western metaphysics. I '
making men "possessive, jealous of any in
fringement of their rights, and highly combative The mollifying image of the child taking apart
if anyone dares dIspute them" (TO, 66). In his father's watch obscures neither the male
"Toward a Woman-Centered University" writ centeredness nor the aggressiveness of this par
ten forty years later , Adrienne Rich insists that ricidal approach to literary texts . However
combativeness remains the dominant note of much we may wish to see the machine of West
higher education in America. Quoting at length ern metaphysics dismantled, we will not do so
from Leonard Kriegel's critique of his graduate through the militarist language or the elitist
education at Columbia, Rich points out that, practices of the Yale critics .
"The university is above all a hierarchy, "
Certain terms in the above quotation have a Rich writes i n "Toward a Woman-Centered
familiar ring: defending, attacking, combat, University. "
status, banking, dueled, power, making it.
They suggest the connections-actual and At the top is a small cluster of highly paid and
metaphoric-between the style of the univer prestigious persons , chiefly men, whose careers
sity and the style of a society invested in
entail the services of a very large base of ill-paid
military and economic aggression. In each of
or unpaid persons, chiefly women: wives, re
these accounts what stands out is not the pas search assistants , secretaries, teaching
sion for "learning for its own sake" or the assistants, cleaning women, waitresses in the
sense of an intellectual community, but the faculty club, lower-echelon administrators,
dominance of the masculine ideal, the race and women students who are used in various
ofmen against one another, the conversion of ways to gratify the ego (OLSS, p. 1 36).
an end to a means . I '
Though we don't see in the Times portraits of
Last February, The New York Times the Yale critics the bevy of ill-paid women
Magazine ran an article entitled "The Tyranny behind them, if we have followed recent ac
of the Yale Critics, " which featured stunning counts of the efforts of clerical workers at Yale
portraits of Jacques Derrida in a designer over to augment their pitifully small salaries , we will
coat leaning pensively at twilight against a stone know they are there. If we are to take seriously
pillar , Harold Bloom sinking ponderously into Woolf's advice that women can best prevent
his leather lounge chair amid a sea of papers war by being as little like men as possible, it
and books, Geoffry Hartman in a prophet's follows that our institutions of higher learning
white beard posing in front of a stained glass must not just accommodate women but reflect
window, and J. Hillis Miller nattily dressed whatever it is in the lives and habits of women
looking up from his book at the Naples which tempers their bellicosity and their
Pizza Parlor in New Haven . These well presumptuousness. This means not just adding
upholstered men at the top of their profession a bathroom here and a woman faculty member
have, of course, their quarrels with each other there, but modelling both the content and struc
but none has any quarrel with his position. ture of education after the lives of women. In
They practice a form of literary criticism recent years, for example, the university has
known as deconstruction. In an effort to rescue grudgingly accepted some responsibility for
his critical method from the belligerent implica child care, but only to release women from time
tions of its name, J. Hillis Miller argues that de to time from their children so that they can be
construction is not "demolition" of the text. more easily accommodated in male-devised struc-
26
tures which cannot function in the presence of surely useful to the prevention of war. A
children. No institution of higher learning re university sincerely interested in preventing war
quires, or even encourages, all its faculty to would insist on the connection between these
participate in the care of children, and few activities and higher thought rather than impos
regard discourse addressed to children as a ing a dichotomy upon them. As Grace Paley
serious intellectual undertaking. Women have puts it in an article in Resist, "I just don't
spent a great deal of time with children, learn believe in armed struggle as a way to change the
ing how to communicate across a great divide in world, or the neighborhood. "
knowledge and understanding, how to live with In these days of what Cynthia Enloe calls
irrationality, how to curb the impulse to use "militarized peacetime, " of the battle of the
brute force-lessons surely useful to the deconstructionists and the reconstructionists,
prevention of war. Women's lives have the battle of the sexes, race war, Cold War,
centered in making and caring for things at terrorism , and blatant US provocation in
home and in the community, in living and Afghanistan, Central America and the Middle
working with family and neighbors, in reading East, in these days of super bowls and presiden
and writing and painting and playing musical tial campaigns waged almost exclusively in the
instruments not as a means to prestige or riches language of the prize fight, we might do well to
or position, but for their own sake-activities consider why we have failed so utterly to
27
5. Queenie Leavis, "Caterpillars of the World Unite" in
The Importance of Scrutiny, ed. Eric Bentley (New York,
1 948), 389.
6. Vera Brittain, Testament of Youth (New York, 1 980),
29 1 -92.
7 . Sylvia Plath, Ariel (New York, 1965), 49-50.
8. Doris Lessing, The Golden Notebook (New York,
1973), 589.
9. Adrienne Rich, Diving into the Wreck (New York,
1973), 4.
10. In an article entitled "Virginia Woolf and the Romance
of Oxbridge," published in The Massachusetts Review in
1985 , I traced Woolf's increasing disillusionment in the
years between the wars with English culture and education.
1 1 . New York Times Book Review (March 30, 1 980), 24.
12. Virginia Woolf, A Room of One's Own (New York,
1 929), 1 5.
1 3 . Adrienne Rich, On Lies, Secrets, and Silence (New
York, 1 979), 1 29-30. All further quotations from Rich's ar
ticle will be noted in the text as OLSS.
14. The New York Times Magazine, February 9, 1986, 25.
FOOTNOTES
28
The Reasons . . . ?
The Reasons . . . ?
He beat her, he told her because she was looking at another man .
And that he loved her so much, it made him fearful and crazy to
think he might lose her. He told her that he was sorry and that it
wouldn't happen again. but, it did. Since the real reason he beat her
was because . . . he could.
He beat her, he said because sh� was a poor housekeeper. And this
reflected badly on him And if she would just change her slovenly
.
ways, he wouldn't have to beat her. But, the real reason he beat her
was because . . . he could.
He beat her, he said because the children cried. And after working
all day he felt she should be able to keep them quiet. And if she kept
better control of them, beatings wouldn't be necessary. But, the real
reason he beat her was because . . . he could.
He beat her, he told her because he was upset, things were going
bad at work. And that she should understand that he was under great
pressure. And further, if he didn't love her and want so much for her,
he wouldn't beat her at all. But, the real reason he beat her was
because . . . he could.
He beat her, he told her because she wasn't pretty anymore. And
that she had let herself go. And the excuses went on-and-on. "The
dog died, the dish ran away with the spoon, the Red Sox lost the pen
nant . " But, the real reason he beat her was because . . . he could.
The reason she took his beatings was because, at fIrst, she loved
him and believed he loved her. Then she believed that he beat her
because he loved her. Then she believed that he beat her because she
deserved to be beaten. She also let him beat her because she was used
to living in fear. And fInally, she let him beat her because she
couldn't, wouldn't, why live if she believed, he would beat her, just
because he could . . . ?
Sharon Howell
29
ON THE GERMAN
QUESTIO N:
Left, Right, and the Politics of
National Identity
HANS-GEORG BETZ
After thirty years of predictable and often boring normalcy, the mood in Germany has
started to shift. Questions are being raised which only several years ago would have been
considered taboo. The catastrophes of the militarized industrial society, the specter of the
"end of progress" reopens the past in the search for alternatives. In what follows I will
discuss what I see as the most important phenomenon in Germany today: the question of
identity and closely connected with it the revival of the "national question . " I will argue that
the rise of the ecology movement and the Green Party are closely linked to a general search
for identity in contemporary Germany. And I will suggest that the renewed interest in the
national question above all on the Left has led to a dangerous blurring of Left and Right .
Our starting point is on the Left. Ever since the days of the student movement in the late
sixties the West German Left has been internationalist in its outlook . Young leftists often
identified themselves with the struggles of Third World countries against imperialism and
neocolonialism more than with domestic politics . Although the Left did undertake a painful
confrontation with the history of Nazism , it seems that many leftists, horrified by what they
*This article emerges out of internal political debates in Germany. Moishe Postone, in conversation, modified
my opinions regarding the weakness of the Green's critique of German society; the need for a differentiated view
of Romanticism; and most importantly, the need to understand left politics in the cont ext of the changing world
situation, particularly regarding the relative strengths of Germany and the US.
learned and shocked by the extent of their
parents ' involvement in National Socialism ,
turned away from German society. Maoist par
ties and study groups were all ways to escape
the horror of the past and to feel accepted again
as partners in an international progressive
struggle. !
In the late seventies the Left plunged into a
severe identity crisis. pisappointed and frus
trated over what was perceived as the failure of
many revolutionary movements and regimes
(e .g. , Kampuchea, Vietnam, and China), some
called for "a return of the Left to our own coun
try. " 2
The frustration over internationalism coin Huts built as part of the protest against
cided with a broader disillusionment with Startbahn West.
Marxism. There was disappointment with the
working class which had failed its mission, dis cent associated progress with fear. 4
dain for the countries of actually existing This growing scepticism towards Technik
socialism which did not even approximately and progress was manifested politically in
conform to the promise of socialism, and a citizen initiative groups, i.e., loosely organized
recognition that victory was not around the cor grassroots groups which tried to prevent the
ner, not even in sight. Above all there was the construction of new technological projects like
realization that Marxism was an inadequate nuclear power plants , and the expansion of air
tool for the interpretation and analysis of a port runways, and highways for military pur
social system which had unleashed such an im poses. These initiatives documented an
mense potential of control and destruction. 3 increased willingness by German citizens to
challenge state decisions. Closely connected to
The German Identity Crisis this increased challenge to the state we find a
growing number of politicians and social scien
The disarray of the Left, its "identity crisis, " tists writing that Germany was facing a "legiti
coincided with a more general social question mation crisis . " This crisis was evidenced by
ing of the meaning of German identity. In the more and more Germans questioning the ability
mid-seventies, amidst the visible deterioration of traditional political institutions, such as
of the economy following the first oil crisis in political parties , to master the problems they
1 973, and an even bleaker outlook for the faced . Thus, in 1 984, surveys found that only
future, Germans began to lose their faith in the
blessings of science and technology. Asked
whether they believed that Technik (i .e. science
and technology) was a blessing or a curse, the
number of respondents who said they were
optimistic declined rapidly in the seventies .
While in 1 966 72 per cent of the population
regarded Technik a blessing, in 1 970 the
number had decreased to 50 per cent, and in
1 98 1 , to 30 per cent. In response to the question
"Do you believe in progress? " 60 per cent of
those asked, answered with yes in 1 972; in 1 978
only 34 per cent; in 1 982 it was down to 27 per
cent. Conversely, the fear of science and
technology rose dramatically. In 1 98 1 , 56 per
. �.
The Left Comes Home For the Left, ecology was only one of many
concerns . The main issues were an overpower
At a time when many Germans felt that their ing state and the extension of full democratic
country's power was fading, the American rights to all members of society. Important
move to reassert control over Germany pro "alternative" concepts like decentralization of
voked a reaction. The reaction was a renewed power, grassroots democracy (Basisdemokra
discussion about national sovereignty, the tie) and the threat from the "nuclear state"
German Question, and national identity. The (A tomstaat) were used to warn of the extent of
argument I will go on to make is that the state power and to show how individuals could
German "search for identity" has taken social gain power over their own lives . 1 2
and political form in the rise of the ecology As I have indicated, the Left at this point was
movement and the Green Party. Moreover, the repudiating its own history and traditions. The
growth of the ecology movement broke the iso Maoism that had dominated left politics in the
lation of the Left, and opened a way for its 70's was abandoned for a view which
" return to Germany. " challenged the fetish of economic growth and
Leftists entered a Green Party whose base pointed to the disastrous consequences from
included those rooted in a conservative, often ecological damage and military build-up. In
romantic view of modern capitalism. The mar question, however, is the extent to which the
ginal "green" groups, out of which the Green Left has identified and exposed the strains of
Party formed, had rejected an emphasis on romantic anti-capitalism and nationalism that
economic growth and advocated the decentrali live beneath the surface in the dominant culture
zation of large industries into small, labor and are asserted by tendencies within the
intensive units. Their goal was to preserve life, ecology movement.
conserve nature - without a critique of the In what follows I will first discuss the right
society which produced the destruction. wing ecology politics and then those on the
Ecology was their overriding concern. The task Left. My concern, on the one hand, is to
was to find a "third way" between capitalism identify the opportunistic entry of the Right
and communism which they regarded as two into the issues which have been developed by
sides of the same "materialist" coin. Thus the the Left. On the other hand, I will point to the
entrance of the Left, against the bitter resis dangers raised by the Left entering a territory
tance of many conservatives, l o fundamentally which has historically been dominated by the
altered the Green agenda. I I Right: the preoccupation with rebuilding a
German culture, a German identity, a German
nation .
Right-Wing Ecology
34
Ecological Racism
*For the purposes o f this discussion the right i s defined as ideas lie clearly outside of what is acceptable in mainstream
those individuals and groups which try to influence or politics today (including the DCU/CSU). Therefore they
shape public opinion for racist, nationalist goals. Although try to advance their ideas through journals (the most impor
some of them are organized in political parties of the ex tant are Nation Europa, Criticon, and the "national revolu
treme right - mainly the now almost defunct NPD and a tionary" publications Neue Zeit and wir selbst), books and
new party, The Republicans (Die Republikaner) - their occasional ads in the large German newspapers.
when a Volk maintains its characteristics can out that it regarded foreign workers as its
we preserve the ethnic variety to which human "allies . " After all, Auslaenderstopp argued
ity owes its adaptability . . . " 1 9 that the attempt to "melt" foreign workers into
The Right has been quick in adopting these the German people destroyed their cultures as
arguments in their "Kampf" (Struggle) against well . 2 1
what they call the "foreignization" of Ger The "Heidelberger Manifesto" and the
many. In 1 982, fifteen German professors "Citizen Initiative Auslaenderstopp " fuel
formed the so-called "Heidelberger Circle" irrational fears and stereotypes which have par
whose sole purpose was to warn the German ticular meaning at a time when German society
people of the extent of this threat . Their is already experiencing a severe identity crisis.
famous "Heidelberger Manifesto" begins with In the confrontation with the alien nature of the
the following words :"With great worry we foreigner, Germans are to discover that they
observe the subversion (Unterwanderung) of possess a culture and that they are a Volk, what
the German people by the influx of many is more, an endangered Volk.
millions of foreigners and their families, the Invoking "German" culture against its
foreignization of our language, our culture, "intruders" is also evidenced in the renewal of
and our nationhood ( Volkstum) . . . . Already anti-semitism. It is interesting to note the
many Germans have become foreigners in their recurrence of anti-semitic attacks on the
living districts and work places , and thus in Frankfurt School by contemporary German
their own Heimat (home). "20 Additionally, intellectuals.22 And this is not only from the far
they worry that the foreign population will out Right. In an essay with the title "The Cynical
multiply the Germans . Enlightenment, " Gerd Bergfleth, professor at
The Right contends this reasoning is not Tuebingen and an expert on the French philoso
racist . Rightists argue that they attack every pher Georges Batailles , attempts to analyze the
kind ,of cultural destruction. When in 1980 a relationship between Jews and Germans "with
"Citizen Initiative Auslaenderstopp" (Stop out bias , " without the "prosemitism" of which
Foreigners) was formed, it was quick to point he accuses the Left. Bergfleth writes : "The
36
r� Gate, 1925,
Sports club jogging through the Brandenbu
most important factor for the turn to the Left allowed to be Europeans, Americans , Jews, or
[of post-WWII Germany] was the returning whatever else, but not [themselves] . " Finally,
German-Jewish intelligentsia which got a last the same mood supports an attack on the
chance to transform Germany according to Enlightenment and on rationality which at least
their cosmopolitan standards - a process have to share responsibility for all the evils of
which succeeded so completely that for two modernity. "Where the rational destruction of
decades were were unable to talk about an nature has an advantage over the irrational one
autonomous German spirit. " Bergfleth finds it is only in the cynicism with which it [rational
striking that rootless Judaism (heimatlose ity] falsely transforms a disaster into a
Judentum) "usually lacks a special sense for blessing. " 24
that which is peculiarly German (deutsche This essay is disturbing because Bergfleth
Eigenart), for example, the Romantic yearning, cannot be dismissed as a rightist. Moreover, it
the unity with nature or the memory of a was published in 1 984 by Matthes & Seitz, a
pagan-Germanic past which cannot be eradi very respectable publishing house in Munich .
cated. "23 The mood which the essay reflects is disturbing
Bergfleth 's essay represents an extreme because it allows things to be said with a claim
attempt to confront the German identity crisis . for respectability which only five years ago
Yet its themes mirror a growing mood in would have been condemned by German
Germany today. It includes frustration over the society as racist. It is also disturbing because
fact that Germans are not allowed to forget the once again old stereotypes are revived in order
past , that they are still being regarded as to give Germans a sense of who they are. And it
criminals, as the "menscheitliche Unmensch " is disturbing because these stereotypes are
(the universal un-human) . It includes attacks on couched in the terms of a " new wave philos
the Left for having infested the Germans with ophy" of irrationality and a new German
their internationalism. "Thanks to the 'leftist Mythos which, as its critics have pointed out,
re-education, ' " Bergfleth writes , "Germans attract the alternative scene as well as the
have become foreigners in their own country. " right. 2 S
He maintains that "Germans have been
37
Green Anti-Industrialism: Left or Right? The Greens often make bold assertions
equating West and East, because both are
The values of the Right are certainly alien to dominated by an ideology of economic growth
the Greens . Yet the disillusionment with Marx and production. For Rudolph Bahro, one of
ism and the general scepticism toward the main ideologues of the "fundamentalist"
technology and economic growth leave many wing of the Green Party (before he left the
on the left without a framework with which to party), virtually everything which he considers
analyze German society. The "return to Ger bad is a consequence of the industrial system.
many" on the part of the Left has, for some, These consequences range from nuclear
led to a sweeping critique of industrialism per weapons and nuclear power plants to cancer,
se, and the suggestion that pre-industrial forms criminal behavior, psychological defects, even
of existence can restore a "natural harmony" the hostile behavior of the Soviet Union. Thus,
between humans and nature . Bahro writes:
In February 1 984, several prominent Greens
founded an "eco-libertarian tendency inside The first precondition for the arms race is, of
and outside of the Green Party. " In their plat course, modern industry as such. Exterminism
form, the eco-libertarians state that, unlike is rooted in the very foundation of this system
Socialists, they regard private ownership of the and its innermost driving forces. Exterminism
means of production as a " secondary does not just find expression in nuclear
weapons and power stations; it is the
problem . " Marxism is criticized for accepting
quintessence of the whole complex of tools and
the concentration of production in big indus
machines operative on humanity and the
tries and the centralization of power inherent in planet. .. 27
.
39
,
1
August H Ssleiter, a father figure for the
Greens , is an important representative of the
Thus the discussion about national identity
already preceded the so-called dual track deci
sion of 1 979. (The two tracks being first
"new nationalism " whose source is on the negotiations between East and West, and if that
Right, but whose ideas, I believe, have provided failed then the escalation of the arms race with
the intellectual ground for some left thinking the deployment of Cruise and Pershing
about Germany today. missiles .) The debate over this decision only in
The new nationalists discarded the old na tensified the discussion. Thomas Schmid ,
tionalists' dreams of a reunified German Reich, publisher of the journal Freibeuter and a
with the borders of 1 933, as reactionary and member of the eco-libertarian wing of the
above all outdated . Instead they propagate a Greens, was probably one of the first to ar
"national revolution" which would lead to self- ticulate what the search for identity meant :
40
Anti-Americanism and the "German Question"
"I am sure that 1 will not forget the German
horrors - but 1 also do not want to forget my If at the beginning the search for identity
being German. Wherever the German horror meant once again a confrontation with the Ger
is, there the German fascination is also very man past, the focus shifted dramatically once
close.( . . . ) (1) think we will only be able to deal
the Left started to oppose the dual track deci
with the German horror if we do not negate
sion. The first reaction of the Left to that deci
our being German any longer. Not only do 1
sion was to demonstrate against the deployment
belong to this country, 1 also love it. What I
want here is a Left which is not only cosmo of the missiles in Germany and to alert the
politan but also German. A Left which does public to the dangers which the missiles repre
not want to compensate for the lack of sented. Despite growing support for the Peace
political culture in Germany by jumping on the Movement on the part of the German popula
train of other countries, but by developing a tion, resulting in some of the largest demonstra
specifically German culture. " [italics mine] tions in post-war Germany, the effort ultimate
ly failed. The expectation that the new genera
Thomas Schmid uses especially harsh words for tion of American missiles would actually be sta
those on the Left who negate their German tioned on German soil together with the strong
identity and continue to be caught in a ritual of impression that the Americans were thinking
self-accusation: "That is a dead end, that is in about the possibility of a "limited nuclear war"
the tradition of the imperialistic de created widespread fears of an immediate
Nazification by the god-damned Yankees who threat to Germany. It also created the feeling,
decreed democracy in our country. " 3 8 especially in parts of the Peace Movement, that
This exclamation of frustration reveals the the effort had failed because of Germany's
ambiguity with which the Left approached the political situation. The interpretation was that
question of identity. On the one hand the con the Americans once again were imposing their
frontation with the horrors of the German past, will on the Germans; the Germans, on the other
on the other the bitterness towards those who hand, were unable to prevent the implementa
told the Germans what they had done. The tion of a decision detrimental to their vital in
danger in this line of argument was that it could terests because almost forty years after the war
play into the hands of the Right. No wonder the Germans were still living in an occupied
that the most important journal of the extreme country. The considerations which followed
Right, Nation Europa, reprinted and very this analysis concentrated on ways for Germany
favorably commented on Thomas Schmid's to escape from a situation which threatened
remarks . 3 9
1 [1
nuclear annihilation. In thinking about these
issues the Left studied the logic of the military
blocs in Europe and the symbol of the bloc con
frontation, namely the division of Germany.
The discussion about the question of German
sovereignty is a predictable reaction to the fact
that the world political and economic situation
is changing . At a time when both superpowers
are trying to reestablish control over European
nations more than reluctant to follow their
lead, the desire to break out of the blocs is
understandable. The discussion about the
future of Germany, including possibilities for
reunification, followed almost inevitably. But
once this is accepted, the discussion must shift
to the question of the goals for a future Europe,
an alternative Germany. For Germany in par
ticular , where nationalism has led to such
disastrous results in the past, this means that a
demand for national sovereignty cannot be
separated from issues like democracy, the
threat of Germany's economic power to the rest
of Europe, the fears and anxieties of other
Europeans , and the goal of an open society that
transcends the traditional insider/outsider
status of those who live in Germany. This is
where important segments of the Left have
failed.
Vice-Admiral leschounek
The intensity with which the German Ques
tion is debated in parts of the left is a direct as an enemy, an aggressor who may at any time
result of the failure to stop the deployment of attempt to regain its old, 1 933, borders, its
the missiles and the resignation felt by many "lost" territory. The failure of West Germany
young people following this defeat. The cen to recognize East Germany as a sovereign state
trality of the German Question must be seen in is seen as proof of their revengeful design to
two ways . On the one hand , Germans ask how regain authority over that territory which in
they can prevent something like the deployment cludes parts of Czechoslovakia and Poland.
of the missiles in the future . On the other , there Thus if West Germany accepted the fait ac
is the attempt by some leftists to use the na compli of two Germanys, the fear and distrust
tional question " to revive the momentum of the upon which the Warsaw and Nato Pacts are
Peace Movement" and "to enlarge the poten maintained would dissipate and the "logic of
tial for social protest" since the Peace Move the military blocs" would be broken. The
ment has lost strength. reduction of fear could then enable all Euro
The Left is divided over what position the pean nations to focus on substantive social and
Green Party should take on the national ques political changes . 40
tion. One faction argues that Germans must ac
cept the division of Germany and recognize the Left Nationalism
post-war borders as final. Their argument goes The ideas of the second faction, who I will call
as follows. Germany plays a crucial role in the the "left nationalists," are important because
East/West bloc system. The experience of they seem the most determined to win the heart
WWII has meant that both Eastern and of the left. But more importantly I think their
Western Europe maintain an image of Germany views are dangerous. The question of national
42
sovereignty is their overriding concern while cipation movement . . . serves the vital interests of
their views on the nature of a future Germany all the peoples of Europe. " They focus on Ger
are more than hazy. Their main argument is man sovereignty as a question of national
that the reunification of Germany is the precon reunification and pose the German problem as
dition for peace in Europe. one of being occupied by the U.S. Implying the
Peter Brandt and Herbert Ammon, two of notion of Germany as victim, the new na
the most prolific left writers on the national tionalists gloss over the fact that Germany has
question, wrote in 1 982: "The 'national task' become a very strong actor in the international
of Germans in both East and West Germany is capitalist system . This failure of analysis regar
( . . . ) not the imprisonment in the alliances pre ding Germany's power in the world makes the
scribed to them, but a thorough overcoming of new nationalists difficult to distinguish from
the status quo . " [italics mine] How could the the right.
Germans fulfill their national task? For Brandt The image of Germany as an occupied coun
and Ammon the answer lies in the secession of try is also the intellectual basis for the "Na
both Germanys from their respective alliances, tional Revolutionaries, " the most interesting
their demilitarization, and a process of peaceful group among the new nationalists. Their
unification of the two countries . The two ar�uments combine right and left thinking. 42
authors maintain that the peaceful unification The ideology of the National Revolutionaries
of Germany would not only benefit the Ger rests on two pillars, the first of which they call
mans but also the rest of Europe since it would "Bejreiungsnationalism " (liberation na
make "peace, democracy, and national tionalism). They claim that the assertion of na
autonomy into a combined issue. "4 1 In their tional identity is the key to national autonomy
view the unification of Germany could become and self determination . In their publications the
the first step towards a reunification of Europe National Revolutionaries support all kinds of
and the formation of an all-European com national liberation movements and "national
munity. A pamphlet of the "Berlin Working revolutionary" struggles, ranging from the Irish,
Group of the Alternative List, " to which Basques , Eastern Europeans and Ukranians to
Brandt also belongs , argues the same position. the Afghans and Sandinistas . The enemies of
Over the last several years the number of the peoples are the superpowers which they see
groups, initiatives and study groups all dealing as accomplices in dividing the world into
with the national question has grown. Among spheres of influence. The liberation of Ger
the most important of these groups is the so many from its oppressors is " the moral task
called Linke Deutschland-Diskussion (Left and our concrete (German) contribution to the
Discussion about Germany, LDD) of Rolf liberation of the world. " The goal of National
Stolz, a former member of the presidium of the Revolutionary politics is "the national unity of
Green Party. According to Stolz, the LDD the German people in an independent and
unites members of the SPD, the Greens, the democratic, free and socialist Republic of Ger
Alternative List Berlin, and others who are not many . " By socialism the National Revolu
organized in parties . tionaries mean a socialism "of the specific na
The LDD maintains that the installment of tional way, against communism and capitalism,
new American missiles in Germany presents an bureaucracy and corporations . " The National
immediate danger to the Soviet Union "from Revolutionaries propose this third way for Ger
German soil. " A peace treaty and the with many because the Germans constitute "neither
drawal of all occupation forces from Germany a people of the West or the East, but a people of
is therefore necessary in order "to ban the the middle of Europe which wants to go its own
danger of war . " The LDD demands a "pro way. The anti-capitalist yearning of our people
gressive policy of unification which will create is alive, but it is not a pro-communist yearning;
peace, a consistent decoupling from the we hope for a different way because otherwise
hegemonic power of the USA and the capitalist we will be pulverized between the systems and
system, and the deliberate decision for a par military blocs. "43
ticular German way. " Thus, a "German eman- The second main point of the National
43
Revolutionaries is what they call "ethno simply in the judgments made, but in the very
pluralism. " It is here that the National Revolu idea of what con�titutes a race. Eichberg then
tionaries sound almost identical to the racist goes on to contradict his claim of neutrality .
ideas of Eibl-Eibenfeld or the authors of the One page later he asserts that the white race has
"Heidelberger Manifesto. " turned out to be superior when it comes to
"Race i s an essential characteristic for the civilization and technology. The territories of
categorization of humanity, " writes Hennig the Negrides, on the other hand, "show,
Eichberg, long the chief ideologue of the Na despite more than a century of partly intensive
tional Revolutionaries , in a programmatic arti contact with the white civilization, hardly a dim
cle in 1970. He divides humanity into three reflection of this specific progressivity. " But
races , the Europides , the Mongolides, and the this, of course, should not lead anybody to pass
Negrides. Such a theory of races, he claims, judgment on other races . It only means that one
does not yet constitute racism . Racism only has to recognize that every race has its own
begins when one rates the different races. But, specific characteristics . This recognition should
he continues, "there is no valid measure to lead one to realize the importance of " delimita
divide the races into better and worse ones in a tion and separate development, and coopera
moral or any other sense. Even the validity of a tion in mutual respect. "
categorization into culturally superior and in Eichberg goes on to write, "Nationalism,
ferior races is doubtful. Until we have valid em that means turning away from the chauvinism
pirical data, one will have to limit oneself to the of the nineteenth century and the imperialism
statement that the different races have of the nineteeth and twentieth century back to
developed differently and have achieved dif the culture and traditions of our race, . . . [the]
ferent forms of cultures . " These remarks are historical center [of which] is Europe, our
outrageous by themselves . The very categoriza Europe . " Eichberg is really concerned that our
tion of races has, historically, been racist . Not Europe might be invaded by those "other
44
..
\
45
their true intentions behind a curtain of grass such pressure, the Social Democrats would
roots democratic and ecological programs . The never have reconsidered their position on the
Greens accused the National Revolutionaries of deployment of the missiles nor begun a search
regarding Austria as part of a future reunified for alternatives to the military status quo in
Germany and of maintaining that the division Europe.
of Germany was "the result of the imperialist It is certainly necessary and legitimate to
politics of the occupation forces. " These think about ways out of the bloc system and
statements, the Greens wrote, belittled both also to think about the German question. Yet,
Hitlerian imperialism and German if the renewed attempts of the U.S. to reassert
nationalism. 50 control over Germany are a result of the fact
If the Greens were to a large degree suc that Germany's position in the world capitalist
cessful in excluding National Revolutionaries order has considerably improved, then the
from the party, the National Revolutionaries Left's focus on German sovereignty may inad
have once again found their way into segments vertently play into the hands of German
of the Left. Their influence can be seen most capitalism and of those on the Right who want
clearly in the program of the Linke Deutsch to strengthen Germany vis-6a-vis the super
land Diskussion (LDD). As we have seen, the powers and Europe.
LDD demands a "German emancipation move
ment" to liberate Germany from American
hegemony and capitalism and advocates a
" particular German way. " The choice of words
suggests a National Revolutionary influence.
This suspicion is confirmed by the fact that the
LDD lists among its supporters Armin Krebs
and Wolfgang Venohr, both of whom have Na
tional Revolutionary politics.
Not only do the signatures of National
Revolutionaries appear on peace initiatives of
the Left , they also write for left journals while
leftists write for National Revolutionary
publications. Thus Hennig Eichberg has written
in such left publications as Bejreiung, das da -
avanti, and A esthetik & Kommunikation; S l
Herbert Ammon recently wrote an article i n the
National Revolutionary journal wir selbst,
ironically enough just after an article written by
Lothar Penz, the former head of the Solidar
isten; and Peter Brandt and Herbert Ammon
published an article in Wolfgang Venohr's Ger
man Unity Will Surely Come (Die deutsche
Einheit kommt bestimmt) which included ar
ticles by rightists such as Hellmut Diwald and
Harald Rueddenklau. 52
Conclusion:
To make one point quite clear: I welcome the
fact that the Left has been fighting against the
increase of American military power in Europe.
Because of the Peace Movement and the
Greens, public awareness of the dangers of the
arms race has increased dramatically. Without
Brecht's Berlin.
46
The failure to come to terms with Germany's 6. Shlaes, Amitz, "Germany's Pied Piper of Romantic
Fantasy, " The Wall Street Journal, February 28, 1985.
role in the world capitalist system also has the
7. Erich Fromm was associated with the Frankfurt School
effect of justifying reunification in cultural
in the 1 930's. He later became a popular analyst o f the
terms . Dan Diner, a member of the alternative alienation o f modern society.
scene in Frankfurt, has warned of the form 8. Erich Fromm, Haben oder Sein, Munich, 1979.
which the confrontation with the U.S. has 9. This point and its elaboration below were made by
Moishe Postone in conversation.
taken on the Left. He believes that alongside
10. For a history of the Green Party see Hallersleben, An
the political opposition to American hegemony na, "Wie alles anfing . . . " in Thomas Kluge (ed .), Gruene
and the extension of American military power, PoUtik, Frankfurt, 1 984; Hallersleben, Anna, Von der
there lies a "deep resentment, a cultural anti Gruenen Liste zur Gruenen Partei? Zurich , 1984; Stoess ,
Americanism. "53 To contrast a "Vodka-Cola Richard, Vom Nationalismus zum Umweltschutz, Opladen,
tionalist Right should attentively watch the tremismus und die 'Philosophie der Gruenen, ' " in Gruene
Politik, pp. 94-95.
development of the left nationalism, and it
14. This point was clarified for me by Moishe Postone.
should learn from it. . . . The Right might then Postone identifies two traditions within Romanticism. One
have a good chance to harvest what the left na seeks to put nature at the center of its ideology, to make
tionalists sow today on stony ground . "54 nature determinant of society; the other invokes nature in
order to critique society, for exampe to point to the human
consequences of the domination of nature.
FOOTNOTES 1 5 . Vorsatz, K.H. "Der Weg nach vorn , " Profit (National
demokratische Schriftenreihe), no date.
1. Schneider, Michael , "Fathers and Sons Retrospective 16. Ethology in Germany is mainly associated with the
ly: The Damaged Relationship Between Two Generations , " work of the Nobel Prize Winner, Konrad Lorenz and
New German Critique, n o . 3 1 ( 1 984); also Fetscher, Iring, Irenaeus Eibl-Eibenfeld.
"Die Suche nach der nationalen Identitaet, " in Juergen 1 7 . Sueddeutsche Zeitung, July 3-4, 1 98 3 , p. 1 1 1 .
Habermas (ed .), Stichworte zur "geistigen Situation der 1 8 . Dudek, Peter, op. cit. , pp. 98-99.
Zeit, " 1. Band: Nation und Republik, Frankfurt, 1980. 19. Eibl-Eibenfeld, Suedeutsche Zeitung, July 3-4, 1 983, p.
2. Schmid, Thomas , "Terra Incognita, Erkundigungen 1 1 1.
ueber die Deutschen und ein Plaedoyer fuer die Rueckkehr 20. "Heidelberger Manifest vom 12. Juni 1 98 1 . "
der Linken in ihr Land , " in Die Linke neu denken, Berlin, 2 1 . Cited i n Barkholdt, Bernhard, "Die Buergerinitiative
1 984; Ebert, Wolfgang, "Wir Wendekinder, " Die Zeit, no. Auslaenderstop, " Naiton Europa, no. 2 ( 1 98 1 ) , p. 3 3 .
45 (1985), p . 65; also Knoedler-Bunte, Eberhard, (ed.) Was 2 2 . In addition t o t h e essay b y Bergfieth discussed below,
ist heute noch links ? Berlin, 1 98 1 . see also, Umweltzerstoerung und Ideologie (Tuebingen,
3 . Conversation with Moishe Postone. Also see Botho 1983), pp. 5 1 -2. This book was written by the physicism
Strauss's famous rejection of dialectical thinking, "Ohne Rudolk Kuenast for the "Thule Seminar , " an organization
Dialektik den ken wir auf Anhieb duemmer; aber es muss of right-wing intellectuals who have close ties to the French
sein; ohne sie ! " Nouvelle Droite.
4 . Allensbacher Jahrbuch der Demoskopie, vol. III, 23. Bergfieth, Gerd, "Die Zynische Aufklaerung," in
Munich, New York, Paris, 1983, pp. 105, 5 14; von Klip Bergfieth, Gerd et aI., Zur Kritik der Palavernden
stein, Michael and Burkhard Struempel , Der Ueberdruss A ufklaerung, Munich, 1984, pp. 1 80-1 8 1 .
and Ueberfluss, Munich, 1 984, pp. 1 83 - 1 87. 24. Ibid. , pp. 1 82, 1985- 1 86.
5 . Veen, Hans-Joachim, " Die Waehler und Repraesen 25. Hornauer, Vwe, "Abgesang der Postmoderne, "
tanten der Gruenen: Zwischen aktuellem Protest und einer Evangelische Kommentare, no. 9 ( 1 985) pp. 492-494.
anderen Republik , " in Eichholz Brief, no. 1 ( 1 985), p. 16; 26. Kommune, no. 4 ( 1 984), p. 5 1 .
also see Abromeit, Heidrun, "Parteienverdrossenheit und 27. Rudolf Bahro, " A New Approach for the Peace Move
Alternativbewegung. Thesen zur Weiterentwicklung des ment in Germany, " Exterminism and Cold War, New Left
Parteiensystems der Bundesrepublik, " P VS, no. 2 ( 1 982). Review (ed.), London, 1 982, p. 88.
47
28. Jaeckel, Georg, " Umerziehung des deutschen Volkes , " - Nation, Identitaet und Entfremdung in der Indus
Nation Europa, no. 9 (1984), p . 22. triegesellschaft, " Befreiung, no 19120 (1981), p . 68.
29. "Erklaerung des Deutschlandrats vom Dezember 47. Bergfleth, Gerd, op. cit. , pp. 185-186.
1983 , " Nation Europa, no. 1 ( 1984), p. 8 1. (Members of 48. The quotation is from Lothar Penz who in 1979 was the
this "German Council" were among others Hellmut head of the Solidaristen, a branch of the National Revolu
Diwald (see fn. 44), Berhard Willms (see fn. 61), and Franz tionaries.
Schoenhuber, the Bavarian leader of a new nationalist par 49. Letter from November 1, 1979, copy in Jan Peters
ty on the Right, "Die Republikaner. ") (ed.), op. cit. , pp. 245-247.
30. Von Wolmar, Wolfram, "Die deutsche Identi 50. " Rechte Gruene? Zwischenbericht der Kommission
taetskrise," Nation Europa, no. 2 (1984), p. 8 . ' Rechtsextremistische Unterwanderung der GRUENEN
3 1 . See fn. 22. und nahestehender Vereinigungen' der Gruenen Baden
32. Krebs, Pierre, "Aufruf zur europaeischen Selbstbesin Wuerttemberg , " October 1982, p. D33.
nung , " Nation Europa, no. 1 1 (1981), pp. 6-7. 5 1 . See, e.g . , Hennig, Eichberg, "Wir sind eben doch
33 . Ibid. , p . 8 . Deutsche, " A esthetik & Kommunikation, no. 36 ( 1979), p.
34. Stoess, Richard, "Vaeter und Enkel: Alter und neuer 126.
Nationalismus in der bundesrepublik , " Aesthetik & Kom 52. Ammon, Herbert, "Eine notwendige Ergaenzun zum
munikation, no. 32 (1978), p. 50. Buelow-Papier, " wir selkbst, no. 4 (1985), pp. 23-26; Penz,
35. Besides Haussletter, the leader of the first party to call Lotha, "Strategische Bedingungen alternativer Verteidi
itself Die Gruenen, A ktionsgemeinschaft Unabhaengiger gung," ibid. , pp. 26-30. Brant, Peter and Herbert Ammon,
Deutscher, I would emphasize Wolf Schenke, the publisher "Patriotismus von Links , " in Wolfgang Venohr (ed.) Die
of the monthly Neue Politik. Deutsche Einheit kommt bestimmt, Bergisch-Gladbach,
36. See Diner, Dan, "The 'National Question' in the Peace 1980, pp. 1 19-159. In a letter to me Herbert Ammon has ad
Movement - Origins and Tendencies, " New German Cri mitted that it might have been a "tactical mistake " to
tique, no. 28 (1983), pp. 100-102. For a discussion of publish their article in Venohr's book. Letter from
Heimat and ecology movement on the right, see Werner November 2 7, 1985.
Georg Haverbeck, "Heimat und Volkstum als Grundlagen 53. Dan Diner, op. cit. , p. 104. Another example was the
der Zukunft , " Nation Europa, no. 10/ 1 1 ( 1984), pp. 35-50. controversy between Rudolf Bahro and Andre Gorz about
37. Moishe Postone alerted me to this point. German nationalism. Bahro wrote: "If your great nation
38. Quotations from Fetscher, Iring, op. cit. , p. 120- 122. [Le. France] is the heart of European culture, then surely
39. Nation Europa, no. 5 (1981), p. 36. this heart must now be trembling, given that, without
40. The most important representative of this position is drastic changes, it is no longer relevant to the rest of
Dirk Schneider, a former member of the Bundestag from humanity. " " Rapallo - why not? Reply to Gorz , " Telos,
the Alternative List Berlin. For his view see Dirk Schneider, no 5 1 (1982), p. 123 .
"Seid Umschlungen Millionen - Wie das Stichwort 54. Mueller, Manfred, "gibt es eine nationale Linke?" Na
' W i d e r - tion Europa, no. 5 (1981), p . 38.
vereinigung' Linke und Rechte zusammenfuehrt , "
Stachelige A rgumente, no. 28, September 1984, pp. 1 1- 1 5 . Hans-Georg Betz is a graduate student in
See also von Bedow, Wilfried and Rudolf Brocke, political science at M. l. T. He is currently
" Dreimal Deutschlandpolitik . Deutschlandpolitische An
writing a dissertation on German romantic anti
saetze der Partei der Gruenen, " p. 7; to be published in
Deutschlandarchiv, no. 1 (1986).
capitalism.
41. Ammon, Herbert and Peter Brandt, "The German
Question," Telos no. 5 1 (1982), pp. 32-45.
42. For different views of the National Revolutionaries, see
Richard Stoess, "Vaeter und Enkel, " p. 52; and Schultz,
H . C . and Dietrich Schulze-Marmeling, "Was will die 'Neue
Rechte' ? " in Jan Peters (ed.) Nationaler 'Sozialismus' von
Rechts, Berlin, 1980, pp. 48-55.
43. "Unser Programm fuer Deutschland, " Sache des
Volkes, Nationalarevolutionaere Aufbauorganisation;
"Fuer die Sache des Volkes voran - Deutsche was tun?"
Nationalrevolutionaere Aufbauorganisation; both can be
found in Jan Peters (ed.), op. cit. , p. 252 ff.
44. Singer, Hartwig, "totale Nation? Europaeischer Na
tionalismus und die Oeffnung nach vorn, " Junge Kritik,
no. 1, Coburg, 1970, pp. 9-42. Hartwig Singer is the
pseudonym under which Hennig Eichberg wrote at that
time.
45. Krebs, Pierre, Die europaeische Widergeburt, Tueb
ingen, 1982, p. 12
46. Eichberg, Hennig, " Balkanisierung fuer Jedermann?
<'"
48
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49
LETTER FROM BERLIN
JAMIE GOLDFEIN
I was sitting on the subway, on the line that goes through East Berlin, on its way to the
North part of West Berlin, at the end of April this year. We pass through deserted subway
stations ; deserted, that is, except for East German police stationed there to prevent escape
from or entrance into East Berlin. I am always eager to travel on one of the lines that go
through East Berlin, though my daily life seldom requires me to do so; this is one of the few
times that I really feel that I am in the divided city of Berlin.
Whenever I pass through these dark stations and see East German police hidden and on
the lookout, I envision what life was like when they were full of people. I remember that
Berlin was the capital of Germany-a growing and cosmopolitan city. And I contemplate
why Germany was divided, and about how "efficient" German trains are known to be and
what that meant to the millions who perished.
I am relieved when the subway passes through these heavily guarded stations and returns to
the "normal " brightly lit and active West Berlin stations. Back in West Berlin, I am brought
out of my reflection on what it means to be in a divided city, and I return to my daily
thoughts . But again, I am reminded of what " normalcy" means in such a city. Living in
West Berlin, I've come to accept as "normal " the deserted subway stations, the wall, the
50
Police observance, from Potsdarner Strasse.
patrolled and mined borders, the buildings and The West Berlin authorities, under the orders
people in East Berlin I can see from West Ber of the US, had instituted identity checks of
lin, but from whom I am isolated, the partings "suspicious, " "non-Western" looking people
of old friends or relatives I watch on the bridge in response to terrorism in general, and the at
to East Berlin. tack on the disco-La Belle-in particular. 1
People get off and on the subway at the West These identity checks constituted an extension
Berlin station one stop before the border sta of the racism prevalent in West Germany, giv
tion between East and West Berlin-Friedrich ing the police the power to question and detain
strasse. I expected the feelings and thoughts individuals as potential terrorists based on their
evoked by the guns, hidden guards and surveil appearance. What this means is that anyone
lance to disintegrate into my thoughts of the who does not look "German" (or North-West
friends I was meeting. Instead, several small European) is subject to police investigation
groups of West Berlin policemen walked up and about their identity, their visa status, their poli
down the subway; they approached each car tical views, whatever the individual policeman
and surveyed the passengers. They entered the wants to ask .
car I was in, looked us all over, glanced over me A scene from "David, " a West German film by
to inspect the next passenger, and then walked Peter Lilienthal about a young Jewish man and
to the next car. I saw a few people on the plat his family in Nazi Germany, flashed into my
form being stopped and interrogated. head. In the film, the Jewish father, in an at
I had known that the police were carrying out tempt to warn his family of the arrival of the
Auslaenderkontrollen (control of foreigners). I Gestapo, risked riding the subway even though
had read about it in the newspapers, and had he wore a yellow star and Jews were forbidden
protested against it as part of the mass demon to use public transportation. He held his brief
strations against the US attack on Libya. But case over the star and was not caught for this
the feelings of fear, of powerlessness, of rage, "violation, " though, later, he was killed in a
and of sadness were unexpected . concentration camp.
51
Feeling the police looking everyone up and was willing to consider trusting " the
down, searching for dark-skinned, "non Germans . "
Aryan " looking targets, I became intensely During my first stay i n West Berlin, I en
aware of being Jewish, and of the complicated countered a variety of reactions to my being
questions of identity in West Germany. Jewish-but mostly silence. People knew I was
I came to West Berlin for the first time in Jewish because of my last name, but most peo
June 1 984 to research visual images of women ple chose to ignore this, or to react in a way that
and Jews, and how they were linked in Nazi evaded the issue. "Are you of German des
propaganda. Prior to that first trip, I was ter cent? " I was often asked instead of the more
rified, and felt vulnerable being a Jewish central question "Are you Jewish? " I was
woman coming to confront the reasons for my grateful to the people who took a risk and prob
fears (i .e. the Holocaust). At the same time, I ed into what it means to be Jewish. But mostly,
felt an urgency to face those fears and that there was silence, or buried anti-semitism:
history. Though many people had an immov "Your name sounds so funny to me. " "Why? "
able distrust of " the Germans" and thought I I ask . "I don't know . . . " ; or, "You look so
was a bit crazy to undertake such a project, I felt regular, I never would have thought you were
that I owed it to myself, to my family, to Jewish . . . "
Jews, and to "history" to probe into this past. I struggled to understand race, ethnicity, and
My respect for the German Left in their mobili national identity as an American and a Jew. I
zation against US missiles and the organization became intensely aware of my Jewishness in a
of the Greens assuaged my fears to a degree; way I had never been before . I felt like an "out
because of my experience on the Left, I could sider, " and realized that in Germany, the defi
understand some of what it means to be an in nition of "insider" is very limited. Jews are
dividual in a culture you try to break from . I "outsiders , "as are the many "foreigners " who
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A uschwitz: Lie of the . . , [century], "It 's called grafitti, First Ifound it disgusting-but somehow, one gets used to it, " From
Passport.
52
populate West Germany-Turks, Arabs, Afri Non-European immigrants are the main tar
cans, Sri Lankans, Italians , Poles, etc. What gets of the most visible and strongest sentiment
was particularly j arring from a U.S. perspective and actions directed against "non-Germans . " 2
is the narrowness and homogeneity of "Ger Staggering unemployment among "non-Ger
man identity, and the impossibility for "out mans" is not only a result of denied work per
siders" to be seen as "German. " Unlike the US mission, but also the refusal of employers to
(not to downplay the racism and anti-semitism . hire them. Those jobs that are available to
there), Germany has no history of a diverse "non-Germans " are the lowest-paying. Com
ethnic/racial population who are at the same monly, job and housing ads in the papers
time considered "German . " When Jews were a specify 'nur Deutsche ' (Germans only).
substantial minority in Germany (before As I traveled within Berlin, I shared the fear
Nazism) , many had assimilated, to a degree, as of and rage at neo-Nazi groups and skin-heads3
"Germans . " Nazism shocked "assimilated" who march through the subways, hang out on
Jews into the awareness that they were not in corners, and harrass "non-Germans. " Neo
fact "Germans. " Nazis and skin-heads represent the "il
Further , there was always a distinction bet legitimate" part of German hostility to "out
ween assimilated, "barely Jewish" German siders . " The West German constitution pro
Jews, and Eastern European Jews living in Ger vides for the prohibition of neo-Nazi groups,
many. The word commonly used for immi the spreading of Nazi ideology, and the use of
grant-Gastarbeiter (guest worker)-illumi Nazi symbols . Swaztikas, pictures commemor
nates the situation of immigrants in this ating Hitler, and Mein Kampf are all un
respect. If one does not conform to "German" constitutional , although they are prevalent in
norms (Le. skin color, hair texture, attire, disguised and undisguised forms. Some ex
fluency in German without an accent, etc.), one amples of neo-Nazi activities include the
is always a "guest worker. " The fact is, following: 250 people from the neo-Nazi "Free
though, that many immigrants are not "guest German Workers Party" and other sympa
workers, " but have resided in Germany for thetic autonomous groups held a rally earlier in
many years (even permanently), and have built 1 986 near the Hammelner graveyard to protest
their families and lives there. Indeed, many the removal of the graves of executed Nazi war
"guest workers " are the second and third gen criminals. In 1985, in Aschaffenbergen, over 40
eration living in Germany. Rather than being gravestones were pulled from the ground and
recognized as 'German, ' immigrants and their defaced with antisemitic slogans and symbols. 4
descendants are treated more as " permanent Each year, Hitler's birthday i s celebrated. May
guests . " There is no such thing as a Turkish 1 , which was first made a holiday by the Nazis,
German or a Sri Lankan German. is a day for meeting and celebration by former
In my everyday life in West Berlin, I faced SS men. S Skin-heads hold an annual 'festival'
antisemitism and racism daily. I shared with where the main entertainment is terrorizing
other "outsiders" the horror of seeing swaz Turks. 6 I discovered that antisemitism and
tikas and graffiti which said, 'Juden Raus! ' racism are "normal, " and that the neo-Nazis
'Turken Raus! ' 'A uslaender Raus!' [Jews out ! and skin-heads expressed in the extreme the
Turks out! Foreigners out ! ] As a Jew, I iden normal racism and antisemitism of the general
tified with other "outsiders , " but was relatively population.
privileged because I was a US citizen and light It was during my second stay in West Berlin
skinned. Although there is deep-rooted anti (October 1 985 to the present) that I en
semitism in Germany, there is such a small countered an intensification and shift in hostili
population of Jews that antisemitism does not ty towards "outsiders. " The subway ride, il
generally have direct, actual people as targets . 1 lustrating active persecution of " non
began to explore the meaning of antisemitism in Germans" by police, underlined the more ac
a country without many Jews, and the signifi tive role the state has assumed against "non
cant position other "non-Germans " occupy in Germans. " Antisemitism and racism have both
German society. sharpened and become more acceptable on
53
Women refugees, from Passport, Langrock photo.
an official level. Actions like A uslaender I was enraged that while neo-Nazis and skin
kontrollen, the breaking of taboos on what can heads roamed the streets, terrorizing "out
and cannot be said, and the absence of official siders, " Jewish synagogues had to be guarded
response to blatant racism and antisemitism by police; instead of the violent racists and anti
demonstrate the change. semites being controlled, the Jews were fenced
Racist laws and policies already in place pro in and "protected" by German police. Even
vide the foundation upon which a strengthened more angering was the refusal of the police (and
racism can stand. Institutional racism includes the justice system) to follow up on alleged il
the following government policies and prac legal and violent activities by skin-heads and
tices: financial "incentives" to foreign workers neo-Nazis. In April 1 986, the police raided
to return to their native lands, the incentives eight apartments where weapons were built and
often equalling less than their accumulated stored. Although, according to the Justice
social security; refusal of work permissions for Press Representative, the three arrested men
immigrants and family members of immigrants belonged to the fringes of the 'radical right
who are allowed to work; children who were scene, ' the investigation is not probing this, but
born and/or have grown up in Germany being rather , their involvement with organized
sent back to their "native" land at the age of crime. 7
16; applicants for political asylum being given B y looking the other way, and thereby grant
food stamps , instead of the money that other ing the Nazis a kind of immunity, there has
welfare recipients get; deportation to hostile been a trend of renewed "legitimate" anti
countries ; deplorable living conditions in public semitism in the state itself. For the most part,
housing facilities for immigrants and political the state's antisemitism does not take the form
asylum applicants; long waits for the processing of legislation or official actions, although the
of visa and asylum caseS. Reagan-Kohl visit to Bitburg and the A uslaen-
54
derkontrollen are important exceptions to this.
Rather, it exists in non-official statements by
government officials , and a corresponding lack
of official reaction to the antisemitism of their
colleagues .
Chancellor Helmut Kohl has been prominent
in the trend to "reconcile" with the past by
making antisemitism (silent, spoken or sym
bolic) more acceptable. Kohl followed up Bit
burg last fall by supporting Kurt Waldheim's
candidacy for the Austrian presidency. This
spring, Kohl showed his contempt for any ap
propriate "reconciliation" with Nazi history
when he did not respond to the comment made
to him by a CDU member of parliament, Her
man Fellner. Discussing the Weidergntmach
ung (reparation) for forced labor during the
Nazi years, Fellner remarked that: " . . . Jews
are quick to raise their hands to speak whenever
a German money box jingles. "
Conservative Mayor Wildrich Freiherr von
Mirbach Graf von Spee (CDU) "joked" in a
similar vein earlier this year: " In order to
manage the balancing of budgets in 1 986, one
would have to slay some rich Jews . " After a
long hesitation (approximately one month),
von Spee resigned his office-and received a
lavish party upon his leaving. At the end of
April, von Spee was fined 90,000 DM (approx
imately $40,000) by the state to be paid to a
children's career clinic.
Von Spee's antisemitism was explicit.
Nonetheless, the fact of antisemitism in the
government is sharply denied by many politi
cians . Liberal FPD parliament member, Hilde
gard Hamm-Bruechoc, initiated a "topical
hour" on antisemitism ("topical hours" are
extra-time hours which occur periodically to
discuss current issues). She wanted to address
antisemitism by politicians and consider ap
propriate political measures . Hamm-Bruecher
wrote to twenty-five conservative (CDU/CSU),
five Green and five liberal (FDP) representa
tives, all of whom she considered "democratic" tisemitism in the Federal Republic, " but, he
and asked them to attend her proposed topical acknowledged, there are " very alarming ten
hour . dencies. " These consist in " . . . the use again
Despite negative responses from the CDU/ and the spreading of the same generalizing pre
CSU representatives , the discussion took place judices and scapegoat cliches with which we
on February 27 , 1 986. An FDP representative were poisoned in our youth . . . " Dr . Joachim
opened the session with the statement that Mueller of the Greens also acknowledged that
"There is, to be sure, no very alarming an- "Auschwitz did not make antisemitism im-
55
possible in Germany. " 1 0 On the other hand, tion what it means to be "German, " to break
Hans Klein's (eSU) comment that he could not with the Nazi past and to confront racism and
detect any antisemitic tendencies in the Federal antisemitism in current German society. To
Republic was characteristic of the conservative protest the A uslaenderkontrollen, hundreds of
sentiment that the entire theme was inap people participated in mass subway rides. Ar
propriate for a " topical hour . " rests were made , and people were charged not
Not only had Hamm-Bruecher's attempt to with illegal protest, or impeding the investiga
address antisemitism within the political system tion of "suspicious" people, but rather, with
been met with silence and trivialized, it also disrupting the orderly functioning of the sub
unleashed fierce antisemitism. Following her way. This rationale struck me as particularly
proposal, she received about 1 50 letters con ironic, since the police, in carrying out the
taining antisemitic exclamations and threats checks, were interfering with the orderly and
from both anonymous and identified indivi proper use of public transportation by "out
duals. This response gave the lie to the conser siders. "
vatives ' belief that there is no problem and their While these and other protests against Ger
refusal to admit that this belief reinforces the man racism and antisemitism are meaningful,
trend toward toleration and legitimation of an more widespread is the German desire to forget
tisemitism as something "normal. " and "reconcile" with the past, and therefore ig
The new normalcy o f racism and antisemi nore today's antisemitism and racism. Most peo
tism is based on unchallenged notions of race, ple do not want to think about these problems.
ethnicity and national identity. I have been A recent interview in Der Stern (a popular il
simultaneously addressing the questions of lustrated weekly magazine) showed that the ma
Jews and immigrants in Germany because I be jority of those interviewed do not like to discuss
lieve these to be closely connected. Though the persecution of Jews (63 070) and want to
Jews and immigrants have distinct histories , finally close the issue of Nazism (66 % ). 1 1
they are "outsiders" living in a Germany with These two responses-ignoring and legiti
deep-rooted ideas of what it is to be an "in mating antisemitism and racism on the one
sider . " hand, and actively challenging it on the other
"Germanness " i s asserted as an historically demonstrate the polarization about these issues
rooted identity, fixed and homogeneous . Ger in German society. Living in West Berlin, I
man identity leaves no room to change or adapt have an acute awareness of those two tenden
in response to the presence of "non-Germans . " cies-there is heavy police control here as well
Who the "outsiders" are i s different, but the as strong protest. I am left with troubling ques
fact that "outsiders" stand so much apart from tions. What is an open society? And how can
"German" culture has remained constant. West Germany become an open society? West
Many ideas about "outsiders" have remained Berlin is a city of refuge, but what do the people
intact. For example, Jews are still stereotyped coming here expect? And what do they find?
as rich (we have to slay some rich Jews; Jews West Berlin is a focal point in an increasingly
always respond to German money boxes), and tense international context. When the tension
"outsiders" are still seen as politically suspect builds , the state and police control tighten.
(as the A uslaenderkontrollen show). People who look 'different' are actively sought
I continue to question the ways antisemitism out and interrogated. Those who protest lose
lives on in a country with few Jews. At the same their right to protest-as, for exampie, the
time, my attention is drawn to other minorities . removal, by police, of banners hung in protest
I am frightened by the Nazi past, by renewed of the A uslaenderkontrollen. 1 2 And everyone
and legitimated antisemitism, and by powerful loses their right to information in the "free"
contemporary racism . My relative safety does Germany: the results of the controls were not
not comfort me very much with German identi made publicly available, and it was impossible
ty so deeply entrenched and respected, and to find out how many people were detained,
without an adequate challenge to this. and/or deported . Militarism invades daily life,
There have been attempts,;" however, to ques- and one is expected to accept this as "normal. "
56
Berlin is a city of contrasts and of extremes, olds; 24070 of 45-59 year olds; 1 7 070 of those over 60.
which is perhaps why the situation seems so 12. Die Tageszeitung, April 24, 1986, p. 20. On the
weekend of April 19 and 20, the police removed numerous
alarming here. Berlin is a city filled with
b anners denouncing the US attack on Libya and the A us
borders, walls , police, soldiers . . . I feel the laenderkontrollen and painted over graffiti which was years
history as I pass by bombed-out buildings. And old. Neither American nor German authorities have claim
. I feel the failure to learn from that history as I ed responsibility for ordering this. I t appears that the police
sit on a subway while police scrutinize me to actions , however, have encouraged the b anner painters:
many new banners have appeared through the city. On
determine if I am a dangerous "outsider. "
April 23 , a twenty meter banner was raised on the
Gedachtniskirche ('Memory' Church), the symbol of West
Berlin. The removal of this banner by police and the fire
FOOTNOTES department drew the attention of hundreds of tourists,
shoppers, workers and others in the area. In 1 982, the
1. It is interesting to note that at the same time these con police instituted a similar crackdown on banners, but were
trols were instituted in West Berlin, similar actions were be forced to register defeat in the end.
ing taken in France. French police minister Robert Pen
draud announced that, of late, approximately 4000 people
and 3000 cars are controlled each night; during the day,
1.0. checks have been so frequent that it is impossible to
Jamie Goldfein has lived in West Berlin for
numerically register them. Die Taz, April 22, p. 3 .
2. Italians comprised the majority of the first wave of im
nearly two years where she did various research
migration to Germany after WWII, and they are stilI not projects. She has just returned to the US.
fully accepted in German society. However, the situation of
non-Europeans is much worse. Turks are currently the
main immigrants, but there has been an increase in im N I C A R AG U A G UATEMALA
migrants from North Africa, the Middle East and Sri
Lanka. Eastern Europeans have a somewhat better status
because they come from communist countries and West
Germany wants to offer some kind of "better" alternative.
3. Skin-heads, who are violently antisemitic and anti
foreigner, are to be distinguished from "punks, " who have
generally been progressive and antifascist, in the vanguard VOL.1!/' NO.5
IQI I§
of the housing, anti-imperialist and other struggles.
Ironically, skin-heads, who dress and look quite unusual,
o IJ 1] ---",-;..
are notorious for harassing anyone who is different, in
cluding "non-Germans," leftists, communists and hippies. -....- ,
FRANK BRODHEAD
The " election coup" in the Philippines was a stunning victory for the Filipino people.
Though the struggle to rid the nation of the hated Marcos dictatorship was long, the final
collapse came in one brief surge of joyous self-liberation. In the course of this struggle , the
opposition to Marcos showed itself to be brave and resourceful . Millions of people in the
United States, following the events through newspapers and television, were quickly won
over to the Aquino campaign and its dramatic struggle for electoral democracy. In recent
years perhaps only the support given to Poland's Solidarity movement can match the
emotional resonance which the Filipino uprising found in the United States .
This seems only natural . Who could fail to respond to such a contrast between the brave
and nonviolent struggle of masses of ordinary people, and the corrupt dictatorship of
Ferdinand Marcos? Yet this contrast presents a puzzle, and provides our starting point. It
was , after all, the United States that installed Marcos and supported him for two decades .
And almost until the very end of Marcos ' s rule, the U . S . mass media covered for his brutal
dictatorship. U . S . economic and military interests in the Philippines, moreover, are
substantial; and it would be startling if the U . S . mass media developed a " foreign policy"
toward the Philippines seriously at odds with the National Interest-i . e . , the interests of
The author would like to thank Meredith Deane, Allen Hunter, and Christine Wing for their comments on an
earlier draft of this essay. 59
Cover o/ Columbia Journalism Review, May/June 1986.
multinational corporations and the Pentagon. Dominican Republic, the 1 967 election in South
Yet in the months preceding the election, a Vietnam, and the 1982 election in EI Salvador.
stream of articles in the U. S. media portrayed While the Filipino election was not simply a
Marcos as the bad guy, and Aquino as the hope demonstration election, staged solely for U.S.
of the Filipino people-and U.S. interests. consumption, in late 1 985 the election was
What happened to the U.S. media during the suddenly scheduled for early 1 986, largely to
Filipino insurgency? Did it perceive the Na satisfy pressures from the United States, where
tional Interest in a way significantly different Marcos' "Human rights" record was under
from the Reagan administration, and by attack, and his ability to govern effectively was
framing the news of the Filipino struggle in a openly doubted by members of Congress and
certain way reshape the U.S. foreign policy even some in the Reagan administration. In this
consensus toward the Philippines? This ques sense the election in the Philippines had many
tion can be related to an ongoing debate about similarities to those in Vietnam, the Dominican
the role of the U.S. media in foreign policy Republic, and EI Salvador. In these circum
formation. Some, particularly those on the stances we might expect the U.S. mass media to
Right, claim that the mass media are essentially enthusiastically support Marcos, and to distort
part of a "new class, " with distinct class or suppress news about the electoral opposi
interests that are not the same as the National tion, as it did in Vietnam in 1 967 and in EI
Interest. The Right, for example, points to the Salvador in 1 982. Instead, the U.S. media did
role of the U. S. media during the Vietnam War, exactly the opposite. What was it about the
and particularly its coverage of the 1 968 Tet Of Filipino election-coup-or , What happened to
fensive, as having created a no-win consensus at the U . S. mass media?-that explains this great
home which was ultimately responsible for the difference in media coverage?
U.S. defeat in Vietnam . Conversely, on the
Left, it is argued that the Western media func
tions as a Free World propaganda system, un "Free Elections" and Free W orld Propaganda
swervingly supporting the needs of the U. S. The amount of critical coverage of the recent
government by suppressing unwelcome infor election in the Philippines by the U . S . media
mation and giving great play to system-support was extraordinary. Not extraordinary in the
ing "news . " The bias inherent in the coverage sense of excessive, for the media's demonstra
of international events by major U.S. news tion that the Marcos government was deter
organizations, according to this view, provides mined to stop at nothing to rig the election was
the West with a privately owned propaganda clearly warranted. The media's coverage was
system that serves the needs of its national se exceptional because the kinds of questions
curity establishments far more effectively than raised have traditionally been off the agenda
the Eastern bloc is served by its state-owned when the U.S. media reports on a U.S.
media. sponsored or U.S. -supported election.
Thus the U.S. media coverage of the Filipino When the United States staged elections in
revolution provides a useful test case in at Latin America and elsewhere in the first half of
tempting to determine the role of the media in this century, its goal was primarily to install a
relation to state policy. This case is made more particular leader or client, or to force the local
interesting because the media's coverage had at elite to settle its conflicts nonviolently through
its center the Filipino election. In Demonstra the electoral process, thus not disrupting busi
tion Elections, a study of U.S.-sponsored elec ness. While a concern about domestic opposi
tions in the Third World, Edward S. Herman tion to U.S. intervention was occasionally part
and I argued that the mass media played a key of the motivation for staging an election, prior
role in shaping the popular understanding of to the Vietnam war this was never the primary
these elections in the United States, and that purpose of the election. During the 1 960s, how
shaping this consensus was in fact the primary ever, as the Vietnam war undermined auto
purpose of such elections . ! This conclusion was matic popular support for the U.S. imperial en
based on a study of the 1 966 election in the terprise, staged elections were transformed .
60
Now their purpose became less to choose or freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and
ratify particular leaders and clients, and more freedom of association, for example, shows
to legitimize the V.S. military presence or mili that these long-term or background issues af
tary invasion by showing that the war effort fecting each of these three elections were com
was enthusiastically supported by our clients . pletely off the agenda of the V.S. media. The
Because the purpose of these elections was to right and ability of opposition parties to cam
demonstrate to a V.S. audience that military paign freely, to obtain access to the media, or
action in a Third World country was in the even to run were non-issues in the V.S. mass
interests of freedom and democracy, these elec media in its pre-election reporting.
tions might be called demonstration elections. Instead of assessing whether or not the
Consider how the V.S. media has covered fundamental prerequisites for a free election
such elections. It becomes apparent that their existed, in its reporting on these three V.S.
cooperation is critical to the success of a sponsored elections the Free World media fo
demonstration election. The chief form of cused on the personalities of the candidates.
media cooperation is to put certain questions They followed the norm established by media
on the agenda and determinedly suppress coverage in V.S. presidential elections, where a
others. Thus, in the cases of the elections in the focus on personalities follows logically from
Dominican Republic in 1 966, in South Vietnam the absence of much programatic difference
in 1 967 , and in El Salvador in 1 982, the V. S. between the candidates. Instead of dwelling on
media reported virtually nothing about the state the elements of electoral fraud being perpe
of fundamental political freedoms in the trated by the V.S.-supported regimes, the
countries holding the election. A quantitative media found their dramatic format for the elec
study of the media's coverage of issues such as tions in the question: Would the election be
New People 's Army advises "Bullets not Ballots, " Guardian photo.
61
held at all, or would it be disrupted by the guer and the actual vote tallies . In each case, the
rillas or the Left? But the bulk of U.S. media election-day visual images served up in the U.S.
reporting was focused on the election-day media were those of a large voter turnout. Long
events themselves, not the fundamental condi lines of voters waiting to cast their votes were
tions of electoral freedom . Thus media cover shown on television. Election observers unfail
age · featured the drama of peasants braving ingly reported that the ballot boxes had not
threats of guerrilla disruption to cast their been tampered with. Despite a blemish or two,
votes, the long lines of voters and thus the large each of these three U.S. -supported elections re
voter turnout, the legal and procedural frame ceived high marks in the U.S. media.
work of the election, and the actual mechanics But the truth was unfailingly the opposite of
of voting. that reported in the U.S. media. Demonstration
In each election, election observers from the Elections contains extensive documentation,
United States served as a dramatic foil for the much of it available to reporters at the time,
media, for they were able to state that they had that the vote count was greatly inflated, and the
seen no fraud or coercion. (For California opposition votes were undercounted, in each
Senator and official U.S. election observer U.S. -supported election. By greatly reducing
George Murphy, for example, the 1 967 election the number of available polling places during
in South Vietnam was "just like an election the 1982 election, for example, the Salvadoran
back in Beverly Hills" !) Of course, the U.S. government created the long lines of voters
observer teams were completely unfamilar with which framed the election-day events for U.S.
the country and did not speak the language. television. Yet despit� legal and extralegal pres
They could see only a tiny portion of the polling sures to vote, unreported at that time by the
places, generally in the major cities . Dependent media, it now appears that the voter turnout in
as they were on the government for transporta EI Salvador was vastly exaggerated. In the tri
tion, interpretation, and protection, they were umphant aftermath of the election, for
reasonably seen by ordinary citizens as part of example, the U.S. media failed to pursue two
the sponsoring powers behind the election. Not studies by EI Salvador's Central American Uni
surprisingly, peasants seldom attempted to versity which showed convincingly that it was
explain their grievances with their U.S. physically impossible for more than two-ttIirds
supported government through a government of the alleged 1 . 5 million voters to actually
supplied interpreter . The observers also invari vote. 2
ably arrived just days before the election, and One o f the stated purposes o f U.S.-staged
were thus in no position to "observe" any of elections has been to return client states to
the pre-election events such as voter registration "civilian rule. " The U.S. media consistently
or campaigning . None of this has ever been failed to note that it was invariably military,
challenged by the U.S. media. not civilian, power which was strengthened by
In the critical post-election period, certain these elections. In the case of Vietnam, the vic
issues continued to be on the agenda, while tory of the Thieu-Ky ticket meant that the
others were definitely unacknowledged . On the military beat the civilians (even though the
agenda were the positive reports of the U.S. civilian candidates gained a majority of the
observer teams, and the congratulations and total vote) . In the cases of the Dominican
statements of support sent to the newly elected Republic and EI Salvador, the electoral victors,
government by the United States and its allies . Joaquin Balaguer and Jose Napoleon Duarte,
Also o n the agenda, though i n muted form, were simply figureheads , fronts for military
were assessments by experts about the amount rule . The U.S. media regularly avoids asking
of economic and military aid that would be any questions about why a free election streng
necessary to stabilize the fledgling democracy. thens the hand of military, not civilian, forces
Off the agenda, however, was any critical as in the U.S. client state.
sessment of official statements about the out Finally, the U.S. media never ask questions
come and meaning of the election. For ex about the policy outcome of a U.S.-staged elec
ample, take the question of the actual turnout tion. In the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and
62
The uses of the media, Doy Laurel and a member of the armedforces, Columbia Journalism Review, May/June 1986
63
defend the " democratically elected" regime media would have focused on the personalities
there, and it wages war against the government of the candidates and the drama of holding an
of Nicaragua in order to force it to hold "truly election in a society under attack from leftist
free" elections, Nicaragua's earlier election guerrillas, and that it would have concentrated
effort being acknowledged all around as a the bulk of its coverage on the mechanics of the
farce. election and the election-day events themselves.
The Election in the Philippines But the U.S. media did not follow this pattern,
Does the recent election in the Philippines Instead, both the print media and television
represent a significant deviation from this almost uniformly supported Marcos' opposi
pattern? While the election was clearly not a tion, both editorially and in the way they chose
wholly-owned subsidiary of the United States, to present the election events. In fact, within
as were those in the Dominican Republic, certain broad limits U.S. media coverage took a
Vietnam, or EI Salvador, it is no exagerration nearly unprecedented look at the fundamental
64
the results of the official investigation into the electoral watchdog organization NAMFREL to
murder of Benigno Aquino. When the investi protect the ballots and the ballot boxes and to
gating commission cleared the accused of all ensure that an honest count was made. The of
wrongdoing on December 2, television network ficial U.S. observer delegation, headed by
news gave modest coverage to the ensuing Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman
demonstrations of Filipinos angered over this Richard Lugar, transcended the usual
miscarriage of justice. Yet during this opening ceremonial role played by observer delegations
stage of the election campaign, the media's cri and became an interpreter of NAMFREL's
ticism of Marcos was tempered by the near cer concerns to U.S. audiences, publicly sharing
tainty that he would win. Thus the election was NAMFREL's fears that the election was being
framed from the point of view of the dilemma it stolen.
presented the United States: Marcos was clearly Despite the fact that the U.S. media were
unable to restore confidence in the economy or now uniformly framing the news from the
stem the growth of the leftist New Peoples Philippines in terms of Marcos ' apparent
Army, yet there seemed little likelihood that he defeat, on February 10 President Reagan stated
could be defeated. that the election showed that the Philippines
Only in mid-January did media coverage of had taken a step toward democracy and now
the Filipino election campaign begin in earnest. had a two-party system; and ABC reported that
During this, the second stage of the election the Reagan administration was preparing itself
coup, a series of revelations suddenly cast for the reality that Marcos would declare him
doubt on the certainty of a Marcos victory. His self the winner and stay on.
real estate holdings in New York were revealed While the precise calculations that caused the
by the House of Representatives' Subcom Reagan administration to reverse itself and
mittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs . His bogus back away from an endorsement of Marcos'
record of wartime "heroism" was exposed by continuation in power are still uncertain, two
U.S. historian Alfred McCoy, and featured factors must have entered heavily into its consi
prominently in the elite media. And his health derations. The first was the daily protests out
was visibly failing, contributing to his pathetic side the Filipino parliament building, demand
performance before crowds. These all were set ing that an honest count be made and that
against the enormous size and enthusiasm of the Aquino be acknowledged as elected. These
crowds that greeted Aquino wherever she went . protests were given official sanction by the
When the White House announced its Roman Catholic Conference of Bishops on
neutrality in the race, the door was wide open February 14. Two days later Aquino, who had
for critical coverage of the election. Heavy declared herself the winner in the election,
coverage now focused in an unprecedented way called for a campaign of non-violent civil
on the details of electoral fraud about to be disobedience until Marcos stepped down. It was
perpetrated: people were quoted on camera thus clear that Marcos could not put a stop to
about being given bribes by Marcos campaign the actions of "People's Power" by simply de
workers to attend rallies ; techniques of ballot claring that the election was over and that he
box stuffing were described by seasoned veter had won . The second factor which certainly
ans of the art;and there continued to be exten must have influenced the White House was the
sive footage on television of campaign violence growing revolt in Congress, which moved
and intimidation. rapidly to cut off aid to the Philippines unless
The third stage of the election-coup began Marcos stepped down. Reagan had clearly lost
as the polls closed on February 6. This is the support of both the media and Congress for
typically the point at which the U.S. media even a power-sharing arrangement in the
move on to other things. But pre-election Philippines; and the strength of the popular
Coverage of the likelihood of fraud at the movement behind Aquino guaranteed that
counting stage had raised expectations of a Reagan would have difficulty with any foreign
post-election story, which were immediately policy initiatives unless Marcos was removed .
fulfilled by the dramatic efforts of the private The fourth stage of the election-revolution,
=
65
home to the U.S. audience. Many physical
attacks on Aquino campaign workers and elec
tion headquarters were detailed in the U.S.
media. The wave of assassinations against
Aquino campaign workers following the elec
tion received front-page coverage in the United
States during the critical post-election delibera
tions of the essentially pro-Marcos circle of
advisers closest to Reagan. During the elections
in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and El
Salvador, the U.S. media treated opposition
charges about similar levels of repression as
The legacy of us sponsored Philippine "independence, "
from Quezon 1935 to Marcos 1966. Covers from TIME
allegations, and characterized protests from the
defeated opposition as the bellyaching of sore
the revolt of the military which began on losers. Conversely, during the Nicaraguan elec
February 22, moved swiftly toward that goal. tion of 1 984 the protests of the opposition that
Each television network now devoted one the election was unfair became the central
fourth to one-third of its newscasts to the theme of U.S. media coverage, even though the
military revolt, its implications for the United actual incidents of campaign violence alleged
States, and particularly to footage of masses of by the opposition resulted in no deaths or
people rallying to the support of the rebels. On serious injuries. U.S. media coverage on these
Sunday, February 23 , Reagan promised to halt issues in the Filipino election was obviously in
all aid to Marcos if he used force against the fluenced by many factors not present in other
rebels and their supporters, and on Monday he U.S.-staged elections, including the historic
called on Marcos to resign . The following day, links between the two nations, the large Filipino
February 25, Marcos and his entourage community in the United States, the fact that
boarded U.S. transport planes and fled to the the leaders of the opposition were well
safety of Hawaii. mannered and spoke English, and the parti
Let us focus on how these events were por cular appeal of Mrs . Aquino as the widow of an
trayed by the U.S. media, and compare them to assassinated political leader with close ties to
the media's treatment of other U.S. sponsored the United States. Nevertheless, the departure
elections. of the U.S. media from its traditional treatment
-It was clear from the U.S. media that of an electoral opposition in a U.S. -supported
Marcos enjoyed not only the normal powers of election is not explained by these factors alone.
incumbency in the election, but political -The inequalities between the two parties in
influence reflecting two decades of dicta terms of the ability to campaign freely were also
torship. The electoral advantages he gained explained in great detail in the U.S. media. U.S.
from his control of the political machinery, his audiences learned what the Marcos monopoly
vast patronage machine, and his hand-picked of television and radio time meant, and were
Supreme Court and Electoral Commission were told about the great differences in the ability of
fully explained by the U.S. media. While the the two parties to use paid advertising. Simi
power of incumbency was very much on the larly, the U . S. media gave extensive coverage to
agenda for the Nicaraguan election of 1 984, it the Marcos campaign's use of bribery and inti
was off the media's agenda in the elections in midation to turn out the voters, and regaled the
the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and El U.S. public with stories- of Marcos-controlled
Salvador . areas that had returned 99070 of its votes for
-The campaign of repression and intimida Marcos in earlier elections. U.S. television
tion, not only against the New People's Army broadcast several interviews with Filipino
and the mass organizations of the Left, but also voters who described being bribed for their
against the centrist political forces of the votes, and with Marcos campaign workers who
Aquino campaign, was dramatically brought freely admitted giving such bribes. Many
...
66
people attended Marcos campaign rallies told
U.S. television audiences that they had been
paid to cheer Marcos. Extensive details also
appeared in the U.S. media about the Marcos
campaign's " flying squads" of voters who
would be bused from polling place to polling
place on the day of the election, and about the
large number of dead people who inexplicably
remained on the voting rolls in Marcos
controlled areas . In a sense, the U.S. mass
media served up an intensive seminar on how
Third World elections can be manipulated, and
on the importance of the presence or absence of
fundamental conditions of democracy such a
free speech or a free press.
-Election-day events were dramatized in the
U.S. media. This is what we would expect in a
Corazon A quino, TIME
U.S. -staged election . Yet if the primary visual
image of the Salvadoran election, for example, was to the staged elections in the Dominican
was the long lines of voters waiting to vote Republic, Vietnam, or El Salvador. By the
(representing a large turnout and thus demon yardstick of what was on the agenda and what
strating the legitimacy of the election), the was off the agenda, the media would seem to
primary visual image of the Filipino election have cast the Philippine election as a "negative
was that of courageous election volunteers who demonstration election, " a treatment hitherto
were prepared to guard the ballot boxes with reserved for Soviet-bloc elections or Nicaragua,
their very lives . Perhaps more than anything but not for one of our up-to-now staunchest
else, it was the media's focus on the efforts of allies.
the watchdog organization NAMFREL to safe The Mass Media and U.S. Interests
guard the integrity of the election-and their in the Philippines
inability to do so-that persuaded the mass of As its record during the elections in the
U.S. citizens that Marcos' supposed election Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and El
victory was fraudulent . In fact, NAMFREL Salvador shows, the U.S. mass media has no
became closely joined with the evolving U.S. interest in democracy or "free elections" in the
position on the elections, as was illustrated by abstract, but only when they coincide with
the appearance of the official U.S. observer larger U.S. policy interests. Thus the media's
delegation at NAMFREL headquarters, and support for democracy in the Philippines in
Senator Richard Lugar 's speech from there in 1 986 was not a fundamental departure. Rather,
which he pleaded with President Marcos to it was rooted in, or at any rate in harmony with,
allow an immediate and honest vote count. changing U . S . policy toward the Philippines. A
Indeed , there is irony in that it was the far process of significant policy reassessment had
greater freedom of the Filipino election-in begun in 1 983 , well before the recent Filipino
contrast to the Salvadoran election-that al election.
lowed an organization like NAMFREL even to While a number of influential U . S . policy
exist and to do its work, despite repression and makers had long warned that the Marcos
harassment. An organization like NAMFREL regime was living on borrowed time, U.S.
would not have lasted a week in El Salvador, support for Marcos did not begin to erode until
where similar popular organizations were wiped the assassination of Benigno Aquino in August
in the 1 970s. 1 983 . The sudden media attention which the
It would appear, then, that the U.S. media's murder focused on the Philippines highlighted
treatment of the Filipino election was closer to the urban middle class's loss of confidence in
its handling of Nicaragua's 1 984 election than it Marcos, the regime's inability to quell the ensu-
67
ing unrest, and the obvious governmental reached the United States through the mass
cover-up in the inquiry into Aquino's death. media was the growing strength of populism
Each of these factors served to publicize the and nationalism among the Filipino middle
weaknesses of the Marcos regime, stimulating classes. All of these were viewed as seriously
the Pentagon, State Department, CIA, and the jeopardizing the two important U.S. military
relevant House and Senate committees to begin bases in the Philippines . The importance of
a new round of fact-finding inquiries . 5 these bases cannot be underestimated. (See box
The results of these surveys were alarming. What linked the problems confronting the
For their part, the Pentagon and the CIA U.S. in the Philippines together was the over
dramatically upgraded their assessment of the whelming dominance of Marcos . Throughout
military capabilities of the armed leftist opposi much of 1 984 and 1 985, therefore, all the
tion, the New People's Army. It was also threads of U.S. policy toward the Philippines
apparent that the Philippines had entered a were engaged in trying to mitigate this domi
serious economic crisis, which the free-market nance, without actually risking all by promot
ideologues of the Reagan administration not ing a coup against him. 6 In the military sector
implausibly linked to the "crony capitalism" of the chosen vehicle for U.S. policy became the
the Marcos regime. But what most clearly armed forces "Reform Movement, " which en-
listed perhaps the majority of Filipino military dire effects of these policies on the poor. Also
officers in a campaign essentially designed to unstated was the fact that those standing in line
promote the career open to talent. This was to benefit by a more open economy were U.S.
interpreted by many as analogous to the "EI sugar and construction interests. But it was
Salvador model, " where a reformed officer undeniably true that "crony capitalism" was
caste had allowed a more vigorous prosecution driving substantial sectors of the urban
of the war against the guerrillas. This reform bourgeoisie into alliance with the mass organi
movement was successfully thwarted by zations of the Left.
Marcos, however; and it· is in this light that the U.S. strategy to deal with these twin threats
uproar over the rehabilitation of Marcos' to its interests in the Philippines was recrafted
Chief-of-Staff Gen. Fabian Ver must be seen, in the summer of 1 984 by an Inter-Agency Task
and not in any abstract commitment to getting Force which had been formed in the wake of
to the root of the Benigno Aquino murder. the Aquino assassination. Fortunately its
A similar interpretation-that Marcos was recommendations, completed in November
the problem-was made by the U.S. leadership 1 984 and embodied in a National Security
of the root causes of the crisis of the Filipino Study Directive, (NSDD) were leaked to the
economy. As Paul D. Wolfowitz, Assistant press, affording us a candid appraisal of
Secretary for East Asian and Pacific affairs, official U.S. policy toward the issue of keeping
testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Marcos or dumping him. After reviewing the
Committee on October 30, 1 985 : growing military and economic threat to the
stability of the Philippines , the NSSD turned to
It is our judgement that intrusive and erratic
government interference in the economy, the dilemma posed by Marcos. "While
together with control of important segments President Marcos at this stage is part of the
of the economy by personal monopolies . . . problem, " it noted,
have contributed significantly to the He is also necessarily part of the solution. We
overwhelming economic problems now faced need to be able to work with him and to try to
by the Philippines . . . . We strongly believe that
influence him through a well-orchestrated
a reorientation toward a free market system
policy of incentives and disincentives to set the
and a restoration of confidence can, in com stage for peaceful and eventual transition to a
bination, unleash considerable productive successor government whenever that takes
economic energy and investment. place. Marcos, for his part, will try to use us to
Unaddressed by Wolfowitz, of course, were the remain in power indefinitely. 7
Cory A quino greets her crowd and the media. Columbia Journalism Review.
69
But despite the great leverage supposedly
embodied in massive U.S. aid to dictators ,
Marcos, as we noted above, thwarted all
attempts at subversive reform . He cleverly
headed off more serious U.S. intervention by
agreeing to hold elections in 1 984, which re
sulted in the seating of a small elite opposition
in the National Assembly, with virtually no
power at all.
By mid- 1 985, with the military " Reform
Movement" all but exhausted in the Philip
pines, and with the growing perception among
the U.S. policymaking elite that the New
Zoltan Grossman photo
People' s Army would soon be a serious threat
to any pro-U.S. regime, the elite was seriously
divided on how to proceed . On the "left , "
critics like Representative Stephen Solarz, head
of the Asia-Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, pro
posed that U.S. aid to the Philippines be used
as a lever to force reforms or drive Marcos out.
But the Pentagon and the State Department
held that the Communist Threat must take
priority-an assessment that Marcos, of
course, shared. As Wolfowitz stated in October
1 985 in his testimony before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee,
Those who propose to cut our relatively Zoltan Grossman photo
modest military assistance to the Philippines
under his still-powerful repressive apparatus .
for the sake of reducing the incidence of
military abuse or promoting political reform
Elections, of course, were among the demands
do a disservice to both goals . . . . The process of liberal congressional critics of Marcos . And
of rebuilding the Philippine Armed Forces is elections were also welcomed by administration
long overdue and will take a long time to pragmatists, who saw them as a means to
complete. Those who will gain from delay are forward their projects of military and economic
not Marcos' democratic opposition but only reform . As Michael Armacost, Undersecretary
the NP A. Indeed, if the democratic opposition of State for Political Affairs , noted in a speech
does gain power some day, they too will need in early December: "A credible government
effective protection against the communists that has public confidence is an essential pro
and will wish that the process of rebuilding the
condition to the solution of the country's
Philippine military had been started earlier.
problems . " Elections would provide a way of
As had been the case in Vietnam, when faced resolving anger over the Aquino assassination,
with a leftist insurgency the Pentagon and the and the acquital of Ver, stated Armacost; they
State Department were loathe to tinker with would make it more likely that structural eco
military aid, and would allow promised reforms nomic reforms could be carried out; and receiv
to go implemented if they believed it would de ing greatest stress, elections would facilitate the
tract from the war effort against the guerrillas . military's Reform Movement . "The communist
The solution to this stalemate was elections. insurgency in the Philippines may be around
As noted above, the 1 984 election had resulted for some years , " Armacost said, "but honest
in only token gains for the democratic opposi elections perceived as such can restore the
tion in the Philippines, arid Marcos believed he authority and prestige of the government and
had little to fear from any election conducted stymie the guerrillas . " 8
70
In sum, the U.S. policymaking elite entered coup from the outset . In early March, for
the Filipino election period united on an under example, Secretary of Defense Weinberger veri
standing that serious changes were necessary in fied reports that U.S. personnel at Clark Air
the Philippines if U.S. interests were to be pre Base had provided fuel, equipment, and am
served, but divided on a number of critical munition to the rebel helicopters that crippled
issues, including the appropriate mix of carrots Marcos' planes at Villamor Air Base and fired
and sticks that could induce Marcos to imple rockets at Malacanang Palace . And the
ment the reforms perceived to be necessary. Christian Science Monitor reported on March 4
The points of unity among the policy that pro-Aquino military officers in the Philip
makers-retention of the U.S. bases, reform of pines admitted receiving aid from the U.S.
the Filipino military, opening up of the econ monitoring teams at San Miguel Communica
omy, and defeat of the leftist insurgents-were tions Center, which serves the U.S. bases at
to define the boundaries of the media's agenda Clark and at Subic Bay. These reports presum
in covering the election. However the divisions ably represent only the tip of a very large
within the elite, and the tactical improvisation iceberg of U.S. planning, assistance, and
required to cope with the massive insurgency guarantees given to the military leaders of the
from below which developed during the course coup. And clearly such a policy option-to or
of the election, left the U.S. mass media rela ganize a military coup if the alternative was a
tively free from official guidance during the popular armed insurrection-must have been
last, critical stages of the revolution . But developed well in advance of the election.
whether Marcos won the election or lost
it-and this latter outcome seemed extremely
remote until well into the campaign-the utility
of the election from the point of view of the
United States depended entirely on its being
perceived as relatively free and fair. Converse
ly, an election campaign that was perceived in
the Philippines and the United States as a fraud
would be a disaster for U.S. policy interests,
further alienating congressional support from
the military build-up the Pentagon deemed
necessary, and driving the Filipino middle-class
opposition into a tighter embrace with the
nationalist and populist Left.
Yet this was precisely what happened. By
election day the United States' worst-case
scenario had unfolded, in which a classic "dual
power" stalemate threatened to settle the future
of the Philippines by a mass popular uprising
which would have divided the armed forces . To
what extent the United States directly inter
vened to cut this Gordian Knot by instigating
the military revolt still remains unclear . While
we do not yet know what instructions Philip
Habib was given before he left Washington to
confer with Marcos and opposition figures in
the immediate post-election period, or what
demands he conveyed to Marcos, or what as
surances he gave to Defense Minister Enrile or
General Ramos, we can be fairly confident that New People's A rmy, Zoltan Grossman photo.
the ensuing military revolt was a U . S .-supported
71
TIME covers the efforts of NAMFREL workers to protect the ballot boxes.
Let us return, finally, to the U.S. media. It is toral fraud. The anti-Marcos sentiments which
clear that the media's anti-Marcos orientation such relatively unbiased reporting engendered
during the election period was not out of step in the U .S. population, finally, became itself a
with U.S. policy toward the Philippines . In factor in forcing the policymaking elite to draw
emphasizing the obvious issues of electoral cor a line against the continuation of the Marcos
ruption and the likelihood that the opposition regime.
would be counted out, the media was completely It would be misleading, however, to end on
in line with the chief points of unity guiding the this note, that the truth had prevailed. For it
U.S. policy makers. But, as we have seen, this had not. While the agenda which the U.S.
unity papered over a large area of tactical media allowed itself was a relatively broad one,
uncertainty, not least of which was the critical it completely failed to address the root causes
question of which candidate would better serve of the Filipino political crisis, or any solutions
U.S. interests . This particular question was to that crisis beyond those posed by Aquino or
largely settled by the massive outpouring of the United States. Off the agenda was the issues
popular support for Aquino, particularly in the of land reform, an issue which Aquino did not
immediate post-election period. But in the address and probably could not address
absence of a clear direction from the top, the without splitting the elite opposition. Thus the
U.S. media was in the relatively unusual posi issue of rural poverty was framed only in terms
tion of having a free hand to explore "the of the Marcos' corruption and the inequitable
news" about the Filipino election. Thus a U.S. distribution of wealth. Nor was the issue of the
audience was treated to a concentrated teach-in U . S . bases seriously addressed. What was their
on the relevance for free elections of a con purpose, and why should the Filipinos cooperate
trolled press, an atmosphere of intimidation in this purpose? From the point of view of the
and violence, and the many fechniques of elec- U.S. media it was self-evident that the United
72
States had a right to maintain these giant bases opposition, and the new government cannot
there; and, indeed, Aquino's acceptability as a solve their grievances. Yet these movements
candidate-both for the U.S. government and could only be portrayed by the U.S. media as
the media-was contingent on her willingness anonymous, pro-Aquino masses, as atomized
to distance herself from the demands made by poor people opposed to the person of Marcos .
many of her supporters that the United States Despite the broad "permission" which the U.S.
leave the Philippines. media had to report "the news" of the Filipino
Perhaps most importantly, the U.S. media election, and despite the powerful images of
failed to make clear that the political distance struggle which it reported back to us, the
between Marcos and Aquino was in fact a very organizing capacities and self-activity of
small one, and that ' they occupied approxi ordinary Filipinos was off the media's agenda.
mately the same space on the conservative end
of the political spectrum. Off the media's Conclusion
'
agenda was not only the human face of the New It is obvious that the election-coup was a
People's Army, but also the vast array of popu great victory for the Filipinos. Yet it should
lar forces well to the left of Aquino which had be no less obvious that the outcome was also
been fighting for the rights of workers , a victory for U.S. economic and military in
peasants, women, students, and others. The terests in the Pacific. While the United States
participants in these movements numbered in had backed President Marcos to the hilt for two
the millions, and in the last decade they have decades, and although President Reagan him
joined in a thick network of progressive (and de self had spoken out on behalf of Marcos even
facto anti-imperialist) coalitions . While a as his regime was crumbling, the United States
sizeable proportion of these mass organizations emerged from this crisis with every single one of
ended up supporting Aquino in the election and its goals achieved . Its military bases are secure,
then in the showdown with Marcos, these at least for now. The Filipino Left has been
popular movements were never absorbed into checked, and possibly divided. The drift of the
the traditional political apparatus of the elite middle classes in the Philippines into a de facto
73
TIME covers the overthrow oj Marcos.
alliance with the revolutionary Left appears to Baby Doc in Haiti, credentials which he em
have been stemmed. The "reform" wing of the ployed with great skill in gaining renewed con
military now has the upper hand, and appears gressional support for the contras fighting
willing to beef up the war against the New against the government of Nicaragua.
People' s Army, presumably along the lines of The U.S. media has also emerged from the
the U . S . effort in El Salvador. And a conserva Filipino election-revolution with its credibility
tive, pro-U .S. regime with enormous popular enhanced, and there must be few who doubt
legitimacy, both at home and in the United that its coverage of events in the Philippines has
States, now stands ready to receive more U.S. served the cause of democracy. While it would
military and economic aid, and to negotiate be nice to think that a new path has been per
favorable terms with the International Mone manently laid down in the media's coverage of
tary Fund. elections staged by U.S.-supported dictator
Whether the popular energies unleashed by ships, this seems unlikely . The pattern of elec
the Aquino campaign and the ouster of Marcos tion coverage established by the media's per
can be contained within these channels, of course, formance in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam ,
is another question . But from the perspective of and EI Salvador in 1 982 and again in 1 984 has
the possibilities apparently on the horizon in clearly prevailed. Whether tested in the (nega
the fall of 1 985 , the United States has landed on tive) case of Nicaragua, or in the elections
its feet and emerged from a potentially debili staged by Grenada, Turkey, Guatemala,
tating crisis with virtually no scars and a lot of Honduras , Pakistan, Panama, or the many
breathing room. In fact , Reagan has managed other examples of "resurgency democracy" so
to portray himself as a foe of tyrants and a beloved by the State Department and its propa
liberator, bringing down both Marcos and gandists, the U.S. media has unfailingly put
74
itself at the service of V.S. economic and mili 5 . This account of the shift in elite opinion in the United
tary interests. The case of the Philippines did States draws primarily on Walden Bello, "Edging Toward
the Quagmire: The United States and the Philippine
not deviate from this pattern , although the ex
Crisis," World Policy Journal, Winter- 1985-6, pp. 29-5 8;
ceptional circumstances in which the election and Leslie Gelb, " Marcos Reported to Lose Support in
was conducted and by which V.S. interests were Administratio n , " New York Times, January 26, 1 986.
advanced enriches our understanding of a pro 6. A comparison of U . S . strategy toward Marcos with the
paganda system in action. dilemma confronting U . S . Vietnam strategists in 1963
would be very interesting. The decision to dump Diem
during the Buddhist crisis of that year was embarked on
very reluctantly. It was not the justice of the demands of the
FOOTNOTES Buddhists, o f course, which prompted the U . S . move, nor
I . Edward S. Herman and Frank Brodhead, Demonstra the public outrage generated by the media publicity given to
Diem's savage repression of this nonviolent, neutralist mass
tion Elections, Boston: South End Press, 1984. Informa
movement. Like Marcos, Diem was overthrown by the U . S .
tion about the elections in the Dominican Republic,
Vietnam, and EI Salvador, and about the role of the media because h i s failure t o control h i s people jeopardized U . S .
in these elections, i s taken from this book. military plans for Vietnam . For an excellent account o f
U . S . considerations in t h is period leading up t o t h e over
2. The only reporter to show any interest in this story was
Raymond Bonner of the New York Times. Bonner was throw of Diem, see George Kahin, Intervention: How the
soon demoted to the business section and before too long u.s. Became In volved in Vietnam, New York : Alfred A.
Knopf, 1 986, pp. 93- 1 8 1 .
quit the paper.
7 . The National Study Directive i s discussed at length in
3 . " Report on the Nicaraguan Elections of 1 984, " Latin
Bello, "Edging Toward The Quagmire," loco cit. The
American Studies Association, 1 985 .
assessment of Marcos is quoted on page 36. It was Bello,
4. See Walden Bello and Edward S . Herman, " U . S.
incidentally, who transmitted this important document to
Sponsored Elections in EI Salvador and the Philippines , "
the press.
World Policy Journal, Summer-1 984, p p . 8 5 1 -69. The
8. "The U.S. and the Philippines: Dangers and
primary goal of the 1984 election was to stabilize Filipino
Opportunities , " an address to the Portland (Oregon)
politics by splitting the middle class and elite opposition
World Affairs Council, December 5 , 1985 .
from the Left , and reconciling and reunifying the elite. It
was also hoped that an election would allow U.S. military
aid to flow to the Philippines unimpeded by qualms about
human rights there. The achievement of these goals would Frank Brodhead is an associate editor oj
allow the Philippines, whether under Marcos or his suc Radical America. Aside jrom Demonstration
cessor, to pursue the m i l itary struggle against the "com Elections, he and Edward S. Herman have also
munist s , " and to restore the faith of the international busi
co-authored The Rise and Fall of the Bulgarian
ness and banking community in the Filipino economy. Thus
the 1984 election, like its successor, was far more complex
Connection (New York: Sheridan Square,
than a simple "demonstration" election. 1986), a case study oj "western disinjormation. "
75
THE S PECTRE OF WHAT
IS POSSI BLE:
A Memoir of Jean Genet
MICHAEL BRONSKI
Sitting at my desk, surrounded by all of Genet 's novels and plays , critical studies and
magazine interviews, I find I am at a loss for what to say about the man's writings . He is
accepted as a world-famous novelist and playwright, lauded by both academics and political
progressives for his work and his thought. But I realize that what is, and always has been,
important to me is that Genet - through his life as well as his writing - has proven that the
inescapable connection between the personal and the political is manifested by sexuality. No
matter what his station in life, and he was both a lifetime prisoner and a feted member of
French intellectual society, it was his understanding of the sexual imagination and the power
of the sexual act that allowed him to act, write and live the way he did.
The bare bones of Genet 's biography are well known, and as important as his work, to his
i avid readers . Born in 19 10, he was a bastard who never knew his parents and was brought up
under the auspices of the Assistance PUblique. In his tenth year he was arrested for theft and
placed in a youth reformatory. His career as a criminal was always being interrupted by his
? career �s a prisoner and he spent a good part of the next thirty years behind bars . After his
Jtenth arrest for theft he was sentenced to prison for life and was freed by the efforts of such
.. French notables as Gide, Sartre and Cocteau . While in prison he began writing poetry and
.
."
. . Jean Genet, Richard A vedon photo, 1970. 77
-1.
eventually wrote his masterwork Our Lady of homophobic sociology. The world of Genet
the Flo wers there only to have it destroyed by a with its queens, prostitutes, pimps, rough trade
guard. He rewrote it and managed to have it sailors and dangerously exciting street life was a
published, in a limited edition, in 1 943 . After revelation. It was not just that many of the
being cannonized by Sartre in the 1 952 Saint characters were homosexuals - although that
Genet: A ctor and Martyr he was accepted as the was important - but that they glorified in be
bad boy genius of French letters. Over the next ing outsiders. Their very position as criminals
thirty years he wrote the rest of his novels and and as rebels became their self-definition and
received even greater praise as a playwright. their identity. In Genet's inverted vision the
During that time he had been vocal in his sup outcasts and the despised became saints and
port of such political groups as the PLO and royalty. It was a vision that provided me with
the Black Panthers. At one point he lived with both comfort and strength.
the Panthers for two months, in the U.S. , and it Here was a man, a writer, a self-proclaimed
was through his encouragement that Huey homosexual who had a critique of sex, politics
Newton wrote a public letter supporting the and society with which I could identify. The
Gay Liberation Movement . A great deal of his movement from being an unhappy high school
writing in the 1 950s and 1 960s was spurred on student to becoming involved with progressive
by his political involvement with and support of politics, the second wave of feminism, and the
the Algerian resistance to French colonialism . counterculture, were all prompted by my deter
Throughout his life Genet became increasingly mination to remain firmly on the outside of
identified, in both his writings and his politics , mainstream America, attempting to change it
with the outsider, the underdog, and the disen while being in secure control of my own life.
franchised. There were few solid models to follow on this
I first read Genet - Our Lady of the Flowers course and although he was not always in the
- ·as a 1 5 year old homosexual living in the forefront of my mind Genet was always
New Jersey suburbs. It was the early sixties and present, if only as a spectre of what was
there was little to read that mentioned gay possible.
people, besides some downbeat novels and The fact was that I did not know what was
Jean Genet, William Burrougns and A llen Ginsberg, at the Democratic Convention, Chicago, 1968, Jill Krementz photo.
78
possible: my politics were a series of reactions as being separate from everything else, our
to situations, each an attempt at further self politics are going to suffer.
definition . But most of the time these situations Sex, for Genet, is not just something which
seemed to be at odds, or at least vying for atten must coexist with politics , it is the starting
tion with, my ever-emerging identity as not only point, the instigator of political action . The em
a homosexual , but as a sexual person. It was bracing of all sexuality as political energy
with gay liberation that my attachment to predicates what Genet would call violence .
Genet began to make more complete sense. For "Violence " is a loaded word but Genet has a
the first time here was a politic - and a writer very specific usage in mind - influenced by his
- which spoke to all of me. The possible was gender, class background, and immediate
,
now. political context. For him it is any strenuous
I had always viewed Genet as the ultimate life-affirming activity which must fight to assert
anti-bourgeios, the bete noir of the establish itself. " Violence and life are virtually
ment. If there is a cohesive politic in Genet it is synonymous" he has written in an essay
the centrality of the sexual imagination - the defending the actions of the Baader Meinhof
role that sex and sexual fantasy play in all of group and the Red Army Faction. "The grain
our lives . The drag queens and the street of wheat whose germination breaks the frozen
hustlers of Our Lady of the Flowers gain all ground, the beak of the hatching chicken which
their strength from their ability to act out and cracks the shell . . . the birth of a child - all are
transform themselves sexually. The ruling class implicated in violence. " Genet sees all of life as
and the power brokers of The Balcony know a series of violent acts; it is the way that life and
that the most potent tool for social control is history move on. But he is very careful to
the sexual imagination. The working class separate "violence " from "brutality" which he
women in The Maids (whom the playwright in defines as "that gesture which would destroy all
sists should be played by young men) unders free will . " Brutality is the power of the state
tand that their salvation lies in the eroticized against the individual; violence is the correct
role playing which allows them to kill their personal response against any brutality.
mistress . Time after time Genet insists that per I first read Genet's thoughts on violence and
sonal and social freedom are attainable only brutality at a time when I felt that the gay
after we have the courage and the power to act movement was rejecting its original tenets of
out on our sexual convictions. sex radicalism for those of assimilation. As sex
I began to understand, from Genet, that in uality was becoming more and more of a
our erotophobic culture that any sex is an anti charged issue - especially as it came under sus
social act of rebellion. The more taboo the act, tained attacks from the Right - it was becom
the more political, and potent, it is. From our ing easier for gay liberationists , and many on
earliest days , we are taught to separate sex from the Left, to either downplay or totally ignore it .
the rest of our lives : it is private, hidden, I was experiencing this not only in my political
something to be ashamed of, something to be sphere but in my personal life as well: sexual
discreet about. The sexual imagination, like the repression was, for the first time in many years ,
sexual act, is also to be kept silent, restrained. It becoming palpable in my everyday life. It was
is a small part of life which should be kept in its in fact a perfect, if not prime, example of
place or it might run free and impede our real, Genet's definition of "brutality" : a self
"functional " and "productive " lives. All too imposed gesture of censoring sexual liberty and
often it is divorced from how we view our free will .
politics, and how we perceive our political Soon after this lesbians and gay men began
agendas. To repress, or ignore, the power and discussions and dialogue about such issues as
force of sexual feelings is to avoid the wellspr pornography, slm , and intergenerational sex.
ing of energy which fuels our emotional and in The gay community, and the feminist com
tellectual commitments to our lives , and munity, began dealing openly and honestly with
politics . The moment our sexuality is relegated what I considered vital and life-sustaining ques
to a position of unimportance, or is perceived tions - questions about sex and politics. And
79
---- ". .
although almost no one involved ever quoted,
or even mentioned Genet, once again his exam
ple gave me both the insight and the ability to
see through the preseHt into what might become
the future.
The gift that Genet has given me, and the
world, in his life and his writings is the idea that
all pleasure is erotic and that all eroticism is a
form of rebellion. Through him I have
understood my own relationship to the rest of
the world and to my own sexuality and I have
learned to deal with each of those in a way that
makes both my life and my politics whole. It is
a lesson I believe gay liberation has learned
from and which all other political movements
might profit by. Genet understands that the
state, and all other forms of social control, are
repressive and brutal and urges a rebellion
against them. In its simplest terms this rebellion
begins by acting upon and enjoying our sexual lean-Manuel Vuillaume, Das Manner Foto Buch, 1985.
. - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - _ ...
80
L E TT E R
Dear Editors:
I liked Cynthia Enloe's article, "Bananas, Bases
and Patriarchy, " in Radical America, Volume 19,
No. 4.
It was interesting and informative to me that
Enloe, with such an apparently simple investigative
tool as the question, "Where are the women?",
could bring out so much new information about the
realities of women (as distinct from men) under the
impact of imperialist relations. This highlights the
small amount of work that has been done on the
gendered aspect of imperialist relations. Moreover,
the article (for example, sections on "nation of
chamber maids" and "the militarization of gender")
leaves little space to argue for the lack of political
relevance of such an investigation for the anti
imperialist movement.
I was struck that , while examining the realities and
daily lives of women under the impact of im
perialism, Enloe presented a much more real and
complex picture, both of the countries she considers
and of the interaction between these countries and
the first world. This suggests that just as gender
analysis of societies has already made our perception
of these societies more realistic and has enriChed our
radical critique of them, a gender analysis of the rela
tions between societies would bear similar fruits.
Enloe's article is also a search for possible direc
tions for the elaboration of a feminist theory of im
perialism. The question you raise in your editorial, Featuring BANANA S , BASES AND
"What if perpetuating male privilege is seen as a
PATRIARCHY: Some Feminist Questions
strategic question, not a periodic tactic of contem
porary imperialism?'� points to one such suggested About the Militarization of Central America by
direction. A dual theory of imperialism? Is there con Cynthia Enloe ; AT ARM ' S LENGTH :
scious and organized strategizing for expanding Feminism and Socialism in Europe by Marie
and/or enforcing the patriarchal system (or a par Kennedy and Chris Tilly; THE
ticular form of patriarchal system) parallel to that of
BROTHERHOOD O F TIMBER WORKERS
profitmaking? What are the institutions in charge of
drawing u p policies and ensuring that they AND THE SOUTHERN LUMBER TRUST :
materialize? Is there consensus on the form of the Legal Repression and Worker Response by Jeff
patriarchal system to be promoted and on the best Ferrell and Kevin Ryan.
way to do so? . . Or is it that the imperialist powers
benefit from the patriarchal systems in the third
world just as they benefit from the raw material and
the cheap labor in those countries? As something
already available that can be exploited towards their
goal with a minimum expenditure of energy? Could
there be certain antagonisms between patriarchal
system in the first world and those in the third
World? . .
It was exciting t o m e t o finish reading this article
and be left with a number of interesting questions. I
hope to read more about this subject in your
magazine.
Hassan Vakili
Cambridge, MA
-
81
�.t .,______________________________---
-____
ERRATA
Cohen, Nancy W. and Lois J. Estner
1983 Silent Knife. South Hadley, Mass. Bergin and Garvey.
In Vol . 1 9 , No. 6 there are two layout errors for
Corea, Gena
Rita Arditti , "Reproductive Engineering and the 1985 The Mother Machine. New York. Harper and Row.
Social Control of Wome n . " Pp . 1 8- 1 9 should be Corea, Gena and Susan Ince
reversed with pp. 1 6- 1 7 . Second l y , we inadver 1985 "IVF a game for losers, at half of US clinics. "
tently left out the following bibliographical refer Medical Tribune. Volume 26, Number 19.
ences. They should be inserted following page 26. DueJli Klein, Renate
1984 "Doing it outselves: self-insemination." In Arditti
Rita et aI. (eds .). Test-tube women- What Future for
REFERENCES
Motherhood? Boston and London. Pandora Press.
Eck Menning, Barbara
al-Hibri, Azizah 1977 Infertility-A guide for the Childless Couple. New
1983 " Reproduction, Mothering, and the Origins of Jersey. Prentice-Hall.
Patriarchy . " In Joyce Trebilcot (ed.), Mothering. Totowa, Edwards, R.G. and Ruth E. Fowler
N.J. Rowman and Allruiheld. 1970 "Human Embryos in the Laboratory." Scientific
Aral, Sevgi C and Willard Cates American. December. Vol. 223, No. 6.
1983 "The Increasing Concern with Infertility, Why Edwards, R.G. and Patrick Steptoe.
now? " JAMA, Volume 250, No. 17. 1980 A Matter of Life. New York. William Morrow and
Arditti, Rita Co.
1977 "Have you Ever Wondered about the Male Pill?". In Finger, Anne
Claudia Dreifus (ed.), Seizing Our Bodies- The Politics of 1984 "Claiming all of our bodies: reproductive rights and
Women 's Health. New York. Vintage Books. disabilities." In Arditti Rita et al. (eds.). Test-tube
Arditti, Rita women- What Future for Motherhood? Boston and Lon
1980 "Feminism and Science. " In Arditti Rita, et al. (eds.), don. Pandora Press.
Science and Liberation. Boston. South End Press. ' Firestone, Shulamith
Barn Genom Insemination 1970 The Dialectic of Sex. New York. William Morrow and
1983 SOU, 42. Liber Tryck. Stockholm, Sweden. Co.
RADICAL
VOL 18, NO. S
WOMEN
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Y<lI..18,HOS.2·3 13.,0
AND �'\ ' l
LABOR
ACTIVISM
YALEJTPJIIE'COM'A1IAIILE WOFlf
MINEW SThlKE ,JlJrrO�T
.� I.. Hf'lM bllTAIN .,,:t. &'" AN/·M